Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Notes: Big thing is to get the options out of the 1NC shell before you send it or else
your just reading from a script and it becomes harder to defend your performance
as spontaneous. Knowing what biopower is could be helpful for the internal link to
the second impact scenario. Some of the cards are alt solves cards or extra impact
cards that you can put into the block if need be. The link is promoting peace. Links
to systemic violence, war. If you have extra time read framework.
therapy, social censure, scarcity or war. So the pacifist ideal requires a monolithic
system of violence and reflects the social contradiction inherent in the necessity
that authority strive to maintain peace in order to maintain a smoothly running
social system, but can only do so by maintaining a rationalized system of violence.
The rational system of violence not only perpetuates itself, but also evokes
responses, often in the form of blind lashings out by enraged individuals, which the
system then manipulates into justifications for its own continual existence, and
occasionally in the form of consciously rebellious violence . The passionate violence that is
suppressed turns in on the one feeling it, becoming the the slow-killing, underlying violence of stress and anxiety. It
is evident in the millions of little pinpricks of humiliation that pass between people on the streets and in the public
places of every city looks of disgust and hostility between strangers, and the verbal battle of wits exchanging
ourselves need to reject both sides of the choice society offers between pacifism and systematic violence, because
this choice is an attempt to socialize our rebellion. Instead we can create our own options, developing a playful and
passionate chaos of action and relating which may express itself at times with intense and ferocious violence, at
times with the gentlest tenderness, or whatever way our passions and whims move us in the particular moment.
Both the rejection of violence and the systemization of violence are an attack on our
passions and uniqueness. Violence is an aspect of animal interaction and
observation of violence among animals belies several generalizations . Violence
among animals does not fit into the formula of social darwinism; there is no
perpetual war of all against all. Rather at specific moments under particular
circumstances, individual acts of violence flare up and then fade when the moments
pass. There is no systematic violence in the wild , but, instead, momentary
expressions of specific passions. This exposes one of the major fallacies of pacifist
ideology. Violence, in itself, does not perpetuate violence. The social system of
rationalized violence, of which pacifism is an integral part, perpetuates itself as a
system. Against the system of violence, a non-systematized, passionate, playful violence is a appropriate response. Violent play is very common among animals and children.
Chasing, wrestling and pouncing upon a playmate, breaking, smashing and tearing apart things are all aspects of play that is free of rules. The conscious insurgent plays this way as well,
but with real targets and with the intention of causing real damage. The targets of this ferocious play in the present society would mainly be institutions, commodities, social roles and
cultural icons, but the human representatives of these institutions can also be targets especially where they present an immediate threat to anyones freedom to create their life as
they desire. Rebellion has never been merely a matter of self-defense. In itself, self-defense is probably best achieved by accepting the status quo of its reform. Rebellion is the
aggressive, dangerous, playful attack by free-spirited individuals against society. Refusing a system of violence, refusing an organized, militarized form of armed struggle, allows the
violence of insurgents to retain a high level of invisibility. It cannot be readily understood by the authorities and brought under their control. Its insurgent nature may even go undetected
by the authorities as it eats away at the foundations of social control. From the rationalized perspective of authority, this playful violence will often appear utterly random, but actually is
in harmony with the desires of the insurgent. This playful violence of rebellion kills inadvertently as (one) strides out happily without looking back
I am sure there are those who would label me mad for some
of the desires I express. Fine, I gladly embrace such madness.
When rational order has proven its absurdity, those who
would be free must express themselves in terms of madness.
A festival, a whirl- wind, the screaming elation of dionysian
rites are true revolution. Artaud and Julian Beck have both
tried this, but in the theater. And theater is bullshit! It s time
to take this madness out of the theaters and to start living it.
Ext.
O/V 1
On the K flow extend Faun card A
The plan fails to realize that pacifism breeds violence. This is
because of the bio political nature of pacifism. The plans
pursuit of peace is the prime example of pacifism in action.
Then extend Foucault 78
biopower causes war. (accessing their war impacts, Thats an
internal Link turn) this happens because the sovereign gets so
much control over the people too kill in the name of life
Then extend Faun card B
We embrace madness. We just do what we want. This is the
rebellion against the cage of biopower.
Then extend Faun card C
We dance the dance of chaos as we have shown through
[whatever you did]. We now ask to judge and opponents to join
us on this magical journey, to dance the dance of chaos
O/V 2
Extra
Links
It is time for the human to end. Let the new beings rise up;
the beings we are without armors, without classifications sad
definit-ions; heroic beings, strong and gentle, complete in
themselves and so free of the need to enslave, to murder to
rape; beings beautiful and androgynous, open to the magick
of the cosmos, sharing love and pleasure with all beings. For
this is our true divine being, the being trapped in the armor of
the label human, is the lie of humanism, Let us free
ourselves and paradise will be here now.
But some of us just would not fit. The molds didnt work. Oh,
they stifled us, they choked us, they hurt us like hell. But we
never quite became the girl or the boy they wanted. Society
filled us with shame, made us feel less than those who
conformed.
But now, let the truth be known. There is no need for shame.
For we still have access to our androg- yny. There truly are no
males or females; all are androgynes when the social armor
comes off. And the androgyne is not merely a combination of
male and female, nor even just the spectrum between them.
It is the infinite uni-verse of sexuality, that wild panerotic
dance in which the concepts of male and female disappear,
lost in a sea of vast, eternal pleasure.
No more do we embrace the lying order of society or mourn
that we cannot fulfill its roles. For we are gods, great wild
beings beyond all ideas of gender. Our mad, erotic pleasure
cannot be destined or ordered. We are infinite, androgynous
and free. Beyond the realms of order, beyond all definition,
we create a paradise in which we wander freely enjoying all
in ecstasy.
1987
I dont want power. I want life, joy, ecstasy, for this is the true
magic, the magic that can make all the most beautiful things
I imagine into reality.
Yes, I am aware of the spell and I reject it. Not because it is
evil, but because it is banal, boring and ugly. It makes me,
and every other being so much less than we could be. Why
accept the limits of this spell? Why continue the Zombie
existence? It may be all we know, but it isnt all we can
imagine. And what we can imagine, we can come to know;
what we can imagine, we can create.
Biopower is the root cause of war, conflict and extinction. We
access their impacts
Foucault 78(Foucault, Michael Professor of History of Systems of Thought at the
Collge de France, 1978, The History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction,
translated by Robert Hurley, p. 135-137
For a long time, one of the characteristic privileges of sovereign power was the right to decide life and death. In a formal sense, it derived no doubt from
the ancient patria potestas that granted the father of the Roman family the right to dispose of the life of his children and his slaves; just as he had given
them life, so he could take it away. By the time the right of life and death was framed by the classical theoreticians, it was in a considerably diminished
form. It was no longer considered that this power of the sovereign over his subjects could be exercised in an absolute and unconditional way, but only in
cases where the sovereigns very existence was in jeopardy: a sort of right of rejoinder. If he were threatened by external enemies who sought to overthrow him or contest his rights, he could then legitimately wage war, and require his subjects to take part in the defense of the state; without directly
proposing their death, he was empowered to expose their life: in this sense, he wielded an indirect power over them of life and death. But if someone
dared to rise up against him and transgress his laws, then he could exercise a direct power over the offenders life: as punishment, the latter would be put
to death. Viewed in this way, the power of life and death was not an absolute privilege: it was conditioned by the defense of the sovereign, and his own
survival. Must we follow Hobbes in seeing it as the transfer to the prince of the natural right possessed by every individual to defend his life even if this
meant the death of others? Or should it be regarded as a specific right that was manifested with the formation of that new juridical being, the sovereign?
must be referred to a historical type of society in which power was exercised mainly as a means of deduction (prelevement), a
subtraction mechanism, a right to appropriate a portion of the wealth, a tax of products, goods and services, labor and blood, levied
on the subjects. Power in this instance was essentially a right of seizure: of things, time, bodies, and ultimately life itself; it
longer the major form of power but merely one element among others, working to incite, reinforce, control, monitor, optimize, and
organize the forces under it: a power bent on generating forces, making them grow, and ordering them, rather than one dedicated
to impeding them, making them submit, or destroying them. There has been a parallel shift in the right of death, or at least a
at stake is
the biological existence of a population. If genocide is indeed the dream of modern
powers, this is not because of a recent return of the ancient right to kill; it is
because power is situated and exercised at the level of life , the species, the race,
and the large-scale phenomena of population.
defines the strategy of states. But the existence in question is no longer the juridical existence of sovereignty;
Alt: Chaos
We are agents of chaos; something the very fiber of society
couldnt have been prepared for. We opt for anarchy within the
debate world like the Joker does with Gotham we force the
debate world to react so brutally to our presentation of
anarchy that they begin to question their own legitimacy.
Were the terrorists that the state cant handle, and the law
disintegrates. This is only the beginning of the anarchy.
Payne, 14 (Rodger A. Payne, Professor and Chair Department
of Political Science at the University of Louisville, Visiting
research fellow at Harvard's Belfer Center for Science and
International Affairs, Stanford's Center for International
Security and Cooperation, and the Program on International
Politics, Economics and Security at the University of Chicago,
1983 NDT Winner, The Dark Knight: Science and the National
Security
State,https://www.academia.edu/7841864/The_Dark_Knight_S
cience_and_the_National_Security_State)
Despite the attention directed at various mobsters, the primary villain of the film is
the Joker. In this film, the Joker is identified as a violent and malevolent individual
who poses a threat to the mob as well as to ordinary citizens and the government.
Like politically motivated terrorists, the Joker is not driven by simple greed. Indeed,
he steals millions of dollars from organized crime and then sets it on fire with a very
public blaze. Jokers political purpose seems to be something akin to anarchy as he
aims to destroy the fiber of organized society and instill mass fear. During the film,
both District Attorney Dent and Alfred Pennyworth, Bruce Waynes butler and
Batman confidante, explicitly refer to the Joker as a terrorist. The Joker makes
violent threats and uses violence in pursuit of his own agenda, even though that
agenda is not ideological per se. His actions nonetheless represent almost a
textbook definition of terrorism. As with real- world terrorists, Joker hopes to provoke
a level of fear that will dominate the public mood and provoke public officials to
react so brutally that their own legitimacy and authority will be subject to challenge.
The change Joker seeks requires law and order to disintegrate. One key plot point
involves Joker arranging the kidnapping of Harvey Dent and Rachel Dawes in order
to force Batman to make a choice that will lead to the murder of one or the other.
The idea seems to be to make Batman abandon the one rule he never breaks not
to kill anyone.
At times the tactics and tools Joker employs mirror those of real-life terrorists. Just
like transnational terrorists, Jokers acts of violence frequently threaten innocent
civilians, though mass murder does not appear to be his central aim. He typically
provides warning of his planned deeds that both magnify fear and allow time for
evacuation of various high profile public places. Joker and his men commit violent
crimes that are almost flamboyant by design and like al Qaeda, Joker even has the
capacity to commit several acts of terror at the same time. At one pivotal point in
the film, Joker murders the police commissioner and a judge and personally invades
the penthouse home of Bruce Wayne, who is hosting a fundraiser for Harvey Dent.
In a meeting with mob bosses, Joker protects himself by revealing that he is wearing
a jacket strapped with hand grenades a makeshift suicide vest that would kill the
nearby mobsters if used. Like real terrorists, he is apparently willing to sacrifice his
own life in pursuit of his larger goals. Joker broadcasts a threatening homemade
video that concludes with the execution of a man only tangentially related to the
plot. This video suggests actual recordings made by militants and terrorists in Iraq
and other conflict zones. Joker also turns a henchman into a walking bomb and
detonates the device planted inside him remotely with a cell phone call. Later, Joker
distantly triggers other conventional explosives planted in government and
institutional targets. Finally, like most contemporary terrorists, the Joker employs
fairly basic technologies to exploit power asymmetries. Much of the havoc Joker
creates is triggered by his application of relatively mundane and readily available
weapons his favorite weapon seems to be the knife and he often looks awkward
wielding automatic weapons. Indeed, towards the end of the film Joker even
declares that he is a man of simple and cheap tastes, favoring dynamite,
gunpowder and gasoline. This contrasts starkly with the advanced military tools
employed by Batman throughout the film. Joker may be mad, but Batman is the
party with access to the scientists who provide the more technically advanced
arsenal.
The Jokers malevolent nature is perhaps best described in a monologue the
character delivers well into the story in a confrontation with bed-ridden and badly
burned Harvey Dent
Alt: animal
We choose to embrace our animal nature, Im a wolf and my
partners a dinosaur
Faun 92 (Faun, Feral, https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/feral-faunessays We are animals pg. 7-8)
Framework
The role of the ballot and judge is very clearthe judge is an
intellectual actor whose purpose in the revolution is to give
the tools to the teams doing the fightingthe ballot is the
endorsement critical to the success of the projectMay 94- ((Todd, The Political Philosophy of Post-Structural Anarchism)
Finally,
the role of the intellectual, as a participant in theoretical practices rather than anobserver of practice, is
reoriented
in poststructuralist theory
conversation with Foucault, once remarked that"a theory is exactly like a box of tools. It has nothing to do with thesignifier. It must be
useful. It must function. And not for itself." 62And Foucault, in another text, cites 131 the circumscribed role of theintellectual: "The
perception of the present. . a topological and geological survey of the battlefield-that is the intellectual's role." 63 In conclusion, these
four political recommendations begin to sketch a perspective within which to think about political action in the context of the anarchist
t anarchis
has no shared purpose with social time. I prefer to call it nomadic experience.
Within nomadic experience, the peaks, the valleys and the plateaus are not created
in steady, mea- surable cycles. They are passionate interactions of the sort which
may make one moment an eternity and the next several weeks a mere eye-blink.
On this passionate journey, the sun still rises and sets, the moon still waxes and
wanes, plants still flower and bear fruit and wither, but not as measurable cycles.
Instead, one experi- ences these events in terms of ones passionate and creative
inter- actions with them. Without any destination to define ones motion through
space, linear time becomes meaningless as well. Nomadic experience is outside of
time, not in a mystical sense, but in the recognition that time is the mystification of
motion through space and, like all mystifications, usurps our ability to create
ourselves.
A conscious, playful, exploratory creation of our own motions through space, of our
own interac- tions with the places we pass through, is the necessary practice of the
revolt against time nothing less than creating events and their language. Until we
begin to transform ourselves into nomadic cre- ators of this sort in the way we live
our lives, every smashed clock and every burned calendar will simply be replaced,
because time will continue to dominate the way we live.
AT
AT: Passivity
We are passivity. The alternative is to ignore the system and
do whatever we want.
instead we define the common (or, as others suggest, the same) as a point
of indifference between the proper and the improperthat is, as
something that can never be grasped in terms of either expropriation
or appropriation but that can be grasped, rather, only as usethe
essential political problem then becomes: How does one use
a common? (Heidegger probably had something like this in mind when he
formulated his supreme concept as neither appropriation nor expropriation, be
as appropriation of an expropriation.)
The new categories of political thoughtinoperative community,
comperance, equality, loyalty, mass intellectuality, the coming people, whatever
singularity, or however else they might be calledwill be able to express the
political matter that is facing us only if they are able to articulate the
location, the manners, and the meaning of this experience of the event of
language intended as free use of the common and as sphere of pure
means.