Brog Pa

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh: The Brog-P
Author(s): Rohit Vohra

Source: Zeitschrift fr Ethnologie, Bd. 107, H. 1 (1982), pp. 69-94
Published by: Dietrich Reimer Verlag GmbH
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Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh:
The Brog-Pa.
by
Rohit Vohra
The district of Ladah, in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, has in its north-western
corner a Dardic minority group known locally as the Brog-pa. Their villages lie isolated
along the river Indus before it enters the Pakastani occupied territory of Kashmir. Belon
ging to the Indo-Aryan racial stock, they form an island amidst Tibetan population to
their east and the Baltis across the border to their west. Until recently outside contact was
restricted to a handful of individuals and, that too, limited to an occasional visit to Leh for
trading purposes. They have jealously guarded their independence through a system of be
lief which tabood the entry of outsiders in the village premises. As a result of this their reli
gious and cultural ideas have been preserved in their archaic purity. Two other groups of
their ethnic stock are to be found in the surrounding area, one in Ladakh itself, centered
around Dras, and the other along the Kishanganga river, north of Srinagar and forming
the border with Pakistan. These two latter groups are Muslim and have, to a greater ex
tent, assimilated Ladakhi and Kashmiri influences respectively. jOther groups of Muslim
Dards are to be found in North Pakistan.
During the Colonial period the region under consideration, where Dardic villages lay
scattered amidst other ethnic populations, was an area outside the direct British India poli
tical jurisdiction. It was an area difficult to penetrate but of real significance in the light of
increasing expansionist curiosity of Tzarist Russia. A reciprocal defensive tendency of the

British Colonial Office resulted in a number of expeditions being conducted into this void
in Asia. People who did manage to reach these valleys established contact with a populace
known to us from Sanskritic and Greek antiquity. Their reports are an interesting source
of information. On the Buddhist Dards the accounts of R.B. Shaw, F. Drew, A.H.
Francke, G. Dainelli and Hashmatullah Khan provide a first hand view, however brief, but
informative.
Post II World War period saw the emergence of professional Anthropological interest
and a number of expeditions were conducted among the Muslim Dards of North
Pakistan.1 Professor Jettmar explores the ethnic-historicity of the region in his paper "Bo
lor - A Contribution to the Political and Ethnic geography of North Pakistan".2

The Dards were a noteworthy ethnic group in historical antiquity. They were, for ad
ministrative purposes, listed under the seventh satrapy of the Achaemenian Empire, alt
hough they were outside the territorial boundary of Gandhara and maintained an ethnic
identity. Professor Tucci, in his paper "On Swat. The Dards and Connected Problems"3,
deals in considerable detail with the references to the Dards in Sanskritic and Greek anti
?) Jettmar. 1958, 1959 & 1961.
2) Jettmar. 1977.
3) Tucci. 1977.
70
Rohit Vohra
quity. Kalhana's Rajatarnginl provides us notice of the Dards during the 11th and 12th
centuries, when they were allies of consequence to the struggle for power in the changing
fate of 'the river* of kings ruling Kashmir.4 Further, during the 16th century the Chak dy
nasty of Dard kings even held the throne of Kashmir for a short period before being absor
bed into the Moghul Empire.5

It appears the Dards were a very widely populated group, occupying a considerable
portion of ladakh, and belonging to a very ancient settlement strata. L. Petech even main
tains that they were the original inhabitants and had first populated Ladakh.6 This howe
ver goes contrary to the views held by Francke, who maintained that the Mon race were the
inhabitants originally settled in Ladakh being displaced later by successive waves of Dard
migrants.7
It is, however, clear that the Dards belonged to a very ancient settlement strata and
that their Chiefs ruled at K'a-la-rtse until the 12th century. Even today the Dard fortress,
sBalu-mKhar8a, located three kilometers from K'a-la-rtse enroute to Leh and Brog-pai
mKhar8b about a mile above the village, attests to the old Dard settlement. This latter fort
ress, though merely ruins, can from its foundations be compared to the ancient fortress at
mDa which is in a little better state of preservation and provides an indication as to how
the houses had been grouped under one roof in beehive formation.
The rule of the Dard Chiefs was ultimately replaced during the 12th century. The ru
ler, Lha-c'en Utpala, raided the areas up to Baltistan and his successor, Lha-c'en Nag-lug,
consolidated his rule at K'a-la-rtse with the construction of a palace and a bridge.80 A.H.
Francke, basing his information on the names of the clans (pha-spun) at K'a-la-rtse, says
that the names of one pointed to the vicinity of Gilgit as the seat of its ancestors while the
other is believed to have emigrated from Baltistan. In the case of the latter, as the name
suggests a Dard origin, it could have settled in Baltistan for some time before proceeding to
Ladakh.8d I was able to confirm this information from Tashi Tundup Sa-bi-pa. The pha
spun from Gilgit is Brukshal-pa and the other, Pakora-pa, migrated from Skardu in
Baltistan.
Ladakh has remained closed since independence and was only partially opened to tou
rism in 1974. In view of the continuing unsettled status of the border dispute with China
and the latter's occupation of the Aksai Chin plateau, the situation remains frozen.9 Under
these circumstances I feel indebted to the Government of India for issuing me a permit to
travel in this area and to the Military authorities for their assistance in the successful com
pletion of my field work.

The first field trip was conducted between the 4th and 30th of January, 1979. The
main area where the investigations were carried out were the villages up the Hanu ravine,
namely Hanu-thang, Hanu-yogma and Hahu-goma, and the hamlets of the village mDa.
The route taken was along the river Indus from K'a-la-rtse, where the National highway
bypasses, connecting Srinagar with Leh. The narrow and dusty road gets rougher, and the
4) Kalhana's Rajatarangini, Reprint 1977, 7th Taranga-119/167-176/915 & 1181-1197; 8th Taranga-201
211/2454-2906.
5) Hasan. 1959, pp. Ill & 145-193. Also see the Ain-i Akbari. pp 534-536.
6) Petech. 1977, p. 5.
7) Francke. 1926/Reprint 1972, Vol. I, P. 60. Archaeological excavations in the area should provide fur
ther answers.
8a) Francke. 1905 & 1906a.
8b) Francke. 1906, pp. 413-414.
8C) Francke. 1977, Reprint, pp. 92-93.
8d) Francke. 1906, p. 413 & 1904. p. 364-365
9) Vohra. 1979.
Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh 71
I iIq
I(
72
Rohit Vohra
Indus gorge deeper, as one gets further away from K'a-la-rtse. The Brog-pa villages are en
countered from Achlna-than onwards but it is not until one reaches the Hannu ravine that
the true Brog-pa Dards are to be seen. The term Brog-pa is used by the Ladakhis in
reference to the Dards and is a term derived from their occupation of herding livestock.
Phonetically hDog-pa (= Brog-pa) has its etymology in the word hDog, which literally
means uncultivated land, summer valley pasture grounds. The people who live by the pro
duce of their livestock, biding their time in the wilderness, are called Brog-pa. Brog-pa
population is to be found inhabiting villages all along the route up to Leh, though their
numbers are few in comparison to the Ladakhi cultivators. Achina-than is wholly Brog-pa
and were in origin Dardic before they adopted the Ladakhi culture. The language spoken
by the Buddhist Dards is called Brog-sKat. It belongs to the Dardic dialects of the Indo
germanic family of languages. Aside from their mother tongue they speak Urdu and La
dakhi to communicate with the outsiders.
The second field trip was conducted between 25th March and the 20th of May, 1980,
followed by a visit to the Muslim Dard villages of Gurais and Tilel valleys along the Kis
hanganga river. During the second trip the route of approach was from the opposite direc
tion and I proceeded by truck from Kargil. Due to the heavy snow the climb up the
Hambu-tihg-la had to be accomplished on foot. As one descends from the pass the first
village one encounters is Lalung, a very ancient village, originally settled by the Dards. As
one follows the route along the sChelmo stream, two extended settlements of the same na
me are reached where even today there are four Brog-pa Dard houses which, until four
generations ago, had maintained marital relations with the Buddhist Dards of mDa. These
villages are Muslim and form the south-western boundary around the villages of the Budd
hist Dards. As one approaches the village Batalik after crossing a stone bridge over the
sChelmo stream, one is standing at the junction of the Muslim and Buddhist Dard villages.
To the west is Ghargurdo, populated by both Muslims and Buddhists, and beyond that a
few other Muslim villages, Chullijang and Sarche. Across the border the belt of Muslim
Dards continues and until four generations ago these had maintained marital relations with
the Buddhist Dards. My research work was carried out among the Buddhist Dards further
to the east-south-east of Batalik up the river Indus.
The villages concentrated upon were Darchicks, Garkuh and mDa. My focus of atten
tion was the village mDa. It is also the most prominent of all the Dard settlements, being
composed of five hamlets, namely: Byema, Baldez, Sanid, Pardos, and Lastieahce. All the
inhabitants of these hamlets possess in the old mDa village their ancestral homes. They al
so have houses in the higher valley pastures at mDa-brouk, where they graze their livestock
and cultivate land during the summer months.
Historical Ancestory and the route of Migration

The Dards of Ladakh claim to have migrated to their present settlement from Gilgit.
Among the authors from the colonial period we have records from F. Drew, R.B. Shaw
and Major Biddulph, who wrote during the 19th century. The y provide speculative ans
wers to the possible route of migration.
F. Drew, who travelled through the area, suggests that the Buddhist Dards belong to
an earlier migration from those at Dras. They had possibly separated from the main mass
of their tribe brethren, at a time before the Dards were converted to Islam. Later when the
Dards became Muslim, they spread again in this direction, and the newcomers have now
joined up with, or become next door neighbours to, the earlier migrants.10
10) Drew. 1875, pp. 430-433.
Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh
73
R.B. Shaw, who visited them during 1878, takes up in his paper the argument of F.
Drew as regards the existence of two migratory stratas differentiated by a space of time.
He goes further to speculate on the precise route of their migration. In his opinion both the
migrations must have followed the same route, "via Astor, Deosai, the Dras river, and
Kargil (a route facilitated by the nature of the country in that direction). Crossing by a low
pass into the Indus valley, they were there arrested by the more difficult mountains on the
east of that river."11
Major Biddulph, despite his own extensive researches on the Dards, relied on Drew
and quotes Shaw extensively with regards his conclusions on the Buddhist Dards.12
During the 20th century we have another set of authors whose contributions are note
worthy in clarifying the issue. A.H. Francke recorded Buddhist Dard songs of the Bono-na
festival (which takes place for two years consecutively at mDa and then Garkun,
after which for two years there is a gap, then the cycle is resumed), among them, song no.
six provides us with the historical recollections of their route of migration. The beginning
of the song is not recorded and the recitation takes up the events from Rong-chu-rgyud
(the deep perpendicular rocky gorge between the wide Indus valley of Skardu and Stag vil
lage on the Indus),13 via Skardu, Shigar, Parkutta, Gavis, Harm, and finally reaching
Sanid (a hamlet of mDa village).14 As regards the original population of Purig and La
dakh, he was of the opinion that the Mon race had first colonised the whole region before
being displaced by later immigrants, the Dards.
Gioto Dainelli visited the region first as a member of the Filippo de Filippi expedition in
1913-1914 and later organised an expedition on his own in 1930. Dainelli suggests that the
re did exist an original race whose surviving descendants can be recognised among the peo
ple of Purig. Over this original race, spread in very ancient times, the Dards, coming from
the west, must have covered the whole of Ladakh. This migratory movement of the Dards
continued until much later and the author attests to this migratory trickle until very recent
times.15
Hashmatullah Khan worked together with Dainelli, but in his own right has produced
by far the most detailed account of the early settlements and the subsequent migrations in
to Purig. It is related that the original population of Purig was from Hindustan. In those
times the entire valley was a great big lake extending from K'a-la-rtse into Baltistan.16 The
slow draining away of this lake resulted in land becoming available for settlement. At this
time the people from Central Asia had already reached Gilgit and, in search of land, began
migrating to Purig. The villages settled by the early migrants were Darchicks, Lalung and
sChelmo, from among the descendants of Dani. Meke entered Khaplu after crossing the
Sind (Indus) valley at Bunji and later reached Ganoks. He made his settlement at Yaldaro
mDa-Brouk. His descendants settled the villages in the area of mDa and Garkun. Melo
also, like Meke, came via the route from the north and founded the settlement at Hanu.16a
My informant Tashi skid-phel, Gol-pa, from Garkun belongs to the family of priests
and is the present La-bdag. He enumerated the names of several places around Gilgit from
where the ancestors of the Dards had come: Gilgit-Brukshal16b/ Gilgit-Ghutumal/ Gilgit
") Shaw. 1878, p. 12.
>2) Biddulph. 1880, pp. 46-50 & 155-164.
13) Francke. 1977, p. 10.
14) Francke. 1905, pp. 98-99.
>5) Dainelli. 1933, pp. 240-241.
16) Khan. 1939, p. 680. Also see Drew. 1875, pp. 262-271.
16a) Khan. 1939, pp. 684-686.
16b) Laufer. 1908.
Rohit Vohra
74
So-garmen/ Gilgit-Phastanjing/ Gilgit-Ghandum/ and Gilgit-Sachil. An elderly man

from mDa, Tashi Rigzin, Chogolag-pa, recounted the story of how their ancestors first
came and settled in the valley about 800-1000 years ago. They had first discovered the val
ley as a hunting ground at a time when the Raja of Gilgit had forbidden the killing animals.
Three brothers Dulo, Galo and Melo of Gilgit-pa house set out on a hunt to regions outsi
de the Raja's jurisdiction. They killed a goat at mDa-brouk, and as they were
tired they took off their leather shoes (cratpa) and relaxed by the stream. In those days in
stead of wearing socks they stuffed straw and in removing their shoes a few grains of gram
fell out.
They returned to Gilgit and three months later when their meat supplies were exhau
sted they often thought about the 'promised land' where plenty of wild life existed. So,
shortly after, they set out once again towards mDa-brouk. Upon reaching the ground whe
re they had relaxed on the previous occasion, they found a crop in full growth and ready to
be harvested. This testimony of the fertility of the land made them reflect upon the hards
hips of living under the rule of the Gilgit Raja. Among themselves they now decided that
this was a good place to settle. They began a small cultivation and constructed a hut. Re
flecting upon the difficulties they would have in bringing their families from the jurisdic
tion of the cruel ruler of Gilgit, they began to think up a scheme. Now dressing up in the
attire of poor beggars, they departed for Gilgit in order to implement their plans.
As all strangers in Gilgit were suspect, they were caught and brought into the presence
of the Raja. The Mon musician in the assembly at once recognised the youngest brother,
and as they were friends, he began to signal through gestures. The Mon was familiar with
such incidents and when the brothers were asked to dance he played a melody through
which he indicated that their situation was dangerous and that they were going to be killed.
The second brother joined in the dance and realising their fate, he lifted his hands towards
the sky thus indicating that the Will of God shall prevail. Then the youngest brother joined
the other two in the dance. He danced in an unruly manner pushing the bystanders with his
elbows. This style of dancing was copied by the other two brothers and thus, due to the
pushing and dancing, there was soon confusion among the enamoured spectators. Within
this chaos and their continued jostling for more and more space the crowded people began
to dissipate. The brothers took advantage of this situation and while pretending to conti
nue dancing they moved slowly towards the exit. In this manner they were able to make
their escape from the intriguing king.
Out of fear of being followed they hid themselves within the vicinity of their house. In
those days every two or three houses had a well of their own. The wives of the three brot
hers were worried and out of fear did not leave their house premises, but towards evening,
out of necessity, the youngest wife went to fetch water from their well. As she lowered the
vessel she was perturbed at the sudden heaviness and in the same moment heard a shout
appealing to her for help. She immediately recognised the voice of her husband and one by
one the three were rescued out. As staying any longer in Gilgit became dangerous for them
they decided to leave the village under the cover of darkness. They collected whatever
moveable possessions they could gather and left with their families. Upon leaving the el
dest brother picked up a stick of Chang-ma, which was still wet. The second
brother took with him a stick of Stag-pa (Birch) and the third brother took a Bow and Ar
row. The brothers, reached Rong-chu-rgyud, crossed the bridge called Chugardam and
then proceeded to Shakar Chundal, Basho Bhisho, Skardu and Khaplu. From Khaplu they
descended to mDa-brouk where the Chang-ma stick was planted. The Stag-pa stick was
planted to establish the settlement (Yul) on the other side of the stream. When later the
75
crops were harvested they ground the grain on big boulders and made Sattu (flour). They
also roamed the surrounding area and found plain ground at the junction of mDa stream
into the river Indus. As the cultivation of land required water, a canal had to be dug but
due to the lack of implements they sat down to think up a scheme.
The youngest brother soon provided a solution by suggesting that they shoot an
arrow16c and where it landed would be the place to dig out a canal. Between mDa-brouk
and Shanglo there is a high place called Changlota from where the eldest brother shot an
arrow which hit a rock and made a hole, causing water to spring out (this place exists and
the canal actually emerges from there). Upon descending, they began digging out the ca
nal. A wooden Purcha (spade) was made to dig out the earth and the horns of a goat were
used to remove the stones. In this manner irrigation water was acquired for cultivating the
land and the existing village of mDa was established. The place of their original settlement
is still inhabited during the summer months, when the livestock is taken up for grazing and
the land in the higher reaches cultivated.
This traditional version of Dardic folklore is typical of the way their historical tradi
tion has been preserved, being passed down to succeeding generations through oral trans
mission, not disregarding the fact that there could have occurred possible modifications in
justification with the changing times. However there can be discerned certain characteristic
elements, such as the scene with the Mon musician and the event where the brothers, when
leaving Gilgit, carry with them sticks of Chang-ma and Stag-pa (Birch) and
plant them at the place of their settlement. Similar evidence is available in the historical re
cordings by Hashmatullah Khan where the exiled ruler of Gilgit, upon migrating to Purig,
planted a stick of Bhoj (Birch) at the village of Kuksho17 where today there exists a
grove. The injunction in the story regarding the prohibition on the hunting of animals is
interesting as it may related to a time period when Buddhism prevailed.
The next historical phase of their folk tradition relates to their Chiefs Gapo and Gil
Singe. From the stories recorded by me it is apparent that their villages had recognised the
overlordship of bRa-Makpon of Skardu, but some misunderstanding seems to have arisen.

Their Chiefs, in order to regain the bRa-Makpon's confidence, perform great feats of bra
very in overcoming the tasks set before them. Gil Singe, as a result, is presented a gold box
while Gapo is gifted land in Garkun, which to this day is known under his name.
Among the other stories there is the recitation of the story about Gil Singe and Gapo ha
ving killed many Minaro. Minaro, they say, were the original inhabitants of the villages
and many were killed in the war, while others were subdued. The Minaro were also from
Gilgit and the newcomers took many women of the Minaro as wives. The Bon-na tradi
tions, that are the reason for celebrations every three years, are mostly those which were
passed down through memory from the Minaro.

During this period the history of Ladakh and Skardu kingdoms provides an insight in
to the changing fate of the Buddhist Dards. The region inhabited by the Buddhist Dards
remained outside the annexationist interests of either of the two kingdoms and their Chiefs
Gapo and Gil Singe remained in power until the 17th century. The whole of Purig was
fragmented into small Chiefships and the rise in power of the Skardu kingdom resulted in
Ali Khan interfering in the internal affairs and extending his influence. He first annexed
the areas of Dras by manipulating the quarrel between the Ranis of Dras. Later he exchan
16C) This incident of shooting an arrow to auger a new place is typical of their traditions and is also available
to us from the reports on the Kalash (Kafirs) where an arrow is shot to establish a village, a shrine or the menstrua
ting house. This aspect appears to involve divine sanctity. See Jettmar. 1975, p. 242 & 244.
17) Khan. 1939, p. 710
Rohit Vohra
76
ged the lands of Sot Chief which were given to the heirs of Chig-tan and in return got
Bodh-Kharbu.18 This provoked Jamyang-rnam-rgyal to retaliate but his ultimate defeat
was followed by the demarcation of the border between Ladakh and Baltistan at Ghotth
matcco.19 This in the local language means the 'dividing line' and resulted in the separa
tion of Muslim Dards from their ethnic brethren, the Buddhist Dards. Though this physi
cal separation did alienate the sympathies of the Buddhist Dards from the Raja of Skardu,
it did not immediately affect the unity of the Dards on both sides of the border. The village
Ghotthamtcco is today called Ghargurdo and has a series of seven tactically

sited watch-towers, now in ruins, along the open stretches of the village which were con
jointly manned by both kingdoms in times past and authenticate this historical aspect. The
Dards on both sides continued marital alliances, trade passed through and taxes were paid
at Ganoks. But the real separation can be said to have taken place with the discontinuance
of marital alliance about five generations ago. The Brog-pa Dards have a symbolical story
regarding the birth of Sen-ge-rnam-rgyal and the Balti princess leaving him at Ghargurdo
to be reared by an eagle. The birth took place when Jamyang-rnam-rgyal and rGyal Kha
tun were returning to Ladakh, and upon the birth of a son she went back to Skardu. Later
when she returned to Leh she took along her son.
Sometime later the Buddhist Dards were harassed constantly by Balti raids and they
asked Sen-ge-rnam-rgyal for protection. The latter had a fort built at mDa and it is said
that there was a stable for his horses outside the second gate and that he used to personally
visit the Dards. Later the area was put Under the jurisdiction of the K'a-la-rtse Makpon.
Until the building of the fort the Dard Chiefs had ruled independent, recognising only the
nominal suzerainity of the Skardu Raja. During the subsequent period the route via the
Hahu ravine came to be used in the wars with Baltistan. The narrow gorge of the Indus at
Garkuh did not permit the passage of a large army, though this route continued to be used
for trade. Thus the earlier Ladakhi influences at Hahu. The Dards of mDa, Garkuh and
Darchicks remained isolated until much later, though a few individuals who travelled on
trading missions brought home news of the more aggressive world outside. Trade for the
Dards consisted of exchanging their Barley for Salt from the Chang-pa nomades and this
was transported from Leh to Skardu. In Skardu they exchanged the Salt and in return
brought dried apricots to Leh. The entire trip would last for about a month. One box of
Barley was exchanged for two boxes of Salt, and a donkey load of Apricots could be had
for seven silver rupees. Such were the answers received by me when I inquired from some
of the old men who had travelled on these trading expeditions.
Settlement Pattern and Social Structure

Among the Buddhist Dards the ancient mode of settlement was by the division of the
village into three sections. In Garkun the village is even today settled in this manner and
the three sections have separate names. When standing in the village and facing the Indus
river, the extreme left section is called Ttipa, the middle section Sirchahgra, and the one on
the extreme right is Shehepa. On all religious and social occasions, when the village as a
whole does not gather, the inhabitants of each section gather and worship the local deity or
celebrate the birth of a child. Each section has a Deuha (shrine), the one in Ttipa is called
Tti Deuha, and here the goats are sacrificed, Chilgi (Juniper) leaves replaced each year and
wishes to the deity made. Today no strict pattern of visiting the Deuha of one's own sec
tion is observed and the convenience of the one closest to the residence is taken.
18) Khan. 1939, p. 499
19) Khan. 1939, p. 501
77
In each of the villages the old system can be observed but there are variations to be
found which represent the different stages of disintegration and adaptations emerging the
refrom.
In mDa village these divisions were said to exist in the communal habitations of the
people in the fort. In the fort there were the three sections named as follows: Dhon-stot,
the uppermost; Dhon-skil, the middle level; and Dhon-jug, the lowest level. These groups,
organised in accordance with their pattern of living in the fort, had prescribed rights and
duties in relation to the functioning of the village. They participated in festivals by first
gathering as a unit and then proceeding to the place where the celebrations were held. Con
tributions to festivals like Lo-gsar and Bono-na were provided by each section as a whole.
During other festivals, like Khudas-skhal (held in August and is the time for threshing
grain) the food and drinks were provided by one particular section for the entire village,
every year, so that each section got its turn in rotation.
The habitation in the fort at mDa consisted of a number of rooms arranged in two
and three stories, with a common passage of entry and exit as if under one roof, the entire
construction resembling a labyrinth. The fort had three gates, the first two made of wood
and the third of iron. Earlier there was a stable inside the third gate for the Ladakh rGyal
po's horses. The livestock was kept inside the fort and in case of an attack a signal cry
would assemble the entire village in the fort. They had an underground tunnel constructed
which ensured their water supply in case they were besieged. Much of the fort is in ruins to
day. Only the entry tower still stands with a winding staircase leading up to a couple of
rooms. The layout of the rest of the rooms can be seen from the ruins of the foundation.
The material used for the building of the inner structure of the fort were sun dried bricks
and wooden poles. The fort is located at the edge of a cliff, defended on two sides by the
mDa stream and the Indus river, and the third side of the triangular construction faces the
village and the terraced fields. The Buddhist Gompa stands in the fort premises and part of
the ruins are inhabited during the winter season.

The settlement pattern of the old mDa village is similar, if only a little more spacious,
and provides a perspective of how the living in the fort could have been. This layout is typi
cal of most Dard villages, having small alleys (2 to 4 feet wide) between the houses and of
ten the roofs of a couple of houses are joined. These villages are situated on a slope above
the fields and are backed by a high mountain wall, into which they are built. The alley are
used as irrigation canals through which water flows periodically into the fields.
The hamlets, which are an extension of mDa village, are more sparsely populated.
The houses are sometimes attached to one another and there are others which are located
individually in the middle of the fields. The latter are characteristic of the later construc
tions which have not been built from the defensive point of view. These are more spacious
with several rooms for storage and for the habitation of their livestock, though the basic li
vingroom for the whole family is typical of both the old and the new houses.
All the settlements are located in between or near the cultivated fields strewn with
fruit trees, which are, in particular, concentrated on the edge of the stream and water ca
nals.
The inhabitants of each hamlet unite at this minimal level in the performance of cer
tain communal tasks. The most apparent of these consists in the division of the irrigation
water which is derived from a common source. This is basically determined by the location
of the fields, that is the fields on the higher mountain slopes receive water first and subse
quently the fields lower down in a descending order. The water supply is divided on a wee
78
Rohit Vohra
A hamlet of village mDa
Brog-pa Dard women in their traditional caps and jewels

kly basis, each house getting its share on certain days.20 The maintenance of order and the
settlement of disputes are referred to the La-bdag (official) responsible for irrigation.
Their livestock remain in the higher valley pastures during the summer months, but
for most of the year and through the winter they are sent every morning at daybreak and
return before sunset to the village. Each house deputes a member for the grazing task who
takes the livestock of the entire hamlet and each house gets its turn in rotation.
20) For similar practices regarding division of water within the village, see Snoy. 1975, p. 135.
79
The house among the Dards is an independent unit and a whole by itself. Social soli
darity within the village is identical with the existence of strong and self sufficient house
holds. There is no overarching political order regulating the village structure. There is re
gulation at the house level where the functions of each member are delegated by the eldest
brother. A person in the village is identified first by his house-name and only then by his
personal name, the latter being mostly used by the people of his own generation. The con
tinuity of the house-name is a matter of concern for all the villagers. If there are no chil
dren then adoption from other houses is taken recourse to, preference being given in this
regard to a male from the same pha-spun. In case there are only daughters born, then a Ba
ru (Maqpa) will be brought into the house (uxorilocal residence); his position in the house
will be the same as that of a woman marrying into her husband's house. He can be divor
ced and turned out of the house and/or another husband acquired. In other words he re
mains an important member within the localised descent group for the purpose of procrea
tion and after the birth of a son his legitimacy is justifiable only on the grounds that he
contributes with his labour power.
The eldest brother is the most important member and this is clearly brought out in the
rituals and ceremonies which take on a greater importance. The property of the household
will be passed down in his name and consequently the house-name. Marriage alliances are
between households and are arranged by the head of each house with the assistance of the
wife's brother. Child marriage is common and is arranged by a simple ceremony between
the persons concerned at the shrine of the local deity. Marriage is mostly in the form of si
ster exchange, and preference is given to such an exchange with one household when possi
ble. This results in all possible combinations taking form, i.e. giving two daughters in mar
riage to one son (polygyny), one daughter to two or more sons (polyandry) or one daughter
to one son (monogamy). The house which receives wives also gives daughters to the same
household. This is most frequently practised by giving two sisters in marriage to two brot
hers and in return receiving the same. In such cases both brothers have equal right of ac
cess to both wives. Often, in recording the geneologies, I rechecked with other informants.
As a result one informant would say that both the wives belonged to the eldest brother,
while another informant would relate one wife's name for each of the brothers. However,
in practice the wife bearing the first son was usually the one with whom the eldest brother
identified. In all these differing forms of marriage practices all the children born are consi
dered to be those of the eldest brother. Thus, the other brothers are mere members of the
house performing the duties delegated to them, but having neither any rights to the inheri
tance of property nor to the status of 'father' over the children.
The household solidarity is exhibited in the worship of the Sa-bdag which no outsider
is allowed to touch. The prosperity of the house, the fertility of the women and land must
be guarded against any pollution from the non-members who might visit the localised des
cent group. The ancestors of the house are worshipped at the pha-spun 'munal'. The aut
hority vested in the aged is abstracted after death into the supernatural realm by putting
the bones of the dead ancestors in the 'Munal' where prayers are offered during the Mama
ni festival.
There is no division of the household. The house continues as a unit through genera
tions, exhibiting mutations in which every succeeding generation brings to the forefront a
lineally descended heir playing the social role for his particular housename. Land owners
hip is traditionally associated with lineage organisation and therefore a territorial group is
an agnatic group. Cases exist of female inheritance of property and those of adoption.
These play a major role in maintaining the circularity of their logic and cover up the discre
80
Rohit Vohra
pancies between the actual descent group and the geneological continuity of the house
name.
The hamlets unite at the medial level with the village as a whole and it is at this level
that their ties bind them the strongest. Every household has its ancestral home in the old
village of mDa. Marriage alliances are mostly contracted between the families within the
village. Only when a suitable match in their own village is not found the choice is made
from among the neighbouring Buddhist Dard villages. Four to six generations back they
had contracted marriages with the Muslim Dard villages as well but it is not so now. Live
stock grazing grounds are located up the mDa stream. These are owned communally by the
village and any encroachment upon their rights can lead to serious disputes at the village le
vel. Celebration of festivals connected with land cultivation, life cycle and folk tradition
unite the Dards as a segmentary category, revealing the influences binding them within the
village.
Representation within the village community is through the pha-spun20a grouping,
and a household is identified by its belonging to one of these. Functioning of the village
structure is feasible through the allocation of responsibilities to such pha-spun groupings.
My informant, Tashi skid-phel of Gol-pa household, enumerated the pha-spun groups in
Garkun village who have hereditarily performed their duties. For instance, Tashi skid-phel
himself is the officiating priest and his pha-spun is Sumen-pa. Similarly, Chalo-pa pha
spun is responsible for the repair work of the canal system at the beginning of each year
and also for beginning the irrigation work at each season. Bhus-pa pha-spun, during the
Bhi(Sakka) festival, is responsible for ploughing the first three furrows in the field and on
ly after this festival can the villagers begin cultivation. Each of these groups has a particu
lar house which is the provider of the La-bdag (official) for performing the task. There are
however two other households from within the same pha-spun who are the second and
third La-bdag. The need for substituting the second and the third arises then, when there is
the birth of a child or the death of a person in the officiating persons house and therefore
his house is impure for a prescribed period on each of these occasions. There are between 4
to 8 houses in each pha-spun group but those who can officiate are only three and these are
graded hierarchally. Caste-like differentiations are conspicious by their absence, though

R.B. Shaw who visited these villages in 1876 writes of the existence of priestly, cultivator
(Rushen) and artisan (Ruzmet) castes and it was this piece of information which provoked
me to inquire. The answer I received was that since the earliest times they had done all their
work themselves, later the households Billu-pa and Ghara-pa came from Bodh-Kharbu
and settled among the Dards as blacksmiths. A special ceremony, was performed by these
two households. They took two pieces of pattu (hand woven wollen cloth), one of black
and the other of white colour, and these they gave to the villagers assembled for the cere
mony. Later the entire village was fed with goat meat and Chang (barley beer). Following
this the entire village became one cultivator class. Thus while recording the pha-spun
groupings (the house Billu-pa belongs to Mantho, while Ghara-pa belongs to La-lu-she.
The latter is the pha-spun to which the officiating priest of mDa belongs) it became clear
2oa) The notions of Pha-spun have developed variations in the different regions where Tibetan influence
spread. The fact that Bone and the Nail of a person were held sacred and associated with ancestral worship shows
that Rus-pa meant a closer kinship bond as opposed to Pha-spun groupings which included in-marrying spouses. The
fact that Pha-spun groupings were in earlier times exogamous groups shows that there existed two levels of kinship
bonds. At the primary level the closeness of the Bone(rii) and then more distant the Pha-spun which included a larger
group of relatives. On the differing notions of Pha-spun, Pun and Rus-pa as available to us from reports of 20th cen
tury informants, see Peter, prince of Greece & Denmark. 1956, pp. 138-146 & 1963, pp. 327 & 380-81; Brauen. 1980,
pp. 21-28; Dargyay. 1980; Aziz. 1978.
81
that caste distinctions are not characteristic of the Dardic system of beliefs. The Ladakhi
influences in this sphere have not been adapted and the Mon (minstrel or musician) profes
sion does not exist. Instead, they have trained musicians from among their own. From the
land records in the Leh Archives it is clear that the work of Blacksmith since 1901 has been
done by people from the neighbouring Ladakhi village of Skurbuchan.21 Since the last
generation a man, Tsering-Nurbu, has rented a house in old mDa village and does the
blacksmiths work. His status in the village is not much different from the few muslim fam
ilies from Chig-tan who do labour work in the fields. They are treated as outsiders as any
other visitor from Leh in relation to whom they differentiate themselves and apply their ta
boo system of non-Buddhist beliefs.

Each pha-spun has a common 'MunaP where the bones of their ancestors are placed.
During specific festivals, in particular during Mamani, the pha-spun .members gather and
worship at the 'Munal' by placing food offerings and lighting a lamp. Though during birth
and marriage the help of the pha-spun members is taken, the main occasion which is signi
ficant is assistance during the death ceremony. The near relatives must not witness the
event and therefore the pha-spun members carry the body for cremation and provide the
wood for the purpose. Once the body has burnt to ashes, a piece of the forehead bone or
nail of the finger is preserved and later put at the pha-spun 'Munal'.
The pha-spun is not an exogamous group and inter-pha-spun marriage does take pla
ce. Thus at the medial level their bonds are the strongest.
At the maximal level they identify themselves with all the Buddhist Dards and their
villages also demarcate the limits of exogamy. Four to six generations earlier this limit ex
tended to include the Muslim Dard villages as well but, since the Maulvi forbade them,
they have not married with the Buddhists. The Bono-na festival (Chupo-shRubla) is the
only event when all unite to participate in the celebration of their ancestral traditions. At
this tribal level their segmentary solidarity is exhibited only when they have to identify
themselves in relation to the population surrounding them.
Religion
The Dards of the villages of North Pakistan22 and those of Jammu and Kashmir State
were all converted to the various sects of Islam at different times. The influences came
from different directions223 but the dominating role of the Baltistan chiefs during the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries provided the main impetus. The muslim Dard villages in
Jammu and Kashmir State are located in three pockets. The largest group lies along the
Kishanganga river, right from where it takes its source to just before it enters Pakistan.
Another group is centered around Dras and the third set of villages are hemmed inbetween
the Buddhist Dards and the border of Baltistan, along the river Indus. The Dards, with
whom we are in this paper concerned, had accepted Buddhism considerably later. This is
attested to by reports from travellers during the colonial period. R.B. Shaw, the first per
son to give us an account, was able to see them still existing in their archaic purity. When
he inquired from the villagers at mDa about their religion, he was told about the goddess
Sringvmo sLha and later the Lama at Skurbuchan confirmed that they had been intro
21) Archives of Land Records, Leh. The first 'Record of Rights' was compiled under the settlement officer
R.T. Clarke in 1958, Bikram era (1901 A.D.) and a more complete version was done under Chaudhri Kushi Muham
mad in 1963, Bikram era (1907 A.D.). Both of these records provide an account of where the craftsmen came from
incase the villagers of mDa-Garkun required their assistance.
22) Jettmar. 1961, for an account of the Dard villages in N. Pakistan.
22a) Jettmar. 1975, pp. 202-205; Ahmad. 1979. pp. 3-18.
82
Rohit Vohra
duced to Buddhism only 12 to 15 years earlier.23 Further confirmation in this regard was
provided by what my informant from Garkuh village had to say. Tsering phel, Bahduhg
pa (40 years old), said that the sister of his great-grand-mother was married to man from
Chullijang, a muslim village. He said that until five generations ago marriages with the
muslim villages of Sarche and Chullijang were common but only after they had accepted
Buddhism had their Maulvi forbidden them to contract marriages with the Buddhists. Ge
neaologies recorded at mDa further confirmed the fact that they had received women in
marriage from Ganoks, a muslim Dard village in Baltistan. It is possible to suggest that the
influence of Tibetan Buddhism went through a slow process of acceptance. It is only since
two generations that they have had their own kinsmen trained as Lamas, the first one from
Phoruk-pa household and the present one is Lama Tsering Anchouq, Watol-pa,
from mDa. G. Dainelli who, during his visit in 1913-1914, sketched an elaborate diagram
of the mDa monastery, records that his inquiries about whether the Dards were Buddhist
received negative responses.24
Wherever Buddhism spread in the past it always adapted itself to the existing religious
conditions of the native country. Thus, among the Buddhist Dards too, the basic logic of
their system of beliefs has survived intact. Buddhism has merely filled in the lacunae which
existed, for example providing an elaborate prayer ritual to be conducted during the birth,
marriage and death ceremonies. For if one questions them it becomes apparent that their
local deities are to be feared and sacrifices offered regularly. Buddha, they say, is god abo
ve all providing protection to mankind.
The chief deity Sring sLha-mo is worshipped universally among all the Buddhist Dard
villages. The deity appears as a Bon goddess and is associated with the myth of origin of
the Tibetan race in the Buddhist literature.25 It is related that, "About twenty days' jour
ney south-east of Lhasa is a monastery called Bombo Bonri, the monastery of Mount Bon,
among whose rocks is a cave known as the Demoness's Cave, Srinmotadsa; and in the be
ginning, before other life existed in Tibet, the cave was inhabited by a demoness, Drasrin
mo. At this time Janrezig, the Merciful one, bethought himself in Potala that he would
make a world of men. Accordingly he sent a Bodhisattva in the form of a monkey to earth,
saying to him; 'Go to Srinmotadsa and there meditate on how to create a living
world.' "25a This story continues to tell about his initial failure and consequent success
with Drasrinmo and the birth of numerous offsprings in the form of beasts, birds, fishes,
insects and man. This story relates to the period when the initial fusion of the Bon doctrine
occurred with Buddhism. Many Srin deities were subdued by the Saint Padmasambhava,
who were adapted as protectors of Buddhism. There is even the account of an egg breaking
in the Srin country, ruled by king of the Srin, Lanka mgrin chu.25b S.C.Das relates the epi
sode of the dispute between Milarapa and the Bon priest Na ro-Bdnchhun for the posses
sion of Mount Kailasa. In appealing to the Bon Gye god he shows devotion to the sister
Srih-gyalma.25c This is the same goddess who was later adapted into the Tibetan pantheon
and appears as the sister cum Sakti (Sring-ma) of the Bon god rNo gcog gting 'byin.25d The
23) Shaw. 1978, p. 7.
24) Dainelli & Biasutti. 1925, p. 84.
25) For the myth of Origin see Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Vol. II, p. 713; Hermann. 1946-49, a) Uber
lieferung, welche beim Pferderennen-Volksfest erzahlt wird (Lab lob gi dpe cha bzhug so) pp. 293-295,
b) Mani bka abum, pp. 817-827, c) Chos abyn chen po (Bu ston) p. 827, d) Mitteilung von 'bLa ma a Jigs med der Ga
ran Lamaserie bei Sim hua, pp. 829-830 & pp. 837-841; Stein, 1957-58, pp. 5-7 & 1961, pp. 3-5; Das, S.C. 1897; Wen
zel. 1893.
25a) Combe. 1926/Reprint 1975, pp. 36-38.

25b) Nebesky-Wajkowitz, 1956, pp. 280 & 314.
25C) Das. 1881-1882/Reprint 1980, p. 21.
25d) Nebesky-Wajkowitz. 1956, pp. 91 & 326 (also see foot note)
83
survival of the goddess Sring sLha-mo among the colony of the Buddhist Dard villages is
noteworthy of the fact that Bon religious practices still survive here. Professor Snellgrove
is perhaps correct in pointing out that Bon religion must be differentiated, in its meaning
as referring to an unusual Tibetan Buddhist sect, and in its meaning of a pre-Buddhist reli
gion.256 It is in the latter sense that the religion of the Buddhist Dards is referred to here. In
the Dard colony the worship is devoid of any iconographic cult and the deity is worshipped
in its existence in a mountain crevice (a cave like opening). The only articles of worship are
numerous Ibex horns, round and oval white stones25f (of 4 inches in diameter) and Juniper
branches which are replaced by new ones each year during the Lo-gsar celebrations.
Sring sLha-mo is said to get annoyed incase the villagers use the cow's milk, butter or
flesh. Cow is not to be kept as a domesticated animal and are sold or exchanged with their
Muslim neighbours of Purig. The Bull is used for cultivation purposes but otherwise al
lowed to roam freely in the village or the pasture grounds. Similar taboos extend to poultry
and the eating of eggs, though the younger generation today eat the eggs but do so secretly
and never cook them on the household hearth.
There is a whole pantheon of deities. There are deities with significance to a part of
the village, others which are worshipped by the whole village. Basha and Roshe are two
deities who remained behind in the heavens when god assigned each deity its task and seat
of residence. Still others, like the deity Masho Nakran (also called Hari
Shrine of the village deity

in the mountain crevice.
Ibex horns of antiquity

adorn the shrine with Ju
niper branches stuck in
between. These latter are
changed each year during
New Year. The round
and oval white stones can
be seen placed beneath

the Ibex horns.
25e) Snellgrove. 1977, p. 21 & footnote 19.

25 f) The connection of these round and oval stones with the B6n myth of Origin of the demoness will be dealt
separately. The egg like stones at the shrine of the demoness are reminiscent of the episode of the birth of the deity,
see Nebesky-Wajkowitz. 1956, p. 314.
84
Rohit Vohra
Le) who tells the future events but has no assigned place of residence. tZang-man sLha-mo
(or Gyapo) is the protector of the village lands and responsible for maintaining order.
The deity tZang-Mande sLha-mo, whose shrine is located inbetween the villages mDa
and Garkuh is of particular interest. The deity is worshipped during the sGuh-la festival,
about the time the crops have ripened in the fields and this is a signal for the livestock to be
sent to the higher valley pasture grounds. This festival takes place during the middle of Ju
ne, lasting for three days and is known as the festival of the goat and sheep. The village
priest goes through a purification ceremony for seven days prior to the festival. On the day
of the festival he takes a cold water bath at the village stream before Sun rise. Following
this he proceeds to the shrine of tZang-Mande with the sacrificial animal. Just below the
shrine is a piece of flat ground where he sacrifices a kid to the deity. The meat is then coo
keoVand a small piece is put as an offering to the deity. The rest of the sacrificial meat is
brought to the village and distributed among the assembled villagers. During the absence
of the priest the village has assembled for the celebration of the festival. Each household
brings Ghee (clarified butter), according to ability, as a contribution to the festival. The
priest (La-bdag) on his return takes for himself the largest portion contributed and the rest
is distributed among the villagers equally. The musical tune 'Larenga is played and all re
joice by singing and dancing. The rituals of this festival relate to their communal living and
bring out the significance of the livestock to their community.
The deity tZang-Mande is also worshipped during the Bono-na festival. Among the
songs recorded by A.H. Francke there is the worship of this deity by singing, "O, this little
field (is) the place, Mandede mandeshin!,,26

The deity resembles and is perhaps the same as the Yaksha Mandara, specially wors
hipped by the Dards and is mentioned in the Buddhist Mahamayuri text of the Gilgit
Manuscripts. Professor Tucci suggests that it may be sanskritisation of a local deity of so
me Dardic tribe.27 In the Mahabharata there are frequent references to Mt. Mandara, abo
de of Indra and the Yaksha Vaisravana (also known as Yaksha Kubera, Indra made him
king of Yakshas) who guard this region.28 Mt. Mandara was associated with Shavite and
Vaishnavite worship.283 We are told about the tribute of gold, a boon of the Piplaka ants,
brought by tribes residing inbetween Mt. Meru and Mt. Mandara, to the rajasuya of Yud
histhira. Among the tribes mentioned are also the Dradas.28b In the writings of the authors
of Greek antiquity are found numerous references to the Dards who recovered gold dust
from the earth dug out by the Piplaka ants.28c May it not be that the deity Mande worship
ped by the Buddhist Dards is the same as the Dard Yaksha Mandara mentioned in
the Mahamayuri text of the Gilgit Manuscripts. Mt. Mandara is the region from where the
Dards brought tribute of Gold and probably relates to their worship of this mountain. The
Buddhist Dards even today subscribe to nature worship and their deities are related to par
ticular holy mountains as their residence.
The sLha has its shrine on particular high mountains, located in a crevice in the rocks.
The officiating (La-bdag) priest regularly offers sacrifices to the respective deities during
specific festivals. Lha-tho are two to four feet high pile of stones erected in worship of the
sLha and on all festive occasions food offerings with prayers are placed on it. The sLha is
also offered prayers against disease and to avert any calamity by the construction of a
26) Francke. 1905, p. 98, lines 23-25.
27) Tucci. 1977, p. 38.
28) Mahabharata. 1975, Book-3 (35) 159-160/lines 1-5.
28a) Schwartzberg, J.E. 1978, plate IV.4.34, Map. A.; Bose, B.R. 1872; Col. Francklins account. 1872.
28b) Mahabharata. 1975, Book-2, (27) 147-148/lines 1-10.
28C) Hermann, A. 1938, pp. 10-13.
mound of piled up stones placed on roof tops or on high mountain ridges where there is no
danger of pollution. These are called tDar-Choks and usually have a long stick stuck into
the stones with a flag at its tip. These can be seen fluttering in the background of the villa
ges which lie scattered like oasis amidst desert surroundings.
Just below the shrine of

the local deity is a flat
piece of ground where the
village priest sacrifices the
goat to the deity and then
cooks the meat at the
place, offering a piece

to the deity.
The most fundamental concept and the one which concerns them most directly is the
Sa-bdag, a one a half to two feet high black stone. The Sa-bdag is of the earth and relates
to the fertility of their women and children, their livestock and crops. In opposition, the
sLha is of the sky and can be approached through prayers being offered to the Sa-bdag.
Every home has its own Sa-bdag which is kept behind the fireplace where the cooking is
done. This is also the central place of the house and an ordered seating arrangement
around the hearth, and consequently the Sa-bdag, is observed. When facing the fireplace
the men sit on the right and the women on the left,29 seniority being observed in the order
of precedence. When the father is not present then the place at the head is taken by the el
dest son and similarly when the mother is absent her seat is occupied by the wife of the el
29) The significance of allocating the Right side to men and the Left side to women/ This practice is to be
observed in Punyal grave of the older form of burial where the bones of the men are kept on the Right and those of
the women on the Left. Further the notation of an earlier custom of bringing for a communal feast at the grave is si
milar to the still existing practices among the Buddhist Dards. The importance of the directions is noticed in the in
quiries made by Fredrich regarding the sex of the Kalash god Balumain. The informant replied that when the god tur
ned left then the sex was feminine and when he turned right it was male, see Jettmar. 1975, p. 354; also Muller
Stellrecht. 1973. pp. 248-259.
86
Rohit Vohra
dest son. Prior to every meal a prayer is offered by sprinkling three times, with the first
three fingers, in the direction of the Sa-bdag.

The Sa-bdag was brought by the ancestral father from the mountain293 and is a posses
sion which is the basis of the household. Sometimes they place two or three small stones on
the top of the Sa-bdag, representing the fertility and prosperity of their children. The sac
redness associated with the Sa-bdag is attested to by the fact that no stranger is allowed to
touch it. No one is allowed to cross the roof of the house at the place where the chimney is
located. This would amount to showing disregard to the house god. In the past I was told
that this taboo against approaching the Sa-bdag was very severe, to the extent that no
stranger was allowed to enter their villages.29b If they met any stranger it would be on the
road, outside the village. The traders had to bypass their villages and their own villagers
were not allowed to bring back the rations they had taken during their trading expeditions.
Upon returning from their trading trips they were to only enter the house when they had
bathed in Chilgi (Juniper) smoke and thus purified themselves.

The officiating priest of Garkuh village informed me about their belief in the symbol
of Swastika. He showed me a seal which was hung around his neck with the symbol engra
ved on it. This he said had been used since the times of his ancestors to imprint on messa
ges sent, as a mark of authenticity. The mystical diagram - Swastika is known to the Bon
religion as gYung-Drung gi-Bon, meaning 'to mutter magical spells' or 'to mumble secret
formulas'. According to Cunningham and Rockhill this word is derived from the Indian
'Punya' which is another word meaning the symbol Swastika.30 In this regard S.K. Chat
ter ji had already postulated connections of the Bon religion with ancient Hindu complex
of beliefs as a source.31 The Dards have a deity called Yandring, mentioned in one of the
songs recorded by Francke.32 I was also able to record another song sung at the Bono-na
festival in worship of this deity. It is possible to see a connection between Yan-dring and
Yung-drung (Swastika). I was informed of a place above Gilgit called Yandring, similarly
the highest valley and the source brook of mDa stream is called Yandring Bar, perhaps the
naming of this stream draws significance from their deity. A fuller picture in this regard re
quires further research in this direction, including the complex of ideas relating to Bon
worship.
Their belief system incorporates a fear of fairies (pari) and demons (shaitan). There
are evil spirits which prey upon malignant persons and have the capacity of taking posses
sion of the mind, arising into action during certain moments, when the afflicted person is
unconscious of his environment.
There are positive spirits as well like Il-i-phru which roams with the wind. It has the
form of a dwarf, possessing three hands, one arising from the trunk and one each from the
limbs. It is to this spirit that all the carving on the rocks are attributed, mostly drawing fi
gures of animals during the night. Its place of residence is generally in a certain mill and to
whom ever the particular mill belongs has luck by his side. Occasionally a lucky man can
find the shoe or the hat of Il-i-phru and this is supposed to bring prosperity. This sign of
29a) Jettmar. 1979, p. 351, provides another detailed explanation.
29b) A similar experience is noted by Snoy. 1975, pp. 155-156; R.B. Shaw was also greeted by the villagers on
the street below the village with smoking Juniper on a platter which acted as a purifying medium. A senior police of
ficer recounted having received similar treatment when he made a visit to the Dard villages. This custom of the Dards
indicates a way of showing respect which is an idea linked to their concept of pollution.
30) Ramachandra Rao. 1977, p. 3.
31) Francke. 1905-1909, Number 168, pp. xii-xiii. In the introduction of this he suggests that the adoption of
the Hindu Tantric conception Purusa (absolute spirit) and Prakriti (natural phenomena) or their representation in
Shiva and Sakti, had been adapted into Bon religion.
32) Francke. 1905, pp. 97-98.
87
luck is kept very cautiously as then Il-i-phru will repeat visits to that person. Another name
by which Il-i-phru is known is Baluschte.

Other spirits are Shaitan Sarpato Dado, aDre pari which is particularly dangerous and
the ghost-cum-fairy called sMon-mo. sMon-mo usually appears in the form of a young girl
and is supposed to tempt shepherds when they are out grazing livestock. It attacks the per
son when unaware and drags them by the legs, throwing them down high cliffs or into wa
ter. The priest of mDa village said once he was resting while grazing livestock and a sMon
mo attacked him and was dragging him away when he suddenly awoke and struggled him
self free. When he regained full consciousness he realised that he was lying far away from
the place where he had originally laid down to rest.
As a protection against evil spirits Munthoto are hung from the roof of the room.
These are the urinary bladder of goats and are hung on the right side of the fireplace and
when entering an old house one may see several of these hanging, blackened by the smoke.
To avoid evil spells a two feet high stone is kept on roof tops, fresh blood is put over it
when an animal is sacrificed to the deity or even when cut in the house. The stone is called
a San-doz (also called a Sa-bdag).

Belief in witches (Rui) is widespread. They assemble for their gatherings after mid
night. They possess the ability to fly through the air riding upon the main pillar of the hou
se. This pillar called Thun (also called Brusika) has a special meaning for the people, as
it forms the central focus and represents the stability of each household. Witches are sup
posed to exist in human form and they relish human flesh and blood. They possess the abi
lity to transform themselves into animal form and are believed to capture the heart (a term
used in the sense of the 'soul') of human beings. I was told a story about three witches who
were in possession of a man's heart and therefore could make him obey their commands.
The wife of this man got to know of it and advised him about it. During a particular event
when he was obeying the witches the force of his wife prevailed within him and he hit the
witches with a stick, as his wife had advised him thus breaking the spell. The witches as a
consequence turned into stone. I was shown three stones in confirmation of this story in
the middle of a field in Garkun.
Chilgi (Juniper) is supposed to possess purifying qualities. On all religious occasions

its use is made. During ceremonies it is said to cleanse the atmosphere of evil spirits. Its use
is made to wash the hands and to bathe in its smoke. The women whose faces are black
make frequent use of Chilgi smoke to clean themselves. They do not use water saying that
if they wash their faces then Barkat (original charm or grace will be lost) will go away. A
person upon returning to his village is not allowed to touch any utensils until he has puri
fied himself with Chilgi smoke. The Chilgi leaves are eaten and the smoke inhaled by the
village Lha-ba (shaman) who then can enter into communion with the village deity and
in this trance predict futuristic events and cure illness. In Sanid the Lha-tho of dTakur-mo
sLha lies along the stream and is worshipped with fresh Chilgi leaves every year during Lo
gsar. The mountain terrain permits very scanty vegetation but even from the cracks in the
rocks the Chilgi tree can be seen growing. If one looks at the rocky mountains above Bata
lik one can see small bush like trees growing in abundance and this is the only natural vege
tation. It is not difficult to see why such great importance is attached to this tree where in
times of difficulty this tree is the food for their livestock and wood for their fire. This is not
an explanation for the religious significance attached to Chilgi, for such an explanation
must take into account the archaic complex of religious ideas about which we have scanty
information. Professor Jettmar's papers point to the extensive use of Juniper as a holy me
dium among the villages of the valleys lying south of the Hindu-kush and Karakoram
88
Rohit Vohra
mountains. Not only is its use spread in Tibet but extends further eastwards to the tribes of
the Na-khi, practising the Naga Cult of the Bon religion, who have elaborate ceremonies in
veneration of the Juniper tree.33
The tree grows in abundance in the area inhabited by the Buddhist Dards who make
commercial use of it by selling bundles of Chilgi branches at Leh during Lo-gsar. For the
Ladakhis it is a rarity and used sparingly for religious occasions.
R.B. Shaw in his paper 'Stray Arians in Tibet' informs us that the land in mDa is divi
ded according to seven ancestors from whom the present villagers are descended. Today
out of the seven enumerated names only three remain and these are the names of the pha
spun groupings. These are La-lti-she (pha-spun of the priest), dTakure and Diise, other
pha-spun groupings exist but as they had not been recorded by Shaw they could be later
additions. The La-lii-she includes six houses but only three of them are eligible for the per
formance of the priestly duties. The first is the Gangel-de-pa house of hereditary
priests. In case of birth or death in the house the duties can be performed by Gyal-de-pa
and Kolo-pa respectively in the descending order. Abstention for birth occurring in the
house is for a period of one month and in the case of a death the pollution period extends
for twelve months. The priest is an ordinary villager and besides the function of servicing
the village deities during sGuh-la and Lo-gsar every year, and Bono-na every third year,
has no other privileges.

In Garkun the priests pha-spun is Sumen-pa and the hereditary priest is from Gol-pa
house who can be substituted by Games-pa and Gyat-tundup-pa. In relation to the work
assigned to the pha-spun the officiating house in that context can when necessary provide
offerings to the village deity. For example Kamber-pa house (Chalo-pa pha-spun) is
responsible for the repair of the canal system and the beginning of irrigation work every se
ason. Incase during a certain season a new canal has to be dug then he must first offer salty
grain to the deity Gang-si sLha-mo in prayer for the successful completion of the
task.
During Birth and Death ceremonies the duties were performed by the members of the
respective pha-spun's. The priest had no duties in this regard but with the introduction of
Buddhism the Lama performs the needful prayers. These were simply lacunae in the Dar
dic system of belief which have been utilised to the benefit of Buddhism.
The priest however, during the sGun-la, Lo-gsar and the Bono-na festivals goes
through an elaborate ritual of purification. This ritual begins seven days prior to the cele
brations and involves prescribed abstentions. There are prescribed food, sex and speech re
gulations. He will sit alone on the roof of the house abstaining from contact and will not
speak to anyone. Diet consists of three rods (flat bread) of an inch in diameter dipped in
apricot oil and these are brought to him by his eldest son. No water will be drunk on these
seven days and in this manner become eligible to perform the holy rites for his fellow villa
gers.
The priest is not approached when an answer or cure of an illness is required from the
village deity, instead the Lha-ba is approached. Lha-ba is the village shaman, who by inhal
ing Chilgi smoke and even eating some of the leaves and wood, is able to enter into a tran
ce. In this trance the deity is able to descend and communion occurs, a moment which is of
great significance and is called - 'od-dkar (the name of the deity being put as the prefix)
meaning the deity has 'come down' into him. In this trance he is able to provide answers
33) Rock, 1952, Part-I, p. 320, ceremony of Juniper (Boughs) burn. Part-II, p. 519, ceremony To erect a
Juniper pagoda.
89
and to cure illness. The Lha-ba was earlier one of the most important men in the
villages but with the introduction of Buddhism his position has declined. I was told that
there is still a Lha-ba alive but his services are no more used. Medical care is usually obtain
ed from an Am-chi or even the cure of Western medicine taken recourse to from the doc
tors at Leh. This latter is a new trend taking shape with the construction of the road and
the weekly truck service which is loaded up with livestock and humanbeings all together.
The road is bumpy and dusty and by the time it arrives in Leh the clothes are covered thick
ly with dust and the faces unrecognisable.
Cultivation and the Festival Calendar

In the north western corner of Ladakh the Buddhist Dards are able to produce two
crops a year and supplement their diet with a great variety of fruits. Cultivation and live
stock rearing are their basic activities which keep them occupied through the year. With
these are associated the celebration of festivals providing gaity and colour to their life. I
shall here restrict myself to a brief account on the above aspects.34
The season for cultivation is inaugurated with the celebration of 'Sontas' which is
held approximately twenty days prior to the 'Bin' (called 'Sakka' festival in Ladakh) festi
val. After this the village begins to sow their crops (towards the end of february and the be
ginning of March). During 'Sonta' the celebrations include putting Sattu (roasted
barley flour) marks on the house door and on the faces of children. The next day the Lab
dag for cultivation ploughs the fields symbolically.34a This is preceded by cutting the hair
on the Bulls neck (Niya-netis) and then the Yoke is placed on the neck (Niya-shinga) to
which the plough is attached. The comparatively higher temperatures of this part of La
dakh allow the harvesting of two crops in the year. The first is usually Barley (Gono)
and the second crop is mostly Buckwheat, which requires a shorter period to ripen before
the winter sets in.
Watering of the fields begins a month after the sowing period, the celebration of 'Ba
hiz' preceeds this when the La-bdag (official for irrigation) lets the first waters into the
field.34b Weeding out of grass follows ten days later, following which the routine of wate
ring the fields and weeding continues during alternate weeks until harvesting of the crops.
In the beginning of June the 'sGun-la' festival is held. On this day a kid goat is
sacrificed and prayers offered to tZang-Mande for the fertility of their livestock. Only
after this celebration is the livestock sent to the higher valley pasture grounds for the sum
mer months.
Between the end of June and the first week of July occurs the 'Nah' (sHrub-la' in
Ladakhi) festival, celebrated over a period of five days. The important ceremony of put
ting a few corns of the new crop on the main pillar (Thun or Brusika) of the house and on
the Sa-bdag, takes place on the first day.340 It is only after the celebrations that the villages
are allowed to harvest their crops. This is immediately followed by sowing of the second
crop. The festival 'Khudaskhal' takes place in mid-August, after which the grain is
threshed with the help of 4 or 5 Bulls which are made to circle round in the Khal (a circular
place, plastered with earth) filled up with crop.

34) A fuller account of the festivals will appear as a part of my Ph.d thesis where an Ethnographic study of
mDa village and of the Buddhist Dards in general is expected.

34a) First Ploughing during the spring season is done by a particular house. Jettmar. 1975, p. 321; Miiller
Stellrecht. 1973, pp. 134-152; Snoy. 1975, pp. 95-96.
34b) The letting in of the first irrigation water during the season is also a task allocated to a particular house.
Jettmar. 1975, pp. 269-270; Snoy. 1975, pp. 94-95; Muller-Stellrecht. 1973, p. 56 & 67.
34C) Jettmar. 1975, pp. 270-271.
90
Rohit Vohra
In the first week of December the New Year festival 'Lo-gsar' is celebrated. For seven
days an elaborate routine of activities occupies the villagers during the lazy winter
months. The most fascinating are the preparations made for fashioning figures out of Sat
tu dough, which, though also made on other occasions, are on Lo-gsar remarkable in their
variety. Sattu marks are also put on the door along with a Polostick (Takopolo) made out
of dough. The visitors, close relatives in particular, will look at the polostick and say
'Prukthi' and only then enter the house and greet the members. Oil lamps are lit in the
house as well as at the 'MunaP, with food and prayers offered to the ancestors. It was re
ported that in earlier times all the marriages in the village were celebrated communally on
one day during the New Year festival.34d

The 'Mamani' festival is held on the 19th December and is a ceremony in memory of
their ancestors. Each pha-spun assembles at their respective 'MunaP where oil lamps are lit
and food is cooked. The food cooked is first offered to the ancestors, following which the
Lama conducts prayers at each Munal separately. Then the members of the pha-spun feast
amidst songs in reverence of their ancestors.
In the last week of December 'Stas-turV or the festival of the horse is celebrated for
two days. Every year certain villagers take on the responsibility of prepearing for the feast.
Those who give the feast are eligible for certain extra chances during the game played at the
festival. Two sets of object are prepared for the two days, for the first day a roti (round
flat bread), a flower and a Mariac (a Yak made of dough) and for the second day instead
of a flower a piece of ice is placed. On both the days, hitting of the Mariac is to be only at
tempted by the feast givers. All villagers assemble with their horses and with the music
playing in the background are supposed to strike one of the objects while the horse is gallo
ping. Any of the participants striking the object gets a prize from the musicians. The cele
brations continue through the evening into the night amidst drinking of Chang (barley
beer), singing and dancing.
'Spee-ch'es' means 'season', a festival held towards the middle of January, signalling
the beginning of warm weather. On this occasion prayers are offered for a good crop.
Food is taken before daybreak signifying that prayers are being offered before the birds
have arisen or the mouse is at large, pests against which protection is required.
The Bono-na festival (also called Chupo-shRubla) is held for two years consecutively
in mDa and then in Garkuh, following which there is a one year interval and then the cycle
is once again resumed. During this important occasion their ancestral songs are sung. In re
cording and translating some of the songs I came to realise that the local elders themselves
did not know the meaning of many of the words which had been passed down by memori
sing them. The songs had been learned from the Minaro, Gil Singe had killed many Mina
ro and later was himself the victim of a plot during one festival. His wife wanted to poison
his brother but accidentally Gil Singe died, the villagers were overwhelmed with sorrow
and from that time onwards they stopped wearing black clothes.
The Bono-na celebrations are associated with fertility rites, when all women and men
are free to choose their sexual mates. This performance is for the pleasure of their local
goddess and reminds one of Tantric precedents.
Conclusion
In concluding this paper I would say that the original inhabitants of these villages were
the Minaro and subsequent migratory movements brought others from Gilgit who settled
34d) Biddulph. 1880, p. 78; Muller-Stellrecht. 1973, pp. 189-194 & p. 31; Jettmar. 1975, p. 264.
91
among them. Some of these migrants could have settled villages in Baltistan and later du
ring the period of conversion to Islam, moved further eastwards joining up with the Mina
ro. There was apparently a conflict of interests, as the story about Gil Singe killing many
Minaro shows. The Minaro used to bury their dead while the Brog-pa Dards burn
the dead body. The women prohibit their children from approaching the graves of the Mi
naro. Tsering phel Bandung-pa informed me that in Gerkuh while digging the founda
tions for a new house they had found coral beads and pieces of jewellery attributable to the
Minaro. Though this distinction is made when talking about the Minaro, it is not with any
distaste, as the villagers claim to have inherited the Bono-na festival and many of the songs
from the older inhabitants.
Their social organisation reveals characteristics of a small village republic, divided in

to three sections, with a clear demarcation of their rights and duties. The village is com
posed of independent households whose continuity is important for the maintenance of so
cial stability. Each household head is the ruler and regulates the functioning of his unit. In
teraction at the village level is between independent members of a community functioning
democratically.
In the religious sphere, Nature worship and the deification of mountains is accompa
nied by the holy animal the Ibex, whose horns adorne their shrines. The prominent place
of the female goddess and the association with fertility cult shows parallel movements to
the Sakti cult whose roots can be traced back to the Vedic-Aryan belief system. The Sa
bdag, the Swastika and their belief in witches (Rui), demons (Shaitan) and fairies (Pari)
cannot only be related to the Bon religious complex but belong to an area of wider signifi
cance in time and territorial space. The pantheon of goddess appearing in the Kesar Epic
of Ladakh bear an intimate relationship to the Brog-pa Dard beliefs who represent perhaps
the only surviving worshipers of the pre-Buddhist religion. Further research is required in
this direction, particularly of their language which belongs to the Indo-European family
and has fundamental relations with the Prakrit dialects.35
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Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh: The Brog-P

Author(s): Rohit Vohra

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh:

increasing expansionist curiosity of Tzarist Russia. A reciprocal defensive tendency of the

lor - A Contribution to the Political and Ethnic geography of North Pakistan".2

bed into the Moghul Empire.5

pletion of my field work.

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh 71

and cultivate land during the summer months.

Historical Ancestory and the route of Migration

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

So-garmen/ Gilgit-Phastanjing/ Gilgit-Ghandum/ and Gilgit-Sachil. An elderly man

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

the land in the higher reaches cultivated.

overlordship of bRa-Makpon of Skardu, but some misunderstanding seems to have arisen.

passed down through memory from the Minaro.

Ghotthamtcco is today called Ghargurdo and has a series of seven tactically

Settlement Pattern and Social Structure

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

the ruins are inhabited during the winter season.

A hamlet of village mDa

Brog-pa Dard women in their traditional caps and jewels

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

graded hierarchally. Caste-like differentiations are conspicious by their absence, though

pp. 21-28; Dargyay. 1980; Aziz. 1978.

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

boo system of non-Buddhist beliefs.

25a) Combe. 1926/Reprint 1975, pp. 36-38.

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

and never cook them on the household hearth.

Shrine of the village deity

Ibex horns of antiquity

New Year. The round

and oval white stones can

be seen placed beneath

25e) Snellgrove. 1977, p. 21 & footnote 19.

see Nebesky-Wajkowitz. 1956, p. 314.

bring out the significance of the livestock to their community.

field (is) the place, Mandede mandeshin!,,26

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh 85

Just below the shrine of

place, offering a piece

three fingers, in the direction of the Sa-bdag.

bathed in Chilgi (Juniper) smoke and thus purified themselves.

30) Ramachandra Rao. 1977, p. 3.

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

by which Il-i-phru is known is Baluschte.

the place where he had originally laid down to rest.

a San-doz (also called a Sa-bdag).

Chilgi (Juniper) is supposed to possess purifying qualities. On all religious occasions

has no other privileges.

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

ly with dust and the faces unrecognisable.

Cultivation and the Festival Calendar

place, plastered with earth) filled up with crop.

mDa village and of the Buddhist Dards in general is expected.

one day during the New Year festival.34d

Ethnographic Notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh

Their social organisation reveals characteristics of a small village republic, divided in

II, No. 1-2.

Bose, Babu Rasbihari

1980 Feste in Ladakh, Graz/Austria.

1882 layica, Series III, Vol. I. Delhi.