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THE

NUMISMATIC

AMERICAN

SOCIETY

NOTES

MUSEUM
29

THE

AMERICAN

NUMISMATIC

NEW

SOCIETY

YORK
1984

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ANSMN 29 (1984)
Numismatic
1984The American
Society

COINAGE

HELLENISTIC
AFTER
IN

THE

ITS

AT

SCEPSIS

REFOUNDATION

THIRD

CENTURY

B.C.
Jonathan H. Kagan

(Plate 3)

Except for a briefissue of Seleucid tetradrachmsunder Antiochus


Hierax,a fewbronzesofthe secondand firstcenturiesB.C. and imperial
issues, the coinage of the city of Scepsis in the Troad is traditionally
believedto have cometo an end in 310 B.C.1 At thattimetheinhabitants
of the city were removedby Antigonusto participatealong with the
townsofLarissa, Colone,Cebren,Hamaxitus and Neandria in the synoecism connectedwith the foundingof Antigoneia,the later Alexandria
Troas.2
The exile of the Scepsians,however,provedtemporary.Lysimachus
gave the city a new lease on life when he allowed the inhabitantsto
returnto their formerhome.3 Henceforth,Scepsis was occupied for
many centuriesand became an importantcultural centerNatives
1 Forexample,
BMCTroas,p. xxiii-xxiv;
469-92;WS^^,pp.346SNGCopTroas
47. Mythanksgoesto Jeffrey
meto thecoinageofScepsis.
Spierforintroducing
SallieFried,Arthur
readdrafts
Houghton,
Hyla Troxeland NancyWaggoner
of thispaperand provided
vitalcomments.
Material
was graciously
suppliedby
H. Nicolet(Paris),M. Price(London)and Eric McFadden(NFA). The ANS
staffhas beenconsistently
helpful.
2 Strab.13.1.47,13.1.32,13.1.33.
3 Strab.13.1.52.
11

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12

Jonathan H. Kagan

of the city in hellenistictimes included the geographerand Homeric


commentatorDemetrius, who was an importantsource for Strabo,
and the philosopherMetrodorus,an associateofMithradates.4Louis Roberthas collectedthe epigraphicaldocumentsrelatingto the refounded
city, which provide evidence for a rich civic life.5 Also, the physical
layout of the town may have been impressive. Our evidence, unfortunately,is meager. An English traveler,Dr. E. D. Clarke, in 1801
recorded "very remarkableruins" at Scepsis which,in his judgment,
were both Greekand Roman. Ry 1819 whenRarkerWebb visitedthe
city,the sitewas all but destroyed.6In this context,the lack of coinage
in both preciousand base metals fromthe thirdcenturyto 188 R.C.,
when (according to Strabo) Scepsis became subject to Pergamm is
somewhat surprising.
A. R. Rellingerin his publicationof the coins foundat Troy credited
the dearthof coinage startingin the earlythirdcenturyat Scepsis and
at othersmallercities in the Troad to the dominanceof the mintsof
Alexandriaand Ilium,citiescapable ofsupplyingthe bulk of the region's
coinage.7 It should be noted, for example, that while Lysimachus
establisheda royal mint after297 at AlexandriaTroas, he did not do
so at Scepsis despite being instrumentalin the refoundingof that
city.8 Nevertheless,there is evidence for mint activity in the third
centuryat other cities of the Troad apart fromthe major centersof
Alexandriaand Ilium.9 Of particularinterestis the mintingof bronzes
in the thirdcenturyby two ofthe othercities,Cebrenand Larissa,whose
inhabitantswere removed along with those of Scepsis to take part
in the foundingof Antigoneiain 310.
It is throughnumismaticevidence, in fact, that we know of the
reestablishment
of Cebrenand Larissa. In both cases, the cities struck
4 W. Leaf,Straboon theTroad(Cambridge,
1923),pp. 280-84,and "Skepsis,"
toSir W.M. Ramsay
Anatolian
Studies
Presented
(1923),pp.280-81.
5 L. Robert,tudesde Numismatique
(Paris,1951),pp. 14-15andmore
grecque
REG 1972,nos.371-72
see J. and L. Robert,"Bulletin
recently,
pigraphique,"
and 1976,nos. 572-73.
6 Leaf(above,n. 4), pp. 271-72.
7 A. R. Bellinger,
,1961),p. 190.
Troy.TheCoins(Princeton
8 M. Thompson,
"TheMintsofLysimachus,"
, p. 166.
EssaysRobinson
9 Bellinger
(above,n. 7), pp. 190-91.

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Hellenistic

Coinage at Scepsis

13

coinages with a new cityname which must have been taken in honor
of their respectivebenefactors,both of whom could only have been
active afterthe synoecismof 310. Bronze coins inscribedANTIOXEQN
were firstidentifiedby Imhoof-Blumer
as beingstruckat Cebren.10Robert has suggestedthat the lettersB K on someofthe coinsofAntiochia
indicate that the city of Birytiswas joined with Cebren in this new
foundation.11Cebrentakingthe name Antiocheiamust surelyindicate
that it was founded at the earliest by Antiochus I. More recently,
Roberthas establishedthat an issue ofcoins froma citycalled Ptolemais
werestruckat Larissa.12 Robertsuggeststhereignof PtolemyEuergetes
III as the propercontextforthis restoration.13
Both cities,it is worth
are
also
from
known
an
found
at Delphi dated some
noting,
inscription
time in the late third or early second century(before 188) by their
formernames.14
Robert in his writingson the coinage of the Troad has highlighted
a tensionduringthe thirdand early second centuriesbetweena movement to consolidatethe area and a desireforlocal autonomy.15Alexandria Troas is the best knownexample of thistendencyto concentrate
settlement,but there are others. Lysimachus is reportedby Strabo
to have incorporatedinto Ilium the cities in the neighboringarea,
places unfortunatelynot identified. Later after Apamea, Ilium had
the two smallercities of Rhoeteiumand Gergisadded to it by the Romans.16
We know that the citizensof Scepsis preferred
independence. Strabo
tells us that the natives of that city were grantedpermissionto return
to theirformerhome by Lysimachus. But as mentionedabove, numismatic evidencehas shownthat they were not alone; citizensof Cebren
and Larissa mustalso have brokenaway fromAlexandria. In the light
of these discoveries,it remains to be seen if a reexaminationof the
10F. Imhoof-Blumer,
"Griechische
Mnzenin demKniglichen
Mnzkabinet
im
Haag undin anderen
Sammlungen,"
ZfN1876,pp. 305-10.
11Robert(above,n. 5), pp. 25-31.
12Robert,"Documents
d'AsieMineure,"
BCH 1982,pp. 319-33.
13Robert(above,n. 12),pp. 327-30.
14Robert(above,n. 5), pp. 33-34.
15Forexample,
Robert(above,n. 5), pp. 34-36.
16Robert(above,n. 5), pp. 9-10.

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14

Jonathan H. Kagan

coinage of Scepsis provides any furtherevidence of this strivingfor


local autonomy. One might expect a desire for independenceto be
coupled with a city's desireto mintits own money.
With Scepsis, we are not aided by a name change as in the case of
Cebrenand Larissa. There is no hoard or excavation evidence that is
decisive. One coinage, although not autonomous, deserves mention.
Newell has identifiedan issue of tetradrachmsof AntiochusHierax
which he believes was mintedat Scepsis. The series must have been
briefas it has only one known obverse die and two reversedies. The
is the presenceon the reverseof a subsidiary
basis forthe identification
the obverse type of autonomous coins of
which
also
marks
symbol
in
the
a
shape of the forepartof a wingedhorse.17If
Scepsis, rhyton
is
this identification correct,then we have the recurrenceof a symbol
of Scepsis on coins at least 65 years afterthe last dated issue of the
mint. We do not knowwhat motivatedHierax to undertakethis shortlived coinage at Scepsis. His decision,however,leads one to believe
in existenceat Scepsis priorto the
that therewas a mintinfrastructure
strikingof tetradrachms.Perhaps some bronzes traditionallydated
to before310 belong to the thirdcentury.
It is to the silver coins ratherthan the bronzes,however,that we
should turn forevidence. There is one issue of silverthat, we believe,
can be firmlyplaced after the refoundationof the city. The issue
consists of two denominations,a hemidrachmand a quarter drachm
(trihemiobol).Based upon a surveyof publishedcollectionsand auction
catalogues,five specimensare known to have survived. These pieces
can be distinguishedby four differentcharacteristicsfromthe other
silvercoinage of Scepsis dated in the standardreferencesto before310.
1. A bead-and-reelborder (fillet) around both obverse and reverse.
standard fromthe known silver with one
2. A weighton a different
later.
discussed
be
will
which
exception
formof inscription:ZKHY containedwithinthe border
3. A different
on the reverseenclosingthe pine tree.
4. A star located under the pegasus-rhytonon the quarter drachm
and on one ofthe two knownhemidrachmsand the possiblepresence
of a thyrsuson the reverseof the otherspecimen.
17 WSM,pp. 346-47.

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Hellenistic

Coinage at Scepsis

15

Both denominationsof this series are known only fromprivate collections. The hemidrachmfirstappearedin a 1980 auctionwitha second
more distinguishablespecimenturningup in commercein 1982: it is
hithertounpublished. The best preserved specimen of the quarter
drachm,however,has a longhistory. It was firstseen in a 1909 Sotheby
catalogue of the Benson sale and went fromthereto the Jamesonand,
more recently,von Aulock collections. The coins are as follows:
LATE THIRD - EARLY SECOND CENTURY B.C.
Obu. Rhytonin formof forepartof wingedhorse; below,eightpointed star; bead-and-reel(fillet) border.
Reu. EKHY Pine tree; square bead-and-reelborder.
Hemidrachms
al-pl 2.45. Private U.S. Coll. Plate 3, 1.
a2-p2 2.42. Obu. the border may be dotted; reu. the inscriptionis
Z(K)Hf; to 1., outside of border,a thyrsus(?); to r.,
outside of border,the inscriptionmay continuewith the
letteriota. There is surfacecorrosionon both sides of the
coin making precision difficult. NFA 9, 10 Dec. 1980,
245. Plate 3, 2.
Quarter drachms(trihemiobols)
ai-pi
ai-pi
ai-pi

1.22. SNGuAulock 7644; Jameson1458.


1.24. Lanz 24, 25 Apr. 1983 - J. Schulman,26 Apr. 1976, 5144.
Plate 3, 3.
1.20. Cahn 60, 2 July 1928, 796.

It is surprisingto find a bead-and-reelborder on a silver coin of


Scepsis. A filletborder like this is usually consideredan innovation
of the importantmint at Antioch duringthe reign of Antiochus III
(223-187). The designenjoyed wide popularityafterhis reignand can
be seen on coins ofBactria, Parthia and the Saka rulersof India. While
never popular on Greek coins (with the exceptionof Scepsis, we know
of no otherexample),the bead and reelcan be foundon coins of Repub-

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16

Jonathan H. Kagan

lican Rome. Its earliest use therewas as a bordercirclingthe head


of Apollo on denariiof L. Piso Frugi in 90 B.C.18
Newell followedBabelon in associating this pattern with Apollo,
the divinityfromwhom the Seleucid monarchsclaimed descent. The
fillethas a double significancefor the figuresencircledwithinit. It
expressesboth divine protectionand the divine rightto rule, a useful
design in an age of rebellion.19This may well be overstatingthe importance of a common decorative pattern found frequentlyin architecture;but it shouldbe notedthat the coins of Scepsis are exceptional
in that the type is neithera human figurenor a god withinthe border,
but the city's emblem.
If the traditionaldate of 310 is correctforthe end of silvercoinage
at Scepsis, then we must attributethe innovationof applyinga beadand-reelborderto that mint,not Antioch. The practiceddie engravers
of Antiochwould eitherhave independentlydeveloped it or been inspired by a 90 year old fractionof Scepsis! This is difficultto conceive. What motivationwould the die cuttersof Scepsis have had for
makingthis change? There is not even a good estheticreason. The
bead and reel is a heavy borderto apply to a small fraction. It is much
better suited to the large flans of the Seleucid tetradrachms. Such
coins certainlycirculatedin the Troad and tetradrachmswith a beadand-reelborderwere mintedat Sardes afterAntiochusrecapturedthe
cityfromAchaeus in 215/213.20It is of courseimpossibleto provethat
the Scepsis die cutterswere influencedby the tetradrachmsof Antiochus III, but it is certainlythe most plausible of the alternativesavailable.
The weightof our silver fractionsalso points to the special nature
of this serieswithinthe coinage of Scepsis. No othercoins of the city
that have come to our attentionare close in weightto the 2.42-2.45
of the hemidrachms. It may be worthwhile,at this point, to record
the other known silver coins from Scepsis with the rhytonobverse.
These coins survivein one issue of two denominations.While rare the
18WSM,pp. 138-39.
19 WSM,p. 139.
20 WSM,pp. 375-77,and O. Morkholm
"SomeSeleucidCoinsfromtheMintof
Sardes,"NN 1969,pp. 15-19.

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Hellenistic

Coinage at Scepsis

17

coinsare wellknown. This seriesis consideredin the standardreferences


as the final autonomous silver coins struck at the mint. (There are
earliersilverissues having as an obverseeitherthe forepartof a horse
or a pegasusbut thesedo not concernus here.)21The coinsare as follows:
FOURTH CENTURY B.C.
Obv. Rhyton in formof forepartof winged horse.
Rev. IKHYIQV Pine tree in linear square; to 1., crab, to r.,
A- ; traces of incuse square.
Drachms
al-pl
al-pl
al-pl
al-pl
al-pl

3.17.
2.99.
3.58.
3.60.

BMC 8.
SNGCop 472.
Egger 46, 1914, 687.
ANS(Kelley). Plate 3, 4.
Alex Malloy 16, 7 July 1980, 81.

Obv. Rhyton in formof forepartof winged horse.


Rev. ZKHYIQV Pine tree in linear square; to 1., A to r. K.
Hemidrachms
ai-pi
ai-pi

1.80. Trait 2357.


1.63. MonnGr 189.

Judgingfromthe weights,these coins were mintedon the Rhodian


(Chian) scale. This was the most commonstandard in use in western
Asia Minor in the fourthcenturyB.C.22 While it is possible that the
coins with the bead-and-reelborder are tetrobolsand diobols based
upon the same standard,they would be on the heavy side. Moreover,
given the limitedsize of the mint's issues, it does not seem likelythat
fourdenominationsso close in weightwould have been strucksimultaneously. Instead the bead-and-reelcoins are of a separate seriesand
may best be consideredhemidrachmsand quarter drachms,minted
perhapson the Persic standard. This scale was widelyused in the Hel21 Trait
, vol.2, pt. 2, pp. 1287-94.
C. Kraay,ACGC,p. 247.

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18

Jonathan H. Kagan

lespont region supersedingthe Rhodian standard in the mid to late


fourthcenturyB.C. and was, it seems, the standard used again ca.
245-200 at Byzantiumand Calchedonfor a series of drachmsweighing
between4.6 g and 5.4 g.23 On a chronologicalbasis, the hemidrachms
fromScepsis on the Persic scale seem related to an issue of fractions
from Alexandria Troas and Ilium. Bellinger,who also considersthese
coins as hemidrachms,dates them to the period followingthe death
of AntiochusHierax (228). The Alexandriaissue consists of two specimens with weightsof 2.35 g and 2.41 g. The Ilium specimensare
lighter;leaving aside a plated coin, the three recorded pieces range
between2.09 g and 2.33 g.24
It is difficultto adduce the economicfactorsinvolvedin the choice
of standardforthisseries. As we are dealingwith a small issue, it need
not have been mintedwith an eye toward internationalcommerce.
There is one other silver coin that should be mentioned here; it
appears to belong to neitherof the two issues discussed above:
MID TO LATE THIRD CENTURY B.C.?

al-pl

Obv. Rhytonin the formof forepartof wingedhorsein a circle.


Reu. SKH Pine tree; beaded square border enclosing tree
betweenIK; outside of square, to r., H; to 1., an ear of
grain with two leaves.
1.22 g MonnGr190 (The coin is unfortunately
not illustrated).

The weightof this coin is the same as the quarter drachms of the
bead-and-reelissue. The absence of this borderand the shorterform
of inscription(see furtherbelow), however, makes a slightlyearlier
date probable. Perhaps the coin is contemporary
withthe autonomous
silverof Alexandriaand Ilium discussedabove. This would then place
it betweenthe fall of Hierax (228) and the beginningof the reign of
AntiochusIII in 223. Such precision,however,may be unwarranted.
23G.Le Rider,"Surle Monnayage
deByzance
au ivesicle,"RN 1971,pp.152-53.
24Bellinger
d'Or
"Statres
(above,n. 7),pp.21-22and91-93. SeealsoH. Seyrig,
RN 1969,pp. 36-39.
Pseudalexandrins,"

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Hellenistic

Coinage at Scepsis

19

To summarize,thereappear to be fourseparate issues of silvercoins


at Scepsis with the rhytonsymbol. The first,as we have seen, was
struckon the Rhodian scale and can be dated priorto the foundingof
Antigoneiain 310. The second issue is not autonomous but consists
of a briefstrikingof Seleucid tetradrachmsby AntiochusHierax (246228/7). The third issue consists of only one specimen. Its dating is
the most nebulous of the four. It has been suggestedthat the period
shortlyafterthe fall of Hierax may be appropriate. Finally there is
the issue withthe bead-and-reelborders. The use ofthis device suggests
a date between the beginningof the reign of Antiochus III and the
Peace of Apamea (223-188). A discussion of the historicalcontext
may allow us to place this issue even more exactly.
First,however,it remainsto considertwo of the otheraspects of the
and thestarundertherhyton.
bead-and-reelissue: theformofinscription
These two featuresprovideimportantlinksto the bronzecoinageof the
city. A catalogue of the bronzes of Scepsis, however,is beyond the
scope of this essay. Nevertheless,stylisticcomparisonswith selected
pieces may prove fruitful.
The fourletterinscriptionIKHY found on the bead-and-reelissue
does not exist on any othercoins of the city,bronzeor silver. Normally
one expectsinscriptionsto increasein lengthwith time.25With Scepsis
this is not the case. The silverissue struckon the Rhodian scale with
the rhytonobverse,discussed above, has the full city name inscribed
around the reverse. The earlier silver coins of the mint also display
the fulllegendofthe city,althoughin theircase it is aroundthe obverse
(Plate 3, 6 [MFA 1636]).
The bronzes with the rhytonobverse, however,have only an abbreviated inscription,eithera IK or a ZKH. The legend is placed on
the reverseof the coins along with the pine tree. In addition,a wide
variety of subsidiarysymbols (e.g. ear of grain, thyrsus,cantharus,
star,bucranium,etc.) is found on the reversesof many of the pieces.26
The bronze coins which have the shorter,two letter inscriptionare
foundin some cases withoutsubsidiarysymbolsleadingone to conclude
25ACGC,p. 247.
26Fora selection
see Trait2358-75.Alsoit shouldbe notedthatat leastone
smallbronze
coinexistswitha rhyton
andnoinscription
obverse
at all( BMC9).

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20

Jonathan H. Kagan

that the ZK legendis earlier27


(Plate 3, 8 [ANS]). The coins whichhave
reverseswiththe thyrsus,star and othersecondarytypes tend to have
an extra letter,H added to the inscription28
(Plate 3, 5 [ANS].) The
as
with
the
autonomoussilvercoins we have dated to the third
letters,
century,are placed on eitherside of the pine. When the H is added,
it is rathercrudelyplaced just outside the square borderenclosingthe
pine. This correspondsto the unique quarterdrachmwithoutthe beadand-reelborderdescribedabove.
We began this discussionby saying that Scepsis did not followthe
usual patternof movingto longer and longerinscriptions.This may
not be entirelyaccurate. The earliest silver coins certainlyhave the
fullestinscription;but a separate developmentexists. It begins with
the bronzeshaving only the 2K on eitherside of the pine (Plate 3, 8),
and thenprogresseswiththeadditionofa thirdletterH ratherawkwardly placed outside the borderenclosingthe pine (Plate 3, 5) and finally
ends witha returnto symmetry
by the additionon the silverbead-andreel fractionsof a fourthletterY, withall the lettersneatly (if tightly)
enclosedwithinthe border(Plate 3, 1). If the line visibleon the reverse
of the second hemidrachmof the bead-and-reelseries (Plate 3, 2) is
indeed an iota, then this mightrepresentyet a furtherdevelopment.
The presenceof a star underthe pegasus on one of the hemidrachms
and the quarterdrachmsof the issue with the bead-and-reelborderis,
as mentionedabove, anotherof its distinguishing
characteristics.We
need not ventureany hypothesisas to its meaning. But the star provides an additional link to the bronze coinages. One bronze with a
rhytonobverseand a 1 KH legendin Paris has a similarlylocated star
(Plate 3, 7).29 The star,as noted earlier,is one of the subsidiarysymbols that appear on the reverseof some of the bronzes fromScepsis;
on one group it is accompaniedby a thyrsus(Plate 3, 5). This thyrsus
may be similarto the symbolfaintlyvisibleon the reverseof the second
hemidrachmof the bead-and-reelissue.
Given the similaritiesand the apparent continuitybetween the
bronzesand the silverfractionswe have examined,it becomestempting
27E.g. Trait2362,BMC 15.
28E.g. Trait2364.
29Trait2360.

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Hellenistic

Coinage at Scepsis

21

to bringdownthe date of some ofthe bronze coinage. The change to a


shorterlegendmay perhapsbe ascribedto the break in the mintcaused
by the removal of the populationin 310 and theirreturnin the early
thirdcentury. If thisis correctthenthe bulk ofScepsis'sbronzecoinage
should be dated to the thirdratherthan fourthcentury. This leaves
to the pre-310 mint only the productionof a group of small bronzes
withthe forepartof a pegasus,not a rhyton,on the obverse. The coins
have no inscriptionand traces of an incuse square are visible(Plate 3, 9
[ANS]). Coins of the same size are foundwith the rhytonobverseand
the two and three letterabbreviationsmakingit very likelythat the
pegasus coins are an earlier issue. A fourthcenturydate for them,
therefore,seems reasonable.30
Untila fullstudyof the bronzesis undertaken,however,it is best not
to be too certainin dating the coins. If we are rightin puttingthe
silvercoinswiththe bead-and-reelbordersin the reignof AntiochusIII,
then we have reason to believe that some at least of the bronze coins
of Scepsis were struck after the city's refoundation. Perhaps mint
activity was steady throughoutthe third century. This would also
help explain the choice of Hierax to mint tetradrachmsat the city,
as well as the strikingof the issue representedby the lone silverquarter
drachmwith the 2KH legend. It remainsto be seen if the historical
context would support the attributionof the bead-and-reelcoins to
the reign of Antiochus III.
AlthoughAntiochusIII came to the thronein 223, his influencedid
not immediatelyextend to westernAsia Minor. Power restedinitially
in the hands of Achaeus who, firstas a servantof the governmentand
then as an usurper,waged war against Attlus. In this endeavor he
was initiallysuccessfulrecoveringall the ground lost since the Third
SyrianWar withthe exceptionof AlexandriaTroas, Ilium and Lampsacus, citieswhichPolybius(5.78.6) says wereloyal to Attlus. Antiochus
III did not turn his attentionto Asia Minor until 216. At that time,
he reachedan understanding
withAttlusto allow fora joint campaign
the
Achaeus
against
usurper
(Polyb. 5.107.4). That endeavor was
terminated
with
the
successfully
captureand death of Achaeus in 213.
30Forthepegasusbronzes,
seee.g.BMC 7. Fortherhyton
oncoinsofa
obverse
sizesee e.g. BMC 8 and 15.
similar

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22

Jonathan H. Kagan

Antiochus,while regainingSardis, did not recover the Troad which


was one of the areas that remainedin the hands of Attlus due perhaps
to the understandingreached with Antiochusin 216.31
The years 213-199 are obscure in the Troad. Pergamm loosely
controlledthe region. One may imagine that Alexandria and Ilium,
given theirloyaltyto Attlus in the war against Achaeus in the period
before220, would have been the dominantlocal power. This would
not be the propercontextforthe issuance of the silvercoins we are examining at Scepsis, whethersuch an issue implies full autonomy or
not. The bead-and-reelborder,given the recent introductionof the
designand the politicaland religiousimplicationsof it (howeverminor)
describedabove, could not have been looked upon favorablyby either
Scepsis's Pergameneoverlordsor its powerfullocal neighbors.
The situationchanges drastically,however,in 198.32 AntiochusIII
launched an attack against the Pergamene kingdom. By the fall of
197, Iliumappearsto have comeunderAntiochus'scontrol,33
presumably
Scepsis was his as well.34The returnof Seleucid powerwas not greeted
favorablyby the most powerfulcity of the Troad, Alexandria. The
city appears (Livy 35.42.2) in 192 along with Smyrnaand Lampsacus
resistingAntiochus. Alexandriamust previouslyhave been taken and
this representsa revolt.35
For cities such as Alexandria, Ilium and Lampsacus, Pergamm
may have been a moreattractivealternativethan the returnof Seleucid
control. There must have been a good deal of local autonomyassociated with allegiance to the Attalids. Alexandria appears to have
celebratedits liberationfromSeleucid controlafterthe fall of Hierax
with an issue of autonomous gold staters.36
A city like Scepsis, however,may have had more to gain than lose
fromthe reassertionof controlby a major poweroverthe Troad. There
is reason to thinkthat relationsbetweenScepsis and Alexandriawere
31H. H. Schmitt,
desGrossen
undseiner
Antiochos'
zurGeschichte
Untersuchungen
264-67.
Zeit(Wiesbaden,
1964),pp.
32Livy32.8andSchmitt
(above,n. 31),pp.269-70.
33Schmitt
(above,n. 31),p. 293.
34Schmitt,
p. 283.
35Schmitt,
p. 284.
36Bellinger
(above,n. 7), pp. 21-22and pp. 91-93;H. Seyrig(above,n. 24).

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Hellinistic

Coinage at Scepsis

23

marked by a certainrivalry. Scepsis, of course,was refoundedwhen


its native citizenswerepermittedto withdrawfromAlexandria. Demetrius of Scepsis made some disparagingremarksabout Ilium which
are recordedby Strabo. Alexandria,despite its importance,is barely
mentionedin Strabo'sbook on the Troad. Here too, Demetrius,Strabo's
main source, may be responsible.37
Scepsis did not become a freecity afterthe Peace of Apamea in 188.
Instead, we know fromStrabo that the city was turnedover to Pergamm.38Other cities in the Troad fairedbetter. Alexandria became a
freecity as did Ilium and Dardanus.39 Livy reports(38.39) that cities
which had taken the side of the Roman people were exempted from
tribute while supportersof Antiochus or tributariesof Attlus were
orderedto pay tributeto Eumenes. Ilium and Dardanus, Livy adds,
owed theirfavorabletreatmentto theirconnectionwith Rome's origin
ratherthan for any recentservices. Scepsis too claimed a relationto
Aeneas. Strabo reportsstoriesof Scepsis's origin.40One has it being
foundedby Scamandriusthe son of Hector and Ascanius the son of
Aeneas. Demetrius claimed Scepsis as the royal residenceof Aeneas.
Whatever the connection,it did not help Scepsis in the settlement
afterApamea. Perhaps the citycould not gloss over its recordof collaboration. Scepsismay wellhave welcomedthe comingof Antiochusand
cooperated fully; no succor was to be expected from the Romans.
Allegianceto the great king may have been less onerous for Scepsis
than economicand political dominationby Alexandria.
Antiochus,as expressedby his dealingswith Smyrnaand Lampsacus
and his remarksat the conferenceof Lysimachia,seems to have used a
conciliatorypolicy in dealing with the Greek cities of westernAsia
Minor.41He was not adverseto grantingfavorsand privilegesprovided
his positionwas recognized. The strikingof silverfractionsby Scepsis,
especially since they bore the Seleucid bead-and-reel,should not be
taken as a hostileact of sovereignty.42
More likelyAntiochusgranted
37Leaf(above,n. 4), pp. xxvii-xlvii.
dSStrab.13.1.54.
39Schmitt
(above,n. 31), p. 284.
40Strab.13.1.52-53.
41Livy33.38and Polyb.18.49-51.
42See theremark
by H. Seyrigquotedin Bellinger
(above,n. 7), p. 21,n. 9.

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24

Jonathan H. Kagan

the citypermissionto coin,perhapsas a rewardforits quick submission.


It is to this period then, 197-188, that we should date the five silver
coins fromScepsis under discussion.43
In conclusion,thereis good reasonto believethat the mintof Scepsis
was active in the thirdand early second century. While we have no
firmdates for any of the bronze coinages,it is possible that at least
some if not all ofthe specimenswiththe rhytondate afterthe refoundation of the city by Lysimachus. We can be more specificabout one
issue of silvercoins. The bead-and-reelborderthat appears upon them
makes a date between197 and 188 likely. This issue is not onlyimportant forour understandingof the historyof the mint of Scepsis, but is
a valuable piece of informationfor our understandingof the relations
betweenAntiochusIII and the Greekcities of westernAsia Minorat a
criticalperiod in history.
43An inscription
has recently
cometo lightfromScepsismentioning
a festival
calledAntiochia.P. Frischand Z. Taslikioglu
fromthe Troad,"
("Inscriptions
ZPE 19[1975],p. 219)suggest
onthebasisofstylea dateof200B.C.andtherefore
feelthatthesovereign
wasAntiochus
III andtheproper
datesomebeinghonored
timeduring
Seleucidcontrol
ofScepsis197-188.Theinscription
be
may connected
withan important
document
foundat Teosrecording
honors
III
paidto Antiochus
andLaodicethatcanbe datedto204/3.(SeeE. Lanzillotta,
"UnEpigrafe
di Scepsis
del ii See. A.C.,"ScrittiZambelli1978,pp. 207-13.) If theScepsisindell'Inizio
doesrefer
to Antiochus
III thenit wouldprovide
an interesting
linkwith
scription
ourcoins.It shouldbe noted,however,
thatJ.andL. Robertfeelthatthehonored
was muchmorelikelyAntiochus
monarch
I or II (see "Bulletin
pigraphique,"
REG 1976,no.573). TheypointoutthattheAntiochus
whoreestablished
Cebren
andBirytis
underthenameAntiochia
intheregion,
have
would,duetohisactivity
beenthelikelymonarch
to be honored
at Scepsis.J. and L. Robert
bya festival
maybe correctbut Cebrenwas the ancestral
enemyof Scepsis(Strab.13.1.3);
Cebren's
reestablishment
couldhardlyhavepleasedthe Scepsians.Regardless
of
thecorrect
is notcrucialto thenumismatic
The
date,theinscription
argument.
is stillourbestevidence
bead-and-reel
forapplying
a dateto thecoins.

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Plate

(|

Hellenistic Coinage of Scepsis

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