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Qualitative Research: Rigour and qualitative research -- Mays and Pope 311 (6997): 109 -- BMJ

06/03/2007 07:59 PM

BMJ 1995;311:109-112 (8 July)

Education and debate

Qualitative Research: Rigour and qualitative research


Nicholas Mays, director of health services research, a Catherine Pope, lecturer in social and behavioural medicine b
a King's Fund Institute, London W2 4HT , b Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University of Leicester,

Leicester LE1 6TP


Correspondence to: Mr Mays.
Various strategies are available within qualitative research to protect against bias and enhance the reliability of findings. This
paper gives examples of the principal approaches and summarises them into a methodological checklist to help readers of
reports of qualitative projects to assess the quality of the research.
Criticisms of qualitative research
In the health field--with its strong tradition of biomedical research using conventional, quantitative, and often experimental
methods--qualitative research is often criticised for lacking scientific rigour. To label an approach "unscientific" is peculiarly
damning in an era when scientific knowledge is generally regarded as the highest form of knowing. The most commonly heard
criticisms are, firstly, that qualitative research is merely an assembly of anecdote and personal impressions, strongly subject
to researcher bias; secondly, it is argued that qualiative research lacks reproducibility--the research is so personal to the
researcher that there is no guarantee that a different researcher would not come to radically different conclusions; and, finally,
qualitative research is criticised for lacking generalisability. It is said that qualitative methods tend to generate large amounts
of detailed information about a small number of settings.
Is qualitative research different?
The pervasive assumption underlying all these criticisms is that quantitative and qualitative approaches are fundamentally
different in their ability to ensure the validity and reliability of their findings. This distinction, however, is more one of degree than
of type. The problem of the relation of a piece of research to some presumed underlying "truth" applies to the conduct of any
form of social research. "One of the greatest methodological fallacies of the last half century in social research is the belief that
science is a particular set of techniques; it is, rather, a state of mind, or attitude, and the organisational conditions which allow
that attitude to be expressed."1 In quantitative data analysis it is possible to generate statistical representations of phenomena
which may or may not be fully justified since, just as in qualitative work, they will depend on the judgment and skill of the
researcher and the appropriateness to the question answered of the data collected. All research is selective--there is no way
that the researcher can in any sense capture the literal truth of events. All research depends on collecting particular sorts of
evidence through the prism of particular methods, each of which has its strengths and weaknesses. For example, in a sample
survey it is difficult for the researcher to ensure that the questions, categories, and language used in the questionnaire are
shared uniformly by respondents and that the replies returned have the same meanings for all respondents. Similarly, research
that relies exclusively on observation by a single researcher is limited by definition to the perceptions and introspection of the
investigator and by the possibility that the presence of the observer may, in some way that is hard to characterise, have
influenced the behaviour and speech that was witnessed. Britten and Fisher summarise the position neatly by pointing out that
"there is some truth in the quip that quantitative methods are reliable but not valid and that qualitative methods are valid but not
reliable." 2
Strategies to ensure rigour in qualitative research
As in quantitative research, the basic strategy to ensure rigour in qualitative research is systematic and self conscious
research design, data collection, interpretation, and communication. Beyond this, there are two goals that qualitative
researchers should seek to achieve: to create an account of method and data which can stand independently so that another
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Qualitative Research: Rigour and qualitative research -- Mays and Pope 311 (6997): 109 -- BMJ

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researchers should seek to achieve: to create an account of method and data which can stand independently so that another
trained researcher could analyse the same data in the same way and come to essentially the same conclusions; and to
produce a plausible and coherent explanation of the phenomenon under scrutiny. Unfortunately, many qualitative researchers
have neglected to give adequate descriptions in their research reports of their assumptions and methods, particularly with
regard to data analysis. This has contributed to some of the criticisms of bias from quantitative researchers.
Yet the integrity of qualitative projects can be protected throughout the research process. The remainder of this paper
discusses how qualitative researchers attend to issues of validity, reliability, and generalisability.
SAMPLING
Much social science is concerned with classifying different "types" of behaviour and distinguishing the "typical" from the
"atypical." In quantitative research this concern with similarity and difference leads to the use of statistical sampling so as to
maximise external validity or generalisability. Although statistical sampling methods such as random sampling are relatively
uncommon in qualitative investigations, there is no reason in principle why they cannot be used to provide the raw material for
a comparative analysis, particularly when the researcher has no compelling a priori reason for a purposive approach. For
example, a random sample of practices could be studied in an investigation of how and why teamwork in primary health care is
more and less successful in different practices. However, since qualitative data collection is generally more time consuming
and expensive than, for example, a quantitative survey, it is not usually practicable to use a probability sample. Furthermore,
statistical representativeness is not a prime requirement when the objective is to understand social processes.
An alternative approach, often found in qualitative research and often misunderstood in medical circles, is to use systematic,
non-probabilistic sampling. The purpose is not to establish a random or representative sample drawn from a population but
rather to identify specific groups of people who either possess characteristics or live in circumstances relevant to the social
phenomenon being studied. Informants are identified because they will enable exploration of a particular aspect of behaviour
relevant to the research. This approach to sampling allows the researcher deliberately to include a wide range of types of
informants and also to select key informants with access to important sources of knowledge.
"Theoretical" sampling is a specific type of non-probability sampling in which the objective of developing theory or explanation
guides the process of sampling and data collection. 3 Thus, the analyst makes an initial selection of informants; collects, codes,
and analyses the data; and produces a preliminary theoretical explanation before deciding which further data to collect and from
whom. Once these data are analysed, refinements are made to the theory, which may in turn guide further sampling and data
collection. The relation between sampling and explanation is iterative and theoretically led.
To return to the example of the study of primary care team working, some of the theoretically relevant characteristics of general
practices affecting variations in team working might be the range of professions represented in the team, the frequency of
opportunities for communication among team members, the local organisation of services, and whether the practice is in an
urban, city, or rural area. These factors could be identified from other similar research and within existing social science
theories of effective and ineffective team working and would then be used explicitly as sampling categories. Though not
statistically representative of general practices, such a sample is theoretically informed and relevant to the research questions.
It also minimises the possible bias arising from selecting a sample on the basis of convenience.
ENSURING THE RELIABILITY OF AN ANALYSIS
In many forms of qualitative research the raw data are collected in a relatively unstructured form such as tape recordings or
transcripts of conversations. The main ways in which qualitative researchers ensure the retest reliability of their analyses is in
maintaining meticulous records of interviews and observations and by documenting the process of analysis in detail. While it is
possible to analyse such data singlehandedly and use ways of classifying and categorising the data which emerge from the
analysis and remain implicit, more explicit group approaches, which perhaps have more in common with the quantitative social
sciences, are increasingly used. The interpretative procedures are often decided on before the analysis. Thus, for example,
computer software is available to facilitate the analysis of the content of interview transcripts.4 A coding frame can be
developed to characterise each utterance (for example, in relation to the age, sex, and role of the speaker; the topic; and so
on), and transcripts can then be coded by more than one researcher. 5 One of the advantages of audiotaping or videotaping is
the opportunity the tapes offer for subsequent analysis by independent observers.

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The reliability of the analysis of qualitative data can be enhanced by organising an independent assessment of transcripts by
additional skilled qualitative researchers and comparing agreement between the raters. For example, in a study of clinical
encounters between cardiologists and their patients which looked at the differential value each derived from the information
provided by echocardiography, transcripts of the clinic interviews were analysed for content and structure by the principal
researcher and by an independent panel, and the level of agreement was assessed. 6
SAFEGUARDING VALIDITY
Alongside issues of reliability, qualitative researchers give attention to the validity of their findings. "Triangulation" refers to an
approach to data collection in which evidence is deliberately sought from a wide range of different, independent sources and
often by different means (for instance, comparing oral testimony with written records). This approach was used to good effect in
a qualitative study of the effects of the introduction of general management into the NHS. The accounts of doctors, managers,
and patient advocates were explored in order to identify patterns of convergence between data sources to see whether power
relations had shifted appreciably in favour of professional managers and against the medical profession.7

The differences in GPs' interviews with parents of handicapped and nonhandicapped children have been shown by qualitative methods

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Validation strategies sometimes used in qualitative research are to feed the findings back to the participants to see if they
regard the findings as a reasonable account of their experience8 and to use interviews or focus groups with the same people so
that their reactions to the evolving analysis become part of the emerging research data.9 If used in isolation these techniques
assume that fidelity to the participants' commonsense perceptions is the touchstone of validity. In practice, this sort of validation
has to be set alongside other evidence of the plausibility of the research account since different groups are likely to have
different perspectives on what is happening. 10
A related analytical and presentational issue is concerned with the thoroughness with which the researcher examines
"negative" or "deviant" cases--those in which the researcher's explanatory scheme appears weak or is contradicted by the
evidence. The researcher should give a fair account of these occasions and try to explain why the data vary. 11 In the same
way, if the findings of a single case study diverge from those predicted by a previously stated theory, they can be useful in
revising the existing theory in order to increase its reliability and validity.
VALIDITY AND EXPLANATION
It is apparent in qualitative research, particularly in observational studies (see the next paper in this series for more on
observational methods), that the researcher can be regarded as a research instrument. 12 Allowing for the inescapable fact
that purely objective observation is not possible in social science, how can the reader judge the credibility of the observer's
account? One solution is to ask a set of questions: how well does this analysis explain why people behave in the way they do;
how comprehensible would this explanation be to a thoughtful participant in the setting; and how well does the explanation it
advances cohere with what we already know?
This is a challenging enough test, but the ideal test of a qualitative analysis, particularly one based on observation, is that the
account it generates should allow another person to learn the "rules" and language sufficiently well to be able to function in the
research setting. In other words, the report should carry sufficient conviction to enable someone else to have the same
experience as the original observer and appreciate the truth of the account. 13 Few readers have the time or inclination to go to
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experience as the original observer and appreciate the truth of the account. 13 Few readers have the time or inclination to go to
such lengths, but this provides an ideal against which the quality of a piece of qualitative work can be judged.
The development of "grounded theory" 3 offers another response to this problem of objectivity. Under the strictures of grounded
theory, the findings must be rendered through a systematic account of a setting that would be clearly recognisable to the people
in the setting (by, for example, recording their words, ideas, and actions) while at the same time being more structured and self
consciously explanatory than anything that the participants themselves would produce.
Attending to the context
Some pieces of qualitative research consist of a case study carried out in considerable detail in order to produce a naturalistic
account of everyday life. For example, a researcher wishing to observe care in an acute hospital around the clock may not be
able to study more than one hospital. Again the issue of generalisability, or what can be learnt from a single case, arises. Here,
it is essential to take care to describe the context and particulars of the case study and to flag up for the reader the similarities
and differences between the case study and other settings of the same type. A related way of making the best use of case
studies is to show how the case study contributes to and fits with a body of social theory and other empirical work.12 The final
paper in this series discusses qualitative case studies in more detail.
COLLECTING DATA DIRECTLY
Another defence against the charge that qualitative research is merely impressionistic is that of separating the evidence from
secondhand sources and hearsay from the evidence derived from direct observation of behaviour in situ. It is important to
ensure that the observer has had adequate time to become thoroughly familiar with the milieu under scrutiny and that the
participants have had the time to become accustomed to having the researcher around. It is also worth asking whether the
observer has witnessed a wide enough range of activities in the study site to be able to draw conclusions about typical and
atypical forms of behaviour--for example, were observations undertaken at different times? The extent to which the observer
has succeeded in establishing an intimate understanding of the research setting is often shown in the way in which the
subsequent account shows sensitivity to the specifics of language and its meanings in the setting.
MINIMISING RESEARCHER BIAS IN THE PRESENTATION OF RESULTS
Although it is not normally appropriate to write up qualitative research in the conventional format of the scientific paper, with a
rigid distinction between the results and discussion sections of the account, it is important that the presentation of the research
allows the reader as far as possible to distinguish the data, the analytic framework used, and the interpretation. 1 In quantitative
research these distinctions are conventionally and neatly presented in the methods section, numerical tables, and the
accompanying commentary. Qualitative research depends in much larger part on producing a convincing account. 14 In trying
to do this it is all too easy to construct a narrative that relies on the reader's trust in the integrity and fairness of the researcher.
The equivalent in quantitative research is to present tables of data setting out the statistical relations between operational
definitions of variables without giving any idea of how the phenomena they represent present themselves in naturally occurring
settings.1 The need to quantify can lead to imposing arbitrary categories on complex phenomena, just as data extraction in
qualitative research can be used selectively to tell a story that is rhetorically convincing but scientifically incomplete.
The problem with presenting qualitative analyses objectively is the sheer volume of data customarily available and the
relatively greater difficulty faced by the researcher in summarising qualitative data. It has been suggested that a full transcript
of the raw data should be made available to the reader on microfilm or computer disk,11 although this would be cumbersome.
Another partial solution is to present extensive sequences from the original data (say, of conversations), followed by a detailed
commentary.
Another option is to combine a qualitative analysis with some quantitative summary of the results. The quantification is used
merely to condense the results to make them easily intelligible; the approach to the analysis remains qualitative since naturally
occurring events identified on theoretical grounds are being counted. The table shows how Silverman compared the format of
the doctor's initial questions to parents in a paediatric cardiology clinic when the child was not handicapped with a smaller
number of cases when the child had Down's syndrome. A minimum of interpretation was needed to contrast the two sorts of
interview.15 16

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Assessing a piece of qualitative research


This short paper has shown some of the ways in which researchers working in the qualitative tradition have endeavoured to
ensure the rigour of their work. It is hoped that this summary will help the prospective reader of reports of qualitative research
to identify some of the key questions to ask when trying to assess its quality. A range of helpful checklists has been published
to assist readers of quantitative research assess the design 17 and statistical 18 and economic 19 aspects of individual published
papers and review articles. 20 Likewise, the contents of this paper have been condensed into a checklist for readers of
qualitative studies, covering design, data collection, analysis, and reporting (box). We hope that the checklist will give readers
of studies in health and health care research that use qualitative methods the confidence to subject them to critical scrutiny.

Questions to ask of a qualitative study


* Overall, did the researcher make explicit
in the account the theoretical framework and
methods used at every stage of the research?
* Was the context clearly described?
* Was the sampling strategy clearly described
and justified?
* Was the sampling strategy theoretically comprehensive to ensure the generalisability of the
conceptual analyses (diverse range of individuals
and settings, for example)?
* How was the fieldwork undertaken? Was it
described in detail?
* Could the evidence (fieldwork notes, interview transcripts, recordings, documentary
analysis, etc) be inspected independently by
others; if relevant, could the process of
transcription be independently inspected?
* Were the procedures for data analysis clearly
described and theoretically justified? Did they
relate to the original research questions? How
were themes and concepts identified from the
data?
* Was the analysis repeated by more than one
researcher to ensure reliability?
* Did the investigator make use of quantitative
evidence to test qualitative conclusions where
appropriate?
* Did the investigator give evidence of seeking
out observations that might have contradicted or
modified the analysis?
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modified the analysis?


* Was sufficient of the original evidence presented systematically in the written account to
satisfy the sceptical reader of the relation
between the interpretation and the evidence
(for example, were quotations numbered and
sources given)?

Form of doctor's questions to parents at a paediatric cardiology


clinic15
---------------------------------------------------------------------------Question
No of times asked
---------------------------------------------------------------------------Random sample of children without handicap (n=22):
Is he/she well?
11
From your point of view, is he/she a well baby?
2
Do you notice anything wrong with her/him?
1
From the heart point of view, she/he's active?
1
How is he/she?
4
Question not asked
3
Children with Down's syndrome (n=12):
Is he/she well?
0
From your point of view, is he/she a well baby?
1
Do you notice anything wrong with her/him?
0
As far as his/her heart is concerned, does he/she get breathless?
1
Does she/he get a few chest infections?
1
How is he/she (this little boy/girl) in himself/herself?
6
Question not asked
3
Further reading
Hammersley M. Reading ethnographic research. London: Longman, 1990.
1. Dingwall R. 'Don't mind him--he's from Barcelona': qualitative methods in health studies. In: Daly J, MacDonald I, Willis
E, eds. Researching health care: designs, dilemmas, disciplines. London: Tavistock/Routledge, 1992:161-75 .
2. Britten N, Fisher B. Qualitative research and general practice [editorial]. Br J Gen Pract 1993;43:270-1. [Medline]
3. Glaser BG, Strauss AL. The discovery of grounded theory. Chicago: Aldine, 1967.
4. Seidel J, Clark JA. The ethnograph: a computer program for the analysis of qualitative data. Qualitative Sociology
1984;7:110-25.
5. Krippendorff K. Content analysis: an introduction to its methodology. London: Sage: 1980.
6. Daly J, MacDonald I, Willis E. Why don't you ask them? A qualitative research framework for investigating the
diagnosis of cardiac normality. In: Daly J, MacDonald I, Willis E, eds. Researching health care: designs, dilemmas,
disciplines. London: Tavistock/Routledge, 1992:189-206.
7. Pollitt C, Harrison S, Hunter DJ, Marnoch G. No hiding place: on the discomforts of researching the contemporary
policy process. Journal of Social Policys 1990:19:169-90.
8. McKeganey NP, Bloor MJ. On the retrieval of sociological descriptions: respondent validation and the critical case of
ethnomethodology. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 1981;1:58-69.
9. Oakley A. The sociology of housework. Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1974.
10 . Brannen J. Combining qualitative and quantitative approaches: an overview. In: Mixing methods: qualitative and
quantitative research. Aldershot: Avebury, 1992:3-37.
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quantitative research. Aldershot: Avebury, 1992:3-37.


11 . Waitzkin H. On studying the discourse of medical encounters: a critique of quantitative and qualitative methods and a
proposal for reasonable compromise. Med Care 1990;28:473-88. [Medline]
12 . Mechanic D. Medical sociology: some tensions among theory, method and substance. J Health Soc Behav 1989;30:14760. [Medline]
13 . Fielding N. Ethnography. In: Gilbert N, ed. Researching social life. London: Sage, 1993, 154-71.
14 . Silverman D. Telling convincing stories: a plea for cautious positivism in case studies. In: Glassner B, Moreno J, eds.
The qualitative-quantitative distinction in the social sciences. Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1989:57-77.
15 . Silverman D. Applying the qualitative method to clinical care. In: Daly J, MacDonald I, Willis E, eds. Researching
health care: designs, dilemmas, disciplines. London: Tavistock/Routledge, 1992:176-88.
16 . Silverman D. The child as a social object: Down's syndrome children in a paediatric cardiology clinic. Sociology of Health
and Illness 1981;3:254-74.
17 . Fowkes FGR, Fulton PM. Critical appraisal of published research: introductory guidelines. BMJ 1991;302:1136-40.
[Medline]
18 . Gardner MJ, Machin D, Campbell MJ. Use of check lists in assessing the statistical content of medical studies. BMJ
1986;292:810-2. [Medline]
19 . Department of Clinical Epidemiology and Biostatistics. How to read clinical journals. VII. To understand an economic
evaluation (part B). Can Med Assoc J 1984;130:1542-9. [Medline]
20 . Oxman AD, Guyatt GH. Guidelines for reading literature reviews. Can Med Assoc J 1988;138:697-703. [Abstract]

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