Social Work Education

Vol. 25, No. 2, March 2006, pp. 119128

Child Soldiers in Sierra Leone and the

Problems of Demobilisation,
Rehabilitation and Reintegration into
Society: Some Lessons for Social
Workers in War-torn Societies
Tunde B. Zack-Williams

Between March 1991 and February 2002 Sierra Leone was engulfed in a bloody and
protracted civil war in which tens of thousands of people were killed, many more injured,
over half of the population displaced and millions of pounds worth of property destroyed.
Much of the violence unleashed, particularly on the civilian population, was the work of
child soldiers. The phenomenon of child soldiers raises many issues of childrens wellbeing, although this phenomenon is not unique to Africa.
In this paper, I briefly analyse the reasons for and the nature of the conflict, in
particular the social forces which impelled children to join social movements challenging
for state hegemony. I focus on how peripheral capitalism has impacted on the Sierra
Leonean family and how the ensuing political and economic crises have left Sierra
Leonean children with little security, forcing them to turn to family surrogates (social
movements) for protection. I examine the processes of demobilisation, rehabilitation and
reintegration of former child combatants and some of the problems and challenges to
social work and social workers working with traumatised children from war ravaged
communities in African nations. I suggest that Tonnies dichotomy between
Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft offers a useful framework for social work education
in this context.
Keywords: Child Soldiers; Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft; Social Movements; Trauma

Introduction
In an article published in this journal, Jacob Kornbeck (2001) draws attention to the
usefulness of Ferdinand Tonnies analytical dichotomy, Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft
Correspondence to: Tunde B. Zack-Williams, Professor of Sociology, Department of Education and Social Science,
University of Central Lancashire, Preston PR1 2HE, UK. Email: tzackwilliams@uclan.ac.uk

ISSN 0261-5479 print/1470-1227 online # 2006 The Board of Social Work Education
DOI: 10.1080/02615470500487085

120 T. B. Zack-Williams

as an explanatory framework in social work education, particularly in identifying

individual social work education modules relevance to immigrant-and-migrant
related problems in social work practice (p. 247). He argues that this paradigm could
be utilised in locating dual skills elements in social work training and practice. In
what follows, I analyse how Tonnies paradigmatic framework can be used in
informing social work education and training for those working with former child
combatants in the civil war in the West African country of Sierra Leone.
Theorising Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft
In analysing Tonnies principles of social organisation, Kornbeck argues that
Gemeinschaft (community) skills underpin the traditional organic, non-statutory
forms of organisation. These come within the rubric of civil society, including such
institutions as the family (local and extended), and local communities. He notes that
these are useful skills for communication between people who share a common
culture. Thus he observes:
skills concerned with unwritten conventions and inter-personal communication, with half- or irrational appreciation of relationships and problems within and
between groups (and as such) they are effective in communication between people
who share the same culture. (Kornbeck, 2001, p. 248)

In contrast Gesellschaft (society) skills are perceived as scientific, juridical and

administrative. Whilst they work efficiently independent of cultures, nonetheless,
they create problems of another kind as they do not take cultural values into
account (p. 248). As Asante (1988) argues, human action cannot be understood
apart from the emotional aptitudes and cultural definitions of a given context.
Furthermore, Gesellschaft is typified by a global, but more impersonal society, often
referred to as diversity (Kornbeck, 2001, p. 248), unlike the cultural, linguistic and
religious solidarity associated with Gemeinschaft. Kornbeck argues that social science
pedagogical skills are premised on Gesellschaft, leaving the study of Gemeinschaft to
practice-oriented in-service training. In short, Gesellschaft at the epistemological
level is Eurocentricity; thus Kornbeck notes: There is an appalling disharmony
between the high rating which the West gives to its own educational structures and
what it thinks of those found in other parts of the world (p. 255). Eurocentricity,
though a Western Weltanschauung, has transformed itself into a hegemonic universal
paradigm, leaving no room for other worldviews or diversity of perspectives (Keto,
1989).
This prevalence of Eurocentricity raises questions about the role of social workers
in non-Western societies in challenging ethnocentricity, as well as their potential role
as advocates for the oppressed. This is particularly so in countries where International
Monetary Fund and World Bank supported structural adjustment programmes have
institutionalised poverty and marginalised the mass of the population. Indeed,
Kornbeck warns that whilst, globally, religious, cultural and linguistic identities
(Gemeinschaft) are on the increase, and political, legal and rational ones are

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diminishing, social work ignores Gemeinschaft skills at its peril. Furthermore, the
application of Gemeinschaft to social work education can no longer be an option: it
must be an integral part of the social work curriculum.
The theme of cultural relativity and diversity is also raised by Laird (2004),
pointing to the failure of conventional social work tasks and practice to address the
critical socio-economic needs of communities living in sub-Saharan Africa. She
writes: academia in sub-Saharan Africa continues to find itself on the receiving
end of American and European paradigms (which) the development of
indigenous approaches (p. 706). In her view, conflict management strategies are
bound to fail if they are simply replicas of the Euro-America genre. Williams et al.
(2001) commenting on a similar situation in social work education in the Caribbean,
describe it as the most critical and urgent challenge that confronts us (Caribbean
scholars and practitioners) as we move into the 21st century (p. 68). They condemn
the practice of appropriating theoretical shelf social work theories from abroad and
apply(ing) them uncritically to the context of the Caribbean (p. 68). I shall return to
these questions, including that of culturally relevant therapy for ex-child combatants
in Sierra Leone. However, before addressing these concerns I need to discuss
some ethical issues in the process of studying vulnerable children, who have been
over-researched.
Ethics and Methods of Researching Child Soldiers
This study is the result of three short fieldwork visits to Sierra Leone in August
September 2001, December 2001 and December 2002. Prior to these visits I had
conducted fieldwork in Sierra Leone as well as authored manuscripts and articles on
the political economy of underdevelopment in that country. However, by the time I
arrived in the field after the civil war in August 2001, I found that many of the former
child soldiers had started showing signs of research interrogation fatiguetired of
being interrogated about their experiences in the bush by researchers and journalists.
A number of them claimed that the researchers interest was to further their careers.
One former child combatant observed: We feel like animals in the zoo, people come
to talk to us, but our plight remains the same. These concerns raised an added moral
dilemma relating not just to the issue of value interference, but to the responsibility
of the researcher to the respondents, particularly minors and young people who had
experienced both physical and emotional abuse at the hands of the state (and its
agents) as well as adjuncts of civil society. There was no vetting of people who wished
to interview the youngsters; under what conditions; with or without parental or
guardian consent, issues which are all fundamental to the rights of the child in the
developed capitalist societies. Child protection legislations have remained weak in
Sierra Leone, based on the ideological premise of the following maxims:

N
N

There is no success without hardship (Bledsoe, 1990); implying that hardship is an

inherent part of child rearing.
A child should be seen and not heard.

122 T. B. Zack-Williams

Nah Government Pikin, i.e. a child belongs to the Government, and in the case of a
failing or failed state (as was the case of the Sierra Leone state), no one champions the
right of the child.

In order to legitimise respondents autonomy, I decided to abandon any attempts

at individual or group interviews with these vulnerable and troubled young people.
Indeed, the rumours about pending show trials, which preceded the convening of
the Special Court to try those mainly responsible for human rights abuse during the
war, created much anxiety among former combatants, particularly among the young
people. The need to protect the autonomy of the ex-child combatants on the one
hand, and my desire for information concerning what impelled them to join social
movements challenging for state hegemony raised a major sociological dilemma.
However, I recognised the obligation upon the researcher to protect not just the
autonomy and anonymity of respondents, but also to seek informed consent and to
undertake research in a stress-free milieu for respondents. Clearly, it was imperative
to challenge the prevailing attitude towards children as a group with duties, but not
rights. Thus there was a moral decision to be made, and a moral action that should
supersede the desire of the researcher to obtain information at all costs. However,
before this decision was taken, these vulnerable respondents had to be given clear
information regarding their safety, security, confidentiality, the nature of the research
and the aim(s) of the research (Marsh, 2002, p. 34). Autonomy involves the ability of
the respondents, individually or collectively, to withdraw from the research or refuse
to answer questions, if they so wish. As noted above, this stipulation was particularly
relevant given the discussion of who should face the Special Court and, more
importantly, the issue of retribution.
Contacts with the ex-combatants were by necessity circumscribed, whilst at the
same time there was the need for acceptance, in order to avoid any Hawthorne
effects. In short, I had the problem of gaining access to both private settings, for
example, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) working with these young
people and public settings (public offices, and published materials). Nonetheless, I
went into the field with a number of research assets:

N
N

I had established prior contacts with significant numbers of people in the NGO
community who were prepared to accommodate and help me out. The fact that I was
accorded this honour meant that the young people were less apprehensive and felt
more at ease.
The informal nature of the interviewing process and the desire not to disrupt the
routine of the various organisations I visited won the admiration of many field
workers.
My knowledge of the socio-political terrain of the country as well as knowledge of the
local lingua franca, won over many otherwise suspecting people.

In order to compensate for my limited contact with the ex-combatants, I soon

became a non-participant observer, watching the daily routine of the organisations to
which I gained entry. It was also necessary for me to supplement my fieldwork with
visits to agencies dealing with demobilisation, rehabilitation and reintegration of

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former combatants, as well as with library research. I was able to gain information
without subjecting any ex-combatant to any form of interviewing or questioning.
Whilst in Sierra Leone, I visited a number of child protection agencies, local and
international NGOs and government departments including: Child Advocacy and
Rehabilitation (CAR) of the Sierra Leone Red Cross; Children Affected by the War;
National Committee for Distribution, Demobilisation and Reintegration (NCDDR);
Handicap International; UNICEF; CARITAS Freetown; Children Associated with
War (CAW); Conciliation Resources; UNAMSIL; The International Red Cross; the
Ministry of Gender and Social Welfare; Adventist Development and Relief Agency
(ADRA); Family Home Movement; Christian Brothers; Christian Childrens Fund;
Forum for African Women Educationists (FAWE); and the Commission for the
Consolidation of Peace. I spoke to many officials and read many policy documents.
In the Child Advocacy and Rehabilitation Project in Waterloo village on the outskirts
of the capital, I met many of the ex-combatants who were going through a
community sensitisation process. The security alert following the invasions of the
capital after 1997 and 1999, as well as the attempt by the RUF leadership to take over
the government of the country in a putsch in May 2000, led to extra security concerns,
further constraining the work of researchers. In many of these agencies, there were no
clear policies regarding their relationship with researchers and in many cases it was
simply a question of the idiosyncrasy of the person in charge.
Family Transformation, Childrens Vulnerability and the RUF
Studies of former child soldiers highlight the effects of a rupture in the
intergenerational bargain (Zack-Williams, 2001), the ambiguity of the current
generation, the state and global capitalism. This can lead to anomie in the
socialisation process and to alienation of a significant section of the population,
leading to bellicose contestation of the state.
The incorporation of invisible soldiers (Brett & McCallan, 1998) into social
movements contesting state hegemony in African states is partly a consequence of the
technological and ergonomic developments in gun manufacturing which have
drastically reduced the size and weight of assault rifles, as well as the sense of
alienation felt by children. It has been estimated that in Sierra Leone some 10,000
child combatants fought on either side of the civil war (Sesay, 2003). Furthermore,
Peters & Richards (1998) estimate that large numbers of children were killed,
injured and mutilated, with half of the RUF combatants being between 8 and 14 years
old.
In earlier works I drew attention to the events leading to the civil war in Sierra
Leone, as well as the causal factors including: economic mismanagement; the impact
of Structural Adjustment Programmes; the absence of political and economic
transparency; corruption; the social exclusion of young people and the crisis of the
Sierra Leonean youth (Zack-Williams, 1999; Zack-Williams et al., 2002). Next, I
focus on how family transformation has left the Sierra Leonean child very vulnerable
and exposed to propaganda of social movements.

124 T. B. Zack-Williams

The transition to peripheral capitalism over the past four decades and the effects of
structural adjustment programmes in the last two decades have impacted on the
traditional Sierra Leonean family, leading to its atomisation. To understand why
African children, brought up in an essentially Gemeinschaft environment, with strong
reciprocal bonds of sentiment and kinship, are now being pulled towards social
movements challenging the existing order, one has to question this assertion of a
static extended family and its elasticity to cope (Zack-Williams, 2001).
The emergence of peripheral capitalism not only leads to the proletarianisation of
sections of the working population by destroying pre-existing modes, but by
conserving some of the latter to serve the needs of accumulation, peripheral
capitalism denies the proletarianised masses the welfare provisions which are taken
for granted in capitalism of the centre (Zack-Williams, 1995). The super-exploitative
nature of imperialism, imposed upon local kleptocratic political and economic
structures, has led to capital flight, uneven development and the inability of local
social institutions such as the family to cope with the exigencies of life within
peripheral capitalist formations. The result is additional burdens on the family, in
contrast to capitalism of the centre where the traditional functions of the family have
been eroded by state-sponsored institutions. One way families have tried to cope with
such crises in the past is through the wardship (mehn pikin) system. This system,
designed to promote the childs future prospects, involves fostering him/her to more
affluent families, friends or relations; it is potentially exploitative (Bledsoe, 1990).
These children often are deprived of education, whilst having to do chores for
children of their foster parents, in order to free the latter to study. Bledsoe points out
that whilst modern education is highly valued, it creates ambivalence, as modern
knowledge and the way it is taught disrupt the ideal relationship of debt and
recompense linking master and student (Bledsoe, 1990, p. 81). In short, fostering and
the wardship system tend to produce a mass of alienated young people in the country.
Many of them quit these exploitative networks, heading straight for the large towns. In
the era of intensive structural adjustment programmes, which have witnessed the
introduction of cost recovery policies in welfare provision, many children have been
squeezed out of the educational system, swelling the ranks of street children.
Children and young people in Sierra Leone are exposed to high levels of
vulnerability as economic stagnation prevents the transition from Gemeinschaft
livelihood to Gesellschaft existence. The law neither provides the security or
protection taken for granted by Gesellschaft political and administrative structures
(UNICEF, 1989). From a very early age, children in Sierra Leone cease to be a
liability, dependent on the family, instead they soon become an asset as a source of
income to the family.
Class and gender statuses play overarching roles in child labour and child
soldiering: in any relatively poor Sierra Leonean family especially those below the
poverty line children are introduced to the concept of work as early as the age of
three years (UNICEF, 1989, p. 40). Not only can rich parents send their offspring
away from the areas of conflict, but also, recruiters prefer to concentrate on those
who can resist least effectively (Ibid.).

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A major recruiting ground for child soldiers has been the group usually referred to
as street children. Whilst this phenomenon is often associated with the favellas of
Latin America and the shantytowns of Southeast Asia, this is a reflection of the
transmogrification of the Sierra Leonean family form. This group consists of a diverse
collection of young deracinated boys who live on their wits, stealing, undertaking
casual jobs as labourers, hangers-on, as bras (haulers of fishing boats to their
moorings), pushers of barrows (Omolankes). To the young street children (the
Greens) these bras (big brothers) represent parent substitutes: they protect them
from other street children as well as other bras. They may also provide them with
night shelter; in return their proteges would work for them, steal and hand over
the loot to their bras, as well as soliciting prostitutes (koros) for them. Life on the
street can be extremely hazardous for these children, especially the Greens. For many
deracinated children, military life provided a surrogate family relationship, protection from abuse as well as empowerment. Both government and rebel forces
abducted many children, who were socialised into violence shortly after their
capture to prevent them returning to their villages. Furthermore, youthful
combatants with ruptured support systems make loyal fighters with no social
responsibilities and their size renders them invaluable for espionage work (Peters &
Richards, 1998).
Demobilisation and Rehabilitation
The complex political emergencies triggered off by the conflict and the large number
of children involved led to concerns among child protection agencies about the
trauma experienced by children and the immense work needed to address their
needs. These concerns culminated in the project Children Associated with War
(CAW), which led the military government in 1993 to demobilise some 370 child
combatants (Wisman, 1994). Many of these children showed symptoms of war
trauma, malnutrition and numerous skin infections as well as sexually transmitted
diseases. The project, led by UNICEF and funded by the British and Canadian
Governments and the Catholic Mission, involved advocacy work, education and
community sensitisation (Wisman, 1994). The rehabilitation programme consisted of
psychosocial counselling (de-traumatisation), health screening, provision of food and
other basic necessities, education and skills training (Dridi, 2004). The major agency
for demobilisation was UNAMSIL.
Under the scheme, cohorts of ex-child combatants were brought to the centre and
the aims of the 12-week programme included monitoring their health status and
coping ability for life away from the centre. Other activities included counselling,
literacy classes, sports, singing and recreation. In preparing children for reintegration
into society, attempts were made to reconcile them with parents. Those who
completed the sensitisation process were then attached to tradespeople to be trained
as tailors, masons, carpenters, mechanics and at the end of the training small grants,
loans and tool kits were made available to trainees to facilitate their social and
economic reintegration into the local community (Dridi, 2004).

126 T. B. Zack-Williams

Gemeinschaft vs Gesellschaft Skills

The philosophy behind this process of reintegration has been criticised by Osman
Gbla as Eurocentric and devoid of local cultural thinking:
the treatment is overwhelmingly based on Western psychological approaches in
an African environment that is drastically different from those in Europe or
America. In these parts of the world, the definition and understanding of distress
and trauma, its diagnosis and healing processes are totally different from those in
Africa Western psychological healing methods locate the causes of psychological
distress within the individual, and therefore devise responses, which are primarily
based on individual therapy . (Gbla, 2003, pp. 185186).

Gblas argument is very similar to Tonnies dichotomy of Gemeinschaft

(community) and Gesellschaft (society). For Gbla, African spirituality and belief
(Gemeinschaft skills) in relation to the ancestors are not taken into consideration,
particularly the belief that the dead have a role to play in the daily affairs of the living.
Thus the African belief that the actors in war, and in particular those who killed, have
been cursed by the dead because they have displeased and angered the spirit, who
must now avenge this transgression, is negated. Unlike individualistic, modern
Western psychology (Gesellschaft skills), the traditional African post-war trauma
healers locate the confused mental health state and confusion in both the perpetrator
and the community as a whole (Gbla, 2003, p. 187). Thus the appeasement of the
spirits of the dead is an imperative if the perpetrators of violence and brutality are to
be cleansed of their transgression.
As noted earlier, many of these young people were unable to return to their
communities and there was a dearth of trained counsellors with only one psychiatrist
in the country to undertake any psychosocial work (Gbla, 2003). The local university
had no social or community work section and had one been in existence, it is
doubtful if indigenous approaches would have been utilised (Laird, 2004). Given the
need to return former child combatants to their families and communities,
forgiveness was a sine qua non for acceptance. This situation of a shortage of trained
counsellors (largely because of the neglect of Gemeinschaft skills), created an
imperative for: alternative means for developing the human resources necessary
to carrying out psychological support programmes and giving communities the
assistance they need so that community members will accept returning child soldiers
(Dridi, 2004, p. 216). The exigencies of post-war reconstruction and the
imperative for forgiveness for prodigal children included a bigger role for the
traditional rulers, who were assembled for consultation in search of forgiveness; as
keepers of the traditions and land on behalf of the community, they were also the
routes to the ancestors.
As part of the process of personal renewal and forgiveness, the former combatant
would be taken to his/her village or town to be cleansed of the evil he/she perpetuated
during the war and he would then beg for forgiveness from the dead and the living.
He/she would be taken to a sacred bush, where he/she would be stripped of the
clothes that were symbols of the former life style. The clothes would then be set alight

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with the aid of some straws, signifying the transition from the old sinful life in
exchange for the new one. A chicken or goat would be slaughtered as sacrifice to
appease the ancestors, supervised by traditional rulers.
Conclusion
This paper focuses on the vulnerability of children and young people in war-torn
Sierra Leone, pointing to the collapse of social coping mechanisms such as the
wardship system, which resulted in the rise of the phenomenon of street children,
from which many child combatants were recruited. I have also taken up the challenge
posed by Kornbecks article on the efficacy of Tonnies dichotomy: Gemeinschaft and
Gesellschaft skills in social work practice and education. Indeed, the inability to
deliver the Western approach of skilled psychiatrists and psychotherapists has
impelled child protection agencies to turn to Gemeinschaft skills to meet this
shortage. However, for the transition to civilian life to be smooth and successful, we
will have to move beyond the culturally relevant therapeutic approach, which may
tend to strengthen gerontocracy at the expense of the young fighters. It is imperative
that the views of ex-child combatants should be incorporated within discussion of
national planning and for this group to be provided with opportunities and skills to
enable them to contribute to national development. As Dridi argues:
To ignore the special needs of the young fighters emerging from war is a sure
technique to backslide rapidly into renewed warfare. Untreated and neglected,
many war-traumatised youthful ex-combatants will readily take up arms when the
conditions around them are ripe or their perceived needs are inadequately or too
slowly met. (Dridi, 2004, p. 127)

While the analyses of issues for child soldiers in Sierra Leone may read like a
project in exotica, it is important to note that many of the issues raised in this paper
are also relevant to social work practice in the West; children of refugees and asylum
seekers from war-torn societies are now part of the caseload of many social workers
in Western countries. This has major implications not just for social work practice,
but more importantly, social work education. Social work curricula will now have to
take diversity seriously to incorporate the study of Gemeinschaft skills, and the policy
of leaving the study of Gemeinschaft to practice-oriented in-service training
(Kornbeck, 2001, p. 251) will have to be abandoned. Social work curricula will have
to be globalised to incorporate other cultures in order to incorporate diversity.
Social work education ignores these global trends at its peril.
Acknowledgements
The field trip for this study was made possible by a grant obtained from the British
Academy. I want to thank the Academy for its generosity. My sincere thanks also go
to my colleague, Pat Cox, Department of Social Work, University of Central
Lancashire, for reading and making valuable comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

128 T. B. Zack-Williams

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