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Running Head: STREETS NOT THROUGH 1

Streets Not Through


Analysis of the Blockages and Barricades to the St. Louis Street Network
Steve Waldron
Washington University in St. Louis
STREETS NOT THROUGH 2

Abstract

This paper explores the areas of St. Louis that were formerly a contiguous street system and were

voluntarily dissected to create introspective neighborhoods. Primary concerns of the research are

focused on where, why, and how these were implemented, as the city may be either adapting to

changing market forces or in response to fear from problematic social conditions such as nearby

crime rates. Particular focus is on spatial mapping of these elements as they relate to wards within

the city.
STREETS NOT THROUGH 3
Streets are one of the most fundamental aspects of building a city. Many cities are

begun as an intersection of two country lanes, which build over time and continue to evolve. In

many cases, the road continues to widen, and the buildings that were first built adjacent to the

streets may evolve to be replaced by other buildings, but the original street the building faced

remains the same. These same streets have the capability to define boundaries, or conversely the

capability to connect towns, neighborhoods, or areas together. Streets can even create an effect of

causing one area to grow more rapidly than an adjacent area based on its path and location.

Once laid, a street often remains in its location. Because of their permanent nature, the

development and pathway of cities is often correlated with the manner in which streets are laid.

Very rarely is the path of a street subsequently diverted in a different manner. In the beginning of

the twentieth century, several new designs for residential areas were presented with the plans for

Radburn, New Jersey, from which many aspects of suburban residential development were

copied.

1,000,000

800,000

600,000

400,000

200,000

Figure 1. Population changes in St. Louis, 1830-2000.

St. Louis, like many other American cities in the twentieth century, has witnessed an

incredible change since the closure of World War II. At the time, the city was already beginning a

de-densification1, but it was radically accelerated during the 1950s, dropping to 750,026 and its

1 U. S. Census Bureau. “St. Louis Population Changes.” (Washington, D.C.: 2009).


STREETS NOT THROUGH 4
lowest point of 362,736 in 2000. Concurrent with these population changes was a palpable

amount of racial injustice, which often excluded entire districts from obtaining loans for

improvements.2 Fifty years later, the remnants of this policy can still be seen on a regional scale,
where entire cities look blighted and beyond repair. Within the city of St. Louis, however, the

effects are more pocketed, where neighborhoods - and even segments within them – mark

changes in blight.

In 2009, the U. S. Census Bureau reported St. Louis had a net population gain of 6,172

from the 2000 Census, to 368,9083, while the population of the county as a whole has declined.

This may suggest that people have begun to move into the city. Considering market trends of

spacious living it seems, these new residents move into a city with suburban concepts that the

central cities must adapt to in order to regain population. For example, each condo or apartment

often needs to have a spacious kitchen with modern appliances, and at least one parking spot per

tenant. If the city wants to revive itself, it needs to do what it can to embrace the trend. For that

reason, a variety of urban housing incentives and redevelopment grants exist4, which are largely

credited with continuing the population gain.5

Similarly, the ‘urban revival’ has impacted the city’s streets. Having been built with a

fairly continuous street grid, St. Louis has cleaved its network in the past several decades. Now

streets that used to exist for miles are now segmented, stopping connections between many
residential streets and the major streets that pass along them. The irony of this is that many urban

planners see cul-de-sacs as an objectionable idea, since in cutting the grid a hierarchy of transit

levels is formed, leading to zoning regulations that separates housing from grocery stores and

transit6.
2 Dedman, Bill. 1988. “The Color of Money.” The Atlanta Journal and The Atlanta
Constitution. May 1-4.
3 U. S. Census Bureau. “St. Louis Population Changes.” (Washington, D.C.: 2009).
4 U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. “Available Funds.” (Washington,
D.C.: 2008).
5 Andrews, Marcellus. 1994. “On the Dynamics of Growth and Poverty in Cities.”
Citiscape 1, 1 (August): 53-73.
6 Duany, Andres, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Jeff Speck. Suburban Nation. (New York:
Farrar Straus & Giroux, 2001).
STREETS NOT THROUGH 5
g

Legend
Blockages
<all other values>
Year
1976; 1977; 1978; 1979
1980; 1981; 1982; 1983; 1984; 1985; 1986; 1987; 1988; 1989
1990; 1991; 1992; 1993; 1994; 1995; 1996; 1997; 1998; 1999
2000; 2001; 2002; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2007; 2008; 2009
Wards
Streets
Rivers

2
27

22 1

21

3
4
26

18

28
19

17

6
24
7

23
10 9
15

20
14
16

25

13
12
11 11
° 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
Miles

Figure 2. Saint Louis Street Blockages by Decade, 1970-Present.

The disconnections of the street grid have occurred primarily in the neighborhoods of

Skinker / DeBaliviere, DeBaliviere Place, and the Central West End in Ward 28; Shaw and Tower

Grove East in Ward 8; Shaw, Botanical Heights (formerly McRee Town), Forest Park Southeast
STREETS NOT THROUGH 6
and Central West End in Ward 17, and Columbus Square, Old North St. Louis, and Near North

Riverfront in Ward 5. There are many differences in how the divides are manifested physically,

but large amount of similarities exist as to when and how the barriers were put in place.

Legend
Blockages
Type
barricade
cul
highway barrier
iron fence (P.C.)
post/rails
posts/chains
pots
wrought iron fence
Wards
Wards
Streets
Rivers

2
27

22 1

21

3
4
26

18

28
19

17

6
24
7

23
10 9
15

20
14
16

25

13
12
11 11
° 0.3
0.150 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5
Miles

Figure 3. Saint Louis Street Blockages by Type, 1970-Present.


STREETS NOT THROUGH 7
In all, there are 262 streets that used to be contiguous yet no longer are throughways.

These sectioned pieces of infrastructure represent an important history to the usage and personal

identification with the residents of the city, and how a city can choose to change in an effort to

adapt to the diverse needs of its people.

In the 1950s, the city was beginning to decline in population, as the rising middle-class

population was able to move to newer houses that could be owned through FHA mortgages7.

Concurrently, images of owning a house with a white picket fence along a quiet residential street

were heavily promoted in both public and private advertising. Not wanting to be outdone by a

neighbor, many residents of the city rapidly moved westward, and the City of St. Louis lost an

enormous percentage of its population. Many new neighborhoods were built rapidly, such as this

one:8

Image 1. Development in Saint Louis County dated 1948.

7 Institute on Race and Poverty, “Minority Suburbanization and Racial Change: Stable
Integration, Neighborhood Transition,and the Need for Regional Approaches” Washington, D.C.:
2005).
8 Google Inc. 38 39’ 16.55”N|90 19’48.38”W. (Mountain Bay, CA: 2009).
STREETS NOT THROUGH 8
As the population decline of the city pervaded, many ideas were publicly proposed that

might re-energize the city. Several plans suggested ways of clearing the city so that it might

have the opportunity to evolve in new ways.9 Other urban theorists, such as Oscar Newman,
recommended making multiple small changes and letting the city exist as it is. In Creating

Defensible Spaces, his 1972 compilation of theories, Newman proposed that an area is safer

when people feel a sense of ownership and responsibility for a particular segment of their

community.10 As St. Louis was the initial city of study, much of his theories were first tested in

the city, then later applied them on a larger scale in other cities such as Dayton, Ohio.

Image 2. Many of Newman’s drawings in Defensible Spaces


look remarkably similar to the Radburn plan. The streets end
in cul-de-sacs, but empty onto collectors that transfer traffic to
arterials.

9 Teaford, Jon C. “Urban Renewal and Its Aftermath,” (New York, 2000): 443-65.
10 Newman, Oscar. Creating Defensible Space. U.S. Office of Housing and Urban
Development. (Washington, D.C.: 1973), 38
STREETS NOT THROUGH 9
On April 13, 1958, the City of St. Louis established the Traffic and Transportation

Committee, which was intended to filter and integrate the requests of individual aldermen. It also

served to provide recommendations to the Board of Aldermen in a summarized report that did

not need to detail the full extent of each request [alderman book 1]. On June 1, 1958, a month

and a half later, a proposition was passed that “authorized the City of St. Louis to borrow money

and issue bonds … in the sum of $7,957,000 for the purpose of construction, reconditioning,

and improving right of way.” A component of this proposition, Bill 174, created an ordinance

providing for the closure of Waterman at Belt Street, establishing an easement for sewer lines

and funding for a decorative gate of the aesthetic standards of the area.

On October 20, 1961, Board Bill 14 created an ordinance providing for the vacation and

abolition of 23rd Street at Washington Avenue, which had been a theoretical dividing line of

development for decades.11 This second bill was slightly more publicized, as the construction for

sewage repair was noted as a sham in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch newspaper.12 In researching, it

appears that the street was never actually blocked off, perhaps due to political pressure.

The City of St. Louis’ Committee on Ways and Means was formed in 1967.13 This

committee brought an additional layer of bureaucracy to redefining streets, but no street closures

commenced for a lengthy period.

The implementation of street closures began in 1977 with the 6th Ward, with fourteen

occurring in a six-month period. They began with two ordinances for permanent closure, and

one for a temporary closure that was never reopened. Two months later, the first closure in the

9th Ward occurred at Crittenden and Grand, and the first 5 occurred in Ward 28 in December of

1977. By the year’s end, there were 21 street closures. According to Martie J. Aboussie, these

initial street closures were begun by the same democratic process as in subsequent years.14

It seems that these were a reactionary protest, and were installed on recommendations of the
11 Minutes of the Board of Alderman of St. Louis, 1958. Ordinance 52104.
12 “Barricade thy Neighbor?” St. Louis Post-Dispatch. October 21, 1961.
13 Minutes of the Board of Alderman of St. Louis, 1967. Ordinance 56317.
14 Interview with Martie J. Aboussie, Past Alderman of 5th Ward, 6 May 2010.
STREETS NOT THROUGH 10
Committee on Ways and Means. After 1977, however, there are no additional suggestions by the

committee, and all requests are made from aldermen acting on behalf of their residents.

There were twenty three in 1978, and fourteen in 1979, and six in 1980, a majority of

which were in the 6th and 28th Wards (depicted in Appendix A). It appears from the maps that in

the 1970s the 28th Ward did not have an drastic rise that might correspond to a communal desire

for protection. There were only three new barricades in 1981, five in 1982, and three again in

1983. However, thirty new barricades were added in 1984, eighteen in 1985, and thirteen in

1986. These were monstly concentrated in the 8th, 18th, and 28th Wards. At this point, all but one

of the barricades presently in Skinker/Debaliver had been installed, and all of the barricades in

the 8th Ward had been installed as well. No significant events in the years 1978 through 1980 and

1984 through 1986 that would indicate a specific need to respond to a crime increase.

Between 1987 and 1993, an average of less than four closures per year occurred, when

three-term mayor Vincent Schoemehl left office. In his twelve-year tenure, 104 barricades had

been installed under forty separate ordinances. Of these, fifty-five were planters, which many

residents of St. Louis currently refer to as ‘Schoemehl pots’ (depicted in Appendix B).

Image 3. Sample planters.

These planters are actually sewer pipes, cut into a four foot length then cast with a solid

bottom and a few drainholes. In some areas, these planters are painted to look more attractive.

It was interesting to look at Figure 5 and note that when comparing types of barricades across
STREETS NOT THROUGH 11
neighborhoods, Ward 5 has a larger majority of the planters than Ward 28 or 17, which may be

due to the reduced income of the area and a weaker voice in receiving allocated funds.

Though the barricades and planters are considered to be one of Schoemehl’s legacies in

St. Louis, he had very little to do with deciding which streets would be blocked off, or by what

method. In many cases, the decision to sequester a part of a neighborhood came from residents

of the street itself and needed subsequent approved by the neighborhood alderman. The alderman

would propose it at the Board of Alderman meetings, and would almost certainly be passed into

ordinance. Initially, each street closure was considered without any sort of integrated plan or

validation of improved property values or safety. It theoretically could have been possible to

block off an entire neighborhood by each street requesting their own to be blocked.

Although every street closure is commissioned with an official ordinance from the city’s

Board of Alderman meetings, the public records contain no mention of voting records amongst

the aldermen themselves, or public comments prior to their voting. In lieu of going through the

monthly or semi-monthly meetings of each, the report has narrowed to the 17th Ward, which

comprises Forest Park Southeast and Botanical Heights. Current Alderman Joseph D. Roddy has

been a public servant of this area for 22 years, and his father, Joseph P. Roddy, was an alderman

on the Committee of Ways and Means in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

In the 17th Ward, presumably as every other area, the initial bollards were installed for a

variety of reasons. In public meetings, the rationale for the city’s installation is “safety when our

kids play on the street” and “slowing down the traffic in front of our houses from flying by,” as

opposed to “keeping out potential criminals,” and “protecting out real estate values.”15

Without question, these two levels of reasons are intertwined and yet only discussed on

one level. By discussing aspects that often have positive connotations, such as ‘letting the kids

play in the street,’ the residents appeal to prototypical plans of suburban residential development.

These positive connotations have a more positive outcome, as they receive more factual coverage
15 Urban Design Associates. “Forest Park Southeast Revitalization Plan.” (St. Louis, 1999).
STREETS NOT THROUGH 12
in local press, such as the St. Louis Post-Dispatch or neighborhood publications. If residents

were to be publicly stating a desire to prevent interaction with other residents, a newspaper could

easily escalate the situation with editorials and one-sided coverage.

This stems from a major issue – despite many claims of safety improvement, faster

residential sales, and so forth, there was a definitive lack of researched, comparative analysis

that studied whether or not these barricades made any significant contribution to the crime rates

in the area. Considering the wide-spread usage in other cities such as Chicago, Baltimore, and

Cleveland that shared issued of blight, crime, and racial tension, one would think that factual-

based implementation could be more accessible.

Image 5. Analysis showing fewer crime locations after barricades installed.

Only one recent thesis document16 was able to be uncovered, which did prove a small

decline in crime, with the exception that drug crimes were simply relocated to other areas of the

city [depicted in Appendix C].

16 Zavoski, Robert W., Lapidus, Garry D., Lerer, Trudy J. Evaluating The Impact Of A

Street Barrier On Urban Crime. “Inj Prev” (1999), 66.


STREETS NOT THROUGH 13
The discovering of the thesis seems to be at odds with a 1987 column in the Post-

Dispatch,17 which discussed a fairly observation-based study on the routes taken by the St. Louis
Police Department. According to the article and illustrated in Image 5, the police cruisers would

patrol along a prescribed route though the neighborhood of Skinker/DeBalivere, and because

the closures formed such a series on one-way-in-one-way-out routes, the cruisers would make

a circuit on a twenty-four minute cycle. That meant a potential car-jacker in this neighborhood

could have almost half an hour - without disturbance - to take a vehicle. Shortly after the article

was published, the police presumably changed their routes, and the rate of small crimes was

reduced in the neighborhood the following year.

Image 5. Prescribed police patrol route per Post-Dispatch, 1987.

In line with this thinking the theory of “eyes on the street” promoted by Jane Jacobs

would seem to add to increased crime, as less traffic passing through a residential street

can allow for a higher amount of petty violence. On page thirty five, she lists three primary

requirements for keeping a street safe:

17 “Is This The Best Method: Police Patrol.” St. Louis Post-Dispatch. May 9, 1987.
STREETS NOT THROUGH 14
“First, there must be a clear demarcation between what is public space and what is private space.

Public space and private spaces cannot ooze into each other as they do typically in suburban

settings or in projects.

“Second, there must be eyes upon the street, eyes belonging to those we might call the natural

proprietors of the street. The buildings on a street equipped to handle strangers and to insure the

safety of both residents and strangers, must be oriented to the street. They cannot turn their back or

blank sides on it and leave it blind.

“And third, the sidewalk must have users on it fairly continuously, both to add to the number of

effective eyes on the street and to induce the people in buildings along the street to watch the

sidewalks in sufficient numbers. Nobody enjoys sitting on a stoop or looking out a window at

an empty street. ... Large numbers of people entertain themselves, off and on, by watching street

activity.

In summary, she is advocating for through streets because it allows a heavier volume of traffic,

which in turn creates more citizens able to keep an eye on activities in the public realm of the

street, thereby reducing traffic. Reducing the number of cars can rapidly lead to a feeling of

isolation and neglect in an area that is not thriving, and may be a factor in reaching that urban

condition.

With 104 barricades in place when Vincent Schoemehl left office in 1993, the public

opinion of the barricades was reported in the newspaper.18 When asked about their own

neighborhood, a majority of residents (65%) were either ‘opposed’ or ‘somewhat opposed’ to

the installation of barricades. When asked whether or not they should be removed, eighty-two

percent would be opposed to taking them out. It seems that once they were put into place, the

residents grew accustomed to their location, and realized they could commence with limited

access.

These results seems to be similar in the 17th ward. A comprehensive master plan was

18 “Remembering his Legacy: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly of Vincent Schoemehl.” St.

Louis Post-Dispatch. May 9, 1987.


STREETS NOT THROUGH 15
created in 1999, in response to the increasing blighted conditions in the neighborhood. The

barricades were a significant aspect of the plan by Urban Design Associates, as the lack of

maintenance in the planters had turned them into large encasements of dirt.19 Several changes
were implemented, and as a result, several blocks have been converted from flower pots to

concrete balls, which are a marked aesthetic improvement to the ill-maintained pots but less than

the requested granite balls.

One of the public comments referenced in the housing section was, “I have the same

feelings [of despair] about the barriers installed in many neighborhoods throughout the region

that interrupt traffic flow and create domains with limited access. To my mind, these structures

are fundamentally undemocratic barriers akin to segregation.”

The typical process of beginning a street blockage begins with a petition of a minimum of

six names belonging to the street that needs to be blocked. However, to remove the same street

closure requires three-quarters of the neighborhood, because the city does not want to remove

them then replace them at the next sign of fear.

Ten years later, the barricades continue to be a topic of discussion. As noted earlier, the

barriers often also complicate the pursuit of criminal justice. A large percentage of suspected

criminals resist arrest while on foot, while police officers patrol in cars and are forced to go
through alleys or take a circuitous route to pursue. As a result, police patrol is diminished in areas

with minimal pathways when compared to as through streets.20

Perhaps drawing from the precedent set by Shaw in 1985, when McBride and Sons

redeveloped the east portion of Botanical Heights in 2005, the streets of McRee and Blaine

were sectioned off with a curb and fence. The developers placed this condition as a requisite of

continuing with the project,21 which neither screens views nor bars pedestrians from accessing

19 Op. cit. Urban Design Associates, p. 11.


20 “Fire Chief Joins Grieving Mother in Push to Remove Street Barricades.” October 14,
2009.
21 Interview with Joseph P. Roddy, Alderman of 17th Ward, 6 May 2010.
STREETS NOT THROUGH 16
Botanical Heights East. The developers thought it was necessary for psychological separation

from the remainder of Botanical Heights, and the fence remains five years later.

Image 5. Fence between old and new in Botanical Heights for visual
effects only.

One group vocally opposed to these sectioned grids is the St. Louis Fire Department.22

In the fall of 2009, a major news story covered the ramifications of the barricades. A victim of

an errant gunshot was unable to be quickly reached by medical staff, who resorted to parking an

ambulance a block and a half away then hand-carrying her by stretcher back to the ambulance en

route to the hospital. Although barricades were never directly blamed for the victim’s death, they

certainly affected the response time. Dennis Jenkerson, the Fire Chief of the City of St. Louis

wants them all removed. “As everybody says, minutes count. And sometimes this results in a

couple minutes of delay,” says St. Louis Fire Chief Dennis Jenkerson. “This has been an ongoing

concern of the Fire Department’s. We don’t like them. They severely impede what we do.”

According to Alderman Joe Roddy, to undo these installations requires a new traffic

plan that creates a neighborhood-wide consensus, which most believe would not occur. Though

contested prior to installation, most neighborhood groups seem to support them once they are in
22 Op. cit. “Fire Chief Joins Grieving Mother in Push to Remove Street Barricades.”
STREETS NOT THROUGH 17
place they are almost impossible to remove. The reason for this is that if removed, there is a high

likelihood of a request to reinstall them after the next crime.23

Roddy also mentioned in the interview that sectioning off the neighborhood of Shaw was

for reasons other than property values. He emphasized the need for the city to renew interest by

alluring people from outside of the city into living within the borders so the city can grow. “If

people want to feel like they belong to a small group within a city neighborhood, I see no reason

why that should be an issue. It’s not a major expense, and they’re not truly permanent. If other

people come along afterwards and want to reconnect them they can still do that. But for now,

anything that brings people to Shaw and helps create this as a vibrant neighborhood is a good

idea to me.”

When asked if it created mental differences from one sub-neighborhood to another, he

replied, “Well, I think that no one wants to not have them if another group has one. So we’ve

gotten a number of requests to do more of them, which is still happening.”

One other possible reason a resident of Forest Park Southeast stated for keeping the

bollards in place is bicycles.24 Some bicyclists fear is that if the bollards are removed that

vehicles might not stop at stop signs, and may hit a bicyclist going across the intersection.25 The

seemingly eternal list of scenarios for keeping them promotes a level of fear to change from the
status quo, and therefore the barricades remain in the streets.

In an interview, Thomas Gerran of The St. Louis Streets Department says they receive

an average of one request a month to close a street, and only one request a year to reopen one.26

He reiterated that the streets department does not have the authority to close or reopen streets but

can serve as a reasonable barometer of opinion through the city as a whole. What does not occur,

23 Op. cit. Interview with Joseph P. Roddy, 6 May 2010.


24 Interview with Alex Inhen, 15 May 2010.
25 U.S. Department of Transportation. “What Kind Of Barrier Will Keep Cars Off A Bike
Path?” Washington, D.C.: 2006).
26 Interview with Thomas Gerran, 18 April 2010.
STREETS NOT THROUGH 18
however, is any sort of proposal to alter the barricades to create more attractive, permanent, or

useful blockades.

There are several alternative designs that have been promoted in other cities in the past

fifteen years. Some of the more common remedies are bump outs at intersections, mid block

compressors, tabletop intersections and speed bumps that diminish dangerous vehicular traffic.

It was stated in the City of Portland’s 1997 Annual Report that creating these alternatives to

fully blocking the street creates a more vibrant opinion on the health of the neighborhood, which

enables investment to occur more easily within the neighborhood.27 Attempting to understand the

political rhetoric, it seems that gates and fences cane keep the outside of the neighborhood from

diminishing its value, but if the value of the neighborhood is lower than those looking to invest

in its renewal, the barriers can act to neglect the neighborhood and reinvest elsewhere, essentially

sectioning off a segment of the city from recovering.

A month following the shooting incident, another news story arose. Having followed

closely on the heels of the shooting, this event contributed to renewed discussion about the need

for having so many barriers. On November 3, 2010, the Post-Dispatch reported that for the third

time in a month, the St. Louis police department had failed to apprehend a suspect of burglary

due to the barricades.28 In this case, police were chasing a robbery suspect on foot through Forest

Park but lost him due to the barriers on Arco and Gibson in Forest Park Southeast. In a phone
call to follow up, he is still at large, though there has not been a rapid succession of unresolved

pursuits.29

This research uncovered an interesting schism in that a democratic nation is also

capitalistic, and having to choose between each person’s individual freedoms and the protection

of their greatest asset is a complex dilemma for many residents. I believe that may residents

likely would love to have the barriers removed, but since their largest asset is their residence,

27 The City of Portland. 1997 Annual Report. (Portland: 1997.)


28 “Another One Slips Through the Cracks“ St. Louis Post-Dispatch. November 3, 2010.
29 Op. cit. Interview with Martie J. Aboussie, 6 May 2010.
STREETS NOT THROUGH 19
both owner occupied houses and the landlord of rental properties would probably prefer to keep

them in order to err on the “safe side.” Ultimately, given the ease of implementing the barricades

and the difficulty of extracting them, I believe that these often temporary solutions [depicted in

Figure 4] to diminishing crime have now permanent fixtures in the city of St. Louis, despite the

findings of this paper that indicate a low degree of correlation between installing the barricades

and reducing crime rates.

Legend
"Temporary" Ordinance
Wards
Streets
Rivers

2
27

22 1

21

3
4
26

18

28
19

17

6
24
7

Figure 4. Saint Louis Street Blockages marked “Temporary.” A majority are still in place.
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 20
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 21
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 22
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 23
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 24
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 25
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 26
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME 27
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1976 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1977

Legend
Blockages
Year
Legend 1977
1976 1976
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
28
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1978 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1979

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1978 1979
1977 1978
1976 1976-1977
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
29
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1980 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1981

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1980 1981
1979 1980
1976-1978 1976-1979
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
30
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1982 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1983

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1982 1983
1981 1982
1976-1980 1976-1981
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
31
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1984 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1985

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1984 1985
1983 1984
1976-1982 1976-1983
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
32
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1986 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1988

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1986 1988
1985 1986
1976-1984 1976-1985
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
33
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1990 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1991

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1990 1991
1988 1990
1976-1986 1976-1988
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
34
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1992 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1993

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1992 1993
1991 1992
1976-1990 1976-1991
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
35
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1994 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1995

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1994 1995
1993 1994
1976-1992 1976-1993
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
36
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1996 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1997

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1996 1997
1995 1996
1976-1994 1976-1995
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
37
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1998 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 1999

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
1998 1999
1997 1998
1976-1996 1976-1997
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
38
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2000 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2001

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
2000 2001
1999 2000
1976-1998 1976-1999
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
39
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2002 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2003

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
2002 2003
2001 2002
1976-2000 1976-2001
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
40
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2004 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2005

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
2004 2005
2003 2004
1976-2002 1976-2003
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
41
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2007 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages in 2009

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Year Year
2007 2009
2005 2007
1976-2004 1976-2005
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8
APPENDIX A - DEVELOPMENT OF BARRICADES THROUGH TIME

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
42
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages By Type, 1979 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages By Type, 1985

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Type Type
j Barricade j Barricade

O
! Cul-de-Sac O
! Cul-de-Sac

G Highway Barrier G Highway Barrier

# Aluminum Fence # Aluminum Fence


*
# Post and Rails *
# Post and Rails

# Post and Chains # Post and Chains


Planters - 10 Planters - 10
Planters - 11 Planters - 11
Planters - 2 Planters - 2
Planters - 3 Planters - 3
Planters - 4 Planters - 4
Planters - 5 Planters - 5
Planters - 6 Planters - 6
Planters - 7 Planters - 7
Planters - 8 Planters - 8
2 2
Wrought Iron Fence Wrought Iron Fence
27 27
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

22 1 22 1

21 21
O
!

O
! 3 3
4 4
26 26
# 18 O
! 18

O
! 5 O
! 5

28 28
19 19
APPENDIX B - BARRICADES BY TYPE OF RESTRICTION

17 17

6 6
24 24
O
!
O
! 7 7
O
! O
!
O
!
O
! O
!
O
!
O O
!
O
8 O
! !
O
!8 !
#
O
!
O
!
O
!

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
43
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages By Type, 1993 St Louis Street Blockages Blockages By Type, 1996

Legend Legend
Blockages Blockages
Type Type
j Barricade j Barricade

O
! Cul-de-Sac O
! Cul-de-Sac

G Highway Barrier G Highway Barrier

# Aluminum Fence # Aluminum Fence


*
# Post and Rails *
# Post and Rails

# Post and Chains # Post and Chains


Planters - 10 Planters - 10
Planters - 11 Planters - 11
Planters - 2 Planters - 2
Planters - 3 Planters - 3
Planters - 4 Planters - 4
Planters - 5 Planters - 5
Planters - 6 Planters - 6
Planters - 7 Planters - 7
Planters - 8 Planters - 8
2 2
Wrought Iron Fence Wrought Iron Fence
27 27
Wards Wards
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 O
! 5

28 28
19 19
APPENDIX B - BARRICADES BY TYPE OF RESTRICTION

17 17

6 6
24 O
! 24
7 7

8 8

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15
O
!
20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
44
St Louis Street Blockages Blockages By Type, 2009

Legend
Blockages
Type
j Barricade

O
! Cul-de-Sac

G Highway Barrier

# Aluminum Fence
*
# Post and Rails

# Post and Chains


Planters - 10
Planters - 11
Planters - 2
Planters - 3
Planters - 4
Planters - 5
Planters - 6
Planters - 7
Planters - 8
2
Wrought Iron Fence
27
Wards
Streets
Rivers

22 1

21

3
4
26

18

28
19
APPENDIX B - BARRICADES BY TYPE OF RESTRICTION

17

6
24
7

23
10 9
15

20
14
16

25

13
12 0.50.25 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
11 11 Miles
°
45
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St Louis Street Blockages 1970 Crime Index St Louis Street Blockages 1980 Crime Index

Legend Legend
Wards Barricades Since 1970
1970 CRIME INDEX Wards
595 - 706 1980 CRIME INDEX
706 - 859 567 - 641
859 - 1203 641 - 895
1203 - 1404 895 - 1157
1404 - 1590 1157 - 1515
1590 - 1698 1515 - 1646
1698 - 1902 1646 - 1786
1902 - 2209 1786 - 1976
2209 - 2599 1976 - 2212
2599 - 4575 2212 - 2474
Streets 2474 - 4398
Rivers Streets
Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19
APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.3
0.150 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5 12 0.3
0.150 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
51
St Louis Street Blockages 1990 Crime Index St Louis Street Blockages 2000 Crime Index

Legend Legend
Barricades Since 1980 Barricades Since 1990
Wards Wards
1990 CRIME INDEX 2000 CRIME INDEX
567 - 632 545 - 773
632 - 861 773 - 1005
861 - 1125 1005 - 1209
1125 - 1485 1209 - 1477
1485 - 1623 1477 - 1637
1623 - 1752 1637 - 1733
1752 - 1937 1733 - 1883
1937 - 2179 1883 - 2062
2179 - 2549 2062 - 2403
2549 - 3999 2403 - 3736
Streets Streets
Rivers Rivers

2 2
27 27

22 1 22 1

21 21

3 3
4 4
26 26

18 18

5 5

28 28
19 19
APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES

17 17

6 6
24 24
7 7

8 8

23 23
10 9 10 9
15 15

20 20
14 14
16 16

25 25

13 13
12 0.3
0.150 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5 12 0.3
0.150 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5
11 11 Miles 11 11 Miles
° °
52
St Louis Street Blockages 2009 Crime Index

Legend
(
! Barricades Since 2000
Wards
2009 CRIME INDEX
493 - 545
545 - 651
651 - 976
976 - 1163
1163 - 1342
1342 - 1398
1398 - 1500
1500 - 1662
1662 - 1876
1876 - 3304
Streets
Rivers

2
27

22 1

21

3
4
26

18

28
19
APPENDIX C - COMPARISON OF CRIME TO BARRICADES

!
(
(
! 17
(
!
6
24 (
!
7

23
10 9
15

20
14
16

25

13
12 0.3
0.150 0.3 0.6 0.9 1.2 1.5
11 11 Miles
°
53
STREETS NOT THROUGH 54
References

Andrews, Marcellus. 1994. “On the Dynamics of Growth and Poverty in Cities.” Citiscape 1, 1

(August): 53-73.

City of Portland, The. “What Sets Us Apart?” 1997 Annual Report. Portland: 1997.

Dedman, Bill. 1988. “The Color of Money.” The Atlanta Journal and The Atlanta Constitution.

May 1-4.

Duany, Andres, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Jeff Speck. Suburban Nation. New York: Farrar

Straus & Giroux, 2001

Google Inc. (2009). Google Earth (Version 5.1.3533.1731) [Software]. 38 39’ 16.55”N|90

19’48.38”W. Available from http:// earth.google.com/download-earth.html

Institute on Race and Poverty, “Minority Suburbanization and Racial Change: Stable Integration,

Neighborhood Transition,and the Need for Regional Approaches” May 2005.

Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. (1961) New York: Random House.

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