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Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs

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Islam in Mozambique: Some Historical and Cultural Perspectives
S. Von Sicard

To cite this Article Von Sicard, S.(2008) 'Islam in Mozambique: Some Historical and Cultural Perspectives', Journal of

Muslim Minority Affairs, 28: 3, 473 — 490 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13602000802548201 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602000802548201

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Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 28, No. 3, December 2008

Islam in Mozambique: Some Historical and Cultural Perspectives

S. VON SICARD
Abstract Islam in Mozambique has a history that goes back to at least the tenth century. The records show that the region was known and well frequented by Muslim travelers and traders. By the middle of the fifteenth century, permanent and flourishing commercial and religious sultanates had been established along the coast and some had penetrated up the Zambezi. The arrival of the Portuguese introduced the centuries-long confrontation between Christians and Muslims. Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese, some Indians had found their way to the area. By the eighteenth century, Islam was well established and organized particularly in northern Mozambique. The turuq, through their networks, contributed to the growth of Islam. During the period leading up to independence in 1975, Muslims were organizing themselves into political action groups under the cover of social programs. In spite of this, Muslims experienced considerable difficulties during the early years of independence. From 1987, however, a gradual restoration took place. Introduction The earliest known Arabic sources refer to the country Mozambique as bilad al-sufala. ¯ ¯ Thus al-Mas’udı who visited the coast in 304 AH/916 CE uses the term sufala in a ¯ ¯ ¯ general manner. He speaks of the sufala of the Zanj as the limit of the Bila al-Su ¯ n. ¯ ¯d ¯da Elsewhere he mentions that the sailors of “Uman travel on the sea of the Zanj as far as ¯ the island of Kanbalu and Sufala”. In this context sufala may be interpreted as “low¯ ¯ ¯ land” or “shoal”. Al-Mas’udı’s contemporary Buzurg b. Shahriyar also seems to think ¯ ¯ ¯ of it as an area rather than a particular settlement. The distinctions become clearer in al-Idrısı (493/1100 – 560/1166), who divides the East African Coast into four sectors: ¯¯ Bilad al-Barbara, the present Somali coast; Bilad al-Zanj, the present coasts of Kenya ¯ ¯ and Tanzania; Bila al-Sufala, or Sufala al-Zanjı, Ard al-Tibr or Ard al-Dhahab (The ¯d ¯ ¯ ¯ land of metal or gold); and finally Bilad al-Waqwaq an onomatopoeic name referring ¯ to people whose language included clicks like the Khoisan, Xhosa, etc.1 The name Mozambique does not occur in Arabic literature before Ahmad b. Majid ¯ ˆ (end of ninth/fifteenth century) who writes it as Musanbıj. The History of Kilwa which ˆ was written around 1550 CE mentions Musanbıh. In Arabic literature and in sixteenth and seventeenth century Portuguese sources it is simply the name of a town, never of the country.2 According to tradition it is derived from Musa bin Biq, Musa Mbiki, or possibly Musa Malik, the name and title of the sultan on the Island of Mozambique.3 Only after Mozambique Island became the main Portuguese settlement in 1568 was the name applied to the whole country. Mozambique did not become the official name until independence in 1975 having been known previous to the West as Portuguese East Africa.
ISSN 1360-2004 print/ISSN 1469-9591 online/08/030473-18 # 2008 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs DOI: 10.1080/13602000802548201

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Methodological Concerns Most of the historical material available goes back to Portuguese sources. These clearly reflect the spirit of their time with its preconceived ideas, prejudices and vested interests. So far hardly any sources have come to light from the official and personal archives in Madagascar, the Comoro Islands, Zanzibar, Yemen, Hadhramaut, Oman and Iran. The picture presented is therefore of necessity one-sided and limited. It is hoped however that this paper will provoke others to take up the study of a much neglected area in East Africa. Terminology/Nomenclature The literature presents names, whether of places, people or groups as well as various technical terms in a variety of ways and spellings. An attempt has been made to standardize these as far as possible. Where appropriate both the hijri (Islamic) and the masihi (Christian) dates are given.
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Early History Mozambique’s earliest inhabitants are believed to have been nomadic hunter-gatherers, possibly related to the Khoisan speaking San of South Africa and Namibia. From around 1000 BCE Bantu speaking peoples from the Niger Delta region in West Africa began migrating slowly through the Congo basin, reaching Southern Africa some time after the first century BCE. The new groups possessed advanced agricultural skills and knowledge of iron-working techniques. They lived in small, loosely affiliated chiefdoms. Some, like the Yao developed commercial networks across the country. In the latter half of the first millennium CE, traders from Arabia began to arrive. The main settlement was at Sofala. The original Sofala has long since been eroded and swept away by the sea.4 Since trading links have existed for more than a thousand years, the history of Islam in Mozambique can be divided into at least three periods, i.e. (a) seventh to fifteenth century, (b) sixteenth century to independence in 1975, and (c) since independence. Seventh to Fifteenth Century During the first period, the Muslim presence was limited to coastal settlements such as Sofala, Mozambique Island, Angoche, the Querimba islands and a few settlements along ´ the Zambezi. According to Eduardo do Couto Lupi two Muslims, Musa and Hassan, arriving on Mozambique Island from Kilwa, came across a few Muslims who had pre´ ´ ceded them. These early arrivals were referred to as mwinyi (Port. muinhe/monhe).5 By the thirteenth century, the Indian Ocean was a Muslim sea thus laying the foundation for a more permanent Muslim presence in Mozambique.6 By the middle of the fifteenth century, Arab and Swahili traders had established a string of permanent commercial and religious sultanates along the Mozambique coast between the islands of Angoche and Mozambique in the north and Sofala in the south. The records indicate that by the turn of the ninth/fifteenth CE, Sofala, south of present day Beira, was ruled by a shaikh, appointed by the Sultan of Kilwa, in present day Tanzania. The establishment of these enclaves marked the beginning of the process of incorporating Mozambique

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into the wider world culturally, economically and religiously. The Querimba Islands or Ilhas do Cabo Delgado had a considerable Muslim population involved in the manufacture of a cloth known as maluane, for which silk and cotton were woven and dyed with locally grown indigo.7 At Mozambique dhows and vessels for the coastal trading were being built. The high rate of return made foreign merchants content to enter into commercial alliances with the ruling class or dominant local stratum and so remain outside the system of production.8 Besides the main penetration into the interior along the Zambezi other main Muslim trade routes into the hinterland developed along the Limpopo, Save and Rovuma valleys.9 The coastal influence was marked by the adoption of Swahili words such as fumo (chief), mwene (sub-chief), mujoge (Swahili trader).10 Islamic practices, such as circumcision, were also accepted.11 The main items of trade seem to have been gold, metals and ivory mainly from the interior. Mangrove poles, with their resistance to insects became an important export over the centuries, particularly to countries where wood for house construction and furniture is scarce. Beeswax, ambergris, pearls, gum copal (trachylobium verrucosum), and India rubber (landolphia kirkii) also seem to have been exported.12 European sources have made much of the slave trade particularly during the nineteenth century. That slaves were part of the trade goes without saying, but European sources have failed to distinguish between the trade and slavery itself. It therefore seems appropriate to Smee’s statement that “The Arabs are justly famed for the mild treatment of their slaves. They are not overworked, are allowed to live on their master’s estate and grow their own food, and seem fairly happy and contented”.13 The main trade in this respect seems to have been with Madagascar and was thus part and parcel of a regular phenomenon in Afro-Malagasy society as much as it was in Middle Eastern and European societies.14 Not until the sixteenth century do the records presently available describe the settlements in some detail. Duarte Barbosa writing around 1517/18 CE claims that the southernmost Muslim settlement was on the Bazaruto Islands in the present day Inhambane District. Further north at Sofala he claims that the Muslims had been settled for a long time and spoke Arabic. They wore silk or cotton loin-cloth, with cloth over their shoulders like capes, and turbans or caps. In Angoya (Angoche) however the people spoke their own language. Further north he notes the town of Mozambique built on three islands, the governor of which was a sharıf. Other places such as Quelimane and ¯ Ibo were ruled by local sultans. Sixteenth Century to Independence in 1975 At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese began to establish some trading posts on the sea route to Goa. For the first four centuries of their presence in what is today Mozambique, their penetration into the interior was minimal, except for along the Zambezi river, and their impact on the country as a whole was insignificant. Not until after the Berlin Conference of 1885 did they feel obliged to occupy more effectively the territory they laid claim to. Portuguese Attitudes and Behavior During the colonial period Muslims suffered constant persecution, part of which was a kind of retaliation for the centuries of Muslim occupation of Portugal.15 A grave example of the Portuguese attitude was Baretto’s order to slaughter all Muslims at Sena as he

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suspected them of poisoning the water supply causing the death of the Portuguese. The reality was that they were dying of malaria.16 In 1720, the Holy Office of the Inquisition ordered that Muslims should not be allowed to serve as pilots, captains and sailors on ships sent from Asia to Mozambique. The order was repeated in 1723 to avoid, as the inquisitors saw it, the evil which might afflict Mozambique. Resulting from this was the order to remove the Indian Paymaster at Mozambique, Basire Maali (Bashir Musa), because, it was argued, of the evil results of his residence as he was employing the profits of his position in the worship of his false prophet. He proved to be too rich and powerful and the order was never implemented.17 A further example is Elton’s report that in 1874, Shaikh Ali Heri of the Mosembe district had been sent to Portugal as a prisoner, presumably for opposing Portuguese rule.18 An amusing development from this period is that hereditary chiefs, almost all of whom were Muslims, who ruled a number of chiefdoms along the coast, e.g., Quitangonha, Sancul, Sangage and Angoche, were paid an allowance by the Portuguese who considered them to be their vassals. However, for their part, the chiefs, as true Muslims, regarded these payments as a tribute, or jizya, paid to them by the King of Portugal, as a dhimmi, whose appropriate activity was trade. The Role of the Indians Indian traders, including Muslims from the West Coast of India (Malabar) traded with the East African Coast long before the arrival of the Portuguese. Vasco da Gama found Hindu traders at Mozambique Island when he visited it in 1499. With the coming in of the Portuguese, those contacts increased and became more permanent. There were Indian traders in Manica in the 1560s and Indian soldiers fought in the local wars in Zambezia in the 1640s.19 The Hindu traders referred to as Baneanes came to Mozambique Island under the guise of being Portuguese subjects particularly from 1686 when the Banyan Company of Mazanes of Diu was granted a charter by the Count of Alvor.20 The charter did not include trade with the hinterland, but was limited to operations on the island. The instability along the northern part of the coast after the fall of Mombasa in 1698 led many Indian traders to move their operations to Mozambique Island. Although considered as Portuguese subjects, they were not treated as equals by the Portuguese and suffered from racial, cultural and economic antipathy and discrimination.21 They were not always welcomed by the local rulers either. At Dambarare Indians as well as the Portuguese were killed in 1693.22 A special license was issued in 1727 allowing Indian Muslims to trade on the mainland, but they were prohibited from owning slaves. The Muslims were in 1728 prohibited from converting Africans to Islam or trade in baptized slaves.23 None of the above regulations applied to the East African Muslims as it would have been impossible to implement.24 In 1730, Indian Muslims were permitted to keep slaves as long as their parents or grandparents had been Muslims.25 In 1736, an order was issued in Goa against the ‘Moors’ teaching their doctrines to the Africans. A few years later the Archbishop of Mozambique lamented Muslim success in conversion in comparison with the Church’s failure. He noted their easy access to Quelimane, Sofala and Inhambane and their freedom to practice their religion. Not surprisingly he began to argue against their right to exercise their religion at all.26 In the 1740s and 50s there were restrictions on the right of Indians to hold property and boats, to trade with the Yao and other local people. In order to travel from Mozambique Island to the mainland they were required to have a pass or license.27 In 1759, five Indian Muslims were sent back to Mozambique from Inhambane because

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they had established Arabic language schools for the local Africans.28 The Indians were generally petty traders dealing in ivory, cereals, cattle and slaves. They were also the bankers and main suppliers of spices and general merchandise on whom the Portuguese, to their chagrin, became dependant.29

Penetration and Nature of Islam A report from 1789 notes that the Muslims who traveled inland from Angoche were diligent in spreading their faith.30 The nineteenth century became a period of revival and jihad aided by an increase in contacts across the Indian Ocean and the trade routes ¯ into Central Africa.31 Already at the beginning of that century it was estimated that there were 15,000 Muslims in the Cape Delgado region and some 20,000 in the coastal hinterland of Mozambique Island.32 According to oral tradition, one young man, a Musa Momadi from Angoche, accompanied a relative who was a sharıf and a ¯ hajji on an extended da’wah expedition into the interior as far as the Lugenda valley. After his return to the coast, he traveled to Mozambique Island, Zanzibar, the Comoros and northwest Madagascar. His relative, however, was concerned with converting the people he came across including the Yao, who by this time had migrated as far as the Shire valley.33 In the light of this and the possibility that other dedicated Muslims were spreading the faith, it is not surprising to find the Governor of Mozambique commenting on the extraordinary advance of Islam in the interior in 1852.34 As on the other parts of the coast, the propagation of Islam was primarily undertaken by people of mixed Arab and African blood, referred to in the sources as mestizos. Elton in recording people taken as prisoners when slave dhows were captured notes one Hummadi b. Saleh from the Yusi River area who claimed to be an ‘alim. He was remunerated for teaching the boys the Qur’an by being given slaves. Hummadi had complained ¯ that he had been deprived of his Qur’an which he wore around his neck enclosed in a ¯ cover called a bahasha. The Qur’an was returned to him. There is also the mention of ¯ Ibrahim and Abid from Muscat, who had married Makua women and had lived among them for some time.35 The penetration is indicated by the fact that by the 1870s, women in their mid-twenties are recorded as having Muslim names.36 The impact can also be gauged by the report that around 1880, Ali, a Comoro trader at Quissango, and other Muslims had farms along the coast in which they grew sesame (gingil (Ar. juljulan)).37 It would seem that by the 1880s most major Yao chiefs had embraced Islam. Their settlements were centers for the spread of Islam through Qur’an schools. The growing ¯ Muslim presence is documented in a report from 1893 that shows that Muslims were active along the Licungo River and Maganja da Costa north of Quelimane. Five Muslims had established a school at the mouth of the Moniga River, about 100 miles north of Quelimane, and were recruiting disciples and students along the coast.38 The reasons for the growing Islamization were varied and complex but undoubtedly had to do with closer association with Muslim trading partners on the coast, the ¯ increased prestige of Islam through the Al-Busaid dynasty and its representatives along the coast. The presence of Swahili scribes, scholars and traders and the desire to correspond with coast contacts as well as their availability to produce Islamic charms ´ or talismans (Sw. hirizi; Ar. talasım; cf. Greek telesma) at a time when the area was ¯ experiencing turmoil through the encroachment of European interests, also contributed to the spread of Islam.

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The development of Islam in Malawi had repercussions for Mozambique. Thus an important shaikh who influenced the developments of Islam on the Mozambican side of Lake Malawi was Issa Chikoka, who obtained his ijaza from ‘Abdallah b. Haji ¯ Mkwanda (c. 1860 – 1930) at Makanjila’s in present day Malawi.39 Another important Yao shaikh active on the Lichinga plateau in northwestern Mozambique was Mzee Chiwaula, who studied at Nkhotakota.40 An interesting development during the latter part of the nineteenth century was the establishment of a madrasah in Lorenco Marques by Abu Bakr Effendi (d. 1880), a ¸ Kurdish scholar sent to the Cape in 1862 to build up the Muslim community there.41 Coutinho records meeting Yao caravan leaders at Quelimane who claimed to be Muslims and who carried the Qur’an carefully wrapped in a fold of their cloth. ¯ Coastal Muslims however ridiculed the Yaos who claimed to be Muslims saying that they were mushriku 42 It is therefore not surprising to find that Chiefs Mazeze and ¯n. Said Ali and people in the Quissango and Pemba districts were pretending to be strict Muslims. In spite of this the records show that there was a lot of syncretism. A surviving account narrates the installation of a chief at Quitangonha in 1874 where the ceremony combined Islamic, Makua, Portuguese and Swahili rituals. The Portuguese officials arrived by boat. Two lines of women, singing and dancing, and playing cuche-cuches (wooden spoons), walked into the water to greet them. A procession formed, and the Portuguese army played the national anthem, catholic hymns were sung and patriotic marches performed. There followed a service of prayers in the mosque. Flour was placed on the new chief’s head.43 At the beginning of the twentieth century there were fifteen mosques and ten Qur’an ¯ schools in the Angoche region. The basis for this may be found in the writings of a Comorian who recorded the migration of learned men to Angoche to teach Arabic and sharı’ah.44 All the monhes were said to be able to write their own language in ¯ Arabic script, in fact on the island itself numerous Muslim women were said to be able to read and write using the Arabic script.45 The Portuguese seeking to subdue the north and considering that Muslims and local Africans were making common cause found the situation intolerable and as a result ransacked the town of Angoche in 1903 destroying houses and mosques.46 In spite of Portuguese efforts Muslim communities with Qur’an school were a growing force in the hinterland in 1905. Islam was being ¯ spread peacefully by Muslim traders, as well as walimu, shurafa with their religio-magic ¯ knowledge and mafundi (artisans) using a hut, a veranda or the shade of a tree, teaching the children Swahili.47 The most influential Muslim on the mainland north of Ibo was one Haji Musa Yusufu. On Quirambo island there was a tomb venerated because it contained the remains of a sharıf who had come from Angoche many years earlier.48 ¯ Turuq Muslim religious brotherhoods did not appear in Mozambique in any systematic and organized form until the end of the nineteenth century. By that time, both the Qadirıyya ¯ ¯ and the Shadhilıyya brotherhoods were established on Mozambique Island. The latter ¯ ¯ was established by students who went to a school in Kilwa established by Husayn b. Mahmud, himself a khalıfa of the Hadrami sharıf Muhammad Ma’ruf b. Shaikh ¯ ¯ Ahmed b. Abi Bakr (1853 – 1905) of Moroni, Ngazidja, one of the Comoro islands. In 1896, a trader and a member of the Yashrutıyya, Amir b. Jimba from Moroni, settled ¯ in Mozambique. In 1897, Muhammad Ma’ruf visited Mozambique Island and appointed two individuals as joint leaders of the order.49 The exclusion of

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Amir b. Jimba led to serious tension necessitating an arbitrator (Sw. msuluhishi; Ar. hakam) being sent from Comoro. The struggle seems to have had socioeconomic grounds. By 1924 –1925 the mother house in Madina had to intervene and a new branch, the Shadhiliya al-Madhaniya was established. Ten years later in 1936 another ¯ schism took place with the establishment of the Shadhiliya Itifaq.50 ¯ ¯ The Qadirıyya seems to have been established by ‘Ali Msemakweli, a Yao who as a ¯ ¯ khalıfa of Husayn b. ‘Abd Allah al-Mu’in spread the order to Northern Mozambique ¯ by way of Kilwa. The Qadirıyya Sadate was established in Mozambique in 1904 by ¯ ¯ Isa b. Ahmad from Zanzibar.51 The latter was a branch of Uways b. Muhammad’s branch of the Qadiriyya more commonly known as the Uwaysıyya. When Isa ¯ ¯ b. Ahmad returned to Zanzibar in 1925 he handed over the leadership to a local Muslim by the name of Momade Arune (Muhammad Harun). A sub-branch of the tarıqah was founded in Angoche at this time. After Momade Arune’s death in 1929 ¯ the tarıqah was split due to leadership rivalries leading in 1934 to the formation of the ¯ Qadirıya Baghdadı branch. A further split took place in 1945 with the establishment ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ of the Qadirıyya Jilanı. The Baghdadi branch in turn split in 1953 with the establishment ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ of the Qadirıyya Baghdadı Hujat Salihın. A fifth branch, the Macheraba (mashraba – the ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ place of refreshment, restoration), was established in 1963 when the leadership of the Sadate branch was taken over by Mahamudo Selemangy, a descendant of Daman Muslims who originally had come to Mozambique from Gujarat. Mecufi in Cabo Delgado became an important Qadirı centre under ‘Abd al-Majid in the 1930s.52 ¯ ¯ ¯ Developments which facilitated the growth of Islam during the second decade of the twentieth century included the construction of the railroad from Lumbo, on the mainland opposite Mozambique Island, which began in 1913, the advance of Indian Muslim merchants beyond the coast and towards the end of World War I the presence of a considerable number of Muslims in the British forces engaged in the war with von Lettow’s forces. As a result the turuq established branches in the principal settlements such as Nampula and Cabo Delgado. Mosques were constructed for the men and zawaya (enclosed spaces) for women.53 Carvalho has suggested that the turuq ¯ ¯ were religious and political constituencies of the different factions of local society.54 Just as in the case of the rest of the East African coast, Muslims from different parts of the world arrived bringing a variety of cultural and sectarian backgrounds. This has had its repercussions into the present, where Muslims in different areas of the country have tended to remain confined and isolated from one another. The Indian Muslims had their own mosques, which were well built and ornate. They had cemeteries for their own exclusive use and brought and supported their own a’imma (plural for imam) from India. The Indian Muslims observed the ordinances of the Qur’an and the sharı’ah strictly. They observed what is haram, fulfilled the requirements ¯ ¯ ¯ of ablutions and frequented the mosques assiduously. The African and mestico (Portu¸ guese for ‘mixed race’, i.e. descendants of unions between African women and Arab or Portuguese men) Muslims have their own mosques built as thatched huts which were indistinguishable from other huts. Their observance of Islam was less vigorous. Their attendances at mosques were less frequent and their prayers and recitations less perfect because of their ignorance of Arabic language and the absence of any of the required texts in local vernacular. All male Muslims, whether Indian or African, were circumcised. They wore the malaia, also referred to as cabaia, and wore the cofio or a turban.55 The wearing of these clothes was a clear mark of the Muslim influence. Antonio Ennes writing in 1913 claimed that Islam was spreading like a weed because it was not being cultivated. He observed that it had no assistance from the civil authorities,

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its members were not wealthy, there was no clergy, no outstanding representatives to imitate, yet it was gaining ground rapidly in the northern districts and at Inhambane.56 In Balane he found people observing Islamic practices, thoroughly performing ablutions before entering a mosque and being heard reciting the Qur’an inside but there were few ¯ signs of the propagation of Islam. He reported that the children at Inhambane were receiving instruction in what he describes as “booths covered with palm leaves”. He reported that a Makua had described Islam as a fashion, indicating that people were becoming Muslim by imitation, stimulated by self interest in acquiring the malaia giving a person some status. This in turn led them to accept Islamic practices and created solidarity.57 Half a century later Goncalves claims that the picture which Ennes painted of Islam ¸ held true and that the situation in the early 1960s was the same. The statistics available indicate that there were around 66,000 Muslims in Mozambique in the mid-1950s.58 At that time it was estimated that there were 1,956 Orientals and 15,188 Indians.59 Goncalves summing up the widely fluctuating statistical information comes to the con¸ clusion that if one were to take the estimates of the civil servants trained in this field, the probably figure for Muslims in Mozambique in the mid-1950s was somewhere between 700,000 and a million out of a population of around six million.60 Writing in the early 1960s Goncalves claimed that Islam was spreading rapidly ¸ throughout the country noting that there were mosques in Beira, Quelimane, Lorenco ¸ Marques (Maputo), etc. However, he notes that almost all Muslims in Lorenco ¸ Marques were Isma’ili.61 Representatives of the Isma’ili community were established at Inhambane and Quelimane at an early stage. By the 1950s they were to be found on the Island of Mozambique, in the area of Porto Amelia and in Maputo and their number in the country was estimated at 1,700. The community has, like other Indian communities been closed from an ethnic, but open from a social point of view having established educational, medical and sports facilities for the community. Its work has been centered around the Jamat Khanas, which are understood to be the property of the Aga Khan. Its members are primarily business people, some of whom have been and are quite powerful. They use their means to strengthen those in the community who are not as well off. They are not involved in da’wah. Ali Khan visited Mozambique on behalf of his grandfather in 1957, and then in his own right as the Aga Khan in 1958.62 Referring to a work by G. Cota, Goncalves notes that the Makua reflect a strong ¸ mixture of African, Arab and to some extent Indian blood, so that he describes the Makua between Moma and Tungue as being to a large extent mestico. By far the most ¸ islamized of the people were the Swahili who used that language to communicate. He also notes that the Yao have been strongly influenced by Islam, whereas the Makonde have hardly been touched. The same is implied for the area south of the Save River (also known as the Sabi River).63 In a chapter dealing with the customary laws of Islamized people, Cota states that the Islamic influence was particularly evident when it came to pre-nuptial agreements, property regulations, marital duties, inheritance, etc. He refers to the fact that a man could disinherit a nephew or son for ingratitude or disrespect to a paternal grandmother as well as practices contrary to the sharı’ah. Cota observes that the only true religious ¯ marriages were between Muslims and that these were celebrated in accordance with qur’anic teachings.64 Portuguese policy towards Islam can be said to have been marked by hysteria and paranoia. They seem never to have abandoned the Roman Catholic crusade that

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characterized their concept of “civilising mission”. Some of their fears related to the fact that Muslims in Mozambique looked to Zanzibar as the centre of Sunni Islam and source of Islamic publications; they viewed the Sultan as their protector, remembering his name during the Friday khutbah, even though he was an Ibadhi. This was enforced by the fact ¯ that the leader of the Qadirıyya Sadate between 1929 and 1963 referred to himself as the ¯ ¯ Sultan’s representative to Mozambique.65 Portuguese fears were further exacerbated, first by the “Mecca letter” scare of 1908 and then by the “defense of Ethiopia letters” circulated in Cabo Delgado and Mozambique Districts in 1937. Believing that Muslim traders were circulating the letters the colonial authorities took action against the promoters of Islam and closed Qur’an ¯ schools and mosques in the two districts on the pretense that they had no legal licenses. The ban was however lifted in 1938.66 New Religious and Political Ripples By the 1960s the isolation of Muslims in Mozambique was breaking down. The colonial authorities discovered that Muslims were seeking education in Tanzania and Arabia. Islamic publications from Cairo and Mumbai were available and Muslims were keen to acquire literacy in Arabic. People were listening to Sauti’l-Arab min al-Qa ¯hira and becoming aware of their religious roots. Arab and Islamic phonographs from Egypt were circulating. It was reported that Yao Muslims looked to Baghdad and coastal Muslims to Oman for religious leadership. African nationalism was gaining ground among the Muslims which was linked to Arab anti-Portuguese propaganda. In the light of this it is possible that clandestine Islamic associations were being established as early as the 1950s.67 This was nothing new because Islamic revivalist movements had been opposing colonial rule in northern Mozambique since the 1920s, when some Muslim leaders protested against the abuses of forced labor, low wages and land appropriation in the Quelimane area. From the 1930s, Muslim Africans and various Indians organized themselves into interest groups that carried out political action under the cover of social programs, mutual aid, cultural and athletic activities.68 From an Islamic point of view, the situation became even more acute from 1942 when Mozambique became Portugal Ultramar (term used to refer to Portuguese territories overseas). Forced labor, arbitrary taxation, obligation to plant cash crops, and the lack of social improvement produced an acute discontent among the Africans which led to the awakening of a national consciousness. Given the total absence of liberty to form political organizations under the Portuguese, the African Mozambicans living abroad, in Tanzania, Zimbabwe and Malawi, came together to form the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO—Frente de Libertacao ¸ de Mocambique) in 1962. An armed struggle began in 1964, but not until after the ¸ ´ 1974 coup d’etat in Portugal did Mozambique gain its independence in 1975. During the armed struggle the colonial policy changed, designed to win the support of the Muslim community against the forces of FRELIMO, which the colonial authorities thought had alienated the Muslims because of its Marxist policies. The Portuguese administration sought to work through the Muslim religious leadership, i.e. the turuq, which they considered a conservative, local force against more radical, internationally organized expressions of Islam bent on political subversion.69 The Portuguese authorities capitalizing on the new situation that arose after the abolition of the Sultanate of Zanzibar in 1963 utilized the new links between the Muslim leadership in Northern Mozambique with the Comoros and invited the Mufti, Sayyid Omar b. Ahmad b.
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Abu Bakr b. Sumayt al’Alawi to settle disputes between the turuq.70 They also embarked ˆ ˆ on publishing an official, Portuguese language version of abstracts of Al-Jami’ al-Sahıh of ˆ ˆ al-Bukharı (194 –256 AH/810 – 870 CE).71 Some Muslims were involved in the liberation struggle. Thus FRELIMO’s representative in Cairo was a Muslim by the name of Sharffudin Muhammad Khan. He later represented the movement in the United States. An office was also opened in Algiers.72 Islam’s influence received a boost when various Arab countries offered to train the freedom fighters. Thus some 130 of them were sent to Algeria for training. FRELIMO established international relations with the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Conference73. Although such links might have led to religious friction, FRELIMO’s policy was to combat religious intolerance in its ranks.74 There is no mention in FRELIMO’s educational program of Qur’an schools, but it would seem ¯ that traditional institutions like the poro/sande initiation institutions were acknowledged.75 It is possible that to some extent Muslim influence would have been spread through these, as had been the case with other initiation practices in the region. In view of the fact that the liberation struggle was predominantly in the north, Muslims of Indian origin who lived in the southern part of the colony and adhered to the Hanafi legal tradition, with their orientation to Durban and Karachi, did not play an important role. The Indian communities, which represented peripheral groups, continued to run small scale commercial ventures, and, where possible, bush (rural) trading centers76 and small shops in towns. As closed communities they hardly had any contact with Africans, Europeans or Indian groups other than in business. Some of their students attended universities or enrolled in professional courses at technical schools in Portugal.77

Since Independence After independence in 1975, the Muslim leadership which had cooperated with the colonial authorities was discredited. Some Muslim associations were banned in 1976. Muslims on the other hand who had had restriction imposed on them during the colonial period gained some freedom. However, the civil war which erupted soon after independence and lasted until 1992 between FRELIMO (which had transformed itself into a Marxist Party) and the Resistencia National Mocambicana (RENAMO—Mozambique ¸ ¸ National Resistance Movement) which sought to restore democracy in Mozambique, did not serve the Muslims well.78 By 1980 Mozambican Muslim students in exile in Dar es Salaam were denouncing the repression of Islam by the FRELIMO government.79 Until around 1982 the regime was characterized by hostility to organized religion in general. There was considerable harassment including throwing pigs into mosques. Virtually all religious communities lost property during the nationalizations. Such property often included schools or facilities for religious observance. Religious associations were forbidden and attempts were made to prevent religious activities anywhere but in mosques. An indication of the difficulties Muslims were experiencing may be found in the fact that only one Muslim is recorded as having undertaken the pilgrimage in 1981.80 The attitudes began to change after the establishment of RENAMO and the destabilization which this movement created with the help of South Africa and Rhodesia. FRELIMO found that its treatment of Muslims provided reasons for both Saudi Arabia and Oman to send supplies to RENAMO. South Africa and the Comoro Islands also served as conduits for supplying RENAMO from 1983 to 1989. That situation made any allies, including the religious communities acceptable. Thus in 1983

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FRELIMO officially recognized the new national Council of Muslims of Mozambique (CISLAMO—Concelho Islamico de Mocambique).81 ¸ Contrary to FRELIMO practice it was reported that whenever RENAMO attacked a village often the mosque or church were the only buildings left undamaged. There seems to have been a more positive attitude to religion in RENAMO circles. Their bases exhibited this in the form of mosques and churches.82 Restoration and New Legislation With the accession of Joachim Alberto Chissano in 1987, FRELIMO began a gradual restoration of social legitimacy to religious bodies of all kinds. In that year Mozambique hosted the fifth Southern Africa Islamic Youth Conference. Although developments were still limited to the Maputo area, it was an indication of the new trend. In a speech to the Central Committee in March 1988, Chissano stated that FRELIMO aspired to: A society where every citizen advances along with the advancement of our Fatherland, and a society where the people will benefit from the wealth generated by the work and intelligence of the Mozambican people.83 Such a spirit was welcomed by the Muslims as it expressed in socialist terms the very foundational principles of the ummah. By mid-1988 confiscated properties were being returned.84 The situation improved further when article 19 of the 1975 constitution which affirmed that there “exists an absolute separation between the State and religious institutions”, and “activities of religious institutions must conform with State Laws” was changed in 1990 to “The state shall respect the activities of religious denominations in order to promote a climate of social understanding and tolerance and to strengthen national unity”.85 The 1989 Law on Religious Freedom requires religious institutions and organizations to register with the Ministry of Justice, reveal their principal source of funds and provide the names of at least 500 followers in good standing. At the end of 2000 there were 394 distinct religious groups registered with the Department of Religious Affairs of the Ministry of Justice. Among Muslims only the Sunni and Isma’ili communities are registered.86 The government routinely grants visas and residence permits to da’i. Some of these have established madaris in many places, particularly in the northern provinces. The ¯ Tabligh Islamic Call Society is active in the country. The constitution gives religious groups the right to own and acquire assets. They are allowed by law to own and operate schools. Religious instruction in public schools however is prohibited.87 Although all places of worship nationalized by the State in 1977 have been returned to their respective religious organizations, certain Muslim communities have complained that other properties such as schools, health centers and residences are still in government hands.88 The elections of 1994 returned FRELIMO to power. The 1999 elections in which FRELIMO gained 133 deputies and RENAMO 117, reflected a better balance between the two parties. Rather revealing was the fact that out of FRELIMO’s 133 deputies, only one seems to be a Muslim, whereas out of RENAMO’s 117, twelve were Muslims. The lists of deputies do not make it clear if any representative of the Indian Muslims has been elected to parliament.89 Thirteen parties contested the 1999 election. Of particular interest from an Islamic point of view was the Mozambique Independence Party (PIMO—Partido Independente de Mocambique) established in 1993. Its chairman ¸

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Yaqub Sibindy was also a candidate for the presidency. Its Standing Committee meeting in Nampula in 1997 called for the party to change its name to the Islamic Party. The constitution however bans parties based on regional, ethnic, tribal, racial or religious distinction. The attorney General Antonio Namburete therefore warned that the party would be suspended since religio-political entities are dangerous as they can incite believers into acts that would disturb the social order. In the event Partido Independente received only 0.71% of the votes or ninth position out of twelve. There is however the Movimento Islamico, a parliamentary caucus of Muslims from the ruling party, FRELIMO, which is seen by some as being tantamount to a religious party.90 By the end of the 1990s Mozambique had become a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) thus securing economic benefits. Tensions between the Sufi leaders of the majority Muslims in the north and the more radical reformers based in the south has led the former to split off from CISLAMO to form the Congresso ˆ Islamico.91 In further attempts to gain the support of Muslims, FRELIMO recognized the Islamic holidays of ‘Id al-Adha and ‘Id al-Fitr as national holidays in 1996. The Comunidade Mahometana has its own homepage describing its religious basis and listing Abdul Azziz Osman Latif as its president. The community has plans for an Islamic Cultural Centre, a Friday mosque and a school for the community at large.92 A further indication of the new lease on life for Muslims in Mozambique is the number of pilgrims registered by the Saudi Arabian authorities which rose to 309 in 1999.93 African traditional rituals can be found in the practices of Muslims in Mozambique. Thus Muslims commonly travel to the graves of ancestors to say special prayers for rain. They also practice rituals of preparation for important events, examinations, first job, swearing-in, etc., by offering prayers and pouring libations on the ground to please the ancestors. Muslims, in search of good luck, healing and solution to problems, consult curandeiros, traditional healers or spiritualists, some of whom are themselves nominal Muslims.94 Interfaith cooperation takes place through the Forum of Religions established in 1997. It is an organization for social and disaster relief composed of members of the Christian Council of Mozambique; the Greek Orthodox Church; and the Muslim, Baha’i and Jewish communities. The goal of the forum is to offer collective assistance to the needy, without regard to creed. The forum was actively engaged in the disastrous flooding in February and March 2000 and again in relief to the Zambezi District which was struck when the Zambezi bursting its banks in February 2001. During the year 2000, civil society and the media have highlighted religious aspects of a draft Family Law. The debate has focused on the need for legal recognition of religious and common law marriages, since at present only civil marriages are legal. A sticking point is the Muslim opposition not to recognize polygamous marriages. Muslim women have however demonstrated against polygamy. Some Muslim groups oppose the section of the law that would raise the legal age of marriage to 16 for both men and women.95 Conclusion Although Islam has a long and prestigious history in Mozambique, the colonial period, the struggle for independence, and the independence period have been detrimental to its development. The Portuguese brought with them their preconceived ideas of Islam and Muslims which resulted in harassment and persecution. During the years of the independence struggle it was particularly Muslims in the North of the country, where Muslims

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are the majority, who suffered. With the declaration of independence under a Marxist government, Islam and Muslims together with other religious traditions were under duress or simply proscribed. By the mid-1990s, greater openness by the political parties augured well for Muslims. The government’s secularist policies have, however, had their impact on the community. Internal tensions between traditionalists and reformers as well as cultural differences between the various ethnic groups in the Muslim community have also contributed to a weakening of their potential for a real contribution to the new nation. Some Muslims continue to practice a ritual of preparation or inauguration at the time of important events by offering prayers and spilling beverages on the ground to please ancestors. Others consult curandeiros, traditional healers or spiritualists, some of whom claim to be Muslims, in search of good luck, healing, and solutions to problems. External forces aligning themselves with different groups, including the arrival of a significant number of South Asian immigrants, continue to undermine their efficacy in bearing witness to the values inherent in Islam that could, given a chance, make a substantial contribution to the nation. External agencies help with medical and educational development projects, including scholarships for studies in the Middle East and so prepare members of the community for their place in building up the nation. Although the attempts that have been made to co-ordinate the activities of various groups through the Islamic Council of Mozambique and different publications like al-Furqan are promising signs, the tension between the Council and the Islamic Congress of Mozambique both vying with each other for government patronage continues to undermine the Islamic witness.

NOTES
¯ ¯ 1. A.M.b.M. Idrısı, Nuzhat al-Mushtaq fı Ikhtiraq al-Afaq [The recreation of him who yearns to traverse ¯¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ the lands], 548/1154, cited in G. Ferrand, Relations de Voyages et Textes Geographiques, Paris: no publisher, Vol. 1, 1913, p. 59; see also F. Storbeck, Die Berichte der arabischen Geographen des Mittelalters ¨ber Ostafrika [The accounts of the Arab geographers of the Middle Ages regarding East Africa], u Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1913, pp. 42–50; G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, ed., The East African Coast. Select documents from the First to the earlier Nineteenth Century, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961, pp. 9– 17; Martin Waldseemuller’s huge map of the world in 1507 includes a sheet portraying ¨ Africa “according to the tradition of Ptolemy” but with the addition of the Portuguese discoveries, in R.V. Toley’s Landmarks of Mapmaking, Ware, Herts: Wordsworth, 1989, p. 160, which has mon sanbiqui; Waldseemuller’s map made for Ptolemy’s Geographia of 1513 has mon mbiqui, in R.V. Toley’s ¨ Landmarks, op. cit., p. 159. 2. However Ortelius’ map of 1570 has Mozambique marked for the hinterland. See R.V. Toley, Landmarks, op. cit., p. 162. 3. M. Amra, “Islam in Southern Africa. A Historical Perspective”, Paper presented at the Islam in Africa Conference, Binghamton University, 19– 22 April 2001, p. 17; M. Fitzpatrick, Mozambique, London: Lonely Planet Publications, 2000, p. 12. 4. An indication of this may be that Elton came across a settlement in the Quissanga area which he refers to as Dhubbai. See J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches among the Lakes and Mountains of Eastern and Central Africa, London: F. Cass, 1968, p. 229. ´ ´ 5. E. do Couto Lupi, Angoche. Breve Memoria sobre Uma dass Capitanias-Mores [Angoche. A short ´ ´ memoir on one Capitanias-Mores], Lisboa: Ministerio dos Negocios da Marinha e Ultramar, ´ 1907, p. 276. The term monhe seems at times to have been used in respect of the Indian Muslims. ˆ ˆ ˆ See J.J.Goncalves, “Influencia arabo-islamica em Mocambique” [The Islamic influence in Mozambi¸ ¸ que], in O Mundo Arabo-Islamico eo Ultramar Portugues [The Arab-Islamic World of Overseas Portuguese Territories], Lisboa: Junta de investigacoes do ultramar, 1962, pp. 267, 280. Alpers, however, notes that the term applied to mixed Afro-Muslims, as opposed to Swahili, i.e. coastal Muslims. See E. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, in The History of Islam in Africa, eds. N. Letzion & R.L. Pouwels, Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2000, p. 309; M.V. Jackson Haight, European Powers and

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6. 7.

8. 9. 10.

11. 12.

13.

14.

15. 16. 17.

18. 19.

20.

South-East Africa. A study of international relations on the south-east coast of Africa 1796– 1856, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967, p. 39, for munhaes [soldiers] of the Monomotapa. N. Levtzion, “Islam. East Africa”, in The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. M. Eliade, New York: MacMillan Publishing Co., 1987, Vol. 7, p. 355. M. Newitt, “The Southern Swahili Coast in the First Century of European Expansion”, Azania, Vol. ´ 13, 1978, p. 116; J. dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental e Varia Historia de Cousas Notaveis do Oriente [Eastern Ethiopia and various histories of notable things in the East], Evora: no publisher, 1609, p. 81. A. & B. Isaacman, Mozambique. From colonialism to revolution 1900–1982, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983, pp. 13ff., 17, 18, 21. M.D. Newitt, Portuguese settlements on the Zambezi, London: Longman, 1973, p. 208. Ibid., p. 198; J. Duffy, A Question of Slavery. Labour policies in Portuguese Africa and the British Protest, 1850– 1920, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967, p. 67. At one time they attacked and scuttled an entire shipload of Muslim pilgrims. See P.B. de Rezende, “Breve trotado e epilogo todos os visoreys que tem travido no estado da India” [Brief treatise and epilogue on all the vice-realms which have existed in the ` Indian State], Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, MS Portgugais No. l (no date). For the intolerant behavior of Fr. Joao dos Santos during his time in Mozambique between 1590 and 1592, see J. dos Santos, Etiopia Orientale, Lisboa: Bibliteca de Classicos Portugueses, 1981, Vol. 2, pp. 242ff.; P. Schebesta, Portugals Konquistamission in Sudost-Afrika. [Portugal’s Conquest Mission in East Africa], St. Augustin: Steyler Verlag, 1966, pp. 93ff. The term mujoge often appears in J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches, op. cit., p. 30, without explanation. The term appears in M.V. Jackson Haight, European Powers and South-East Africa, op. cit., 1967, p. 314, as mujojo (Port.) and on p. 315 as mujujo (Engl.). Could it refer to a muyao? See R. Honwann, ed., The life history of Paul Honwana. An inside view of Mozambique from colonialism to independence, 1905– 1975, with an introduction by A.F. Isaacman, Boulder & London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1988, which describes mudjodjos as Africans who had converted to Islam and were from Zanzibar, Pemba and the Comoros (p. 94). Documents on the Portuguese in Mozambique and Central Africa, ed. A. da Silva Rego, Lisboa: Centro de ´ estudos historicos ultramarinos, 1971, Vol. 7, pp. 504, 505. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, “Mozambique” in Encyclopedia of Islam, second edition, Vol. 7, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1993, p. 245; J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches, op. cit., p. 206. Although Elton refers to Landolphia Kirkii, it is more likely that the creeper he refers to was the rubber vine, Saba Comorensis (Sw. mbungo). Quoted by R. Coupland, East Africa and its Invaders, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1938, pp. 183ff. Smee’s, Owen’s and others’ indignation had to do with the trade itself and the treatment of captured people as chattels. E.H. Burrows, Captain Owen of the African Survey, Rotterdam: Balkema, 1979, p. 123. In Mesopotamia slaves from East Africa revolted in 696, and between 869 and 883 they threatened the Caliphate in Southern Iraq. The Portuguese shipped slaves to Brazil. See R. Oliver & G. Mathew, eds., History of East Africa, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963, Vol. I, p. 101. T.H. Henriksen, Mozambique. A History, London: Rex Collins, 1978, p. 17. J. Duffy, Portuguese Africa, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959, p. 37. E.A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa: Changing Patterns of International Trade to the Late Nineteenth Century, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1975, p. 92ff., referring to G.M. Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, London: W. Clowes, 1898, Vol. 5, pp. 124–126. See also A.A. de Andrade, Relacoes de Mocambique Setentista [Descriptions of Northern Mozambique], ¸˜ ¸ Lisboa: Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1955, p. 100, where the name is given as Baxira Mocalli (Bashir Musa Ali?). J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches, op. cit., p. 141. ´ No author listed, “Inquerito em Mocambique no anno de 1573” [Enquiry into Mozambique from ¸ the year 1573], in Studia, ed. Alcantara Guerreiro, Vol. 6, no city of publication or publisher, ´ ´nio Gomes, da Companhia de 1960, pp. 7– 19; Antonio Gomes, “Viagem que fez o Padre Anto Jesus ao Imperio de Monomotapa; e assistencia que fez nas ditas terras de algus annos” [Antonio Gomes, Travels made by Padre Antonio Gomes, Society of Jesus, to the Empire of Monomotapa and the assistance made in those territories in different years], Studia, Vol. 3, no city of publication or publisher, 1957, p. 241, referred to by M. Newitt, A History of Mozambique, London: Hurst & Co., 1995, p. 181ff. A. Lobato, Sobre Cultura Mocambicana [Regarding Mozambiquan Culture], Lisboa: Centro de ¸ ´ricos Ultramarinos, 1952, p. 125. For reasons why Indian traders appeared in such Estudos Histo

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21. 22.

23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

31. 32.

33.

34.

35. 36. 37.

38.

39.

numbers on the East African Coast, see E.A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa, op. cit., p. 90ff. Banian, Ar. banyan from Gujarati vaniyo—man of trading caste. ¸ E.A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa, op. cit., p. 92. ˆ ´ ´ ´ M.S. Alberto e F.A. Toscano, O Oriente Africano Portugues. Sıntese chonologia da Historia de Mocam¸ bique [Portuguese East Africa. A chronological synthesis of Mozambiquan history], Lorenco ¸ Marques: Minerva Cantral, 1938, p. 58; E. Axelsson, Portuguese in South-East Africa 1600–1700, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1960, p.182. E.A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa, op. cit., p. 93, referring to G.M. Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, op. cit., Vol. 5, pp. 143– 145. E.A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa, op. cit., p. 93, referring to G.M. Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, op. cit., Vol. 5, pp. 155– 158. E.A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa, op. cit., p. 94. Ibid., pp. 92–94; E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 305. M.V. Jackson Haight, European Powers and South-East Africa, op. cit., p. 45. A.A. Andrade, Relacoes de Mocambique, op. cit., p. 97. ¸˜ ¸ M.V. Jackson Haight, European Powers and South-East Africa, op. cit., p. 79ff. E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 306 referring to J.J.N. de Andrade, “Descripcao da ¸ ˜ Estrada em que Ficavao os Negocios da Capitania de Mossambique nos Fins de Novembro de 1789 com Algumas Observacoens, e reflecoens a causa da decadencia do Commercio dos Estabelec¸ ¸ imentos Portugueses na Costa Oriental da Africa” [A description of the direction that had been taken by the affairs of the Mozambique Capital by the end of November 1789 together with some remarks and reflections on the cause for the commercial decline in the Portuguese establishments on the East ´ Coast of Africa], in Arquivo das Colonias [Colonial Archives], Lisboa: no publisher, Vol. 1, pp. 75 –96, 115– 34, 166–184, 213 –35, 275–88. M.D. Newitt, Portuguese settlements on the Zambezi, op. cit., p. 217; M.V. Jackson Haight, European Powers and South-East Africa, op. cit., p. 141ff. E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 306. The level of Muslim penetration may be assessed by the fact that the information most of the slaves imported to the Cape Colony at this time was from Mozambique and that it was at the Cape that they embraced Islam. G.M. Theal, Records of the Cape Colony, Cape Town: Govt. Printers, 1903, Vol. 6, p. 271, referring to a letter from the Earl of Caledon to Viscount Castlereagh dated 4 February 1808. E.do Couto Lupi, Angoche, Lisboa: Typographia do Annuario Commercial, 1907, p. 183; J. de A. Coutinho, Do Nyasa a Pemba [From Nyasa to Pemba], Lisboa: Typographia do Companhia Nacional Editora, 1893, p. 10f. ˆ F.A. Monteiro, “As communidades islamicas em Mocambique: Mecanismos de communicacao” ¸ ¸˜ [The Islamic Communities in Mozambique: Means of Communication], Africana (Porto), Vol. 4, 1989, p. 69. In 1866, D. Livingstone’s Arab guide at Cape Delgado indicated that no attempt had been made to bring the Makonde into the household of faith although he noted that some Makonde slaves at the coast had become Muslims. See D. Livingstone, Last Journals, London: J. Murray, 1874, Vol. 1, p. 23f. Elton, while traveling in the area in 1875–1876, noted that Islam was established in certain localities. Some Makua chiefs wore kanzus even if they were not Muslims. See J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches, op. cit., pp. 171, 178, 197; J. de A. Coutinho, Do Nyasa a Pemba, op. cit., pp. 40, 42, 44; cf. J. Stevenson-Hamilton, “Notes on a journey through Portuguese East Africa, from Ibo to Lake Nyasa”, Geographical Journal, Vol. 34, 1909, p. 525f. J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches, op. cit., pp. 171, 172. J. Duffy, A Question of Slavery, op. cit., p. 68. Ibid., p. 85 footnote; J.F. Elton, Travels and Researches, op. cit., pp. 206, 207, mentions that coffee grew wild on the mountains in the region of the Nkomburi (Mecuburi) River (Nampula Province) and was exported. In that area he encountered a “British protected subject from Cutch” who had been in the area for 14 years, i.e. since 1862. F. Desmaroux, “Informacoes acerca da situacao moral e religiosa e dos usos e costumes dos povos no ¸˜ ¸˜ ´ ˆ ˜ meio das quais a Missao dos Santos Anjos e destinada a exercer a sua influencia (Zambezi)” [Information regarding the moral and religious situation and the habits and customs of the people among whom the Holy Angels Mission is meant to exert its influence (Zambezi)], Boletim da sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa [Bulletin of the Geographical Society of Lisbon], Vol. 14, 1895, p. 680f. E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 311; A. Thorold, “Yao Conversion to Islam”, Cambridge Anthropology, No. 12, 1987, p. 24.

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40. A.E. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 311; M.G. Amaral, O Povo Yao - Subsidios para o Estudo de um Povo do Noroeste de Mocambique [The Yao People – Subsidy in regard to the study of a people in ¸ Northeastern Mozambique], Lisboa: Instituto de Investigacao Cientifica e Tropical, 1990, p. 379; ¸˜ R. Greenstein, “Shaykhs and Tariqas: The Early Muslim ‘Ulama’ and Tariqa Development in Malawi (c. 1885–1949)”, Seminar Paper, History Department, Chancellor College, University of Malawi, 1976/77, p. 22. 41. R.C.H. Shell, “Islam in Southern Africa 1652–1998”, in The History of Islam in Africa, eds. N. Levtzion & R.L. Pouwels, Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2000, p. 338f.; M. Brandel Syrier, The religious duties of Islam as taught and explained by Abu Bakr Effendi, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971, p. vff.; S.A. Rochlin, “Aspects of Islam in 19th Century South Africa”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. 8, 1936, pp. 213–221. 42. J. de A.Coutinho, Do Nyasa a Pemba, op. cit., p. 46. 43. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, “Mozambique”, op. cit., p. 246. 44. Ibid. ´ 45. F.A. da Silva Neves, Informacoes a cerca da Capitania-Mor de Angoche [Information about the Capita¸˜ ´ nia-Mor of Angoche], Mocambique: Impressa Nacional, 1901, p. 17. ¸ 46. J.P. de Sampaio Forjaz de Serpa Pimental, No Districto de Mocambique - Memorias, Estudos e Consider¸ acoes (1902 –1904) [Our Mozambique District – Memoirs, Studies and Considerations], Lisboa: no ¸˜ publisher, 1905, p. 75. 47. Ibid., p. 158; E. Do C. Lupi, Angoche, op. cit., p. 176ff.; P.M. de Amorim, Districto de Mocambique— ¸ Relatorio do Governador (1906–1907) [The District of Mozambique—Governor’s Report (1906– 1907)], Lorenco Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1908, p. 74. ¸ 48. E.J. de Vilhena, Companhia do Nyasa—Relatorios e Memorias sobre os Territorios pelo Governador [The Nyasa Company—Reports and Memoirs Regarding the Terriories by the Governor], Lisboa: Typographia da “A Editoria”, 1905, pp. 10f, 234f. 49. A.H. Nimtz, Islam and Politics in East Africa: The Sufi Order in Tanzania, Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1980, p. 60 ´ ˆ 50. A.P. de Carvalho, “Notas para a Historia das Confrarias Islamicas na Ilha de Mocambique” [Mem¸ oranda on the history of the Islamic brotherhoods on Mozambique Island], Arquivo (Maputo), 1988, p. 61ff.; E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 311. Ittifaq . Ar. Ittafaqa – agree, conform ¯ wafiqa. ` 51. Sadate .Ar. saada—happy, prosperous, illustrious. Sadate comes from one of the plurals of “sayyid”; “sadat”, which in Swahili, with its emphasis on open syllables, becomes “sedate”, hence the name would imply “the Qadiriyya of the Masters”. ´ 52. A.P. de Carvalho, “Notas para a Historia”, op. cit., p. 63ff.; B.B. Joao, Abdul Kamal-Megama (1892– 1966): “Pouvoir et religion dans un district de Nord-Mozambique” [Power and religion in a northern ´´ Mozambiquan district], Islam et Societes au sud du Sahara [Islam and Societies South of the Sahara], Vol. 4, 1990, p. 139ff. ˆ 53. Zawiya originally referred to the corner of a building, a small mosque, a prayer room. It then came to refer to a building or group of buildings of a religious nature. Alpers, referring to the case of Mtumwa bt.`Ali b. Yusufu of Nkhotakota, has suggested that women played a more important role in the spread of Islam through the turuq. E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 313. ´ria”, op. cit., p. 60ff.; cf. A.P. Caplan, Choice and Constraint in a 54. A.P. de Carvalho, “Notas para a Histo Swahili Community: Property, Hierarchy, and Cognatic Descent on the East African Coast, London: OUP, 1975, p. 94ff. ´ 55. Malaıa would seem to indicate that the long white gown, known in Swahili as kanzu, originated ´ among the Malay. Cabaia is the Portuguese word for a Turkish tunic. Cofio refers to the embroidered cap known in Swahili as kofia. ´ 56. A. Ennes, Mocambique: Relatorio apresentado ao governo [Mozambique: Report presented to the ¸ government], Lisboa: Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 1913, p. 516. 57. Ibid., p. 517. ˆ ˆ ˆ 58. J.J. Goncalves, “Influencia arabo-islamica em Mocambique”, op. cit., p. 274, quotes A. de Souza ¸ ¸ ˆ ´ Franklin, A ameaca islamica na Guine Portuguesa [Regarding the Islamic threat in Portuguese ¸ Guinea], who estimated the Muslim population to have been approximately 66,000 in 1956. J. de ´ ˆ ˆ Garcia Domingues, Influencia Arabo-Islamica no Ultramar [The Arab-Islamic Influence in our Overseas territories] (Estudos Ultramarinos. Revista do Instituto Superior de estudos Ultramarinos, Vol. 5, Nos. 1–3, 1955, p. 268) estimated around 60,000 Muslims in 1955. The general census of 1950 gave the figure of 598,767 Muslims, while A. da Silva Rego, Curso de Missionologia (Lisboa:

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59.

60.

61. 62. 63.

64. 65.

66. 67.

68.

69.

70. 71. 72. 73.

´ ˆ ˆ ˆ Centro de Estudos Polıticos e Sociais, 1946, as quoted in J.J. Goncalves, “Influencia arabo-islamica ¸ em Mocambique”, op. cit.), estimated half a million in 1956. The January/February issue of Portugal ¸ in Africa (Catolicismo no Ultramar Portugues, Vol. 13, No. 73, pp. 51 –62, as quoted in J.J. Goncalves, ¸ ˆ ˆ ˆ “Influencia arabo-islamica em Mocambique”, op. cit.), calculated that there were half a million ¸ ´ ´ Muslims in the diocese of Nampula. O Missionario Catolico [The Catholic Missionary] (2nd Series, Vol. 32, No. 31, July 1956), in an article entitled “Maometanos em Mocambique”, quoted from a ¸ Fides report which referred to 563,000 Muslims in the diocese of Nampula. The Review of the African Clergy (Lorenco Marques, 1965, p. 258ff.) estimated over 100,000 in the Dioceses of ˆ Lorenco Marques, Beira and Quelimane (p. 258ff.). A.F.J. Peirone, “Importancia do Estudo da ´ Lingua e da Cultura Arabe para a Missionacaao dos Indigenas Islamizados de Mocambique” [The ¸˜ ¸ importance of study of the Arabic language and culture for missionary work among the islamized indegenes of Mozambique], Garcia de Orta, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1956, pp. 371–381, gives the number as 700,000, in comparison with L. Massignon’s and Pellegrin’s estimates, which he quotes as 60,000 and 80,000 respectively; M. Brelvi, Islam in Africa, Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1964, pp. 539– 543, gives the figure as 7%. E. Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, Hamondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1969, p. 39. In 1967, it was estimated that there were 900,000 Muslims in the coastal zones of Cabo Delgado, Mozambique and Zambezia. See T.H. Henriksen, Mozambique. A History, London: Rex Collings, 1978, p. 22, quoting A.B. Herrick, et al., Area Handbook for Mozambique, Washington, DC: US State Department, 1969, p. 110. The 1970 census gives the figure of 8,168,933 for the total population. J. Murray, ed., Cultural Atlas of Africa, Oxford: Phaidon Press, 1981, p. 199. See R. Ammah, “New Light on Muslim Statistics for Africa”, Bulletin on Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations in Africa, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 1984, p. 18, gives the figure of 1,384,750, representing 13% of the total population of 10,375,000. The Islamic Forum for Africa map and calendar for 2001 gives the figure as 29%, with 5,184,599 Muslims in a population of 17,877,927. ˆ ˆ ˆ J.J. Goncalves, “Influencia arabo-islamica em Mocambique”, op. cit., p. 276. ¸ ¸ Ibid., p. 281ff. ´ Ibid., p. 277, quoting G. Cota, Projecto Definitivo do Estatuto do Direito Privado dos Indigenes da Colonia de Mocambique [A definitive project regarding the statutes of the civil law of the indigenes of the ¸ Mozambique colony], Lorenco Marques: no publisher, 1946. See also p. 280. ¸ ˆ ˆ ˆ J.J. Goncalves, “Influencia arabo-islamica em Mocambique”, op. cit., p. 277. ¸ ¸ Referred to by E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., p. 314, referring to Departamento de His´ria, 1993, p. 49, in Archivo Historico de Mocambique [Historical Archives of Mozambique], Maputo: ´ to ¸ Fundo Governo Geral, Caixa 2450, Vol. 1, p. 56ff. Ibid. E.A. Alpers, “East Central Africa”, op. cit., referring to A.M. Pedro, “Influencias politico-sociais do Islamismo em Mocambique (Relatorio Confidential)” [Islamic politico-social influences in Mozambique (Confidential Report), Typescript dated 31 May 1961; Anonymous, “Islam in Mozambique (East Africa)]”, Islamic Literature, Vol. 15, No. 9, 1969, p. 50. E. Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, op. cit., p. 106. A. & B. Isaacman, Mozambique. From colonialism to revolution, op. cit., p. 73. See also M.D.D. Newitt, A History of Mozambique, London: Hurst, 1981, p. 131 and Branquinho, Prospeccao [Prospectives], pp. 56, 81, 108, as quoted by E. Mondlane, ¸˜ The Struggle for Mozambique, op. cit. ˆ F.A. Monteiro, “As communidades islamicas em Mocambique”, op. cit., pp. 80ff., 84ff.; F.A. Mon¸ ˜ teiro, “Sobre a actuacao da corente ‘Wahhabita’ no Islao Mocambicana: Algumas notas relativas ao ¸˜ ¸ ´ perıodo 1964– 1974” [On the activity of the Wahhabi movement in Mozambiquan Islam: Some notes pertaining to the period 1964– 1974], Africana (Porto), Vol. 12, 1993, pp. 85 –111; O Islao, o poder, e ˜ a guerra (Mocambique 1964 –1974) [Islam, Power and the War. (Mozambique 1964– 1974)], Porto: ¸ Universidade Portucalense, 1993; E.A. Alpers, “Islam in the service of Colonialism? Portuguese strategy during the Armed Liberation Struggle in Mozambique”, Lusotopie: Enjeux contemporains dans les espaces lusophones [Lusotopie: Contemporary risks in lusophone areas], Paris: Karthala, 1999, pp. 165– 184. ` A.S. Farsy, The Shafıi Ulama of East Africa, ca. 1830 –1970. A Hagiographic Account, Translated, edited & annotated by R.L. Pouwels, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin, 1989, pp. 99– 102. ˆ F.A. Monteiro, “As communidades islamicas em Mocambique”, op. cit., p. 83. ¸ E. Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, op. cit., pp. 120, 129. Ibid., pp. 128, 197ff.

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74. Ibid., pp. 130f. 75. Ibid., pp. 175ff. 76. “Bush” refers to “rural areas”, commonly used in East and South Africa, e.g. bush station, bush school, etc. 77. Ibid., pp. 54, 67; 2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom: Mozambique, available online at: ,www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/irf/irf_rpt/irf_mozambique.html., 01.02.01, p. 3; According to the 1997 census, Indians represented 0.08% of the population. See online ,www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/mz.htm.. “Indians in Mozambique”, Africa Today, Vol. 10, February 1963, pp. 12 –13. 78. J. Hanlon, Mozambique. Who calls the shots, London: J. Currey, 1991, p. 12. ´ 79. F. Constantin, “Mozambique: Du colonialisme catholique a l’etat marxiste” [Mozambique: From ´ Catholique Colonialism to Marxist State], Les communautes musulmanes d’Afrique oriental (Pau) [Muslim communities in East Africa (Pau)], No. 1, 1983, p. 89ff.; Anonymous, “Islam in Mozambique (East Africa)”, op. cit. 80. M. Hall & T. Young, Confronting Leviathan. Mozambique since independence, London: Hurst & Co., 1997, p. 86ff. See also R. Ammah, “New Light on Muslim Statistics”, op. cit., p. 18. 81. “Une-nos o amor a patria: Presidente Samora Machel aos dirigentes religiosos” [Love of the fatherland unites us: President Samoral Machel to religious leaders], Tempo (Maputo), No. 637, December ´ 26, 1982, pp. 24 –29; F. Constantin, “Mozambique: Du colonialisme catholique a l’etat marxiste”, op. cit., p. 93. 82. M. Hall & T. Young, Confronting Leviathan, op. cit., p. 177. 83. Quoted in ibid., p. 201. 84. Ibid., pp. 200f. 85. Quoted in ibid., p. 212. 86. 2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom: Mozambique, available online at: www.state. gov/www/global/human_rights/irf/irf_rpt/irf_mozambique.html, p.1. 87. Ibid., p. 2. 88. Ibid., p. 2. 89. See online: ,www.mozambique.mz/governo/eleicoes/deputa.htm.; According to Impact International, Vol. 29, No. 11, November 1999, pp. 30 –31, there were fifty-nine Muslim deputies in the previous government. 90. Ibid., pp. 30– 31; see online at: ,www.mozambique.mz/governo/eleicoes/finais.htm. 01.02.01; 2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom: Mozambique, available online at: ,www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/irf/irf_rpt/irf_mozambique.html., p. 3. 91. S. Siefert, “Muslime in Mosambik—Versuch einer Bestandsaufnahme” [Muslims in Mozambique— Attempt at stocktaking], Bielefeld: Universitat Bielefeld Forschungsprogramm Entwicklungspolitik, ¨ No. 36, 1994. 92. See online: ,www.paginaislamica.8m.com/communida.htm. 93. The statistics show that in 1996, there were 216 pilgrims; in 1997, 154; in 1998, 200; in 1999, 309; and in 2000, 187 (Foundation of Pilgrimage for non –Arabic African Countries, Mecca). The lower numbers seem to coincide with periods of tension or natural disasters. 94. 2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom: Mozambique, available online at: ,www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/irf/irf_rpt/irf_mozambique.html., p. 2. 95. Ibid., p. 3.

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