Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
DOI:10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199587926.003.0003
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Moreover,
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have relied on a
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(p.52)
individual (see e.g. Pooley and Turnbull 1998: 304). This may
lead to efficiencies and greater productivity on the part of
those left behind. In their introduction to the first of a series of
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hieropoioi, responsible
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Chian (Dl 556); and named individuals from Thebes (Dl 21);
Chios (Dl 229); Assos (Dl 156); Klazomenai (Dl 38);
Mytilene (Dl 63); [Le]mnos (Dl 464); Korinth (Dl 74); and
an unnamed man from Sinope (Dl 629). The list does not do
justice to all the overseas connections that the sanctuary of
Apollo could draw on (Feyel 3524 and Map 10a, p. 352).
One of the most striking aspects of the Delian evidence is the
emphasis it gives to ephemeral contractual relations. Feyel
calls these workers birds of passageemployees taken on for
a brief period, or a carefully specified task, who were then, we
must assume, obliged to move elsewhere. At Delos they
appear as nameless individuals or groups, employed to carry
out specific jobs (Dl 658720). At Eleusis there were
unnamed misthtoi (El 1723), paid people, as well. More
than 50 per cent of the workforce sampled appear only once in
the Delian accounts (Feyel 3356). The commissioners had to
maintain a careful balance between their obligations to the
island communitya factor that shaped the financial strategy
from one year to the nextwith their medium-term duties of
construction, maintenance, and repair. Recruitment and
retention were issues of some concern from their point of
view. The development of tenders for projects, contracts for
certain named individuals, differential remuneration,
occasional bonus payments, as well as fines for jobs that were
not carried out, were among the regular tactics deployed to
fulfil these different obligations (Feyel 395510). Such carrots
and sticks were evidently the main methods considered
workable in the face of a hugely
(p.55)
diverse workforce,
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Incentives
One of the missing elements in our picture of recruitment is
the nature of incentives to leave the homelands which were
exporting personnel. It has often been assumed that farming
populations are comparatively static. But records of
population turnover in various parts of medieval Europe show
that even in relatively stable environments, as much as half
the population of a country village was likely to change within
the space of a decade. Equally surprising, perhaps, is the fact
that the same proportion of rural dwellers was likely to be
composed of newcomers.29 In Attika, where deme membership
ought to have acted as a considerable disincentive from
moving outside ones own deme, Robin Osborne found that a
significant minority of fourth- and third-century BC demesmen
chose to be buried outside their deme. Using funerary
inscriptions to chart how far men from Kerameis, Kephale, and
Rhamnous were buried, he discovered that more than a third
of documented burial monuments from Kerameis and Kephale
were to be found in other parts of Attika (Osborne 1991: 239
43). At Rhamnous the proportion was much smaller, about one
seventh of his sample. The documented cases have little
statistical
(p.56)
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that these same groups also held more land and livestock than
their Egyptian counterparts, points to the fact that they were
selected for their skills and talent. These individuals represent
specialist experience brought in from outside in order to
establish new techniques and practices, and experiment with
local ones (Clarysse and Thompson 1.344, 346). It was these
kinds of individuals whom the Successors needed to create the
cultural order of the emerging kingdoms.
In the terminology of social network science, the kingdoms of
the Successors constitute a number of especially interesting
phenomena. These kingdoms represent, collectively and
individually, a small world network, that is, one in which any
node is only a few steps away from any other node (in
contrast to purely random networks on the one hand, or
fragmented ones on the other: Watts 2003: 7883). Moreover,
for the period under consideration here, the largest nodes
within a wide configuration of civic centres were not merely
hubs within a matrix of nodes but super hubs. Alexandria,
Seleukeia, and Antioch on the Orontes were an order of
magnitude greater than the next level of cities by size.36 What
makes these giant hubs particularly interesting is the fact that
these new concentrations of people outgrew all other
contemporary cities. They benefited from their parallel roles
as the effective headquarters of the Ptolemaic and Seleukid
kings. The kings not only acquired the overall management of
the unrivalled resources within their territories. They
(p.60)
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Conclusions
Comparisons between migration in the early modern period
and the Hellenistic age provide insights into the motivation
and dynamics of travel, while the
(p.62)
science of social
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Museum and The Getty Center for the History of Art and the
Humanities. Malibu.
Griffith, G.T. (1935), The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World.
Cambridge.
Horn, J., and Morgan, P.D. (2005), Settlers and Slaves:
European and African migrations to early modern British
America, in C. Shammas and E. Mancke (eds.), The Creation
of the British Atlantic World. Baltimore: 1944.
Kambourov, G., and Manovskii, I. (2008), Rising occupational
and industry mobility in the United States: 196879,
International Economic Review, 49(1): 4179.
Klooster, W., and Padula, A. (eds.) (2005), The Atlantic World.
Essays on Slavery, Migration, and Imagination. Upper Saddle
River, NJ.
Korobkov, A.V. (2007), Migration Trends in Central Eurasia:
Politics versus Economics, Communist and Post-Communist
Studies 40: 16989.
Lada, C. (2002) Foreign Ethnics in Hellenistic Egypt. Leuven.
Launey, R. [1949] (1987), Recherches sur les armes
hellnistiques, vols. 12, rimpression avec mise jour en
postface par Y. Garlan, P. Gauthier, and C. Orrieux. Paris.
Le Dinahet-Couilloud, M.-T. (1997), Une famille de notables
tyriens Dlos, BCH 121: 61766.
Lefvre, F. (2004) Contrles didentit aux frontires dans les
cits grecques: le cas des entrepreneurs trangers et
assimils, in C. Moatti (ed.), La Mobilit des personnes en
Mditerrane de lantiquit lpoque moderne. Procdure de
contrle et identification. Paris.
Le Rider, G., and de Callata, Fr. (2006), Les Sleucides et les
Ptolmes. Lhritage montaire et financier dAlexandre le
Grand. Monaco.
Lewis, N. (1986), Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt, Case Studies in
the Social History of the Hellenistic World. Oxford.
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(1) Syll.3 344 = Bagnall and Derow 2004: 1115, no.7 and
Austin2 no. 48 with further refs; see the contributions to Sordi
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(9) Plb. 5.79.313, 82; App. Syr. 32; cf. 70,000 infantry and
10,000 cavalrymen raised by Antigonos and Demetrios at
Ipsos: Plut. Dem. 28.3.
(10) Plb. 5.65: for 219 BC; Launey [1949]1987: 96103;
Clarysse and Thompson 1. 153, propose that at least half of
the cavalry troops levied for the Fourth Syrian War (219217
BC) could have been raised from the Arsinoite nome alone, in
view of the presence on contemporary tax registers of more
than 1,000 cavalry klerouchs (= settlers) and more than 400
serving cavalry.
(11) Ptolemaic: Praux 4003, 46377; Uebel 1968; Van tDack
1977; Clarysse and Thompson 1. 14854. Seleukid: Cohen
1978, 1995; Billows 1995; Chaniotis 2005: 8288.
(12) G.T. Griffith therefore estimated that the total strength of
Antigonos Monophthalmos forces would have been in the
order of 100,000 men, including garrison troops (Griffith
1935: 51). Billows would prefer a figure of 100,000 regular
infantrymen, plus another 10,000 cavalry, excluding a garrison
force of c.30,000 (Billows 354). Aperghis accepts a core of
20,00030,000 men for garrison duties, supplemented by
regulars from the army during more settled periods (Aperghis
200). These figures have always been intended to indicate
orders of magnitude, not actual numbers. These are also the
numbers that have been used to calculate military expenditure
(thus Milns 1987: 2546, calculated a gross sum of 6,000T pa,
for 100,000 mercenaries, on an average daily wage of 1dr.;
followed by Le Rider and de Callata 2006: 174 and n. 3, who
put the gross sum at 8,000T, to include 2,000T for a fleet of
8090 ships).
(13) Gattinioni 1995: 130 and n. 36. with further discussion.
(14) Praux 1978: 31315, commenting on the skewed nature
of the data sets in geographical terms; LaDa 2002 for the full
range of ethnic affiliations represented in Egypt. For census
data see now Clarysse and Thompson 1. 29, 92113.
(15) Mlze Modrzejewski 1995: 47157; Clarysse and
Thompson 1. 1478.
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(28) Lefvre 2004: 102 n.10; Oliver 2007: 94 and n. 152 with
further refs on travelling sculptors.
(29) Osborne 1991: 234; on the fluidity of rural populations,
Wrightson 1982: 414.
(30) Aperghis summarizes the data on city building (56; id.
2005, esp. 31); cf also Wilkinson 1999; Alcock 1994; Alcock et
al., 2003; Grainger 1990.
(31) Cf Watts 2003: 24950; see further below.
(32) Watts 2003: 19100 for a survey of relevant scientific
research; cf Manning, this volume, n. 1 and discussion; Oliver,
this volume.
(33) e.g. Evans, Knappett, and Rivers 2007; see the
contributions to Networks; Archibald 2007.
(34) Watts 2003: 70129; see Van der Leeuw and de Vries
2003: 21123 for an analysis of the Roman Empire using a
similar approach.
(35) [K]nowledge diffusion is not only a geographically spatial
phenomenon, it is also a socially spatial phenomenon. That
is, the more closely connected socially I am to the originator of
a piece of knowledge, the more quickly I will learn about
it (Cowan 2005: 31); cf Almeida and Kogut 1999.
(36) Pliny (HN 6.122) gives 600,000 inhabitants for Seleukeia;
Diodoros (17.52.6) has 300,000 free inhabitants in
Alexandria, which translates into a total population count of c.
500,000 in the first century BC. This figure needs to be
reduced for the third to second centuries; Clarysse and
Thompson (1.102) do not hazard an estimate, but accept a
population in Egypt as a whole at 1,500,000 by the mid-third
century BC.
(37) Le Rider and de Callata 2006: 2256, cf 16670, 27083
on the role of coined money and uncoined metal within the
Ptolemaic and Seleukid economies.
(38) Von Reden, this volume; van der Spek and Manning, this
volume.
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