fascist country? Francos Spain lasted from July 1936 until December 1978 despite Franco having died some three years prior. During the early stages of his regime some policies were certainly influenced by his close Fascist friends Italy and Germany but what is clear is that slowly Spain underwent a transition to greater modernisation and liberalism, primarily through the economic and social liberalisation which took place, as a consequence of Francos pragmatism. This meant that, whilst containing some features of Fascism, Francos Spain cannot really be seen to have been a fascist country. First, the question should be asked as to what is Fascism? Fascism is authoritarian, nationalistic, and has a single party or dictator in complete charge of both governmental and social organisation. All these were characteristics of Francos Spain and surely, therefore, considering its loose meaning, if Mussolinis Italy can be classified as Fascist, so too should Francos regime. Indeed, ideology is often strongly associated with Fascism yet less so with Franco, and this is used as an argument against the Fascist label, however, there is equally little evidence to suggest ideology was of much greater significance for Mussolini the original Fascist dictator. In terms of his direction with the country, at least Francos early political and social agendas were certainly tainted by Fascism. With his regime came a flourishing personality cult (October 1936) and through the voluntary Youth Front (1940), Falangists instilled political doctrine and occupied top positions in the Franco propaganda machine, the press, radio, film, theatre, and orchestrated parades and rallies affirming mass support for a fascist regime. Furthermore, as detailed by Andrew Forrest, Franco allowed the Falangist Seccin Femenina to undertake the reeducation of women in their traditional roles (analogous to the Nazi Kinder, Kirche, Kuche) and he banned divorce and contraception. More significantly, as with Mussolinis Italy and the Third Reich, awards were given as incentive to produce large families a clear indication of the re-establishment of nationalistic values. The authoritarian, single-party state he set up paralleled Mussolinis consolidation with personal freedoms severely circumscribed. The Press Law (April 1938), for example, enforced strict censorship and decreed that only registered publications and journals were permitted to print. The dictatorial powers he wielded only further his depiction as a Fascist having proclaimed himself Head of Government, Head of State, and Commander-in-Chief and then passing the August 1939 decree which gave him emergency powers under which he did not need to consult his cabinet of ministers again paralleling developments made in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Linking to Francos economics, the Labour Charter, introduced by the Nationalists in March 1938, reflected Falangist (thus fascist) ideas about guaranteeing the rights of the working class. The independent trade unions which were banned and the syndicates of workers and employers set up reveals a strong Italian influence over Francos early political developments. By late 1940, national syndicates had been established in 10 economic sectors signifying explicit economic developments associated with fascism. In terms of his economics, Franco pushed for autarky launching a 10-Year Plan in October 1939 paralleling other fascists ideas of the necessity to be self-sustaining and removing the need to rely on inferior nations. Moreover, close ties to both Germany and Italy pre-WWII such as with the signing of the Anti-Comintern Pact
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(March 1939) and the meetings during October 1940 at Ribbentrop discussing Spanish entrance into the war with Germany would imply parallelism in ideals and values between the fascist leaders and Franco. Franco clearly approved Hitlers invasion of the USSR in June 1941, viewing it as a crusade against Bolshevism and consequently organised the sending of the Blue Division of 20,000 Spanish volunteers who fought on the Eastern Front in 1942. Although autarky is almost always a characteristic of fascism, when it was clear that the policy was detrimental to Spains progress during the 1950s, the reversal in policy and restructuring based around US loans during the Spanish Miracle 1959 which brought foreign investment and introduced a free market, sent Francos Spain far from the fascist similarities it once had, dramatically boosting her economy. Involvement of influential capitalist economies and democratic powers created a bleeding effect whereby their economic and political values begin to diffuse into the recipients culture something which was not combatted by something which was not combatted by Franco. The dramatic reversal in economic policy should be used as the groundwork in the evidence against Francos Spain being fascist. What it reveals is more Francos aspirations to maintain his Spain whilst situated at the top regardless of which political doctrine he has to align himself. Furthermore, Franco was not interested in ideology. The regime looked to the Spain of the 16th century for its inspiration more than fascist Italy. As George Orwell observed, his fight against the republicans was an attempt not so much to impose fascism as to restore feudalism and his highly traditional outlook (visible through his outdated WWI tactics during the early stages of the Civil War) meant he viewed his role as leading a new Reconquest of Spain. Francos later political interventions further this idea, especially in relation to the Falange. It should be noted that Franco was a very different sort of man from Hitler of Mussolini. They were first and foremost politicians, but he was pre-eminently a soldier. Incidentally, he was never a member of a political party, and thus there was no true equivalent of the Nazis or the Fascists in Spain. The Falange was the nearest Spain came to possessing a fascist party yet it never played a major role in the new state. Most of the key Falangist leaders did not survive the Civil War, and Franco effectively subordinated the fascist party to his own personal dictatorship. Indeed, Franco even acted in direct opposition to the Falange at times most notably in his vehement support of the Church (and its strong influence educationally and judicially) which ran in direct contrast to the Falangist anti-clerical outlook. Although Falange membership grew to just under 1 million by 1942, its role in Francos Spain was limited to tasks such as political indoctrination. It did have the youth organisation mentioned earlier, but even with this powerful tool (proven by its Nazi and Italian Fascist equivalents), its profile was much less prominent, with just 13% of boys aged 7-18 being members and only 7% of girls. Importantly, in spite of the Fascist trimmings of the early years, Francoism was not a totalitarian regime. Its original corporatist features modified over time and it came to have none of the characteristics of a totalitarian state: no single party parallel to the state administration and, after the early years, no successful attempt at mass mobilisation. As Roger Eatwell argues, to be truly fascist, the government would have to use its power to strip the traditional elites of their power in order to assign a single basis for society the glory of the nation. He claims Spain never attempted this and therefore Francos Spain was never truly fascist. So overall, perhaps Franco himself should best be called, incidentally, a Francoist. His main priorities were always the consolidation of his own power: from his climb to Generalissimo during the Civil War, to the consolidation of the fairly diverse nationalists under his own single-party, and, later, the restoration of the monarchy without a monarch. His central ideology can be described as a mix of Spanish nationalism and reactionary Catholicism. Whether
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he maintained his Bismarckian appearance and utilitarianism for the more selfish goal of his continued leadership, or truly for the benefit of what he perceived as a successful regime, is unknown, but the two outcomes were certainly linked, and he was successful in both.
8 13 13 996 Pages Bates Stamped Ex 2 Ocr For 60838 62337 ROA From RMC in 22176 To 2JDC For CR12 - 2064 and Everything Filed in Appeal Through 3 27 12 Printed