Historical Representations of Yaqb b.

al-Layth: A Reappraisal
Author(s): D. G. Tor
Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Nov., 2002), pp.
247-275
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland
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Historical Representations of
b. al-Layth: A Reappraisal

Yacqub

D. G. TOR

The

extraordinary

founder,

b.

Yacqub

as the member
vast

at least

of

territory

theoretical

the

Saffarid

al-$afrar.

al-Layth
an Eastern

of

swathe

of

ascendancy

Yacqub

Iranian

on

appeared

today's
of his

acknowledgement

with

began

and

band,

military

from

stretching

dynasty

cIraq

his

was

of

found

ruler

over

India; while

today's

in Central

both

its

of

in 238/852

as the

days

the borders

overlordship

scene

the historical

ended

to

career

the meteoric

Asia1

and the holy cities of Arabia.2

The

of

importance

in many

respects

the

long

is known

for

instance,

of

autonomous

recognized

for

the

by

was

power

facto caliphal legitimation.3

This method

Islamic

life.

normative

of

pattern

in the later ninth

Saffarid

often

model,

its mode

of

authority

in the Eastern

Yet
They
Saffarid
The

have

ways

failed

activities
author

in

power.4

Iranian
the

instead

thanks Patricia

as

any

On

dynasty
ideology

exemplifying

Crone

formation

central

of dynastic

for her

a more

local

of Sistan

until

has

been

little

nothing
comments

more
and

Saffarid
the

lands,

arms

and

then

henceforth
from

dynasty,

matters

administrative
level,
the

Saffarid

eleventh

understood
Saffarid
than

criticisms,

brute
and C.

has

century

the

in the thirteenth,

the

motivating

of

founding

post-Saffarid

and

of

Islamic

force

by

of military

province

Saffarid

to discern

in the
obtained

Every

in the mid-ninth

dynasty
The

the Khwarizmshahs

through

its organization
to

accession

in some

political

century

Saffarid

historians.

inaugurated,

having

whose

dynasties

of

establishment

been

epigoni

realm,

appearance
post

given

the

became
the

Samanids

followed
as well

the
as in

maintained

century.5
by modern
state,
force

and
and

historians.
have
the

E. Bosworth

viewed
lust

for

for his kind

encouragement.
An abbreviated version of this paper was delivered at theMiddle East Studies Association
(MESA) 2000 meeting
inOrlando,
itwon the Middle East Medievalists
Prize.
Florida, where
1 Abu Bakr Muhammad
b. JaTar al-Narshakhi, Ta'rikh-i Bukhara (Teheran, 1363/1984), p. 109.
2 Ta'rlkh-i
Sistan (Ed. Bahar.) (Teheran, 1935), p. 233, says that the khutbah had been said in his name inMecca
and Medinah.
3 See
Sistan under the Arabs, from the Islamic conquest to the rise of the Saffarids (30-250/
e.g. C. E. Bosworth,
631-864) (Rome, 1968), p. 122.
4
most
scholars have accepted at face value the Saminid claim that they first received Caliphal
Although
and only then took power, there are indications in several pro-Samanid
sources that the Samanids
appointment
from the SafFarids by force of arms and only much later ? in the year 271 - received
usurped power in Transoxiana
Ahmad b. Muhammad
b. Ibrahim b. Khallikan, Wafaydt al-alyan wa-anbd3
e.g. Abu'l-Abbas
Caliphal recognition;
abn<? al-zamdn (Beirut, 1419/1998), vol. 5, p. 364; Minhaj al-Din cUthman b. Siraj al-Din Juzjani, Tabaqat-i Ndsirl,
ed. eA.Habibi
(Kabul, 1963), vol. 1, p. 200.
5 On the
see C. E. Bosworth,
so-called "Second Saffarid Dynasty"
The History of the Saffarids of Sistan and
Maliks ofNimruz. Columbia Lectures on Iranian Studies. Ed. Ehsan Yarshater, No.
8 (Costa Mesa, California,
1994),
The Coinage of the Second Saffarid Dynasty in Sistan. Numismatic Notes andMonographs
and J.Walker,
pp. 267?339;
No. 72 (New York,
1936).

JRAS, Series ?, 12, 3 (2002), pp. 247-275

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

248 D.

power.

In espousing

this view,

found

in the primary
taken
the view

sources

not

is not

which

one

the

b.

having

"love

were

of

seems
While

to discover

the

several

re-evaluations

ever

done

on

tone

taken

by Noldeke

articles

the

no

and

rather

an historical

but

sources,
written
this

also

nationalism.x
involved

in

the

the

road

founder,

Yacqub,

In

we

short,

for Sunni

one

shall

Islam.

is commonly

that

Bosworth

force

over

the

in general

slim

of

simply

the

the

cAbbasids,

one

of

the

the

three

(somewhat

of

Three
more

the

disparaging)

four

four
were

articles

than

base

a numismatic

is actually

articles

only

source

limited

before

at all was

were

there

rife
one

In fact,

research

recently

a much

utilized

are

consensus

of

research.

extensive

repeated

Saffarids.

early

therefore

of

no

Until

century.8

wall

seeming

foundation

century,

historians
nineteenth

Moreover,

values

to man";

in particular

and Yacqub
this

closely

a very

to

ethical

by God

. . . hatred

to

as
to

refers

conquest."7

twentieth

devoted

by

its entire
was

author

it. Stern's

E.

C.

examples,

motivation

prime

work.

Stern
This

of

in addition

examines

later

and

scholar

a few

only

of Yacqub's

speaks

...

upon

most

to cite

Thus,

superiority

Saffarids

one

the

written

based

the

poem
j

dynasty's

the

stances

competing
to examine

be

the temporal authority delegated

of military

the

today.9

article,

while
lone

of

the

motive

it rests

in

have

fourth

the

position,

contemporary

of

when
that

Noldeke

The

about

the mid-1930s,

we

The

love

Saffarids;

that which
than

first

adventurer.

historian

"dominant

monographs

before

the

self-seeking

to underpin

Orientalists,

is surprised

written

as a

views

negative

among

consider

of

two

of

will

embraced
by scholars.
a
warrior
religious

a mutatawwic

let us

a sheer

been

modern

was

conquest".6

supposed

to have

been

traditionally

proclamation

that Yacqub's

concluding

goal

one

chosen
this article

in particular

and

Saffarids,

German

"unashamed

which

of

has

al-$afiar,

nineteenth-century

Yacqub's

in effect

The

historians have traditionally regarded the founder of the Saffarid dynasty,

al-Layth

been

have

however,

accepted. Modern
Yacqub

historians
themselves.

that Yacqub

the moment,

For

the

that

the possibility

explore

the

of

Tor

G.

S. M.
thesis

at the

article
Persian

had

upon

Saffarid
the

formulated
an

not

Stern,

one

poem

ruler

Yacqub's

idea

influence

nationalist

utilized

only

thesis

that

which

was

the

in the

the

the

evidence

amount

late

available

claims

a proponent
to

up

of
source

From

court.10

Yacqub

taken

one

only

was

disproportionate

few

very

of
of

twentieth

was
of

Persian
research
century

6 Th.
Noldeke,
Black
7

(London,
Bosworth,

Sketches from Eastern History, tr. John Sutherland

and his Dynasty",
"Yakub the Coppersmith
1892), p. 187.
"The Armies of the $affarids", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, XXXI
(1968),

P- 536.
8
"Yakub the Coppersmith",
Noldeke,
op. cit., pp. 176-206. A good example of the dismissive view faithfully
in Orientalische Studien zu Theodor Noldeke
"Zur Geschichte
der $aflariden",
repeated can be found in Barthold,
to theMongol
(Giessen, 1906), vol. I, pp. 171-191, passim, and idem., Turkestan Down
gewidmet, ed. C. Bezold.
ed. C. E. Bosworth
Thus, Barthold
Invasion, 3rd ed., trans. T. Minorsky,
interprets
(Taipei, 1968), pp. 215-218.
ignoring the
self-aggrandizement,
Ya'qGb's great attention to military armies as the expression of power-hungry
- even obsessive nature of Ya'qub's
incessant
campaigning.
9
der
and Barthold; and R. Vasmer's "Uber die Miinzen
articles by Noldeke
the two aforementioned
Namely,
Numismatische
in Fars und Hurasan",
SarTariden und ihrer Gegner
Zeitschrift, Neue
Folge 23: 6^ (1930),
pp.

131-162.
10 Shihab

al-Din Abu Abdallah

Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu'jam al-udaba\ ed. cUmar al-Faruq al-Tabbac (Beirut,
ever
that even this source never states that Ya'qub
vol. 1, p. 262. It should be noted, moreover,
1420/1999),
- let alone
the
that is was written while
of or even saw the poem
approved it; merely
actually had knowledge
author was staying with Ya'qub's entourage ('inda Ya'qiib).
11 S.M.
in Iran and Islam, inmemory of the late
and Persian national sentiment",
Stern, "Ya'qub the Coppersmith
?
Vladimir Minorsky, ed. C. E. Bosworth
(Edinburgh, 1970), pp. 535 555

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Historical

two

the

by

ever

has

the modern
source

has

the

on

material

the

dynasty:
specifically

Saffarids

the most

Sistan,

scholarly

the

novel

is, in fact, the only person

Bosworth

Ta'rikh-i

on

historical

quasi

source

of

range

249

studies

book-length

non-scholarly,

the only

produced

first

Bosworth.

full

in particular

and

He

the

almost

scholar,

extant.13

with

Edmund

and Clifford

consulted

the
a

wrote

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

produced
who

Bastani-Parizi,

about Yacqub;12
who

who

authors

Muhammad

Representations

important

and

monograph

several

to

available
primary

articles

dealing

the Saffarids.
even

Unfortunately,
influence
in

the

more

of previous

sources

writings,

sources

primary
recent

works

the

detriment
to

continued

ceased

Europeans

exclusion

neglect
motivation,

by Bernard

to accord

first

ingenious
one

histories

of

large

seems

Saffarids.

the

is,

sources

with
which

Indeed,

as we
an

negative
inherently

view

researchers
nevertheless

materials,18

yet

which

themselves

freely

have
have

already
placed

acknowledge

notices
relies

an

noted

the

unquestioning

issues. And

religious

as the "real"

they described

or

late

twentieth

century

constructed

"Persian

statements

national

the

pride";16

in the most

important

cause.17
for

has,

various

reasons,

in certain

when

one

immediately

have

could

that such great

accordingly

found
For

and places,

inconceivable

in the

religious

of Yacqub

one

of Yacqiib

in general

problematic.
eye,

historiographical

the negative

previous

they

see,

view

the

and differences.14

have

repeated
with

literature

secondary

particular
shall

a warrior

to

sentiments,

thoughts,
times

than "merely"

nationalism"15

the many,

was

itwas

in evidence

historians

"Sistani

explored

scholarly

movements

much

these
in the

due

part

large

in their

forth what

setting

various

Thus,

that Yacqub

one

accepted

is very

of Yacqub's
to have

time

the

short,

which

upon

the

explanations

no

In

of

argue

statements

repeated

in other

that other men,

religious

by Lewis

described

syndrome

re-evaluations

yet

"underlying"

significance

strong

shall

In particular,

other.

in

the

we

Lewis:

generation,
no more
involved

or "ultimate"

the
and

to religion

place

so historians

The

of

under

stream,

probably

observed

conflicts
and mighty
could have
. . . devised
a series of explanations,

debates

remained

the wrong

the persistent

loyalties,
they also ceased to admit
so. To a rationalistic
and materialistic

done

stream

and

religious

perspicuously

has

scholarship
one

and

interests,
have

recent

following

Yacqub's

so

. . When
.

to

have

regarding

phenomenon

most

this

ingrained
anti-Saffarid
confidence

late

that

the

bias

in

primary

primary

sources

the

Saffarids.

against

bias

and
one

accounts;
our

examines

by

of
these

some
same

of

these

works,

to be biased.

12M.
Bastani-Parizi,
Yacqub-i Layth (Teheran, 1367/C.1988).
13 Bosworth himself notes this in The
Saffarids of Sistan, p. 8.
14 B.
in the History of Islam", Studia Islamica I (1953), p. 44.
Lewis, "The Significance of Heresy
15 See M.
Bastani-Parizi,
Yalqub-i Layth, and C. E. Bosworth, The Saffarids of Sistan.
16 S. M. Stern
and Persian National
Sentiment",
p. 545) claims that Ya'qub had
("Yacqub the Coppersmith
"adopted the ideology of Persian national restoration", and speaks of "the strength of Persian national sentiment."
17 Thus one scholar
to have had no strong
goes so far as to state that "The early Saffarids seem personally
religious feeling." C. E. Bosworth, The Saffarids of Sistan, p. 15.
18
der $affariden") notes the influence on later
Barthold, for instance, in his Saffarid article ("Zur Geschichte
historical works of one seminal anti-Saffarid source composed
in the Samanid period; Bosworth,
too, explicitly
remarked "the hostility of almost all the . . . sources", (Bosworth, Sistan Under theArabs, p. in) yet, inexplicably,
failed to factor this animosity into his historical analysis. In fact, in a circular argument he adduces the hostility in
some of the sources as further evidence of the fact that Yacqub must have been at best
areligious and at worst
heretical. Even Noldeke,
with his limited source base, observed that the sources were riddled with contradictions,
without however elaborating further.

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250 D.

as

In fact,
views

stated

to be

of Yacqub
a

was

found

religiously
?
a mutatawwi*.
orthodoxy
Scholars,

by merely

provenance,

had

In 262/c.

latter's

measures

was

Saffarids
Islamic

of

we

Samanid

suggested
to

order

the

they

times,

provide

same

sought

today,

they

are

with

themselves

author's

contention

grounds
to blacken

(ghdzi
the

that he
Sunni

for

ourselves

here.
reacted

portrayal,
the

weighing
to

analysis

the

or

alternative

to determine

try

even

that

in

latter

the

evaluating

the

created

the Persian

through

Samanid

his

took
creden

treatment
the

of

were

written

enough,
Since

rule.20
either

many
or

during
even

it has

Recently

fostered Persian historical writing

the

subsequent

Conveniently
their

lenses.

challenging

religious

in

under

ones,

the

subsequently

known

dynasty.

Saffarids

toward

blatantly

Caliph

became

the

attitude

historiographical

Persian

was

cAbbasid

the

to

aversion

in particular

dynasty

Sunni

the

al-Muctamid,

reputation,
though,

tradition

filtered

anti-Yacqub

that

first,

us

inform

particularly

concern

shall

opposed
seen,

just

warrior

manner,

the Caliph

archetypal

historiographical
have

on

This

have

ever

realizes

factors:

that the Samanids consciously

It is this
on

as the

the Persian

the histories

after

tradition

we

which

the violently

one

Yacqub's

attitude.

diametrically

we

sources.

analysis,

factor,

important

and

a volunteer

apparently,

the

historians

Samanid

historical

much
of

the

the

was

he

in a particular

of

marched

which

one,

a source-critical

several

to blacken

more

even

An

tials.19

of

Yacqub

an

alternative

with

without,

from

876 Yacqub
and

view

conducting

such

arising

power;

extraordinary

view,

chronology

conduct

origin

political

Saffarids.
the

does

latter

portraying
and

other,

the veracity

indeed,

for

reliability
one

When

that

that

or,

a motive

had

the

suspecting

of Yacqub

two

essentially

sources:

It is this

down

toning

depiction
who

while

Tor

in the primary
rascal;

suspect

even

are

there

above,

G.

been

specifically

in

legitimacy.21
that

since

the

Sunni22

Islam),23

Saffarids'

name

Samanids
and
in order

were

essentially
to boost

with

competing
usurped
their

the
own

the
latters'

legitimacy.

Saffarids
realm,24
This

19

to Tabari (Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-Tabari [Beirut, n.d.], vol. 9, pp. 518-519),
the
According
to the trouble of having a missive
composed and read out to the general public, in which
Caliph actually went
and, among other things, charged with flying banners bearing crosses (this, of course, was
Ya'qub was condemned
pure slander designed only to impugn Ya'qub's
religious reputation). This was a highly unusual step for a caliph to
the caliph's legitimacy in away that mere rebels did not.
take, and suggests that Yacqub undermined
20
See E. B. Browne, A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge,
1964), vol. 1, pp. 355-358.
21 In the words of
. . .
to lend "support to the Samanids'
(J. S.
legitimizing enterprise."
Julie Scott Meisami,
in the Samanid period", in Studies inHonour of Clifford
Meisami,
"Why write history in Persian? Historical writing
Edmund Bosworth Volume II. The Sultan's Turret: Studies in Persian and Turkish Culture, ed. Carole Hillenbrand
[Leiden, 2000], p. 358).
22 The author here
ofSunna as a
accepts Juynboll's premise (G. Juynboll, "Some new ideas on the development
technical term in early Islam", Jerusalem Studies inArabic and Islam X [1987], p. 117) that by the 220s/late
830s or
aswell, holds
early 840s "sunna comes to stand for 'orthodoxy,' never to acquire another nuance again." Melchert,
in the third Islamic century/ninth
that "Sunni orthodoxy
century CE. At the centre of the new
crystallized
. . ."
"Sectaries in the
creed of Ahmad b. Hanbal and his followers.
(C.Melchert,
orthodoxy
lay the Traditionalist
Muslim World, LXXXII, nos. 3-4 [1992],
from the Sunni Community",
Six Books: Evidence for Their Exclusion
im Islam", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen
des Traditionalismus
p. 287). See also J. Flick, "Die Rolle
(1939), PP- 1-32.
Gesellschaft XCIII
23 Tarikh-i
Sistan, p. 254, says of the Samanid ruler who was the al-Mansur, as itwere, of the Samanid dynasty,
was a ghazi
having both established Samanid power and laid the ideological foundations of the dynasty: "Isma'il
such men as day and night said their prayers and read the
[mardi ghazi bud\, and all of his army likewise, were
Qur'an."
24
as follows:
act allows him to take over 'Aim's dominions,
Isma'il suborns 'Amr's generals, which
Thus,
and made them afraid of God saying:
"Isma'il converted
[to his cause] the heads of troops, of 'Amr's commanders,
seeks this world, we [seek] the Next.
'We are ghazis and do not possess wealth; while this man [cAmr] continually
"
What does he want from us?' Ta'rikh-i Sistan, p. 256.

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Historical

finds

contention
Ta'tikh-i

versus

sources

One

have

likely

recent

was

for

hostile

works

of

time
could

would

in

the

saying

from

the

sources

to examine

begins
to

closest
from

stemming
is, a warrior

holy

most

this

time,

for

becomes
determine

the

for

determined

his

role

of

and
most

slowly

Gardizi

ones

both

ones.

(compare

earlier and later

the

sources

later

events.

those
figure,

why

tenth

the

he

or
His

stood.

Samanids

have

might

was

which

history,

is completely

century,

really

in Gardizi's

people

BaPaml's

were

If Yacqub

for which
as

events

times

Samanid

during

on

silent

the

not

in order

to

his

displease

Samanid

master.25

in these cases, led to their complete

issues most

grew
words,

and

we

the

observes

incorporated

having

that
sources

early

a mutatawwic;

been

borders

that

or within

infidels

against

no

but

activities
Yacqub's

pre-occupied

him

as a

appears

longer

campaigns,

examines

was

that Yacqub

of military

at

rather
in

the

activities

extended
and

unceasingly

into

service

place
of

himself

Islam
to the

as a

logically

shall

the Kharijites
of

or

somewhat

the

chronologically

to that of defender
devoting

and

disorganized

times. We

particular

a muta\awwf

essentially

falls

freebooter, Yacqub began fighting

naturally

untiringly

understand

career

string
if one

apparent

Ya'qub
it on

be

Islam,27

as

one

fashion,

to have

known

all describe

random

seemingly

in a methodical

career
as those

(in Sunni eyes) Kharijites and Shicites.

his

faith,

coherent

which

in other

the

at all

era,26

once

from being an unprincipled

was,

instance

Saffarids,

something

to the Saffarids,

orthodox

important,

series

haphazard

(for

the

of

bad to say about the Saffarids, and therefore refrained

as well

the pre-Saljuq

fighting

warrior

the

blackened
reason

the

Ya'qub's

the body politic against heretical

Perhaps

the Arabic

these works.

one

When

remember

during

them

"Abbasid and Samanid hostility

omission

on

warrior

holy

thoroughly

possibly

about

anything

exception

are

centuries

to distort

able

or
still

subject of Yacqub; he had nothing

from

sole

Interestingly, while

is that

to be

so

be

court

Samanid

tenth

the
than

post-eleventh-century

material

phenomenon

probably

is quite

this

Indeed,

composed

this

never

and

positive

mutatawwi\

very

therefore

with

Saffarids

251

tone.

historians

devout

the

later,

to Juzjani).

detractory

contemporary

popular

Balcami's

wished.

preserved

ninth

for

A Reappraisal

sources,

toward

the

and

much

for

the Persian

that

Hawqal)

explanation

a very

name

Ibn

a far more

overall

adopt

earlier

or

fact

more

uniformly

for

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

Ibn al-Athir as opposed

especially

too

both

Ya'qubl

Persian

in the

support
are

Sistan,
is true

This

Representations

faith.
in order

show

that,

to
far

in Sistan, then

in general.
ideals

This

of

Yacqub
the

Sunni

25
Rawshan
vol. 2, pp. 1284-1295.
Bal'aml, Ta3rikh namah-i Tabari, ed. Muhammad
(Teheran, 1366/1987),
Bai'ami was actually aminister at the Samanid court of Mansur
I, and undertook his "translation" of Tabari at the
express command of his lord (E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, vol. 1, pp. 368-369).
26
E.g. Ibn al-Athir's use of al-Sallami's lost Ta'rikh wulat Khurasan. See W. Barthold's discussion of the subject,
"Zur Geschichte
der $affariden", pp. 174-175.
27 Sourdel has defined
"orthodox"
se developpait
Islam during the early ninth century as follows: "Cependant
. . . un mouvement
aucune compromission,
ni avec les
rigoriste de defense de l'orthodoxie
qui n'admettait
methodes
de la philosophic
surtout pour avoir condamne,
au
grecque ni avec les pretensions des 'Alides. Connu
contraire de la doctrine mu'tazilite,
la these de la 'creation' du Coran,
il avait ete soutenu notamment
par l'imam
. . et se
Ibn Hanbal.
contre
de Mu'awiya
presentait comme lemouvement
'grandissant,' qui defendait lamemoire
'Ali..."
Studia Ismalica XIII [i960], p. 6). One should
("La politique religieuse des successeurs d'al-Mutawakkil",
the reliance upon Prophetic
tradition in place of the process of logical deduction
add, of course, that it championed
favoured by the Mu'tazilites.

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252 D.

mutatawwici

tradition.28

ourselves
For

which

was

are

there

introducing

faith

and, moreover,

Ya'qubi,

who

Ya'qub's

rift with

and

the Caliph.

Samanids

blackened
of

group

Khurasan

gave

him

Note

particularly
as
thus

commendable

we

we

that

notice

examine

the passages

Mas'udl,

al-Istakhri,

religious

warrior

for

the

has

to us

is that

of

exact

ends

therefore,

contemporary,

before

account

The

down

chronicle

account,

Ya'qubl's

his

come

and whose

reads

just

before

is a vision
the

of

cAbbasids

as follows:

the

in Khurasan
and the Kharijites
and others
revolted,
[shurah] in
on the point of
b. al-Layth
they were
taking over Sistan, but Yacqub
a man
as al-?affar,
of courage
and intrepidity,
and asked Muhammad
b.

until

for

permission

in it. . . .29

account

name.

the Saffarid

in

by

works,

sources,

Yacqubi,

which

time

have

as viewed

to go out

him

were

contrary,

Ya'qub's
we

medieval

heretics.

Kharijite

during

limit

a volunteer

was

to

have

scholarship has concluded

When

sources

of Yacqub

What

band

strong

is known

to permit

Tahir]

fighting

hostile

at the
primary

contention.

that Yacqub

shall
career.

in his

violently

look

earliest

we

length

the Kharijites

grew

arose, who
Tahir

several

we

this

accounts

lived

his warrior

of
incidents

key

of

when

all of our

state

precious

actually

Yet

that

that he was

and

Yacqub

the basis

that undermine
note

specifically

the most

of

on

that

irreligious.

facts
we

Yacqub,
?

Ibn Hawqal

One

less

several

and

a few

of only

a Kharijite or even a Christian, modern

or

more

seen

have

call Yacqub

Yacqub
that

we

instance,

examination

Tor

to constraints

due

Unfortunately,

to a close

here

G.

the shurah and gather

the muttawwicah.
b.
[to fight]
[Muhammad
to Sistan, and expelled
those Kharijites
who
this, so he went

authorized

volunteer

In fact,

before

also

confirm

related

in

he was

al-Muctamid,

was

he

in

engaged

but,

on

of Khurasan.

governor

hereditary
with

as a rebel

not

the
This
as a

viewed

rebel.

suspect
theologically
tell us not only
that Yacqub

writers
that

the

not

warrior,

century

to power

risen

break

Ya'qub's

religious
tenth

the major
a mutatawwic
but

of

representative

that

confirms

to have

is said

that Yacqub

was

warfare

religious

warrior

holy

?
the

against

Kharijite heretics:
We

have

beginnings

already
in Sistan;

fighters

[muttawwicah]

Shadraq

[?], the city

Ibn Hawqal
was

There

manifested
brothers
for

Sistan,

and
a man
the

of

[madinah]

of the Kharijites

once

al-Istakhri

again

in this area, known

religious

[i.e. Yacqub
whose

Akhbar
al-zaman
lost work]
Ya'qub
a coppersmith
out with
in his youth;
his going
to fight
the Kharijites
Sistan
and
[harb al-shurah],

b.

[Mas?udi's

merit

and his
governor

confirm
as Dirham

from

those bordering

among

al-Layth's

the volunteer

his being

his

Sistan

[attacking]
. . .30

this picture:
b. Nasr,

who

had with

him

large group

the Kharijites.
and combating
[hisbatan ft] ghazw
the group of [Dirham's]
companions
siblings] went with

So

of

on

behalf

of

the Tahirids,

Ibrahim

b.

al-Husayn

that
these

and made

[al-Qusi],

was

28 For an
exposition of this tradition see M. Bonner, Aristocratic Violence and Holy War: Studies inJihad and the
of the Jihad in the 8th and 9th
Frontier (New Haven,
1996); D. G. Tor, "The Transformation
Arab-Byzantine
a paper delivered at the 212th annual meeting
of the American Oriental Society in
Centuries: The Muta\aunvi^d\
on a fuller analysis of both Ya'qub's career and
Houston,
Texas, March 25, 2002. The author is presently working
the "ayydrrole in Sunni mutatawwic warfare in general in this period, from circa AD 800-1055.
29 Ahmad b. Abi
Ya'qub b. Ja'far al-Yacqubi, Td'rikh al-Yalqubi (Beirut, 1379/1960), vol. 2, p. 495.
30 Abu'l-Hasan All b.
al-Husayn b. All al-Mascudi, Muruj al-dhahab wa-md'adin al-jawhar (Beirut, 1974), v?l- 5>
p. 108.

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Historical

And

feeble.

he

proclaiming

as a pious
until

proclaim]
deed

and

toward

He

him].

over

Dirham

was

b. Nasr

to fight the
to him
submitted

and

the people

until

253

and that he aimed

they
out of it to one

then went

the city,

entered

activities]

[his

of the city, where

of the mu\\awwi''ah,

So he won

cease

not

did

at the gate

alighted
that he was

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

[muhtasiban].

inclined

they

areas

outlying

Yaequb]

[presumably,

[or: would

Kharijites
[Istakhri:

Representations

he

had

taken

of the
of

possession

the

countryside.31
Note,

that

also,

dilemma

in writing

account

of Yacqub's

Yacqub's

from

simply

no way

Faith
that

and
-

one

have

his

were

his

the more

of

One

writing

in

ignoring

and

Tabari

omitted

in Baghdad.

the

deleting

point.

Tabari

recent

for him

because

probably
as we

have

the

already

expunges

simply

Yacqiib

accounts

all of Tabari's

outright

for

too

And

court,

the

salient

were

subject.

Samanid

is

of

too meritorious

Yacqub

the

he

There

service

about

about

of detail

neutral.
in the

this

Events

no

mentions

wealth

fighting

political

instance,

never

is studiedly

is Islamically

itself

greatest
for

simply

the great

given

strategically

statement

as we

shall

writing
Kharijite;32

the

against

about

the

of Ya'qub's

asceticism

Historians
countries
I have

some

of

Yusuf

accuses

claims

Indeed,

positive.

members

a very

had

voice,

hostile

perception

Yacqub

in

the

carried

of Yacqub.

Thus

very

heading

of

his

banners

with

crosses

Ibn Khallikan,

have

chosen

band

from

copied
Sunni

volunteer

them

fighters;

make
they

clear

that

them

not

seem

also

of

entry
on

being
in battle
does

not

substantially
were

only

to have

the

practiced

sort:
b. al-Layth

Yacqub

which

passages

toward

the
extremely
passages unchanged from earlier historians

different

that Yacqub

is Ibn

credentials

religious

is overall

he
cites
The
material
from
earlier
historians,
however,
caliph.33
own
were
claims.
Those
earlier
views
historians'
of the Saffarids

his

support

us of
Yacqub's

inform

states that he lifted whole

see,

even

and

to

the tone of his account

own

in his

sources

intriguing

Although
Saffarids, he himself

Abu

thus

history,

Khallikan.

more

was

act

the

sensitive

is,

a mutatawwic

writing

positive

the

There

account

his

was

to have

too

odd

of

neutral;

he was

still

who

tone

the

sound

outright

Tabari.

is particularly

to have

careful.

very
from

that Yacqub

and

expect

career.

Ya'qub's

who,

admit

therefore

an

BaPami,
from

entirely

Also,

in 915,

themselves

mentioned,

onward.

seems

to make

cAbbasids

which

statement

that

history

able

years

would

indeed

activities

and

in Sistan,

could

so Tabari

finished
to be

253/867

are

Yacqub

early

we

whom

writers

about

career

early

relates

those

already
they

from

al-$affar

written

ruled,

accounts

many

the people

this [corpus]

al-Khariji:

whom

that which

of

this man

they killed,
I have

set down

and
on

and

of

his

their battles

cAmr,

the

the Caliphs,

so

brother
with

these pages:

31
b. Hawqal, Kitab surat al-ard (Ed. J. H. Kraemers. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum II.
Abu'l-Qasim
This is the exact wording used in al-Istakhri, Masdlik al-mamalik, (Ed. M.J. De
Leiden, 1939), part 2, pp. 419-420.
Ibn Hawqal based his own
1967), p. 246, upon whom
Goeje. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum. vol. 1. Leiden,
in El2, vol. 3, pp. 786-788).
For an evaluation of the position of both
report (see Miquel's
entry "Ibn Hawqal"
see Johannes Kraemers,
"L'influence
de la tradition iranienne dans la geographie
arabe", Analecta Orientalia
(Leiden, 1984), vol. 1, pp. 151-156.
32 Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat al-alyan, vol. 5, p. 345. The word could, of course, also mean rebel or, asMartin
Hinds has shown ("Kufan Political Alignments",
reprinted in Studies in Early Islamic History, ed. Jere Bacharach,
Lawrence
I. Conrad and Patricia Crone
[Princeton,
1996], p. 3), "one who goes out and acquires sharaf on his
own account, without his having possessed a long-standing
[sharaf].'"
33 Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat al-alyan, vol. 5, p. 358.

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254 D.

Abu

'Abdallah

b. Muhammad

career

of his

beginning
and

al-Kinani

the Khawdrij

a man

the Kharijites,
and

[after Ya'qub

are called

who

cAmr were

there was

And

and he was

told me,

and his battles:

and his brother

in fighting

And

?Ali b. Muhammad

al-$affar

[al-zuhd].

tatawwuc

from Bust.

al-Mutatawwi?I,
his favour,

gained

that he

[was]

for

said:

b. al-Layth

asceticism

they manifested
of Sistan who was famous

youths,

Tor

al-Akhbari

in the affairs of Ya'qub

knowledgeable
The

al-Azhar

G.

shurdh killed

called

the people

among

$alih

cAmr] became
the brother

in their

coppersmiths
from

b.

al-NacJr

[sic]

his companions

of

and

the afore-mentioned

Yacqub.34
The

evidence

a sincere,

Dirham

leader,

the

"Yacqub

of

The

ideas

Ibn

former

al-Athir's

Yaequb

asceticism

affairs"

and

his

wacl-taqashshuf).40

Such
such

his favour,

in their
fighting

and

indeed,

quick

shows that such a description

from

this period

described

only

Yacqub

there was

explicitly

calls

by

former

which

portrait
fighter
silent
though

Yacqub

a mutatawwic:

fighting

the Kharijites

warfare

are

does

he

and

as

himself

one

"the

Ibn

further

the

reinforced
to

refer

specifically

in

al-Athir

religion
his companion
him

and

abstemiousness

a man

(tatawwuc)

Yacqtib's
of

charge
writes

also

the
the

from

among

in fighting

asceticism

the people

the Khawarij,

(sahabahu Yacqub),

fought

(al-zuhd

of Sistan
who

was

by his

who
called

side,

and

his deputy.41

taqashshufglance

is highly

by him

source,

al-mutatawwicah);39

. . . manifested

day

and

volunteer

earlier

motivated

became

zuhd

of Yacqub's

of

of Yacqub:

so that he made
-

is confirmed

. . ,"37

Not
to

the

again

in favour

argue

observation

devotion

in Sistan,

religiously

amr

for

Yaequb

terminology

as Sufis;

and

cAmr

brother

proclaimed
$alih al-Mutatawwiei.

yet

would

latter

religious

stationed

of Yacqub.

description

volunteer

enjoyed

of

and

(mutawalti

And

the

a mutatawwic.

a mutatawwi\38

extraordinary

of

reaffirms

remained

description
as

mutatawwicah's
following

he

that he was
of

This

purpose.35

relates

asceticism

practiced

a different,
from
quotes
ascetic
practices

al-$afiar

both

leader

religious

Ya'qub's

al-Layth

brother

Ibn Khallikan

when

entry,

and manifesting

Turks,

his

Ibn Khallikan

question
b.

and

ostensible,

b. Na$r.36

in his

further

by

than

which

information

on

that Yacqub

rather

in such

is normally
through

several

used
volumes

significant, for Yacqub

to describe
of

Ibn

religious

figures

al-Athir's

history

is the only political figure

terms.42

34

Ibid., p. 345
35 Pace Richard
than outlaws." Bukhara: The
that ghazis were "usually little more
Frye, who has maintained
Medieval Achievement (Costa Mesa, California,
1996), p. 37.
36 "Then the lord of Khurasan
[i.e. the Tahirid ruler] strove with Dirham until he overcame him, and he was
and
and imprisoned
there. Then
carried to Baghdad,
[Dirham] was freed and served the central authorities,
[afterwards] stayed at home practicing religious duties [nask] and the Hajj and self-denial [al-iqti$ad]" Ibn Khallikan,
Wafayat al-afyan, vol. 5, p. 345.
37
Ibid., p. 356.
38 'Izz al-DIn
'Ali b. Muhammad
Abu'l-Hasan

ed. Tornberg
b. al-Athir, al-Kamil fVl-ta'rikh
(Beirut, 1399/
i979)> vol., p. 64.
39
Ibid., p. 185.
40
are both notoriously
terms to translate or define closely. For a discussion
of zuhd, see
difficult
These
al-Fadl b. 'Ashur's
"What is meant by zuhal", Studia Islamica LXI (1985), pp. 27-44. Muhammad
L. Kinberg,
to arrive at a definition at all.
(Tunis, 1383/c. 1963) never manages
al-TaqashshuffVl-Islam
41 Ibn
the
the similarity in the final phrases to Ibn Khallikan's work;
al-Athir, al-Kamil, pp. 184-185. Note
latter freely admits that he lifted this part from Ibn al-Athir.
42
for instance, that in his eulogy of the Samanid ruler Isma'il b. Ahmad
Note,
(Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, vol. 8,

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Historical

The

Ta'rikh-i

in one
the

such
more

have

may

as his

someone

or

open,45

orisonal

impeccable

and

mandatory
The

writer

on

anecdotes

of Yacqub's

military
and

accountability

In fact,

the
his

including
Never

if after

honour,

that

the kharaj from

would
So we
orthodox

give
see

the battle]

[that person]
that

earliest

all

the

Islam

(Yacqubi,

point,

a great

deal

to

we

told

that:

are

any of the Believers

in the Land
to Islam,

of

the

and

then,

withstood
the writer
and

justice

and when

the

speaking
of

assumption
would

himself

who

either

to him.
had

fewer

depict

Mascudi),

Ya'qub's

had not

who

Infidel
not

aMuslim,

became

Istakhri,

Yacqub

with

about

say

and would

he would

and his children

sources

both

for

the

campaigns."49

has

someone

he

say,

devout

rak'ahs,

personal

"Moreover,

his

Finally,

context

Yacqub's

duties:

remonstrate,

in his dominions
alms.51

Sunni

war

converted

his property

any one

on

against

he would

not wage

[i.e.

and return

one

emphasizes

and

as,

charity."47

concern

in this

were

such

in eulogies)

(ghulam).48

involved

Both

in

of how

story

for

chastity,

170

pray

theme

slave

and

order.

these

generally
At

a sword

draw
to fight

anyone

of

in the vanguard
Sistan

would

and when

Islam;

execution

warfare.

[Yacqub]

beginning

witness.50

And

the writer

personal

real

very

Yacqub's

detailed
male

young

activities,

TcCrlkh-i

He

including

a handsome

of

of public

religious

did

Before

a very

are far

dalliances

[tawakkul]

dinars

(a standard

others,

chastity,

caliph

would

ghazi
sterling

alms)

his

to claim

tried

in God

1000

give

generosity

Yacqub's

administration

as a spy or

go

he would

generous

homosexual

he

period

Yacqub's

and

pleasure-loving
trust

Yacqub's

day

have

whose
a

for

of

thus

"a

possessing

regarding

prayer

not

Ghazna,

a 24-hour

every

bestowal

could

practices

chastity,

illustrating

sober

part

to extol

form

the

responsible,

most

. . .

Yacqub's
in

temptation

of

of

his

supererogatory

One

foremost

and

course

the

customary
goes

exceptionally,

relates

first

"In

habits:

of

Indeed,
in him;

quality

as

Yacqub
makes

instance

(for

like Mahmud
devotional

It mentions

al-Amin.46

fare
amounts

this

recognized

Sistan

255

commitment.

religious

describes

Herat43

to manufacture.

difficult

enemies

his

that Ta'rikh-i

claims

standard

of Yacqub's

evidence
even

of

the

in excessive

and

with

instance,

of

been

engaging

unusual

of
that

subgovernor
some

While

qualities

us

to show

Tahirid

ousted

nature."44

is full

too,

Sistan,

it seems

aside

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

of Yacqub

Representations

call

[first] targeted
God

upon

until

he had

first

take his property

Yacqiib

would

Yacqub
or maintain

offered

and his
give

hundred

as a

holy

him

dirhams;

warrior

a studied

him.
as

Almighty

them

children.
a robe
not

[Yacqub] would

Furthermore,
than five

religiosity,

rather,

fighting
silence

of

take

on

he

for
the

is a well-known
Isma'il is described as
ghazi, Ibn al-Athir does not use this religious terminology;
toward his subjects, forbearing [hatiman] ..."
"intelligent, noble, well-behaved
43 The Samanid Ibrahim b.
Ilyas b. Asad.
44 Td'rikh-i
Sistan, p. 209.
45 For a discussion of
The Ghaznavids: Their Empire inAfghanistan and Eastern
the subject, see C. E. Bosworth,
Iran 994-1040 (Beirut, 1973), p. 103.
46
See, for instance, the accounts of al-Amin's frivolity and self-indulgence, Mas'iidi, Muruj, vol. 4, the entire
section on al-Amin's caliphate.
47
Td'rikh-i Sistan, p. 263. Obviously,
the numbers themselves are unreliable; what
is important is Yacqub's
reputation.
48
Ibid., pp. 264-265.
49
Ibid., p. 268.
50 A
or course, when fighting the jihad is obligated to first call upon his opponents
to repent or
good Muslim,
convert. See e.g. Abu Da'ud al-Sijistani, Kitab al-sunan (Beirut, 1419/1998), pp. 261-262.
51
Ta?rikh-i Sistan, loc. cit.

p. 5), who

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256 D.

career

early

Khallikan
their

cite

name.

by
are

a Sistani

but

wholly,
b. Nasr

gem.
before

picked
overcame

was

amnesty

for

the

thief,
was

asked him: What

related

Layth

him

gave

the army
This

sources

with

Sayyari,
the

famous
?

Mongol
with

the

The

upon

rebel

and,

of

second

frequently
accounts

these

activities.

The

first,

think much

robbery.
cayydri and highway
never
and would
take anyone's

fell. He

it was

salt. The

of

obligation

the

In the morning,

b. Nasr.

Dirham

went

al-$affar

it was

that

imagined

the money,

a
salt
the
an

proclaimed
him.

before

Dirham

did not

that you

take it?

so [Dirham]
[haqq-i an]. He pleased Dirham,
next to him in rank and place, and was
became

as

in the

out,

the

true
any

forth.

for

earlier

then
the

become

the Persian

with

Dirham

his

further
source

with

confounded
is post

itself

negative
unlike

which,
an

former

is confused

increasingly
ones,

with

authorities

errors

before

and

Third,

sources

obviously

factual

dealings

son; Dirham

220S/840S,

so

and

had

having

relates

with

chronologically

into Dirham's

pointed

cite

it is riddled

al-Layth,

makes

it

First,

grounds.

Dirham

is particularly

directly

account,

Ibn

the treasury of
night he picked
was governor
of Sistan, and took

importantly,

father

al-Layth,

already
This

of

he did not

left the money.53

several

of Sistan

b.

is particularly

negative

his

erroneously

never

sources,
account

have

on

far more

places

governor

time.

and

. . ,54

not

Rafic

of his

lustrous

Layth
over

had power

its obligation

mistakenly

actual

as we

passage

later Arabic
Qazvini's

the

One

Dirham

to appear.

you

and

[sic] who

and he

called

suspect
and

Yacqub,

it then

whom

commander,
Na?r-i

report
account

the

Na?r;

and
for him

is

Second

both

proud,

of justice,

tongue:

for money,

lashkar]

however,

of Yacqub's

al-Athir

and which

and

view

arms

something
his

the status of a chduasht at his court. He

anecdotes.

all other
b.

Then

wonder,

[amir-i

career

it back.

of

b. Sayyar

it with

the story of the salt and

account,

apocryphal

gave

the cause, when

commander

early material

he became

the path

some

b. Nasr

touched

in order

Ibn

Sistan,

negative

of

exercise

travelled

he

the grasping

struck with

give

the

of money.

and

him

treasurer

into

b. Layth

amount

Td'rikh-i

early

[ravgar] lad.52 When

sometimes

it up

which

accounts

positive

reads as follows:

entered

b. Rafi?

unparalleled

He

reasons

those

incorporated

of Yacqub's
-

in that road he

and

later

accounts

Tor

Moreover,
?
sources

to have

coppersmith

uftdd] But

an

out

the

Tcffikh-i Guztdah,

coppersmithing,

Dirham

two

only

for various

was

money

of

sources
there

[rahzam

three

are known

problematic

of

in

and BaPami).

? which

from Qazvinfs
Layth

of Tabari

appear

In fact,
are

case

(in the

question

G.

attribution.55

the
So

unreliable.
that of Gardizi,

is really more

of

an admixture;

on

the one

52 The
social origins is irrelevant to our purposes and will therefore not be dealt with here.
question of Ya'qub's
to say that while he was almost certainly not a descendant of old Persian royalty, as the Ta'rikh-i Sistan
he was probably not the impecunious
would have us believe
ragamuffin that some of the more
(pp. 200-202),
to depict him as being (e.g. Abu Sa'Id 'Abd al-Hayy b. al-Dahhak b.
accounts try in belittlement
negative
Gardizi, Zayn al-akhbar [Tehran, 1327/1909],
Mahmud
p. 5). Skladanek has offered an ingenious explanation for
Suffice

an actual member of the Sasanian

the Sasanian descent tradition; namely, that Sulyaman b. Hamun b. Kaykhusraw,
under
royal family, was in business with Ya'qub's father (Skladanek, "External Policy and Interdynastic Relations
the $affarids", Rocznik Orientalistycny XXXVI
[1974], p. 134).
53
Eastern social norms, once one has tasted of
has pointed out that according to Middle
Roy Mottahedeh
sense of
another's salt, he is that person's guest and is therefore bound by the rules of hospitality. Al-Layth's
not have allowed him to rob Dirham
after having tasted of his salt. The author is
therefore, would
honour,
for this elucidation.
indebted to Professor Mottahedeh
54 Hamdallah Mustawfl
Qazvini,
T(Crikh~iguzidah (Tehran, 1339/c. 1920), p. 270.
55
E.g. Ibn Khallikan, who not only cites earlier authors but actually informs us whom he is citing and when he
is doing so.

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Historical

was

Gardizi

hand,

the Ghaznavid
-

from

Gardizi

to

attempts

or

"the fitnah,
latter's

rise

give

u dashti javdnmard

occupation

man

with

[hushyar bud u mardanah],

that he

to

his

other

hand,

pro-Samanid
entire

Yacqub's

seems

author

found

[march majhul

an experienced

and associated

budi]5S

and manly

prudent

a low-born

that he was

this:

with

instance,

personnel56
the

to

forced

as

rule

acknowledge

qualities:
was

b. Mucaddil
was

the

al-Layth")

On

dynasty.57

in

century

administrative

together

for

(referring,

b.

that

account

historical

Yacqub

personal

in importance

in every

accurate

of

257

the mid-eleventh

including

literally,

the memory

of Yacqub

civil war,

b. al-Layth

[yafti
he was

an

denigrating

outstanding

Yacqub

taken

revered

in

writing

pro-Samanid,
over

had

and

Samanids

thus, while

stances;

the

which

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

of Yacqub

unapologetically

court,

the

Representations

himself,

. . .The

bud]

and professed

khurdi]; moreover

[bd mardoman

and treated

all his relatives

of

among

for his

of chivalry

practitioner

gentlemen

the practicers

reason

And

respectfully.

he was

that occupation

leader.59
We

see,

accounts

evidence

in Sistan,

for

of

and

having

part
on

in
of

his

ghazw

raiding

infidels

For

someone

two

the

manifested

be

holy

warrior

the

and

Ibn

status

for

self-contradictory
career

his

begun

of

al-Athir's

occasionally

as some

heretics,
At

central

schedule;
campaigns

particularly

least until

kind

of

we

are

after

lands,
told

in the Land

and

Kharijites,

the

860s

he was

until

the

Infidels."

end

of

his
his

After

either

what

or governments
rule
on

this was

non

unquestion
into

year

"Every

he

in the

disappointment

in fact, he seems to have simply gone back to devoting

the
an

remained

always
life,

in Sistan
the

heavily

the East

band

Ya'qub's

infidels

more

drawn
in

campaigns

that
of

history

of Yacqub's

actions

his

battling

infidels,

the mid-250s/late

Even

Islamic

always

outright

entire

the

of him.

given

is seen

heresy,

of Yacqub;

portrayal

accounts

subsequently

Indeed,

career.60

positive

religious

considered

elements.

his

of

the
and

fighting

more

sources'

with

would

the province.

cAbbasids in 262/865,

Yacqub

Ibn

in claiming

later
as

of Yacqub

early

well

of view

focus

transpiring

go

the

accord

of his

primary

important

much

the balance

So,

with

together

are consistent

flawed,

the Kharijites,

the first

border

events

would

point

record

long

the

statements.

prior

sources,

early

view

supports

tolerated

Muslim

own

his

early works,

negative

fighting

a Sunni

is one

lost

obviously

example,

appears

which

the

rebel.

unscrupulous

ably

the

espouse

Other

from

a few

Only

undermines

follows:

citations

Yacqub.

from

as

stands

Khallikan's

first

that Gardizi

then,

evidence

himself

to

full-time.61
supposedly

interested

lack

singular

only
of

interest

in power
in

the

and

moreover,

self-aggrandizement,

trappings

of

power

he minted

no

56 See
The Ghaznavids, p. 57. He also notes that "These former Samanid officials strengthened
the
Bosworth,
in traditions and techniques between
the Samanid and Ghaznavid
administrations."
continuity
57 See
EI2, sv "Gardizi" (Barthold), vol. II, p. 978.
58 Best
translated as "chivalrous person". For an excellent definition of this word, written
in the century after
see Kaykavus b. Iskandar b. Qabus b. Vashmagir b. Ziyar, Kitab-i nasihat namah,
Gardizi's description,
macruf ba
Badavi (Teheran, 1963), pp. 179-183.
Qdbus namah ed. Amin Abdulmajid
59
Gardizi, Zayn al-akhbdr, op. cit., pp. 5-6.
60 See D.
G. Tor, "A Numismatic
History of the Saffarid Dynasty"
(Numismatic Chronicle, forthcoming
2002)
for a discussion of the trajectory of Ya'qub's early career; also Ta'rikh-i Sistan, pp. 197-208; and Ibn al-Athir, al
Kamil, vol. 7, pp. 184-185.
61 Ta'rikh-i
Sistan, p. 232.

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258 D.

coins

over

for

a decade,62

and certainly pushed

are full

sources

of

Ya'qub
respectively

that were

Sunni

the

from

anecdotes

examined

and
scholar

any

by

associated.

Yacqub

Ahmad

remaining
two

only

against

In order

the

scholar

beliefs,
The

has

career

several

of

875.

the

the

of

situation

Caliph

or

infidels

has

never

in

to

order

Da5ud

now

with

whom
the

scholars,

In

al-Sijistani.64
career

of Yacqub's

waged

direcdy

in 259/c.

examine

those

direct

through
the

short,

are

Yacqub's
?

or heretics

infidels

against

been

before

scholars

religious

873 and his march

campaigns

as

closely,

campaigns.
b.

Yacqub
the

the

also

traditionist

interpretation
not

therefore

those

supported
why

us

and

'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak,

Abu

compatriot

least

Let

the
entire

his

heretics

these

which

Sunni

outstandingly

at

were,

Tahirids

examine

of the Tahirid dynasty from Nishapur

who

al-Layth
rulers

Tahirid

the Tahirids,

conquered

All

of Khurasan.

of

the

we

must

first
sources

literary

had been dismally ineffectual in dealing with the various

had arisen in their dominions ? most notably the Zaydi Shicites in

that the Tahirids

threats which
and
even

critical

out

state

that

stance;

not

none

too

were

they

in

the Kharijites

pointed

philo-cAlid
but

were

considered

be

presently

about

to the mutatawwici

in 262/c.

northwest

a rather

know

Sistani

to understand

understand

emphasize
heterodox

also

Ya'qub's

displacement

as the
people

well

we

would

about)

Additionally,

throughout

the

of Yacqiib's

aspect

In fact,

tell us

motivated.

religiously

is an

which

the Caliph

shall

sources

the

practices.63
?
against

what

against
We

people

objections

campaigns

Ya'qub's

campaigns

that

campaigning.

ghazi tradition passed down from

to

b. Hanbal,

only

this
-

These

heirs of the militant

view.

too, were

they,
-

Furthermore

two

directed

of

point

that

demonstrate

not

constant

austere

his

regarding
only

none

(or at least

buildings

physically with

himself

undertook

career,

no

built

Tor

G.

of

affairs,

and contain what were

the Tahirids
does

only
zealous
and

eastern

the

Ibn

of

their
can

themselves
al-Athlr

in putting

in particular

areas

denounce
cAlid

down

the Tahirids'

in Sunni eyes religious deviants,

be

suspected
for

them

one

Indeed,

province.65

of having
their

taken

heterodox

revolts.66
to control

inability

Khurasan

is repeatedly highlighted

in the

sources:
In the meanwhile
their khardj to him
Khurasan.

Muhammad
rebelled

[Furthermore],

b. T-hir

became

weak.

Many

of

remained

[until] nothing
against him,
most
in a state of
of that was

sedition,

the districts

which
had paid
but a small part of
to war
together with

in his hands
going

62 See G. D.
Tor, "A Numismatic
History of the Saffarid Dynasty".
63
loc. cit.
E.g. Mas'udi,
64 Some of those
is a
religious connections
infra, but all the ramifications of Ya'qub's
figures will be examined
on a separate publication
topic too large and important to be dealt with fully here. The author is currently working
on the subject. The connections
between
the mutatamvici tradition of 'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak on the one hand
and his associates on the other have been noted by, among others, H. Laoust, "La
and Ahmad b. Hanbal
sous le Califat de Bagdad (241/855-656/1258)",
Revue des Etudes Islamiques XXVII
Hanbalisme
(1959), p. 71; and
shall see further connections
below.
D. G. Tor, "The Transformation
of the Jihad". We
65 The
in Ibn Hawqal, $urat al-ard, vol. 2, p. 439. On the
Kharijite tendencies of the Herat area are mentioned
and
rise of the Zaydis in the Caspian provinces seeM. S. Khan, "The Early History of Zaydi Shi'ism in Daylaman
"The Minor
Gilan", Zeitschrift derDeutschen Morgenladischen gesellschaft CXXV
(1975), pp. 301-314; W. Madelung,
of Northern
Iran", The Cambridge History of Iran Volume IV: The Period from the Arab Invasion of the
Dynasties
"La Place des provinces sud-Caspiennes
1975), pp. 198-249; and M. Rekaya,
Saljuqs, ed. R. N. Frye (Cambridge,
dans l'histoire de l'lran de la conquete arabe a l'avenement des Zaydites (16-250 H/637-864
J.C.): particularisme
pp. 117-152.
(1973-1974),
regional ou role 'national'?", Revisti Degli Studi Orientali, XLVIII
66
Sourdel, "La politique religieuse", pp. 11-12.

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Historical Representations of Yacqub b. al-Layth: A Reappraisal 259

those who

had

in its districts;
for Yacqub

[Muhammad]
gaining

also

prominent

state. Many

takeover

of

toward

forbearance

trouble spots in the Tahirid

and usually

operations
A

in 253/867

Herat
the

sent

Yacqub

of

to wreak

And

who
on

havoc

men

from

areas

had

and

did

not

received

appeals

all of our major

fact,

other

had

province

elements.
also
Yacqub

This

in his

from

emerges

be

over

the

area.
"he

into

deal

specific

to local

gave

security

then

defeated
to

and

in 258/c.

872

the

area,
a

appoint

to battle

it as a base

using

to

safety

leave

even

and was

into

the Tahirid

not

did

to Herat

district

first went

Yacqub

the Tahirids

by

apparently

returned

from

areas:
an insurrection

made

laqab al-Mutawakkil

from Mount

calaillah,'n

the mountains

occupied

launched
before

assaults.

of Herat
And

Karukh,

and gathered

the

and
army

himself

giving
to himself

10,000

took

Isfizar,70

[many]

commanders

and

the

him.71

to take over
state as a whole
the Tahirid
after
until
to
do so.72 In
figures
particularly
religious
figures

leading
not

only

Tahirid

rescued

both

communications

becoming

the

state

erstwhile
to

went

only

actually

a great

shown

an attempt

sources

prominent

he

him",

asked

request,

taken

powerless

ever make

years,

area;

upon

and

Yacqub

continually

were

of Khurasan

Yacqub

and

hearts
when

surrounding

the Kharijites,

among

in Khurasan,

notables

had

the

the Kharijite

amir al-mu'minin

the

either.69

there,

cAbd al-Rahman
title

the

the

his

their

remarkably,

with

complied
own

to have

Ya'qub's

to have

said

the
ship

sinking

supported

are

seems

the Herat

in that

Kharijites
set

they

Yet,

in

activities

to combat
that

him.68

fight

countercaliph

Kharijite
which

by

to

promptly

governor

he

so

the

again.
is Ya'qub's

this

in order

of Herat,

people

general

of

several

many

with

to clean up affairs, limiting his activities

dominions

leaving

instance

good

for

save

only

but

rule

non-Sunnis,

and

not

happen,

Tahirid

disenchanted

to come

Yacqvib

incompetence;

effectual

of

thoroughly

therefore,

Moreover,

place.

of

flourishing

eventually

causing havoc
This was the reason

. . .67

disintegration

someone

in Khurasan,
that did

were

who
them.

over] Khurasan.

became

for

about

elements

Tahirid

the

the Kharijites
to control

political

dominions

state when

so in the first

of

and

casting

respectable

to do

him

as a result

that

apparently

the capacity

[or: for taking

proliferation

the Tahirid

of

over

in the Tahirid

figures

and were

dynasty,

invited

us

and

areas,

did not have

mastery

inform

concommitant

the

of

its [i.e. Khurasan's]

al-$affar's

sources

The
and

over

taken
and

was

but

also

supporters,
from

in

what

in Ya'qub's
afterwards

that Yacqub

actions
with

Sunni
upon

the Caliph,

eyes

both
were

arresting
who

to

invited
that

was

take

he

over

and

Khurasan

they

religiously

Muhammad
obviously

felt

that

depraved
b. Tahir

worried

and
about

overmighty:

67 Ibn
al-Athir, al-Kdmil, p. 248.
68 Ta*rikh-i
Sistan, p. 208. Ibn al-Athir first places the conquest in 248 (al-Kdmil, p. 120), probably following
Tabari (Td'rikh al Tabari, p. 255), then later (Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil, p. 185) corrects himself.
69 The local
history of Herat squarely places Ya'qub's assumption of full control of the city in 256/870. This is
probably amistake for 258, inwhich year the other sources report Ya'qub as having come again to Herat to battle
the Kharijites. See Mu'in
al-Din Muhammad
Zamchi
Isfizari, Rawddt al-janndt fi-awsaf madinat Hardt, ed. Sayyid
Muhammad
Kazim Imam (Teheran, 1338/1959), vol. 1, p. 383.
70 A district "three
. . .which
to the province of Harat." Barthold, An
days' march from [Herat]
belonged
Historical Geography of Iran, tr. S. Souchek, ed. C. E. Bosworth
(Princeton, 1984), p. 64.
71 Ta'rikh-i
Sistan, p. 217. See also Tabari, Ta'rikh al Tabari, p. 507.
72We
shall examine those figures presently.

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260

[Ya'qtib]

for neglecting

of

this

[Ya?qub].

On

[i.e. Muhammad

of Nishapur.

governor

cUzayr

the

20th

b. Tahir],

b. T-hir

Muhammad

the

reached

Tor

G.

then

so he

[al-sultdn],

caliph

of Dhu'l-Qa'dah,

the

received

caliph

condition

of

Kharijites

and

the

They

imploring

him

over

Yacqub
to him,

This

theme

in fact,
And

he

to come

so he

righteous

as does

sources,

did not

act nicely
and

asked

to what

to
the
-

[When

b. al-Mutawakkil

the army

were

commanders

b. Tahir

to them.

gone

had

Yacqub,

[They mentioned

went

its people

become

with

of Khurasan

the people

to him

that of

toward

b. Tahir's

the Caliph's

that]
it

and handed

b. Tahir],

[Muhammad

seized Muhammad

b. Tahir

and

in this vein,

but he was
to him,

entrusted

had been

and

rather

but

him

censured
. . . and

to

sent

and that the people

of

cAlid

seizure

of

for this, and ordered

to

the

[anyway]
that he not behave

duty,

considerations:

ahl baytihi

condemned

in his

laxness

political

b. Tahir's
of his duty,
[him] of Muhammad
neglect
to them. And
to come
him
he
[also] mentioned

and continued

himself

of

of Muhammad

reproval

in his work,

reminding
had

had

correspondence

jailed.

Salam

it.73

in all the major

Tabaristan,
restrict

entered

[Yacqub]

Khurasan

the

letters.

it, and how Muhammad

to help
them, and that he had
than ten farsakhs from Nishapur,

of Yacqub's

remissness

the Caliph

recalled

[also]

which

overmastered

already

b.

recalled
the
[to speak]. His messengers
come
to Yacqub's
and how
attention,

messengers

Yacqvib's

of Khurasan,

had

was more

appears

for his

granted

populace

rebels

impotent.

when

was

and

and appointing

b. Zayrak

Ahmad

[at which]

to

and

[ahl baytihi] were

Ya'qvib's

and Abu

these arrived], Jacfar b. al-Muctamid

bringing
so it is related - held an audience
in the Jawsaq palace,
Permission

b. Tahir

Hatim

despatched

him

[Yacqub] withdrew

and his household

messengers

present.

to censure

began

his province].
his duty [or: neglecting
Then
as his representative,
dismissing Muhammad

cUzayr b. al-Sari

appointed

News

him

interrogated

him

reprove

D.

as rebels

him

toward

do.74
The

above

who
all of

was

this

the variant

versions

Then

had him

of the Muslims].

numbered

and appointed
same

source

over

him

his representatives
iterates

Yacqub's

into

him

then

and bore

to the various
motivation

been
So

and

religious

for

several
and

important

what

and sent his brother

[Ya?qub's]

of his province,

seized

them

social

Caliph.

else becoming

already

to restore

the

good

order

ghdzi
-

that

as well:

theme

for his neglect

[Yacqub]

160 men,

concern

the proper

the 4th of Shawwal,

[?Amr] brought

and berated

is, his

had

and Kharijites.

by Zaydis

that

consider
this

in Nishapur,

b. Tahir.

shackled,

would

emphasize

arrived

Yacqub

[the welfare
who

aspect

the Hanbalites

move

polity

the idea of anyone

that Khurasan

over

taken

yet,

fact

the

by

was

than

more

was

that Yacqub

suggest

they

the Muslim

bothered

by

of Yacqub's

consorted

to Muhammad

he was

and, worse

disintegrating,

evident

of

regulation

appears far more

than

because

interesting

particularly

beneficent

(i.e. Yacqub)

powerful

This

the

the Caliph

Indeed,

years

are

passages
with

concerned

[Muhammad's]

off

to Sistan. He

presence,

who

cAmr b. al-Layth
arrested

and his failure

entire

him

and

in his guarding

household

[ahl baytihi],
over Khurasan,

gained

mastery

with

the derelict

districts.75
in doing

away

Tahirids:

73

Tabari, Ta3rikh al Tabari, p. 507. In fact, the enigmatic phrasing of the last part of this passage implies that
over the city, but merely
to chide the Tahirids; when
the populace
perhaps Ya'qub had not even planned to take
handed the place over to him, however, he was not left with much recourse.
74 Ibn
al-Athir, al-Kamil, p. 262.
75
Ibid., pp. 262-263.

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Historical

it is said that the reason

And

in the year

257; namely,

Tahir. When
or

informing

him

what
and

away

to Nishapur,

from

being

Muhammad
wine-drinking
because
251

the

and

wrote

He

b.

b. Tahir
to execute

in order

had gained

who

of defending

to Muhammad

to Tabaristan

b. Zayd,
in his

was

occupied

over

mastery
nor

district,

[Muhammad's]

after Gardizi's

on, when

describing

b. Tahir's

generals,

it,

any of his

cousins

b. Tahir's

uncle

days'

came

Gardizi

envious

Yacqub

and

b. Tahir's

envy

tiring

for

the first

supported
generals

of

had

it:

rule,

the

it does

seem

rule.

Later

latter's

time

that Muhammad
"When

Yacqub:

Yacqub

and Muham

[sarhangan]
services

their

relatives

in Khurasan.78

seat]

reveals

offered

and

so they befriended
an attempt
upon

he made

for

Nishapur,

the

in the

first mentions

sat [in the ruler's

the

cAlid revolted

b. Tahir,

where

also

cousins,

from

journey

before

than

the

he

of Muhammad

other

to

hostile

in
indulged
to the point where

friends

Tahir's

Muhammad
point

said.76

[still] in a state of confusion.77

twist when

and himself

takeover,

his

just

the

description
reasons

actual

envied
to

[prisoner]

of

b.

a hostile

him

b. Zayd

with

bud]; he

and festivities,

were

with

restraining

they

therefore

va bi-caqibat

[ghafil

that Muhammad

emboldened

plenty

not

all

and
misrule:

and Gurgan

thereby

relied upon what

memory

saw his rule

they

correspondence
matter
Ya'qub's

b. Tahir

b. Tahir's

improvident

this fact

gives

into

not be afraid of him,

should

Samanid

and

[ahl], when

entered

[Yacqub]. Muhammad

256] Tabaristan

previous

the

three

of his family

They
Yacqub.
to Muhammad

that he

the

negligent

he

and

al-Layth

to

information

the

to Firhad,

down

some

[solely] with merry-making

was disturbed,
and Hasan
Tabaristan

although

there were

though

towards

of Muhammad

and took Muhammad

course,

mad's

khassah

loyal
record

sons of Muhammad
b.

Khurasan,

came

the

b. Tahir

him,

Yacqub

as

is ever

and was

includes

abandoned

Of

al-Hasan
anything

and playing

of his negligence
.. .
[and by the year

even

And

(amir Khurasan),
no
[longer] capable

himself

betaking

disturb

telling [Muhammad]
on his guard against him

has preserved

Saffarids,

He

to come,

who

Gardizi,

year

not

inclined

[idbdr amrihi],
him

inviting

regard

upon

regarding

b. Tahir's

of Muhammad

slipping

him

commanded

we mentioned
Muhammad

[asbabihi].

Some

him,

resolved

that he would

[promising]

relations

Even

that he had
had

to Nishapur.

[Yacqub]

was what

of Nishapur

possession

the ruler of Khurasan

[tahaqqaqa]
went

the Muslims],

the Caliph

taking
of

this, and that he was

verified

Yacqub

[Khurasan

for Ya'qub's

the weakness

261

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

of Yacqub

Representations

Ibrahim

except

b.

Ahmad."79
The
Yacqub
out

most

laudatory

was

one

strolling

anger

of The

day when

even

relates

in putting

instrument

God's

the Barmakids

source

he

saw

graffito

an
an

anecdote

apocryphal-sounding
to

end

ed on

the Tahirids.

the wall

a poem

comparing

and stating "a great cry shall be heard among the Tahirids
Merciful

One

shall

fall

upon

them."

Yacqub

implying

Supposedly,

thereupon

Yacqub
the Tahirids

to

[bi-Al Tahir]/the

exclaimed

must be amiracle
tyranny"

that
was

that

this

from God, directing him to free the Muslims of the Tahirids "and their
[jawr].80 Again, this story is important not because it is literally true (which it

76
Ibid., p. 262.
77
Gardizi, Zayn al-akhbar, p. 5.
78 Ibid.
79
Ibid., p. 7.
80 Ta'rikh-i
Sistan, p. 220.

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262 D.

almost

is not),

certainly

instrument

righteous
toward

of God's

the Muslim
same

This

rather

but

for

wrath

G.

Tor

preserving

against

rulers who

inept

not

do

as

of Yacqub

perception

religious

fulfill

their

the

obligations

community.

account

details

another
to

According

misinterpretation.81

this

legendary

episode

anecdote,

certain

which

has

people

to much

rise

given

in Nishapur

are

(we

not

told precisely who) were murmuring

that Yacqub lacked a caliphal patent, and that this
showed his Kharijite tendencies. Yacqub therefore ordered all the notables and religious
to be

scholars

in to his

called

presence,

he

whereupon

that diploma of appointment

[cahd] of the Commander

to

so

The

them."

around,

chamberlain,
those

all

frightening

the

goes,

story

assembled.

ordered

brought

Yacqub

the

to "bring

chamberlain

of the Faithful so that Imay

a sword,

Yacqub

reassured

thereupon

which

them

read it

he waved

that

he

not

did

intend to kill anyone, but rather to show them that he did indeed possess the caliphal cahd.
Then

Ya'qub

responded:

"Has

spoke:
"Yes."

and

to

exalted,

If Iwere

wickedness.
until

victories

Islam

position.
the

ruler

God's
whole

militant

a sword,

of my
being

that

the

and militantly
and which
of

before

just

spear,

Kharijite,

may

"might

makes

the

me,

creation

from

sword?"

the way

He

may

of

would

They

I have
[which
are identical!

the Faithful

of

of God,

exalted,

this

by

in this position

too,

the Commander
the

he be

the more
the Hour
and

earth.

be

blessed

and
and

righteousness
not have given

famous

caliphate

is he who

closely

associated

traditions:

[of Judgment],

could

was
actually
Yacqub
?
is established
by

right",

and
be more

of

'Abdallah

school
with

"Behold!
and

placed

contempt

on

pious

in God's

fights

is the position
mutatatuwic

This

orthodox
was

humiliation

nothing

'Abbasid

by God

sanctioned

upon

of one

deviation

then God,

to mention

and

Bonner,

the words

shadow

order
-

to

justice
of

people
thus,

bragging
not

approved

proper

by Michael

from

not

that of

in Baghdad

seated

[fisq]
me
these

. . ,"82

now

far from

Thus,

the

seize

been

has placed

sword

of investiture
attained]; my diploma
...
to bring
I have
arisen in order
and

not

the Caliph

said: "This

He

daily

al-Mubarak

those

who
than

oppose

and

and
was

the

traced
In

circle.83

[Muhammad]

sustenance

ghazi

to establish

and

beginning

sent me

sword,

b. Hanbal's

my

or orthodox

b.

whose

Ahmad
God

name

taking
the

beneath
me

with
the

. . ,"84 Far

this message.85

81
them by a spectacular display
E.g. Bosworth, The Saffarids of Sistan, p. 119, who says that "Ya'qub overawed
sword and proclaimed
of force . . . then produced aYemeni
that, just as the naked sword had originally established
the caliph's power, so it had established his own with equal integrity."
82 Ta3rikh-i
Sistan, pp. 222-223.
83 See M.
Bonner, Aristocratic Violence andHoly War, ch. 4, pp. 107-134. On the attitude of Ahmad b. Hanbal's
no. 2 (1997), pp.
of Ahmad b. Hanbal", Arabica XLIV,
"The Adversaries
circle, see Christopher Melchert,
see also infra for a discussion of some of Ya'qub's and Ibn Hanbal's common associates.
234-253;
84
'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, Kitab al-Jihad, ed. N. Hammad
(Beirut, 1391/1971), pp. 89-90, cited and translated
in D. Cook, "Muslim Apocalyptic
and Jihad", Jerusalem Studies inArabic and Islam XX
(1996), p. 75. For a slighdy
of Some Early Traditions", Journal of the
different translation, see Kister, "Land, Property and Jihad: A Discussion
Economic and Social History of theOrient XXXIV
(1991), p. 281.
85
toward his lawful commander, Ya'qub
the problem of disobedience
apart from the 'Abbasid
Regarding
a
a
the
for
commander
if
very good authority
disobeying
exigencies of religion so
legitimate
example itself- had
no. 622. In this tradition, the Prophet
vol. 2, pp. 47-48,
dictated; see Ibn Hanbal, Musnad
(Cairo, 1950-1956),
them to obey him.
himself has appointed a particular commander over a group of the Ansar, and commanded
into a fire, however,
orders the troop to cast themselves
When
the commander
they balk and inquire of the
never have left it forever, for obedience
is only in
Prophet, who says to them: "If you had entered it you would
appointed ruler is a different
[what is] good [al-macruf].'''' The question of actively putting aside a legitimately
In the case of caliphal appointments
this seems to have been a non-issue; nobody seems to have
matter, however.
about setting aside by force of arms anyone short of the Caliph.
felt the slightest compunction

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Historical

An

echo

of

of

Commander
that I can give
in Ya'qub's

and

him

reproached

of

the

for

governors

venial

thought would

personally

source,

it was

cAbd

al-Rahman
and

Khurasan

this

Now,

To

Yacqub.
fairly

certain

particularly
hard-pressed

The

previous
of honour

given

such

already

in

some

arrived

from

under

He

his

stopped

where

him,

own

unsuccessful

obey

he

wars

not

found

fanatical,

current

occupant

incompetent

replacing

why

consider

replacing
when

especially

this

apparently did try to bring

in a manner

even

Khurasan,

the head

of

the Kharijite

ordered

unmoved,
of being

he

pain

this

degree

the

relations

or

at

position;
against

stern

not

least
after
the

all,

Zanj

to

Yacqub

a rebel.

abandon
Yacqub's

message.88
between

the Caliph

worded,

harshly

counter-caliph

considered

with

him,

precarious

somewhat
the

cAbbasids,

sent back

so

a message,

would

the Caliph's

al

if only for power considerations. According

sent

on

and

then

it,

had

Caliph,

duties,

to

highlights

Yacqub

so

before

about

fight? Yacqub

he

that Yacqub

Baghdad.87

back

investiture

of

sword

with

qualms

worthy

interest the Caliph,

robes

that

more

in which

given

sent

the

to Nishapur.

perhaps

frustrated

no

had

the good

straits

at this
point

exchange

become

understood

with

to his

have

have

as he

return

were

his

brought

a dedicated,

positing

if Ya'qub

all,
Islam

dire

to one

to

are

cAbbasids

the

of

the messenger

came

(Muhammad]

Salih

treasures.86

After
of

out

took

So Yacqub

b.

command

Ibrahim

by
[cahd ii manshur]

go back. When

Ya'qub

standard."

at this
point

good

the Caliph

emissaries

the message,

cAbbasid was hampering

particular
to

the
or

incompetent

home

throne.

if not,

but

263

come

have

and patent

[he] had

we

what

well

very

cAbbasid

to you;

sent

b. Tahir

If you

say:

diploma

cahd and

all his

indeed

could

he

your

took Muhammad;

and took

was

If Yacqub

is my

said: "this

and

presence

show

of the province
and passed on

charge

in Shadyakh

ghazi

the Faithful

and Muhammad
to

A Reappraisal

as well:

account

them

with

to Yacqub's

presence

prayer mat

to Nishapur
a letter

with

b. al-Layth:

of Yacqub

in Gardizi's

is contained

this

came

Ya'qub
Marvazi

Representations

openly

the Caliph
must
break

with

was

the Caliph
rebels

have

and

at this

Musawir

and
been
him,
time
the

Kharijite.89
the Caliph himself, while a bit more complex, was of course frequently done in the 3rd/9th century,
Deposing
and religious scholars could always be found to justify the deed. Moreover,
although current scholarly consensus
were politically
that only Kharijites
maintains
and Khurasanian Murji'ites
activist at this time, there are many
indications that this modern
it is true that some Sunni traditions already
scholarly belief needs to be revised. While
activism against unjust rulers, it is far from clear that this particular dogma was invariably
officially condemned
translated into practice during the third century; see for example the numerous
revolts during the
anti-caliphal
time of both the Fourth Fitnah and al-Ma'mun's
reign, many of which were clearly Sunni (for several Sunni
revolts in this period, including the 'Abbasid one against al-Ma5mun and his religious policies, see D. G. Tor, "A
of the Apppointment
and Death of'Ali al-Rida", Der Islam LXXVIII
Re-examination
[2001], pp. 103-128). Also,
the strongly Hanbalite
unfazed by Ya'qub's
appear to have been completely
religious associates of Ya'qub
Islamically militant activism. It is simply irrefutable fact that both Ya'qub and his fraternal successor, 'Amr, enjoyed
the strong and unwavering
support in Khurasan of impeccably Sunni figures (i.e. people associated with and
literature); this is inexplicable unless certain
respected by Ahmad b. Hanbal and listed in Hanbalite
biographical
and Caliph as subject to ilal-amr
circles, at least, of the 3rd/9th century ahl al-hadith regarded the government
bfl-ma'ruf" and, if need be, removal. Michael Cook points out that Ibn Hanbal himself appears to have considered
the leader of the abortive uprising against the Caliph al-Wathiq. M. Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong
in Islamic Thought (Cambridge, 2000), p. 105.
86
Gardizi, loc. cit.
87
On this episode, see supra.
88
Tabari, Tcfrikh al-Tabari, p. 507.
89
At this juncture, the Zanj had just killed one of the main
'Abbasid generals and had entered al-Ahwaz
(Ibn
See also
al-Athir, al-Kamil, pp. 252-253,
259); the previous year they had taken Basrah (ibid., pp. 244-246).

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D.

264

one

Interestingly,
takeover

Ya'qub's

group
not

gathered

around

victorious,

he

He

Sijistan.

the kingship

point

that the Caliph

a third

This

Ya'qub

confirms

too,

as

the Caliph

depicts

source,

him

appointed

of Muhammad

source

settles

that

having

cAbdallah

him

ordered

[Yacqtib]

letters

of

he

And

b. Tahir.

his

in

rule

b.

came

b. Tahir]

"Abdallah

cAbd al-Rahim

letters

came

[kdr-ash]

the middle;

was;
had

Numismatic

by

invited

the Caliph

to

would

head."

Then

who

of gaining

suggest

our

that he went

to

the
the

nicely

for Yacqub

choice,

his favour.91

he

sources,
on

of

cAbd al

pretended

remonstrate

did

was
in the

the head

of

answered

he

taken

imprisonment
to accept

he had no

because

actually

of

not

cAbd al-Rahim

the head

carry

of him

seems

two

of

the

to have
faithfully
the
Tahirids
for whom,
restoring
?
in had any more
him
patience

According

evidence

that they

is the head

saw the rightness

was

battle against

. . .And

apparent.

the head
with

pleased

sent his

rate, Ya'qub

any
not

and

the Caliph

bud], but he deigned

and his brother]

or not

At

and Khurasan.

Nishapur

Sistan.92
yet

there
who

the Khurasanis

from

end.

not

a command

"This

him

to the caliph

whether

unclear
in the

if such

killed

[so that the caliph]

powerful,

injunction
nor

letters

gave

sent

and he

to it [dnrd munkir
He

and heir

his brother

was

and

to such

the Kharijites
had killed, be
a letter to al-Muctamid,
who

and

b. Tahir,

proclaiming:

al-Layth

[sic], whom

emissaries

Faithful

opposed

Baghdad,
b.

[i.e. Ya'qub's

Khruasan

the

[sic] and his killing.

Yacqub

It is therefore
leave

of

and was

[sic] around

had become

sent

he

the arrest of Muhammad

b. Tahir

Caliphate;

cAbd al-Rahim

from

to Khurasan

to him.90

passed

somewhere

to al-Muwaffaq

and

the Commander

Muhammad

Rahim

of

[Then]

the Faithful,

recalled

[sic]. Now,

of

that the head

[to Yacqub].

brought

Commander

now

by

[i.e. Muhammad
of Tahir

there he

and from

and Khurasan

position

ruler

the

pleased about the suppression of the Tahirids but was happy with Ya'qub's
the Kharijites:

and

in

acquiesced
were

the Tahirids

the governor

expelled
to the rulership

b.

for

because

and

a pact with

made

in time,

and

[Ya'qub],

deceived

was

[Ya'qtib]

took

Yet

to

hostile

Tor

as rulers:

unsuccessful

strikingly

was

source
of Khurasan.

G.

with
obeyed

he

by withdrawing

actually

ghazi

caliphal

neither

clearly,
but

to

Ya'qub
the

went

campaign

back

to

to the East

again.
this

Keeping

background

in mind,

let us

now

turn

to

the

religious

supporters

of

the

Saffarids' deposition of the Tahirids. The most prominent of those erstwhile Tahirid
supporters who invited Ya'qub into Khurasan was Abu Haytham Khalid b. Ahmad al
Dhuhli,
directly

traditionist

from

of Bukhara

the progenitor

of

whose

main

the mutafawwi'

teacher,
tradition,

Ishaq
'Abdallah

b. Rahawayh,
b.

al-Mubarak

transmitted
himself.94

A. Popovic, La Revoke des esclaves en Iraq au iiie/ixe siecle (Paris, 1976), pp. 105-108; for information on Musawir
the Kharijite's success, see Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, p. 257.
90 Ibn
Isfandiyar, TcFrikh-i Tabaristan, ed. 'A. Iqbal (Teheran, 1320/1941), p. 245.
91 Ta3rikh-i
Sistan, p. 225.
92 Ibn
al-Athir, al-Kamil, p. 266; Tabari, Ta'rikh al-Tabari, p. 502.
93 See D. G.
It is at this time that minting begins in Panjhir. These, it should be
Tor, "A Numismatic
History".
"Uber die Miinzen
der
first coins. See e.g. ANS
noted, are Ya'qub's
1968.62.2; ANS
1927.179.8; R. Vasmer,
Saffariden und ihrer Gegner in Fars und Hurasan", #2; F. Schwartz, Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum Tubingen: Gazna/
Kabul XIVd Hurasan IV (Tubingen and Berlin, 1995), 47.
94 On Khalid b.
see Dhahabi, Siyar aclam al-nubala3 (Beirut, 1419/1998),
Yahya's studying with Ibn Rahawayh,
see ibid., vol. 11, p. 359. Note
that Ibn
connection with Ibn al-Mubarak,
vol. 12, p. 422; on Ibn Rahawayh's

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Historical

Khalid

b. Ahmad

served

to have

is said

administrative

by Tahirid

265

in Marv

representative
over

officer

alarmed

become

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

as the Tahirid

repeatedly

the

became

subsequently
man

Representations

all Khurasan

This

[watt Khurasan].95
to have

and

incompetence

then

and Herat,

turned

towards

Yacqub:
And

became

[Khalid]

inclined

towards

b.

Yacqub

b.

Muhammad

vehemently

imprisoned

instance,

on

writes

al-Baghdadi

Khalid

b. Ahmad

Dhuhli

al-Amir,

besides,

subsequently

traditions

from,

guardians

of

account

honourable

very

b. Khalid

hadith

of

the

write-ups

Bukhari
said:

he

"What

strong

and

rule,

and

and when

he

to

spoke

to the Hajj, was

for

support
literature

the

Saffarids.97
for

thus,

generally;

[watt

of Bukhara

to whom

he

came

to his

[the

ending with Khalid's

b.
did to Muhammad

tradition

. . .

and

when

to hear

[rida?] and

sandals,

[Khalid's

quarrel

of

expulsion
Isma'il

the

[traditions]
abasing
with

was

the

in Khurasan

the

heard
the

aforementioned

from

himself

he

in Bukhara,

by

Muhammad

latter from

al-Bukhari

settled

al

Haytham

towns

to relate whom
he

to go with

used

in order

other

on

goes

And

on]
. . . Khalid

passed

presence

to ahl al-cilm.

and Herat,

them

. . .Abu'l

b. Malik

b. Mujallid

imarat] of Marv

governor

in charity

is related,

former's

b. Amr

b. Hammad

to the gates of the muhaddithin

[traditionists]
go on foot, in a loose outer garment
outspread

their

bi-Sijistan];

in Herat,

in the biographical

would
was

[al-qtfim

was

Khalid

of

of him:

governor

and

Sistan

latter days

he had done wrong.96

the Caliph

by

receives

to

in the

in Sistan

subsequently passing through Baghdad on his way

In fact, Khalid, when

Khalid

arisen

had

transported

face of how

[Muhammad's]

who

al-Layth,

was

Tahir

to the Tahirids

opposed

and he

them,

this; his hand

b.

the city] Some

reason for the

Ismacil

al

of ahl- Him
end

of his

rule."98
There
"...
dirhams

is also
I heard

a tradition

however,

had

of

here
Khalid

Abu'l-Haytham

in the pursuit

travelled to Baghdad
Caliph,

included

Hltn.

which

indicates

b. Ahmad

. . ." In fact,

after

Khalid's

al-Amir
retiring

say:
from

to

devotion
I have
public

spent

pious
over

life Khalid

learning:
a million
b. Ahmad

to relate hadith traditions in that city to a long list of students. The

not

forgotten

Khalid's

deep

support

authorities seized Khalid and threw him in jail in Baghdad,

of Yacqub;

therefore

"the

and he was never freed until he

is given epithets such as 'al-imam al-kabir, shaykh al-mashriq" and ''sayyid al-huffaz" (p. 358) and that
Rahawayh
Ahmad b. Ftanbal transmitted a tradition from him (p. 364).
95 Abd
al-Karim b. Muhammad
vol. 6, p. 22. Ibn al-Athir
al-Samcani, Kitab al-ansab (Hyderabad, 1386/1966),
calls him "Amir Khurasan" (vol. 7, p. 412), as does al-Dhahabi
(Ta'fikh al-Islam, vol. 20, p. 83), who describes him
as "Amir Khurasan in Transoxiana."
96
Ibid., p. 23.
97
Ibid. Both Khalid's support of Ya'qub and his imprisonment by the Caliph are also noted by Dhahabi,
Siyar
aVldm al-nubala, vol. 12, p. 466.
98
Al-Khatib
Td'rikh Baghdad (Beirut, nd), vol. 8, pp. 314-315.
Khalid b. Yahya opposed
al-Baghdadi,
al-Bukhari at the behest of Ahmad b. Flanbal's friend Muhammad
b. Yahya al-Dhuhli, whom we shall presently
be discussing (Dhahabi, Siyar aHdm al-nubald\ vol. 12, p. 463. Muhammad
b. Yahya's letter supposedly stated that
"This man has already shown deviation
from the Sunna."). The grounds for Khalid's disagreement with al
Bukhari were the same as those upon which Muhammad
b. Yahya al-Dhuhli opposed him: namely, espousal of
"lafziyyah" doctrines which Ahmad b. Hanbal had already declared so heretical that those who espoused these
beliefs should be considered
"The Adversaries of Ahmad b. Hanbal", pp. 237,
infidels, see Christopher Melchert,
241; for a general discussion of the outlook of Ibn Hanbal and his associates at this time see Muhammad
Qasim
Zaman,
(Leiden,

Religion and Politics Under

1997), pp. 62-69.

the Early

'Abbasids. Islamic History

and Civilization:

Studies and Texts,

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vol.

16

266

Toward

died."99

the
a

with

proclivities,
Khalid

toward

that when

can

also

to have

"used

b. Man?ur

circles.
to

and

traced

the end

Khalid

passed

in the prison

Sunni

of

religious

religious

Saffarid

of

their

of

through

so
told

and

on

Baghdad

in Baghdad

figures

and

rule,

so much

in the year

Ya'qub

supported

in an 'Abbasid jail for that

whom

one

'Abdallah

b.

figure

student

one
to
or

ofghazw,

of

the

of

other

Da3ud

his

the

would

expect
and

al-Mubarak,

in Khurasan

was

a man

b. Hanbal's

close

friends.

warrior

border

border

religious

of Jihad literature,
two

rule

of Ahmad

directly

men

most

warfare,

He

al-Sijistani.101

In fact,

he was

reliable

hadith

and most

relate

anecdote

the

This
was

transmitted

He himself

is also

that militant

Sunni

a very

had

excellence".

in fact, that the following

in

prominent

traditions

the greatest

and

of

He

tradition.

'Abdallah b. Mubarak.

Hanbalite

prominent

sterling was his reputation,

high

known

among

scholars

of his

in

reputation
b. Hanbal

that Ahmad

the ninth
So

time.102

is related of him by the great

al-Nasa'I:

traditionist

I saw Muhammad
God

Then

of Ya'qub's

al-Dhuhli,

broadcast

as one

Hanbalites

century

Sistan,

and died

Khalid's

[al-qd3im bi-Sijistdn],
was
in Herat
Khalid

in fact, ended up dying

the kind

and Abu

Several

him

praise

to

in Baghdad

supporter

be

to

transmitted

Sa'id

tradition,
Hanbalite

carried

in traditions

directly from the progenitor

said

was

about
to Sam'ani's:

toward

in Sistan

arisen

irreproachably

b. Yahya

prominent

particularly

to the Tahirids
had

second-generation

religious

prominent

moreover,

information
identical

ahl al-hadith.

clan, Muhammad

man,

find
almost

who

is exactly

with;

of

supporter

Another
same

we

wording

jailed

is that

Khalid

to associate

a fervent

entry

this particular one,

Moreover,

support.

Tor

all he had done wrong.

and was

269

to note

over the Tahirids;

mutatawwic

Tahir

to his face about

is important

What

b.

G.

opposed

b. al-Layth

Muhammad

[Muhammad]

in

vehemently

Yacqub

in the year
the Hajj
269 . . .10?

this

isnad,

complete
was

b. Ahmad

inclined

of

close

D.

with

done

hadiths? He

[who was

b. Yahya
you? He

answered:

He

were

written

answered:

They

son,

Yahya

at this time] in my
sleep,
I said: And
has forgiven me.

dead

in water

of gold

and were

and

I asked him: What

was

what
raised

has

with

your

to the highest

place

done

in heaven.103
Muhammad's
religious

knowledge

volunteer

religious

whose

sake he was

and
warfare

who

b. Muhammad,

actually

understanding,104
in his

own

is said

person,

particularly

to have

practiced
on

surpassed
the

behalf

pious
of

the

his

father

in

precepts

of

Saffarids,

for

killed.105

The fact that this family was so deeply and steadily involved in supporting the Saffarids in
99

Tofrikh Baghdad, p. 316.

Al-Baghdadi,
100 Ibid.
101
Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 415-416.
102
'Umar
Ibn Abi Ya'la, Tabaqat al-fuqaha" al-hanabilah, ed. 'All Muhammad
Muhammad
AbG'l-Husayn
b. Shakir al-Kutubi,
cUyun al-tawdrikh (Beirut, 1416/
(Cairo, 1419/1998), vol. 1, pp. 91, 446, and 448; Muhammad
1996), p. 330.
103
al-$afadi, Kitab al-wafi b?l-wafayat. Bibliotheca Islamica. Das Biographische
$alah al-Din Khalil b. Aybek
Lexikon des Salahaddin Halil ibnAibak as-Safadi (Weisbaden,
1970), vol. 5, p. 187.
104 Yusuf b. al-Zaki 'Abd al-Rahman
vol. 8,
al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamal fi asma* al-rijal (Beirut, 1418/1998),
p. 86.
105
Ibid.; al-Baghdadi, TWrikh Baghdad, vol. 14, p. 218.

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Historical Representations of Yacqub b. al-Layth: A Reappraisal 267

Nishapur,
support

certainly

provides

evidence

for

Saffarids.

One

even

unabated
of Khurasan
The

the

in the dark

from

just mention

the

time.

Ya'qub's

al-Ba?ri,

with

alongside

early
with

seems

of

of

He

was

an eminent

part

of

the

a group

of

Sistan's

of

such

occupied

place

as "a great man

well

before

of

the Caliph

other

prominent

the

Although

al-Muctasim

knowledge

who

had

Tcfrikh-i

these

listed
in

[men]

could

their

deny
A

and^/1".11
band

Ya'qub's

began;

b.

cUthman

entrusted

b. Muslim

The

"And

in the world

[c. 833],
"ulama,

b.
is not

luminaries,

religious

one

cAbdallah

cAffan

Hatim.109

et alii;

Hatim,

with

to

muhaddith

and Abu

during

identification

cUthman

well-respected

in religious

Sunni

by

cUthman's

tradition:

traditions

Abu

that one

in Sistan

scholar

outstanding
Abu

contacts

his

We

entrusted

cAffan,

mutatawwiH

Zurcah,

Da'ud,
a

b.

related

was

and

one
as Abu

the

also

father

Abu

as

figure

reign

his

all

finished.

"ulama" as well.

orthdox,

religious

students.107

as al-Dhuhli,

eulogized

the

that

"ulama3

greatness

to

al-Mubarak's,108

such

cUthman

is also

Sunni

al-Basri

al-Mubarak's
clear

Ibn

illustrious

and

knowledge
merit."110

Ibn

figures

is proud
such

of

was

the dynasty

though

religious
continued

a rebel wrested

when

cUthman

first,

deeply

support

he himself was absent on campaign in the

prominent

al-Taymi

Sulayman

it

student

connections
Sistan

b.
several

certain,
a

The

and

their

successor,

equally

a connection

find

that

as

prominent,

men.

other

the most
we

too,

Here,

and

absolutely

a few

perhaps

Muctamir

teacher

al-Mubarak

He

was

area,106

of other

and

seemed

the khutbah in Sistan while

Yacqub with making

Herat

have

Sunni

in particular

brother

it must

support

briefly

note

of Yacqub's
and

orthodox

impeccably

should

days

Saffarids

also had

Saffarids

shall

the

of

a mission

with

the

during

cAffan was,

along
a

to exhort

former Kharijite freelancer (who had repented and now spent his time zealously eradicating
the
his former friends) to lay down his arms.112 During the famine of 221 (835-836),
of

governor
state money
the

two

Sistan,
to

sects

commanded

honor

'Uthman's
a hadith
one man,
relegated

local

transmitter;
whose
cUthman

instructions

the
b.

cUthman

[i.e.
reached

reputation

on

beyond

eminence
his

to

and
the

province
and

the

b.

ahl al-ra'y]"
of

of his merit

Sistan;

dirhams

religious

leaders

[fuqahct]

of

to the
needy.113

In fact,

his

as a muhaddith

was

that he used

for

Dhahabi,
and his

forever
to

traditions.115

instance,

asceticism

did

unfortunately,

of weak

300,000

"the

cAmr,

in

entrusted

for distribution

because

"I bear witness

collections

b. Tahir,

borders

reputation,

reputation

statement

cAbdallah

cAfEan and Husayn

ahl al-sunnah

in his

of

not

destroyed
hadiths

forge
In

this,

says:

"He

[zuhd]".U4
to his

extend
by

the

about
too,

he

legacy

as
of

testimony
the Prophet"
accords

well

106 Ttfrikh-i
Sistan, p. 209.
107On 'Uthman's transmission from
see Shihab al-Din Ahmad b. Ali
Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, Lisan
Muctamir,
see Dhahabi,
to Muctamir,
al-mizan (Beirut, 1416/1996),
vol. 4, p. 172. On Ibn al-Mubarak's connection
Siyar
aHdm al-nubald\ vol. 8, p. 477.
108
Ibid., vol 8, p. 380.
109
Ibid., vol. 9, p. 242.
110
Td'rikh-i Sistan, pp. 19-21.
111
Ibid., p. 215.
112
Ibid., pp. 184-185.
113
Ibid., p. 186.
114
b. Ahmad al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikh al-Isldm (Beirut, 1412/1992),
Shams al-Din Muhammad
vol. 19, p. 206. He
was prominent
Sunnis witnessing
enough to have been used in a very typical Shicite attempt to depict prominent
to the truth of Shicite views. See Muhammad
Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwdr (Teheran, nd), vol. 39, pp. 320-321.
115 Burhan al-Din
al-Halabi, al-Kashf al-hathith amman rumiya bi-wadH al-hadith (Baghdad, 1984), p. 286; Abu'l
Ibn al-Jawzi, Kitab al-du'afa? wa'l-matrukin (Beirut, 1407/1986), vol. 2, p. 171; al-Dhahabi,
Faraj cAbd al-Rahman
ed. Nur al-Din Ttr (Aleppo,
loc. cit. Ibn Hajar adds:
1971), vol. 2, p. 427; Ibn Hajar,
al-Mughni f?l-ducafa\

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

268

specific

with

the famous

the mutatawwi'i
next

Our

scholar,

as

biographers,

is

. . . and

Two

of

Sa'Id

teacher
with

In fact,

above.
Such,

mainstream

Sunni,

mutatawwici

over

we

'Amr
-

scholar
in both

al-A'rabi,

"And

Khurasan.122
to

the

from

him,

such

and

it is said:
of

Nahrawan

studies,

and Abu

al-Farra\

area

religious

linguistic

he

Fars,
on

joined
and
the

who

Hatim
Abu

brought
encampments

see

'Amr Ya'qub

the

an

least

have

discussed

rule with
even

is said
in
'Iraq

al-Layth

[his] Kitab

of Ya'qub

and

al-fim,

been

Yaqut's
to learn

from

the

his

anti-Shi'ite
to have

then

it drowned

on

words

others,

him

in

his, they

fighting.

outstandingly

fadilan],

the

involved

actively

Ya'qub

to

to

Moreover,

belonged.

among
b.

staunchly

connected

them

man

journeyed

al-Sijistani,

with

the

[faliman

had

at

Ya'qub:

is absent

he

This

scholar"

in

connections

and
we

directly

with

al-Harawi.121

gathered

among

had

with

accompanying

is a man

person

of his

firmness

numbered

to replace Tahirid

scholars

who

gatherings.120

that Ya'qub

base when

campaigns

and

whom

often

We

supporters.

in his home

"a praiseworthy

and

his

those

al

work

of one

tradition,

associated

they campaign

b. Hamdawayh

are

scholar

hypothesizing

religious

One

caliph.

were

of

al-Fasawi

b. Yahya's

repute,

reluctant

Sunni

Shimr

hadith

al-Asma'I,

are

the prayers

finds

the

against

religious

of

the

famous

devotion,

warrior

al-Dhuhli,

impeccable

of

al-Nasa'I,

atMuhammad

the
some

leaders

border

who

on

Moreover,

the

figures

lukewarm,

one

of Abu

overflowed

no

recitation

the

campaign

him

figures

of

to which

were

Revealingly,

learned

religious

rule; they travel with

Ya'qub's

name

b. Yahya

belonged.117
of

godliness,

and

Muslims.
to

to teach

the

tradition

people

by

used

were

then,

al-Tirmidhi
Sunni

in

type

the formulators

in the words

known,

with

this

observed

author

greatest

the most

b. Man?ur

Muhammad

al-Fasawi

the

particularly in the

the frontier,

Ya'qub

He was

among

pupils,

his

acquaintance

these

his

traditionists

the

accompanied

collected

of

that Ya'qub

suggesting

al-Fasawi,

have

"...

authoritative

through

are

Sufyan

to

said

been

having

sunnah."119

most

we

specified which).118

traditions

prophetic

with

Ya'qub

it is not

(although

b.

Bonner

Bonner.
scholar-ascetics

second-century
to which

tradition

wa'l-tifrikh,

Ma'arifah

take

Tor

by Michael

context,

?/*J;d-supporting

connection

the

G.

the type of a "sahib sunna" as noted first by Juynboll,116 then, more

with

of

D.

Ibn
to

returned

amir,

and went

but

the water

together

with

"al-Jawzqani said: '[he was] matruk al-badith; he used to steal traditions.' And al-Barqani said: 'I asked al-Shamakhi
about him and he said: He was as God wanted him in his religion [huwa ka-ma sha'llahfi dinihi\.'',
116 G. H. A.
of Sunna as a Technical Term in Early Islam",
Ideas on the Development
Juynboll, "Some New
Jerusalem Studies inArabic and Islam X (1987), pp. 97-118.
117 Bonner
(Aristocratic Violence and Holy War, p. in) pithily encapsulates Juynboll's findings in the statement:
as ascetics
"The ashab sunna tended to receive poor to middling
grades as traditionists, they were characterized
. . .
they related was often hortatory
[which, as we have just seen, 'Uthman b. 'Affan was] and the hadith which
without much legal content."
118
b. Mukarram
Muhammad

ta'rikh dimashq li-Ibn Asakir (Beirut, 1996), vol. 28,

Ibn Manzur, Mukhtasar
pp. 44-46.
119
in his Kitab al-thiqat (Beirut,
Ibn Hibban,
Al-Sam'ani,
al-Ansdb, vol. 4, p. 362. Abu Hatim Muhammad
1403/1983, vol. 9), echoes this appraisal.
120
Tahdhib al-kamal, vol. 8, pp. 168-170.
Al-Mizzi,
121 Shimr was
according to tradition the name of the killer of Husayn b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, the third Imam. He
circles (see e.g. Abu'l-Faraj
al-Isbahani, Maqatil al
was, to say the least, not the most popular figure in philo-'Alid
Talibiyyin. [Cairo, 1368/1949], pp. 116-118; $afadi, al-Wdfi bi3l-wafaydt, vol. 16,.p. 180).
122
Yaqut, Irshad al-arib ila malrifar al-adib, vol. 4, pp. 262-263; Jalal al-DIn al-Suyuti, Bughyat al-wucatfi {abaqdt
Ibrahim (Cairo, 1384/1965), vol. 2, pp. 4-5; $afadl, al-Wafi, vol. 16, p.
al-lughauHyyin wa'l-nuhat, ed. Muhammad
Ibrahim
'All b. Yusuf al-Qifti, Inbah al-ruwat lala anbah al-nuhat, ed. Muhammad
281; Jamal al-DIn Abu'l-Hasan
(Cairo, nd), vol. 2, p. 77.

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Historical

the

other

which

chattels

Shimr to office.124
books

but

"Kitab

al-silah"

of

scholar

the
of

the

leaders

of

reputable

was

that Yacqub

was

or

the

or

sanctioned

the

an

of

head

an

less

the

out

for

know

had

who

aid

for

was

stymied

are many

began

b. Wa?il

was

in possession

Bugha

the

had

latter's
fitting

evidence
with

unhappy

his westward

of Kharijite
b.

of

march
of

the nominal

against

already

was
admitted

viewed

him

and

the

argument
the Caliph

as

this

Ya'qub's

the Caliph's
in fact,

ever

he

a year

half

"'Abdallah
and

brother

dismissed

image

of Ya'qub:

agree

to stage

these
if the

a coup

to

b.

to betake

to install this protege on the

then

contacts

opened

with

al

candidate.
strengthen
weak
in the

situation
cIraq and

cIraq.129

Ya'qub

him

encouraged

camp

of
to

went

al-Wathiq

is what

had

invasion

the

in his

cAbbasid

before
b.

this

and

surviving
which

an

had intended

death,

parts

in possession
his

of

cIraq against

Noldeke,

sheltering

al-Muctamid's
the

southern

background

that

Perhaps Ya'qub

by

pieces

that Ya'qub

were

a Sunni

could

linchpin

pre-conceived

been

actually

al-Muctamid,

against

as the most

afterwards

Ya'qub

interested

he could not have dominated?128

in fact,

us,

the

have

would

why

in 261/875,

died

tells

throne.

of his

because

solely

toward Baghdad."130

There

How

upon

between

the

self-aggrandizement,

source

to ask him

Muwaffaq

Musa

al-Wathiq

but

was

Shimr

and

image of him, although they are aware

at collusion
behind

been

scholars

Traditionally,

sources

Ya'qub
?

tenth-century

throne,

Zanj

enough,

has

their opportunist

real power

sources

primary

merely

Interestingly

al-Layth

linguistic

hadith,125

an attack

his march

dog:

put a powerful Caliph on the throne whom

himself

that

consensus."127

presence

which

episode

army.

in the

was

who

b.

and
his

by

irreligious

in keeping with
hinting

in the

'Abdallah

unusual

indication

possible

tradition

of]

have

briefly

more

persistent

al-Muwaffaq,

One

of

unworthy.

examine

at

al-Mu'tamid

latter were

community

standing

bid for dominion,

reports

[the

unfit

now

the

constituting

appointed

Islam?Obviously,

deemed

must

of

book

collection

unparalleled

even

Ya'qub

included not only

only if the attack were not directed against the office

as such, but rather against one particular individual occupant of that office

of the Caliph
We

latter

source,

are said to have

269

is specifically singled out for his Sunni leadership, being called in one source

head of Orthodox

who

an

tafsir,

to one

According

Interestingly, his works

a Qur'anic

also

in Jihad.126 He
"one

drowned."123

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

Representations

inability

this

supposition.

rule

on

central

of Khuzistan,131
of

Fars,132

to do

religious

caliphal

and

anything

First

of

grounds.

lands was
the

When

critical;

the

rebel Muhammad

the Caliph's
to

all, we

resolve

strongman
matters.133

123 Irshdd al-arib and

to al-Qifti, Inbah, was at the time of Yacqub's encounter with
$afadi, al-Wdfi. According
al-Muwaffaq.
124
Ibid., p. 77; "fa-qalladahu bi-almdlihr.
125
Ibid.
126
Irshdd al-arib, loc. cit.; Suyuti, loc. cit.
127
al-Dhahabi, Td'rikh-i al-Isldm, vol. 19, p. 166.
128
"Yakub the Coppersmith",
Noldeke,
pp. 190-191.
129
Tabari, Td*rikh al-Tabari, p. 512.
130
Mutahharb.
T-hir al-Maqdisi, Kitab al-bad' wa'l-td'rikh (Beirut, 1980), vol. 6, p. 125.
131
See Popovic, La Revoke, pp. 112-113.
132On the erstwhile
see Td'rikh-i Sistan, op cit., p. 188, where we are
b.Wasil
Kharijite activities of Muhammad
told that he rallied Kharijite forces in Bust in 222/837,
the year after those had been defeated. He obviously fled to
Kirman with the rest of the Kharijite fugitives, whom we are specifically told had escaped to that province.
133 Ibn
al-Athir, al-Kdmil, pp. 275-276; Tabari, Td'rikh al-Tabari, pp. 512-513.

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270 D.

a very

Mas'udi,
'Iraq,

states

source,

early

al-Mu'tamid

"condemning

G.

Tor

that Ya'qub

verses

composed

the mawdti

and

were

who

with

on

his

journey

him

for

their

toward
neglect

of

hopes

of

religion and remissness in thematter of the [cAlid] Zanj rebellion and he said:
i.

I now

have

of Khurasan

possession

and

the

of

regions

I have

and

Fars,

high

'Iraq.

conquering

2. For the interests of religion have been damaged and neglected and have become
disordered, and they have become like effaced and disappearing traces (sc. Like those of
a desert

e.g.

I have

3.

encampment)
with

forth,

gone

aid, with

God's

been

know

that

al-Muwaffaq

was

able

to wield

master

over

the name

was

of

is, in fact,

to

to

of

was

one

the

actually

and

is not guarding

the motive

which

restoration

of

who

notes

letter

Ya'qub

as you.

in your
itself

will

hands,

to come

literary

and

the

take

'Iraq with

sources.

The

as

same

is given

and

all

wanted

Muwaffaq.

And

the

to one

return

that

Ya'qub's
of

charge

affairs,

is not

Sistan

inviting

in ghazi
in the

concluding

on

insistence

to go

the

to Baghdad,
apprised

to Muwaffaq,
secretly
came to ['Iraq]

religion

are

this

is Islam."136

significant

and justice to his

understanding

all

the world,
the

While

because

they

actual

course

the

of

and
words:

following

so that

supporters,

Ya'qub

campaigns,

letter
in

reflect,
of

events,

Saffarids.137

collusion
credible

sober,

Muwaffaq

as

such

contemporary
of

are your
that

convinced

only

sent

al-Muwaffaq

prominence

true Muslims
?
and
religion

passages

a fashion,

in a very

[Ya'qub]

Ya'qub

we

perceptions

popular

Gardizfs

addressed

from

apart

encouragement

al-Muwaffaq's

Ta'rikh-i

letter

actual

in particular

spurious,

apocryphal

as well

hand,

Now

is probably

however

whatever

nothing

possessed

have

under

Ibn Khallikan,

of

"No one in Islam except the first two Caliphs has had such good works
credit

[what

we

Islam

controlled

in the words

al-Mu'tamid

entered

having

the

to quote

it purports

so;

This

appeals

the

namely,

at this time;

all matters,

of Ya'qub's
in many

found

this was
come.

of

upholder

caliph."135
evidence

Explicit

with

nicely

campaigns:

also

We

"Al-Muwaffaq

that

dovetails

evidence

the Caliph

fit Caliph.

power

this

all of Ya'qub's

underlay

positing

sc. the Caliph)

the

that Ya'qub

Moreover,

surprising.

whilst

victorious,

had had to fight because the Caliph could not do so

is
(the Kharijites, the Zaydis, and so forth), Ya'qub's disenchantment

all the wars

successfully himself
not

and

(or: "true religion,"

the banners of right guidance

he is supposed to].134
Given

fortune

between
account.

to remove
Mu'tamid

and Muwaffaq

Ya'qub

Mu'tamid
of

the

would

134
Al-Mas'udi, Muruj al-dhahab, vol. 5, p. no; tr. Bosworth,
135 Ibn
Khallikan, Wafayat al-acydn, vol. 5, p. 455.
136 Td'rikh-i
Sistan, p. 231.
137One finds this not
for
only in other Islamic contexts
are
not
for
which
al-Nafs
Muhammad
important
al-Zakiyya,
actual 'Abbasid and Shi'ite ideological positions of the time
"biography" of Charlemagne.

and

al-Muwaffaq,

on

the

other

writes:

He

from
situation.
show

History

the Caliphate
Ya'qub

those

letters

and

to

instate

write

letters

to Mu'tamid,

until

would

of the Saffarids, p. 157.

example, Tabari's "letters" between al-Mansur and

their verbatim content, but because they reflect the
but also in other medieval
ones, e.g. Notker's

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Historical

Gardizi

on

goes
that

noting
words,

to relate

of
him

attack
These

could

on
a

what

in which

such

been

fact,

guide

envoys

would

I had

aimed

for."139

final

he

campaign
is found
was

from
of

in such

boon

"al-Mutawakkili")

ismade

we

are
use

frequent

There

are

to the first,

two
"he

took

true

the

the man

second

al-Mu'tamid

and

He

was

one

for

of

[therefore]

until

lose

left

and

them

a fixture

much
that

joined

of

eloquent
"which

b.

'Abbasid

at the

'Abbasid
was

According

sent

[that
If

al-Layth."142
it

court,

source

the

Ibn Mamshadh

Ya'qub.

al-Mutawwakil

Ya'qub

the

because

patience,

up with

children

left

having

states

the

as

known

the most

day."141

ended

company

his

still very

to

the present

which

b. Mamshadh

is actually

al-Mutawakkil,

extolling

of

Ibn Mamshadh's

though,

(he
is called

He

the
has
'Iraqi

story,

Ibrahim

Ishaq

court.

Ibn Mamshadh
the

The

al-Mutawakkil

panegyric

long

of'Iraq

Abu

him:
which

of Ya'qub's

irreligiosity.

in

had,

betray

tradition

interpretation
his

as follows:

'Abbasid

so he

to

and

power

Caliph

the

with

standard

then

same

very

I would

and

apparently

seems
court
as an

to

take

in the

for
early

emissary

by

Ya'qub:

eloquent

men

so [much so] that no one

surpassed him;
as his emissary,
to Ya'qub
and al-Muwaffaq's,
and advanced
him over everyone
else in his gate, so

of his

time,

in the days of al-Mu'tamid

kept

commanders

correspondence

the

runs

the

is very

al-Muwaffaq

and

'Iraq

is the

this

for

indicate

into

Ya'qub

lust for

how

was

the most

[Ya'qub]

that Ya'qub's

his

scribes

al-Mawaffaq

sent

lure

of

time

long

version,

he was

b. al-Layth.

secret

reason

Ibn Mamshadh

The

to

fashion,

have to fight; I had no doubt of success, and I

Ironically,

al-Muwaffaq],

a very

that

granted
260s.

and

agreement.

answer

Ya'qub's

that

source,140

annoyed

formation.

to

regarding

became

is, al-Mu'tamid
this was

versions

Ibn

by

lackadaisical

uncharacteristically

seems

of

the

an

in battle

which

that he wrote

of by

an

such

sources

a member

told

to

alluding

weight

to fruition,

companion
and

'Iraq;

one

added

given

the matter

from

only

are

bring

as evidence

resulted

in essentially

in

the
then

and

guard

to me,

start

the

adduced

having

a former

man

for

Ya'qub

his

return

Ibn Mamshadh.

been

frequently
as

Ya'qub

to be

appears

even

not

in our

story

planning
episode

peculiar
most

with
off

beaten,

army

. . ,138 In other

so skilled that he was until then literally undefeated,

project

and

the

is one

There

get

his

adversary.

cooperate

conspiracy

al-Muwaffaq-Saffarid
phrase

without

that

obtain

to

pretended

telling; he replies: "I did not think Iwould

believed

any

by

to

and

al-Muwaffaq

defeated

in order

al-Mu'tamid,

an

of

embarked

unprepared,

by

271

Reappraisal

surprise.

in a cryptic

have

been

[before]

is asked how he, a general

Ya'qub

betrayed

al-Muwaffaq

ineffectual

reports

Khallikan,

was

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

Ya'qub

never

to Gardizi,

the
by

how

had

"[Ya'qub]

according

removal

Representations

with

him with

him,

and entourage
al-Muwaffaq,

envied
so

him;

[Ya'qub]

so
killed

they

informed

Ya'qub

that he was

in

him.143

138
Gardizi, Zaynal-akhbdr, pp. 8-9.
139
Ibn Khallikan, Wafnyat, pp. 457-458.
140
affair. $afadi (Kitdb al-wdfi
Yaqut's Mu'jam al-udabd\ containing two different versions of the IbnMamshadh
the two different versions the latter
bi'l-wafaydt, vol. 1, p. 149) cites Yaqut, mostly word for word, but combines
gives.
141
al-udabd\
Yaqut, Mu'jam
source Yaqut was basing himself
142 Ibid.
143
Ibid., p. 263. The present
Mamshadh was sent as a spy, he

vol.
on.
writer

1, p. 262. "Until

now" most

probably

refers to the time of Hamzah,

the

views the two versions as complementary

rather than contradictory;
if Ibn
must have given Ya'qub
some other plausible reason for having left the

obviously

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272 D.

In other

words,

from

charges

that

sent

and,

to

he was

by

failed

to realize

Stern,

execution.145
the

the

an

the whole

for Ya'qub's

"proof"

to

has

most

known

to

an

were
that he

Ya'qub

connections

a poem

actual

facts

nationalist

upon

largely

the

Ibn Mamshadh

interesting

'Abbasid

as Persian

of Ya'qub
rests

that

sentiment

an

being

fabricated

implies,

stated

these

Ibn Mamshadh's

irreligiosity

source

national

for

entourage

our

explicitly

Persian

interpretation

alleged

so

him,

While

to attribute

executed

that Ya'qub's

already

mission.144

of

significance

Yet,

source

'Abbasid

so anxious

claim

revealed

the

was

Ibn Mamshadh

not

does

they

indeed,

Tor

source,

version

that

on

Ya'qub

noted

this

but

envy,
-

correspondence
was

to our

according

spy. Note

'Abbasid

G.

and
and most

to have

said

his
of

been

composed by Ibn Hamshadh while staying asYa'qub's court, which unabashedly extols the
old Persian kings and excoriates the Arabs and 'Abbasids. The poem isworth quoting in
full, since it is so strikingly different in tone and content from all other poems which we
to have

know
deeply

been

religious.146

I am

the

fallen

to my

son of

I hope

Say
We

of

then

about

of high

runs

and

the

all

presence,

are

of which

as follows:
of

inheritance

lost and effaced

is the banner

of Kabi,

you

conquered

Imay

grant

by

through
'Abdicate
force,

by

I do not

the kings

of Persia

has

quickly,
the

goal

men

have

closed

their

my

directing

aspirations.

the best of men.

to rule the nations.

you will

before

thrusts

though

so.

through

I hope

which

of lofty nature.

consequence,
reach my

of time.

the length

them

do

I am busy with

but

import, of far-reaching
will

yet

by

for

revenge

seeking

their pleasures,

to all sons of Hashim:

have

of Jam,

has been
I am

the world,

that the Highest

me

in Ya'qub's

translation,

the rights of those kins,

are thinking

To matters

court

Saffarid

descendants

their glory which

the eyes

eyes

With

the noble

and neglected

Men

the

in Stern's

poem,

lot.

I am reviving
Before

at

recited
The

of our

have

spears

and

reason

to be

the blows

sorry:
of our

sharp

swords.
Our
Return
For
of my

fathers

gave

to your
I shall mount

you

your

country
on

kingdom,

in the Hijaz,

the throne

but you

showed

to eat lizards and

of the kings,

by

no gratitude
to graze

the help

for our benefactions.

your

of the edge

sheep;
of my

sword

and the point

pen!147

and since Ya'qub himself was so clearly annoyed with al-Mu'tamid, why should IbnMamshadh
'Abbasid court
aswell?
not have claimed that he was irked by al-Mu'tamid
144 It is
as his
clear from the sources that Ya'qub was not aware that al-Muwaffaq had "sent" Ibn Mamshadh
emissary; otherwise, why would Ya'qub have appointed him to high positions or objected to his having been in
the man whose emissary he was?
correspondence with the al-Muwaffaq,
145 Stern
and Persian National
Sentiment",
p. 541) dismisses the accusations of Ibn
("Ya'qub the Coppersmith
Mamshadh's
being an 'Abbasid spy as the invention of these envious rivals, who may, in fact, simply have been
and who happened to have stumbled upon
doing their utmost to uncover anything negative about IbnMamshadh,
was sent by the 'Abbasids to
states that Ibn Mamshadh
the man's secret. Again, note that the source explicitly
court; Stern never really explains that piece of information. Also, since the source does not accuse the
Ya'qub's
to Ya'qub,
there is no
informers of having fabricated the charges, but only of having revealed the information
that the said informers lied.
textual evidence supporting Stern's contention
146 See Td3rikh-i
siecles: fragments
Gilbert Lazard, Les premiers poetes persanes, IXe-Xe
Sistan, pp. 209-213;
rassembles, edites et traduits (Teheran, 1964), pp. 54-57.
147
and Persian National
Sentiment", pp. 541-542.
Stern, "Ya'qub the Coppersmith

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Historical

Representations

is aware of the problematic

Interestingly, Stern himself

ever

saw

even

The

poet

his verses

puts

raises the question

far those
a

let alone

the poem,

Put,

however,

Stern

took

of his

even

for

life

executed

being

that

"the

national

an

court,
'Abbasid

agent

poem
a

but

was

course,

came

'Abbasid

for

prestige,

Ya'qub's

of

granted,

at the

far as to assert

that
to
-

was
a

manifesto

with

political

circle

it is far more

by Ya'qub),
disinformation.

aim

The

and

besmirch

his

him

on

disastrous

to his

different
we

this one,

unlike

as an

Ya'qub

who

actually

a man

by
of

emissary

quite

spent
and was

In fact,

of propaganda

particular

who

the Caliph

propaganda.

piece

general

written

he

so

goes
to boost

aiming

. . . Persian

objective[:]

probable
from

to have

know

this

or

reputation,
invasion

it may

of'Iraq

through

'Abbasid

that

Ibn Mamshadh:

agent
so out

style,
simply

wrote

own

what

touch
he

as the
into

the whole

the

we

and

conscious

was

Ibn Mamshadh

agent,

then

the more

devious

motives

There

is yet

further

proof

in support

of

composed
was

for

him

the

in

poetry

very

strikingly,

in

have

composed

content,

that

by Muhammad
in Persian.

written

constituted

been

visions

and

In fact,
of

beginning
style,

and

for Ya'qub;

148
Ibid., p. 543.
149
Ibid., p. 545.
150 It does not seem to
this author
God on Earth" grandiose.
151 See
Tcfrikh-i Sistan, loc cit.

language;

these

language

that

Ya'qub

would

to be unwarranted

even

from

this
from

have

to term people who

court

court,

that he
on

based

If,
to

trying
tell

lure

us,

an

was

never

written

did not know Arabic well

the
all

Arabic
the

first

very

poem
court

subsequent

poets

by Ya'qub's

composition,
not

to the

ones.

likely

previously,

Thus,

poetry.151

goad

course,

'Abbasid

explicitly

this poem

aside

therefore,

compositions

of

to

Of

'Abbasids.150

indeed

sources

the more

a decade

Persian

Ya'qub

to hear,

grandiose
was

as our

contention

the

want

cAbbasid

attempt

flattery.

to

would
and

are also

b. Wasjf

of

of Ya'qub's

The Tffrikh-i Sistan tells us specifically that Ya'qub

to understand

enough

a crude

al-Muwaffaq

indeed,

the

been

atmosphere
position

at claim,

looked

Ya'qub's

at least heard

to discredit

either

so accustomed

in Ya'qub's

'Abbasid

for Ya'qub.

he was

genealogically

have

have

or

of-

tone

the

such underhanded motivation

religious

someone

thought

sources

'Iraq,

namely,

with

with

experiences

however,
Ya'qub

of

poems

from

as a piece

been

grandiose

attributing

with

approved

have

simply

together

surviving

been

would

propaganda

there is still another possibility, without

and

allegiances,

all other

likely that the poem was written

of

Islamic

and

history

is so radically

which

(and which,

poetry

this poem

Ya'qub

is not merely

Ibn Mamshadh's

given

this poem,

his

the poet

restoration."149

In fact,
of

and how

the point. We
have
to ask
it ismore
important
than to try to assess how

it.148

What
most

this fiction

of the ruler

rather misses

the question

piece

wrote

and

himself,
those

and as in all cases of propaganda

of political
propaganda,
to achieve
and expected
the public
what
effect it was meant
among
was
or by
it
it
the
ruler
whose
interests
taken
promoted
seriously
by
here

ifYa'qub

sentiments:

of Yacqub
the Coppersmith
are really
in the poem

in this form

273

fact thatwe do not know

its Shu'ubi

far the ideas expressed

how

of the poet.

approved

the mouth

into

of

A Reappraisal

b. al-Layth:

ofYacqub

are

said

poem

poems

understood

called themselves

to have
diverges

we

know

such

a poem

"the Shadow

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to
if

of

274 D. G. Tor
it had

been

with

this

neat

al-Mu'tamid's

but

this

latter

of

efforts

in

or

Ya'qub's

behalf

context

and when

evidence

we

behest.

alternative

the beginning
of his
?
seen
and
have
Baghdad
nature

life

Ya'qub's
sources.
?

make

traditions,

one

reasons

the more

negative

the

fact,

are

only

are

views

not

Second,

there

are

to

an

the
into

fall
These

to do

opportunity
Ya'qub

did

not

has

that

have

simply

instance,

scholars

so

adventurer?

deep

Or,

is consistently
commitment

for

support

not

over

take
described

to Sunni

how

of

good
can

say

in large

of

the

not
earlier

authors

sense when

revised

do we

quoting

interpreted
but

which
of

understanding
How

associates:
someone

who

is

supposedly

a freebooter

explain
when

he

as an ascetic?

Most

importantly,

ideals,

his

one

does

provinces

muta\awwici

part

sources.

historians,

the
his

in

to

later writings,

modern

of

that matter,

the

opposed
?

positive

Furthermore,

positive

adopt

problem

enthusiastically

does

demonstrably

the

were

court.

or no

sketched
as

positive

and

in

little

we

when

the

contradictory

but

stance

among

prevailed

whole

even

very

on

mutatawwicl

briefly

sources

in the more

make

in

in the primary

version

Samanid

go;

argument
episode

adventurer

mutually

nothing

conscious

the

his march

the

to the Sunni

post-Mongol

the

we

earlier

hitherto

for

and who

from

and

of Ya'qub

the more

has

are

in contrast,

warrior

every

the

most

seemingly

religious

that of

earliest

lifetime

Ya'qub's

inconsistencies

parallel

the

and

'Iraq,

one?

of

dating
all

that

prove

contradicting

include,

so,

alternative

relative

thus

place

who

adventurer

the

the

positive

facts

Sunni

choosing

the

in a coherent

facts

which

emanating

that

freebooting

irreligious

and

certain

But

all,

are

virtually

competing,

be wrong.

sources,

find

two

into

at all vitiate

connected

closely
are

in

viewed

brother.

through
portrayal
?

on

corroborates

governors,

are familiar

the

to him

when

lure Ya'qub

not

do

Iran,
of

good

as a Sunni

go

alternative
we

there

during

to

in
not

does

use

consideration,

the Tahirid

could

warrior

can

We

view

devout

why

of

of

he

addressed

life which

in fact,

episodes,

for

first

preserved,
do

explain

reasons

more

We

Ya'qub.

must

historiography

these works.

suddenly

of which

written

sources

the

according

that

been

even

pre-Islamic

made

the Caliph's

of Ya'qub

which

longing

for

episode,

in Ya'qub's

One

campaign,

into

composed
For

problematic.

have

trying

with

overthrow

religious

negative

to Persian

traced

was

is another,
with

proved

sources.

outright

his
those

there

include,

source

only
The

positive

to do

nothing

'Iraqi

ever

had

is taken

episodes

activities.

image

compelling

The

him.153

had

Ibn Mamshadh

Ibn Mamshadh

evidence

three

that

is of a devoted
have

are

There
herein.

that

to the

we

So,

historical

be

show

this one

tradition.

to

and

the

of

would

thing

al-Muwaffaq

career,

of Ya'qub's

In contrast

even

understanding

namely,

the ghazi

in coordination
the

or

al-Mu'tamid

internal
that

of Ya'qub's

Arab-hating,

if such

that
is also

behalf)

failure

or

Thus

its own

reviewed

the

the

poem

the province

have
for

problematic

for

that Ya'qub

(namely,

Ya'qub's

Surely

sources

other

entered

In short,

this

at his
all of

of

that Ya'qub

after

a Christian.152

sentiments

problem

on

Zoroastrian,

being

of being

un-Islamic

on

indication

good

linguistic

it to al-Mu'tamid

propaganda

the
rather

the

to

solution
sent

and

poem

accuse

another

yet

composition.

Ya'qut's
the

to him

recited

constant

152

has

every

rushing

T-bari, Ta'nkh al-Tabari, p. 518; the Caliph appears to have adhered to this claim as a sure-fire method
- see
the passage in Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-acydn, vol. 5, p. 358, cited above.
discrediting Ya'qub
153 See
Selected
Source Analysis.
infra,

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if

of

Historical Representations ofYacqub b. al-Layth: A Reappraisal 275

off

to

back

the

borders

motive

for

the

those

positive

tone

toward

the

is the

there

Third,

positive

from

latters'

we

of

beginning
sources

this

two

The

to conclude

that

sources

which

In conclusion,
that was

much

and

sources

which

muddle

their

or

have

and

of

author

the

other

basic

as

names

and

introduce

to

not

inexplicable,

dates

Source

Arabic
Arabic

Bal'amI
d. 973

Persian

c.

1049-1052

Persian mixed

c.

1062

Qazvini

all

the

at

to

Arabic

897

unreliable

are more

Sunni

in the

mutatawwH
events

reliable

tradition,

of Ya'qub's

d.

1216

after

source

toward

positive

positive
neutral
absolute

silence

Persian
positive

Persian

1211-1282
wrote

of

Saffarids

Arabicpositive

1160-1233
c.

negative

Arabic
mixed

after
1339

1260

earlier

It is reasonable

stories.
straight

the

disparaging

demonstrably

tone

Tabari
d.
946

Juzjani

which,

example

life,

sources, suddenly falls into place,

language

d. 956

Ibn Khallikan

first

Analysis

Al-Mas'udi

Isfandiyar

source

comprehensible.

Arabic
positive

Ibn

dates

the

only

d. 957

Sistan

the

fairy-tales.

belonging

d.

al-Athir

to
son

his

and

attributed

apocryphal

Al-Istakhri

Ibn

holy

role

by blackening

that

are

hand,

Al-Ya'qubi

Ta'ikh-i

each

specifically

or work

Gardizi

of

credentials,

of obviously

and

Selected
Name

than

in our

shown

but also in the historical portrayal of him in the medieval

illuminated

If,

piety.

that

arrogate

task

reliability

material,

on

insertion

Ya'qub

unclear

previously

arms

a Sunni

al-Muwaffaq

this

perform

religious

positive

evidence

understand

with

general

Ya'qub's

have

the

to

we

sources,

the

to

the

of the Saffarids from its integral association

and

However,

negative

ghazi
on

for
in

of

force

by

legitimacy

attempting

cooperating

way

consistency
task.

basing

and

of Sunni

reputation
their

motive

obvious

Saffarids

negative

their motives?

contradictory

dates,

if we

better

regarding

have

wholly

to names,

in regard

interest

impugning
the

article,

two

except

writers.

assess

al-Mu'tamid,

the

usurped

were
in

of

when

particularly
adopted

and

strong

ulterior

discernible

sources,

time

the

no

consciously

a very

at

were

who

What

a difficult

is often

granted,

than

can

and

primary

have

the historical memory

tradition.

name

religious

Fourth,

within

campaigns

far-flung

have

have

to cultivate

tried

We

overall

recalled,

Saffarids

the

every

sources.

hand,

be

Samanids,

therefore

in detaching

the mutatauwici

with

his

in our

propaganda

it will

sources,
the

which

the other

consciously

the

then

had

themselves,

on

'Abbasid

state, which,

model,

al-Mu'tadid

of Ya'qub

in sources

do,
in

for having

likely

warrior

to mention

in our

of motive

portrayals

depictions
successor

as seems

not

East,

pagan

occur

We

Ya'qub.

is known

and

the

question

portrayals

negative

Samanid

of

appear not only randomly haphazard but literally inexplicable.

the Islamic world,

Persian

negative

Persian

very

negative

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