Académique Documents
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Culture Documents
(1966)
developed and largely inadequate for the task with which the industrial
psychologist is confronted. Many applied psychologists find it impossible
to employ the hypothetical constructs prevalent in psychoanalytic
theory, and need or drive reduction models are found to be increasingly
inadequate either as explanations for the behavior we observe at the work
place or as a basis for developing, and testing fruitful hypotheses.
Under these circumstances, the only recourse might be to continue
gathering data by employing constructs from our "common-sense"
observations. However, the writer contends that recent and profoundly
significant discoveries in neuropsyehological research and early formulations of activation theory, which remain closely tied to this research,
provide a more desirable alternative for those who wish to extend our
knowledge of work behavior. Psychologists in widely diverse fields have
acknowledged the importance of activation and affective constructs
originating in the investigations of the reticular formation and brain
stimulation experiments. In the area of work behavior, activation theory
offers an explanation for performance decrements and dissatisfactions
frequently observed in repetitive industrial tasks. It also appears to
account for the unequivocal effects of high-intensity, intermittent noise
on performance, the equivocal effects of music, the "Hawthorne" effect,
and at least some of the unexplained variance in accident behavior.
The purpose of this paper is to restate the first of these problems, that
of "motivational drift" or performance decline, to describe activation
research, and to point out that activation theory anticipates performance
decrements as well as the results of our studies in task design.
THE BEHAVIORAL PROBLEM
A perennial problem in industry has been that of sustaining human
productivity over extended periods of time. It has been most acute where
the principles of specialization and work simplification have been carried
to the extreme indicated in the following observation.
In the days of craftsmanship when the worker was responsible for the making of
the complete article, the cycle of repetition was often so long that it contained
within itself the elements of the variety which is often assumed to be an important
factor in eliminating boredom, "monotony," and want of interest in the work and
which is ostensibly lacking in much of the highly specialized tasks of today when
the cycle of repetition may consist of but a fraction of a second (Vernon, 1924).
The date of the article in which this statement was elaborated indicates
that it is not a new problem. Nor is it one which we have been inclined
to tackle head on. In a cultural setting which has supported and
materially benefited from the principles of specialization, it has not
often occurred to us that when we design a task we are specifying the
multiple stimulus sources. It is therefore tempting to conclude unequivocally, in view of the theory presented below, that increases in stimulus
or response complexity or both, up to some point will reduce vigilance
decrements. However, it must be admitted that negative results have also
been reported (Adams and Boulter, 1962; Kidd and Mieocci, 1964).
Inhibition constructs have been advanced to account for vigilance
decrements (Mackworth, I950) as well as the performance decrements
observed in motor skill acquisition. However, the inadequacies of those
constructs have been succinctly pointed out by Adams (1963), Broadbent
(1958), Deese (19'55), and Frankman and Adams (1962). It may be
noted that the results of many of the vigilance studies cited above are
no~ in agreement with inhibition postulates.
Other explanatory constructs (Dember and Earl, 1957; Glanzer, 19'53;
Scott, 1957; Walker, 1958) have been developed to account for performance decrements so widely observed not only at the work site but also in
the psychological laboratory. In designing industrial tasks, the attempts
to explain thi'~ "fading" or "motivational drift" have been generally
ignored either because they have appeared irrelevant to task design or
because performance can be sustained, at least temporarily, by a variety
of programs extrinsic to the task itself. The fact that such programs tend
to lose their effectiveness or lead to dysfunctional behavior merely
emphasizes the lack of knowledge about the factors inherent in task
design which affect performance.
BRAIN STIMULATION RESEARCH LEADING TO ACTIVATION TttEORY
Activation theory has developed from extensive investigations of the
reticular formation, a neural structure extending from the lower part of
the brain stem upwards through the pons and midbrain tegmentum to
portions of the hypothalamus and thalamus. 2 This diffuse nonspeeific
proieetion system is to be distinguished from the classical sensory pathways which can be traced in a point-to-point fashion from the sensory
receptors to thalamic relays and thence to primary sensory areas in the
cortex. The reticular formation consists of a dense network of neurons
with short fibers and multiple relays. Consequently, it does not preserve
information about the location and quality of stimulation as does the
specific projection system. However, this formation does receive collaterals from the classical sensory pathways as the latter rise toward the
cortex, and receives proiections from limited regions in the cortex.
Although it has been known for some time that distinctive electroencephalogram (EEG) patterns correspond to various arousal states, the
~For a more comprehensive review of the research which has illuminated the
structure and functions of the reticular formation, see Samuels (1959).
role of the reticular formation in producing generalized arousal or activation was not known until the late 1940's. Moruzzi and Magoun (1949)
were among the first to discover tha~ electrical stimulation of the reticular formation changed the EEG pattern characteristic of sleep to one
corresponding to activation or aler~ wakefulness. Then Lindsley, Bowden,
and Magoun (1949) gradually transeeting higher and higher portions of
the brain stem, found that as the reticular formation was eliminated,
the EEG recording changed to that of deep sleep or somnolence.
It is now believed that the reticular formation is comprised of two
systems: the lower or brain stem reticular formation (BSRF) and the
upper or thalamie reticular formation (TRF). The properties of the
BSRF, which are somewhat different from those of the TRF, appear to
be more germane to the behavioral phenomena with which this paper is
concerned.
Studies by Lindsley et al. (1949) and French and Magoun (1952) have
shown that lesions in the BSRF with the classical sensory pathways
intact produce a chronically comatose animal which cannot be aroused.
Under this condition, impulses from the various sensory modalities reach
the cortex via the classical pathways, but EEG recordings indicate that
this stimulation does not outlast the presentation of the stimulus. With
the classical sensory pathways transacted and the BSRF intact, direct
electrical stimulation of the BSRF or its excitation by the stimulation of
any peripheral nerve (auditory, visual, proprioeeptive, visceral, etc.)
will produce behavior arousal which persists after stimulation has
stopped (French, Amerongen, & Magoun, 1952; French and Magoun,
1952; Lindsley, Schreiner, Knowles, & Magoun, 1950).
With all systems intact, a sleeping animal may be aroused by electrical
stimulation of the BSRF, and at somewhat, higher voltages the animal
will awake, vocalize, and show signs of negative affect. With further
increases in voltage, the animal will show abrupt arousal, extreme agitation, escape responses, and behavioral disorganization (WoMen &
Livingston, 1961). Studies reviewed by Lindsley (19'57) and Samuels
(1959) have shown that collaterals from the classical sensory pathways
converge on the BSRF and that stimulation of any receptor, interoceprive and exteroeeptive, will initiate an increase in BSRF activity and,
in turn, a diffuse activation pattern in the cortex. It has also been found
that stimulation from the various sensol-y modalities has differential
affects on the BSRF. Bernhaut, Gellhorn, and Rasmussen (1953) report
that painful stimuli elicit the most widespread and intense cortical
arousal patterns followed by proprioeeptive, auditory, and visual stimuli
in that order.
Stimulation of specific cortical areas also produces widespread activity
in the BSRF (French, Hernandez-Peon, & Livingston, 1955; HernandezPeon & Hagbarth, 1955). Projections from the cortex into the reUcu]ar
formation, therefore, provide a means for cortical influence on arousal
(Lindsley, 1961).
A number of s~mdies have indicated that the BSRF is critically involved in habituation or response decrement phenomena. Sharpless and
Jasper (1956) found generalized cortical arousal to diminish rapidly with
repeated presentations of auditoiT stimuli. After habituation has been
established, increases in the arousal pattern could be obtained with
changes in the frequency or pattern of the auditory stimulus, and arousal
could be reinstated after a period of rest following discontinuation of
the stimulus. Furl;her studies reviewed by Worden and Livingston (1961,
pp. 271-274) have indicated that electrophysiological activity and behavioral arousal decrements are primarily a function of the BSRF. Once
habituation has been established, nembutal anesthesia (which acts upon
the reticular formation) eliminates the habituation effect. Habituation
is reinstated when the animal recovers from the anesthesia while lesions
in the BSRF permanently eliminate habituation effects.
In summary, stimulation from exteroceptive, interocepUve, and cortical sources sets up recurrent discharges in the BSRF. This activity
outlasts the presentation of the stimulus, diminishes rapidly with repeated presentation of the stimulus, and can be reinstated after periods
of rest following the discontinuation of that stimulus. (Of course, cortical
rearousal can occur with the simultaneous presentation of other stimulation. For example, pairing the habituated stimulus with a primary
reward or punishment.) Diffuse BSRF activity is projected widely into
the cortex effeeting a generalized cortical arousal upon which the percept.ion and integration of messages (arriving more quickly and consistently
by the classical sensory pathways) is dependent. As stimulus habituation
occurs, activity in the cortex may still be observed but it becomes
relatively restricted to the area serving the sensory modality through
which the stimulus has been presented.
Latency studies cited by Samuels (1959) have indicated that stimulation arrives a t the eoliex more quickly through the classical sensory
pathways and the TRt~ t:han through the BSRF. i t has also been indicated that activity shows up more quickly in the BSRF after stimulation
of the cortical areas than activity in the cortex after stimulation of the
B S R F (French, Hernandez-Peon, & Livingston, 1955). Thus a stimulus
which has taken on significance through learning has time to reach the
cortex through the classical sensory pathways, cue off cortical associag~0ns, and then be relayed to the BSRF in Ume to effect increased or
sustained cortical arousal.
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ACTIVATION T H E O R Y AND T A S K D E S I G N
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tablets in paper envelopes, a task which took about 12 seconds to complete and was repeated approximately 2500 times a day. They found
that the average time to complete the operation consistently increased
and the standard deviation to increase out of proportion to the increase
in the average as the day progressed. Furthermore, the workers often
showed signs of discomfort and became increasingly restless as the task
was continued. In a laboratory experiment in the same study Wyatt
found a consistent decrease in output and an increase in errors when
subjects were required to perform simple, repetitive tasks five hours per
day. His subjects also reported feelings of boredom and monotony and
overestimated time intervals. Bills (1931), in a series of studies of
worker efficiency, found that individuals engaged in repetitive work show
lapses of attention often after short periods of time at the task. These
lapses, which Bills referred to as blocking, resulted in performance
decrements, increases in errors, greater variability in performance, and
an increase in the likelihood of accidents. Fiske (Fiske and 3/faddi, 1961,
pp. 106-144), in a review of the research on the effects of monotonous
and restricted stimulation, reports that performance decrements on continuous, repetitive tasks have consistently been observed often within
minutes after performance was initiated. In addition to decreased output,
boredom, irritability, day-dreaming, and restlessness were reported in
many of the studies.
In a series of studies deserving of far more attention than they have
received, Wyatt, Fraser, and Stock (1928) observed the behavior of
individuals in repetitive tasks and then introduced changes in task design
while noting the effects on output, work stoppages, and affective tone.
In one of their preliminary examinations, female employees first walked
to stores for tablets of soap and wrapping materials. Returning to the
work site, they sat down to perform two hand-wrapping operations and
then labeled and packed the soap into cardboard boxes. They then stood
up to wrap, seal, and place the cardboard boxes in wooden cases, processing 144 bars of soap in a like manner before returning to stores for more
supplies. Subsequently, the task was made more repetitive by eliminating
the necessity for procuring their own supplies. The results over a fiveday period showed that the less varied procedure resulted in slight increases in productivity. It may be noted, however, that the increases were
quite small (from 0.5 to 6.2%), much smaller than one might expect
considering that the women could not wrap and pack while procuring
supplies. Furthermore, performance was significantly more uniform
throughout tl~e day when the employees were required to get their own
supplies. Observations of behavior over a longer period of time may have
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A C T I V A T I O N T H E O R Y AND T A S K D E S I G N
19
tivity were observed with the introduction of music, the tasks were
usually of a simple, repetitive nature. Mackworth (1950) found that a
telephone message in the second half-hour of the clock test reduced the
number of signals missed. He estimated thai'the effects of the telephone
message lasted for 25 minutes and then disappeared. Mackworth (1950)
also found that knowledge of results (KR) provided by the experimenter
sustained performance in the clock test over the two-hour period. Gibbs
and Brown (1955) found that output in a repetitive task of copying
pages from scientific reports and historical reviews with a copying
machine was significantly higher when K R was provided by a counter
which tallied each page as it was copied. The subjects in this expertrnent were not instructed to meet daily quotas and were paid uniformly.
Chapanis (1964), however, found no significant differences in output
in a repetitive task between a control group and experimental groups who
were provided K R by a counter. Again, K R was provided casually, the
subjects were paid uniformly, and there was no emphasis on individual
performance. Sipowicz, Ware, and Baker (1962) investigated the effects
of KR, a monetary reward (R), and a combination of the two on performance in a simple vigilance task and found that KR and R administered singly ~nd in combination resulted in improved performance over
a control group who were provided neither one. The combined treatment
of KP~ and R resulted in better performance than K R and R administered
singly. They found also that the performance curve of the control group
revealed the typical vigilance decrement but that the decrement was not
shown by any of the experimental groups. A cursory inspection of their
data, however, reveals what appears to be a small decrement in the K R
group.
Studies involving modifications in task design also lend support to the
prediction that when the repetitive task is enlarged, habituation effects
may be reduced leading to gains in productivity and increases in positive
effect. In three studies by Wyatt e~ al. (1928), substantial increases in
productivity were found when ~reater variation was introduced into a
repetitive task. In a cigarette-making task, for example, each worker
was provided with a supply of tobacco from which a small quantity
was taken and rolled by hand before being inserted into the cylindrical
cigarette paper. The protruding tobacco ends were then cut off with a
pair of scissors. The investigators modified the task as shown below and
observed the hourly output under the different task designs.
Series one:
20
Series
Series
Series
Series
two:
three:
four:
five:
Making
Making
Making
Making
for
for
for
all
Twenty subjects were observed, ten in the sequence indicated above and
ten in the reverse sequence. The results showed that the highest output
was obtained under Series two and three. An average decrease of 5.7%
in output was observed when the duration of the making period was
extended to three hours, and a reduction of 11.2% occurred when making
was required all day. Decrements in behavioral efficiency were also
seen in the tendency to cut away cigarette paper along with the loose
tobacco when the workers were required to cub for long periods of time
(Series four). Eighteen out of the twenty workers stated that the more
repetitive task was unpleasant, and boring. The investigators reported that
such expressions as "The day seems doubly long" and "Making all day
almost puts me out" were fairly typical.
Davis (1957) reviews three more recent studies of task design, and
while they were obviously not "pioneering" or "one of the first controlled
experiments on job design," the results are in accord with predictions
from activation theory. In one study, a hospital appliance was being
assembled on a line which was manned by 29 female employees. Nine
different operations, each performed at stations along the conveyor belt,
were required to assemble the product. Each task consisted of performing
only one of the nine assembly operations, but the employees rotated
between difficult and easy stations every two hours so each employee had
learned to perform all nine assembly tasks. Material handlers brought
supplies to the line and inspection personnel inspected the completed
product. The investigator introduced two modifications in task design
while recording output in terms of average daily productivity and percentages of kinked assemblies in consecutive lots. In the original assembly
line task, the average daily productivity index for a period of 26 days
was 100. In the first design modification which consisted merely of
eliminating the conveyor belt, the index for 14 days dropped to 89. In
the second modification, each employee performed all nine operations
necessary for complete assembly of the product, procured his own
supplies, and performed a final inspection. The productivity index resulting from the latter task design was 95.3 for a 27-day period, but
the author notes that during this trial period, average output was consistently upward and that on the sixth day the group achieved an average
productivity index above that achieved under the other two task designs.
There was also a significant reduction in the percentage of kinked as-
2[
semblies under the more varied procedure. There were large interindividual differences in both quantity and quality of performance when
the workers were not paced Mike by the conveyor belt. That a reduction in intraindividual variations in performance over the work period
may have resulted could not be determined from the data given by Davis.
The results cf the vigilance studies (Deese and Ormond, 1953; Holland,
1958; Jenkins, 1958; Jerison and Wallis, 1957), in which the introduction
of multiple signal sources or more frequent signal rates reduced the
performance decrement, are also believed to be in accord with predictions
from activation theory. More relevant, perhaps, are vigilance studies
in which the primary objective was to test the "activation hypothesis"
that increased task complexity would reduce the vigilance decrement.
Studies by Adams and his colleagues (Adams and Boulter, 1960; Adams,
Stenson, and Humes, 1961) have shown that increasing the number of
identical stimulus sources did not have a significant effect on vigilance
decrement, but a more complex decision response of four choices associated with each signal detection reduced the decrement. In a subsequent
study (Adams and Boulter, 1962), however, neither a more complex
response pattern nor what appeared to be a more complex presentation of the stimulus signals produced a significant increase in performance. Measures of activation were not utilized in any of the above studies
so it is impossible to directly assess the effects of the experimental treatments in activation terms, but the studies point to the problems of
empirical verification of activation postulates. They also represent a step
in the direction of operational clarification of the constructs found in
activation theory.
EXPLANATOP~Y VALUE OF ACTIVATION THEORY COMPARED
WITH INHIBITION POSTULATES
The results of those studies in which the task required the repetition
of a limited number of responses to a nonvarying stimulus configuration
appear to be explained equally well by either activation or simple inhibition postulates with possibly two exceptions. If reactive inhibition
is response-produced and grows as a function of the number of responses,
one would expect a steady decline in performance with continued responding. However, Broadbent (1958, p. 118) has pointed out that. performance in vigilance tasks does not merely decline but improves or
oscillates. This tendency was also observed in the studies by Wyatt and
Ogden (1924), Wyatt et al. (1928), and Maekworth (1950). From activation theory, one might expect to see evidence of impact-increasing behavior such as growing restlessness and stretching which, if not incompatible with continued responding, would provide momentary increases
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WILLLIAM
E. SCOTT~ JR.
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Studies previou,sly cited (Adams and Boulter, 1960; 1962; Adams et al.,
1.961) suggest that simply increasing the n~mber of stimuli to which the
individual must attend, holding overt task responses constant, may not
have an appreciable effect on activation level. This writer would further
speculate that increasing the variety of responses, holding the stimulus
configuration constant, would not influence activation level as much as
increasing the number of distinguishable stimuli with overt task responses held constant. Increasing the variety of responses would perhaps
have the greatest effects when some of those responses either led to
modifications of the stimulus configuration or consisted of movement to a
different stimulus configuration. Thus it may be that our attention should
be directed toward the clarification and operational definitions of stimulus wariation. The definition may be comprised of an intricate measure
which takes into account the nmnber of distinguishable stimuli to which
the individual must attend, the length of time each stimulus configuration must be responded to before a shift to another stimulus configuration is required, and/or the time elapsed before returning to each
stimulus configuration. A more immedate alternative, of course, is to
develop global rating scales of sustained stimulus variation. The latter
should also consider stimuli extrinsic to the task (those which do not
require overt responses as an inherent part. of the task), but extrinsic
stimulus variation should ultimately be treated as a separate problem
experimentally.
The direct measurement of activation level will be difficult since
students and employees alike will not be eager to have electrodes implanted in their brain stems. However, Fiske and Maddi (1961, p. 53)
have reported that measures of physiological arousal, including changes
in pupillai3r size~ have been tried with some success. Equipment is now
available which will allow the investigator to obtain several arousal
measures simultaneously from subjects unencumbered by wires.
Applied psychologists seeking to test the implications of activation
theory in an ongoing organization may have to develop psychometric
techniques based upon the subject's judgment. While undoubtedly less
satisfactory, such techniques should be investigated. The writer factor
analyzed the responses to a number of semantic differential scales set
against the concept Me At Work and found "activation" and "affective"
dimensions to emerge as dominant factors (Scott, 1965). Locke (1965),
in working with the Cornel] Job Description Index, observed a number
of analytically distinguishable subdimensions among those being an
"evaluative" dimension, a "monotony" dimension, and an "arousal"
dimension. These measures and similar ones could be developed and
utilized to test the postulated relationships between variations in task,
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