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claims that Osmans mother died in 1620 and was buried in Eyb.7 It is
correct that she is buried in Eyb, yet the chronogram marking the construction of her tomb suggests that she must have died before 1618.8
According to the resident French ambassador at the Ottoman capital
in 1618, Osmans mother had actually died while Osman was a little
boy.9 The Venetian bailo Ottaviano Bon in 1609 simply states that
Ahmed I had two sons and two daughters by three women.10 George
Sandys writes, most probably in 1610, that the mother of the firstborn
prince had passed away.11 In 1612 another Venetian bailo, Simon Contarini, does not refer to the mother of Osman at all but states that Osman
went for carriage rides with the queen, the mother of the second born
son,12 who is Ksem Sultan as I demonstrate below. Pietro Della Valle
asserts in 1614 that the mother of the firstborn prince had already died.13
Cristoforo Valier, Contarinis successor between 1612 and 1615,14 states
7
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that Ahmed had four sons, two from the sultana who died, and two from
the one alive.15 Thus the available evidence strongly suggests that
Osmans mother had died by 1610 at the latest, if not earlier. The only
other thing we know about her is that her name was probably Mahfiruz.16 That she was Greek and taught Osman Latin, Greek, and Italian
are products of the imagination of an eighteenth century French novelist
which surprisingly entered Ottoman historiography as facts.17
The mother of Prince Mehmed
Once Osmans mother passed away, the mother of Mehmed, the second born son of Ahmed I, became the most senior mother at the imperial palace. Modern studies identify this woman with Osmans mother
and assert that Mehmed was not one of Ksems sons.18 It is, however,
impossible for Osman and Mehmed to be full brothers since they were
born only four months apart from each other.19 Moreover, early seventeenth century sources suggest that Mehmed was Ksems son.
Contemporary European accounts consistently identify Ksem Sultan
as the mother of the second born son of Ahmed. Pietro della Valle, for
instance, in a letter he wrote from Istanbul in October 25, 1614, refers to
her as the mother of the second born son of Ahmed and adds that she is
regarded as a queen.20 Moreover, in another letter from Isfahan, dated
died on July 15, 1615, in the island of Corfu, on his return trip to Venice; BAROZZI and
BERCHET, eds., Le relazioni degli stati europei: Turchia, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 8.
15
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 255-320 [FIRPO, ed., Relazioni: Constantinopoli, op. cit., p. 603-68],
at p. 291 [639]. By 1615, Ahmed had more than fours sons; thus the numbers of sons
ascribed to sultanas might be wrong.
16
Although one comes across to this name in quite a number of modern sources, its
earliest appearance, as far as I have been able to determine, is in the chronicle of Na'im,
who was not a contemporary; see Mustafa NA'IMA, Tarh-i Na'm, 6 vols., Istanbul,
1281-83, vol. 2, p. 156. ALTINAY, Kadnlar Saltanat, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 146, refers to her
as Hadice Mahfiruz, yet his source is not clear.
17
For claims about Osmans knowledge of European languages, see Stanford SHAW, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. 1: Empire of the Gazis: the Rise and
Decline of the Ottoman Empire, 1280-1808, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1976,
p. 191. The novel, which is the source of these claims, is Madeleine-Anglique De GOMEZ,
Histoire dOsman, premier du nom, XIXe empereur des Turcs, et de limpratrice Aphendina
Ashada, 2 vols., Paris, 1734; idem., The Life of Osman the Great, tr., John Williams, 2 vols.,
London, 1735. A very extensive treatment of her novels, which include others that are
inspired by the Ottoman and Safavid Empires, is available in Joseph De LAPORTE, Histoire
Littraire des Femmes Franoises, 5 vols., Paris, 1769, vol. 3, p. 466-644.
18
See, for instance, ULUAY, Padiahlarn Kadnlar, op. cit., p. 47; see also Joseph
Von HAMMER, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, grossentheils aus bisher unbentzten Handschriften und Archiven, 10 vols., Pest, 1827-35, vol. 4, p. 509, 522.
19
Osman was born on November 3, 1604, and Mehmed on March 8, 1605; Mehmed
bin Mehmed El-EDIRNEVI, Tarh [originally untitled], Sleymaniye Ktphanesi, MS
Lala Ismail Efendi 300, f. 9; SAFI, Zbdett-tevrh, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 24-5.
20
DELLA VALLE, Reiss-Beschreibung, op. cit., p. 29.
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April 22, 1619, Della Valle, while recounting some rumors he heard
about events in Constantinople, talks about a Prince Mahmud, whom he
refers to as the second born son of Ahmed and the firstborn of Ksem.21
Mahmud, in this case, should be seen as a mistake for Mehmed rather
than Murad. Furthermore Sandys, who seems to have written the part of
his travel account that deals with Istanbul and the Ottoman family in
1610, identifies Ksem as the mother of the second born prince as
well.22 In short, with the birth of Prince Mehmed in March 1605, Ksem
had become the second most senior mother of a prince at the palace.
After the death of Osmans mother in the next few years, she became the
most senior mother at the imperial court.
Ksems potential rivals at the harem
Ksem could have had three potential female rivals after the death of
Osmans mother in her bid for power at the imperial court: Ahmed Is
mother Handan Sultan, his paternal grandmother Safiye Sultan, and the
mother of Prince Mustafa, Ahmed Is younger brother who survived his
elder brothers accession. Among these three, Handan Sultan was the
first one to be eliminated as she passed away in 1605 most probably
even before the death of Osmans mother.23 A rumor circulating in the
capital at the time was suggesting that Ahmed might have poisoned his
own mother.24 Although there is no tangible evidence to this effect, it is
interesting to note that Ahmed I had appointed a new chief black eunuch
to oversee the harem, just four days prior to his mothers death.25
As for Safiye Sultan, Ahmed I had sent her to the Old Palace on January 9, 1604, soon after he succeeded to the throne.26 This powerful
woman whose influence in Ottoman politics was felt strongly during the
reign of her son Mehmed III (1595-1603) spent the reign of her grandson in symbolic exile at the Old Palace where she died in 1619.27
21
Pietro DELLA VALLE, I Viaggi di Pietro della Valle: Lettere dalla Persia, vol. 1,
eds., F. Gaeta and L. Lockhart, Rome, 1972, p. 419. This letter is translated in a summarized fashion in John PINKERTON, ed., A general collection of the best and most interesting Voyages and Travels in all parts of the world; many of which are now first translated
into English, digested in a new plan, vol. 9, London, 1811; but this particular part is
missing; compare, p. 93, with DELLA VALLE, Viaggi, op. cit., p. 417-26.
22
SANDYS, A Relation, op. cit., p. 73-4.
23
Handan Sultan died on Wednesday, November 9, 1605, a year after Osmans birth
and eight months after the birth of Mehmed; El-EDIRNEVI, Tarh, op. cit., f. 5b.
24
See Sir Thomas SHERLEY, Discours of the Turkes, ed., E. Denison Ross, in Camden
Miscellany, vol. 16 [Camden Third Series, vol. 52], London, 1936, p. 5.
25
El-EDIRNEVI, Tarh, f. 5a-b; Mehmed bin Mehmed El-DIRNEVI, Nuhbett-tevrh
vel-ahbr, Istanbul, 1276, p. 231.
26
El-EDIRNEVI, Nuhbet, op. cit., p. 221.
27
For an example of her power during the reign of Mehmed III, see PEIRCE, The Imperial Harem, op. cit., p. 240. According to Karaelebizade, Safiye Sultan died in the Old
Palace in March-April 1619; Abdl'azz KARAELEBIZADE, Ravzatl-ebrr, Bulak,
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The last person who could possibly be of concern to Ksem was the
mother of Prince Mustafa, arguably the first Ottoman prince to survive
his elder brothers succession peacefully. The name of this woman is
simply not known. That she must have been alive during the reign of
Ahmed I is deduced from the fact that she was politically active during
both of the reigns of her son (1617-18, 1622-23).28 Yet as is the fate of
all concubines of deceased sultans except queen mothers she, too,
must have been sent to the Old Palace at the beginning of the reign of
Ahmed I. Moreover, her interests in securing the eventual succession of
her son Mustafa may well have led her to cooperate with Ksem who
would like to ensure the survival of her own son during the potential
future rule of Osman.
Ksem Sultan and the survival of Prince Mustafa
It is common knowledge that the Ottoman succession system moved
away from being a race open to all princes at the end of which the winner kills all others to a rule of seniority according to which the eldest
male member of the Ottoman house would succeed to the throne while
the others remained at the imperial palace under, practically, house
arrest. The survival of Prince Mustafa during the reign of his elder
brother Ahmed I proved to be crucial for this shift to take place. In this
section, I will argue that while Mustafas survival in the early stages of
Ahmed Is reign may be related to a concern about dynastic survival, his
survival in the second part of his brothers reign may be related to
Ksems own agenda about her own sons.
Prince Mustafa was most probably left alive at the accession of
Ahmed in 1603 because the new sultan was just thirteen years old when
he succeeded his father on the Ottoman throne, and his reproductive
capacity had not yet been tested.29 Far from having any offspring, he had
not even been circumcised yet. Ahmeds case was so unusual that when
Mehmed bin Mehmed el-Edirnev, the author of a world history, came to
report Ahmeds circumcision, he did not know how to put it. Thus he
wrote that on Friday, January 23, 1604, more than a month after the
accession of Ahmed to the throne, Ahmeds princes were circumcised,30
whereas in Mustafa Sfs chronicle of the reign of Ahmed I, it is clear
that it was the sultan himself who was circumcised.31 In short, one could
have easily argued that Prince Mustafa should be spared the royal tradi1248, p. 538. Von HAMMER, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 509,
cites a Venetian report to the same effect, yet it is dated January 1619. ULUAY,
Padiahlarn Kadnlar, op. cit., p. 44, who claims that she died in 1605, must be mistaken.
28
PEIRCE, The Imperial Harem, op. cit., p. 248-9.
29
He was born in 1590; KARAELEBIZADE, Ravzatl-ebrr, op. cit., p. 470.
30
El-DIRNEVI, Nuhbet, op. cit., p. 221.
31
SAFI, Zbdett-tevrh, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 19-21.
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the second sultanate of Mustafa (1622-23), two months after his accession, a high-ranking female servant of the harem was appointed to the
position of the teacher of the sultan.38 All of this circumstantial evidence suggests that Mustafa was born too late in the reign of Mehmed
III to receive a decent education. Thus Karaelebizdes claim for
1011/1602-3 as his birth date may well be right, which means that, as far
as the question of succession is concerned, Mustafa could not have been
a serious rival to his elder brother Ahmed in 1603.
Both of the reasons cited above for the survival of Prince Mustafa
changed as Mustafa grew to adulthood and Ahmed I proved himself
capable of producing several male heirs. After Osman (b. 1604),
Mehmed (b. 1605), and Murad (b. 1612), he fathered several other sons.
The next son of Ahmed should have been Bayezid, who, according to
Hasanbeyzde, was born three months after Murad, obviously not from
Ksem Sultan.39 Another son, Hseyin, was born in November 1613.40
Sf, who finished writing the extant version of his history in 1024/1615,
mentions besides Osman, Mehmed, Selim, Murad, and Hseyin, a prince
named Hasan as well.41 Hasanbeyzde and Karaelebizde mention
three other names, Sleyman, Kasm, and Ibrahim.42 Ibrahim, the last
son of Ahmed, as well as Ksem Sultan, was probably born in October
1617, a month before the death of his father.43 A privy purse register
38
A privy purse financial record, Babakanlk Osmanl Arivleri [BOA], Maliyeden
Mdevver [MM] 6147, p. 78, notes her among the married princesses and their daughters
(sultnn- brn) as Hazret-i Mh-Ruhsr [I am not certain of my reading of her
name] Htn, hvce-i hazret-i pdih- lem-penh, ibtid d f 14 ehr-i n [i.e.
Ramazn] sene 1031 [23 Temmuz 1622], with a salary of 100 akes per day. Her name
also appears among the major eunuchs of the harem (agayn- drssa'de der sary-
cedd-i mire) as one of the two women in that list; ibid., p. 79. There she gets 20
akes per day, twice as much as the other woman on the list. If one were to rank the
salaries of the 18 eunuchs and two women on this list, she would share the fifth place
with two eunuchs. She is neither the foster mother (dye htn) nor the stewardess of
the harem (kethd kadn der sary- cedd-i mire), who are listed together with the
princes, unmarried princesses, and the concubines of the former sultans, ibid., p. 78. Thus
it seems likely that this lady had a semi-administrative position in the harem and was
appointed to teach the sultan.
39
Ahmed HASANBEYZADE, Hasan Bey-zde Trhi, ed., Nezihi Aykut, 3 vols., Ankara,
Trk Tarih Kurumu, 2004, vol. 3, p. 899.
40
SAFI, Zbdett-Tevrh, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 300.
41
According to the order of names as Sf organizes them, Hasan seems to have been
born after Hseyin, probably after the period covered in his work but before he started
writing, thus most probably in 1615; ibid., vol. 2, p. 25. His name is absent from other
contemporary chronicles. For Selim, see n. 5 above.
42
HASANBEYZADE, Hasan Bey-zde Trhi, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 899; KARAELEBIZADE,
Ravzatl-ebrr, op. cit., p. 534.
43
Mehmed EYHI, Vakyi'l-fudal, 2 vols., Beyazt Ktphanesi, MS Veliyddin
Efendi 2361-2362; facs. ed., Abdlkadir ZCAN, akaik- Nu'maniye ve Zeyilleri, 5 vols.,
Istanbul, agr, 1989, vols. 3-4, vol. 3, p. 150, gives an exact date as 12 evvl 1026 / 13
October 1617.
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from 1622, that is after the execution of Mehmed by his elder brother
Osman II before the latter left the capital for his military expedition
against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, lists five princes alive:
Murad, Bayezid, Hseyin, Kasm, and Ibrahim, which brings the survival of Hasan and Sleyman into question as their names are not mentioned.44 Yet Peevi claims that he had seen Prince Sleyman while the
latter was out in the streets of Istanbul in disguise.45 To make things
more complicated, Peevi does not mention the name of Hseyin who is
believed to have died during his childhood.46 Thus either the archival
record or the narrative account seems to have been confused between the
names of Sleyman and Hseyin.47
What is beyond doubt, however, is that Ahmed I produced enough
male heirs not to worry about the future of the dynasty.48 So it is quite
legitimate to ask why he spared his brothers life, especially after he
proved his reproductive capacity. Obviously, the answer to this question would have multiple dimensions accounting for different factors.
One such factor, I would like to argue, was the presence of Ksem
Sultan.
From the birth of Prince Mehmed in March 1605 on, Ksem must
have taken an active interest in the politics of succession. After the death
of Osmans mother, that is once there was no woman left to look after
Osmans interests regarding the throne, Ksem could lobby more
strongly for an institutional change in the Ottoman succession as the
mother of the second born prince, who was only four months younger
than the firstborn. Were Osman to be favored during the lifetime of
Ahmed I the way Prince Murad was favored by Selim II and Prince
Mehmed by Murad III, Osman could easily kill all of his brothers as
soon as he came to the throne in the future, following the examples of
Murad III and Mehmed III. On the other hand, if Mustafas life could be
spared even after the future of the dynasty was secured, Osman could be
expected to act differently. Thus it was in Ksems interests to turn a situation created by the exigencies of Ahmed Is accession at a young age
into an institutional constant of Ottoman dynastic succession.
44
355
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III and the mother of Mehmed III, had been a close witness of and participant in Ottoman politics since the latter part of the reign of Sleyman
(1520-66).53 Safiye Sultan, the paternal grandmother of Mustafa, might
have introduced the mother of Mustafa to her own circle of political connections, which included people like Nasuh Pasha, who owed his political career to Safiye Sultan and was now the son-in-law of Ksem Sultan.54 Furthermore the mother of Mustafa might have developed her own
connections since two viziers at the imperial council, Cgalazde Mahmud Pasha and Davud Pasha, were brothers-in-law of Mustafa.
Although Mahmud Pashas wife seems to have died in the last years of
the reign of Ahmed,55 Davud Pasha enjoyed the fruits of his relation to
Mustafa during both of his short reigns.56
Thus the mother of Mustafa, who would definitely have liked to see
her son succeed Ahmed I, and Ksem Sultan, who would have preferred
53
Safiye Sultans training as a female slave had taken place in the household of Ferhad Pasha (d. 1575), a vizier of Sleyman. Ferhad Pasha had married Hmashah, the
daughter of Prince Mehmed, who was the first son of Sleyman; Mustafa ALI, Knhlahbr, Istanbul niversitesi Ktphanesi, MS Trke Yazmalar 5959, f. 346b; Mustafa
SELANIKI, Tarih-i Selnik, ed., Mehmed Ipirli, 2 vols., Istanbul, Istanbul niversitesi
Edebiyat Fakltesi Yaynlar, 1989, vol. 1, p. 110-1, 171, vol. 2, p. 437.
54
Nasuh Pashas political career had started while he was the deputy of Safiye Sultan
for the collection of the taxes from the lands assigned to her by Mehmed III. Thanks to
his connection to the queen mother, he became the superintendent of the ushers at the
palace in 1598. In 1600, Safiye Sultan made him her trustee for the construction of her
mosque in Istanbul. Although Nasuh was dismissed from his position at the palace in
1600 due to the strong opposition of the cavalry soldiers against the queen mother, Safiye
Sultan made sure he was reappointed to a similar palace position in the winter of 1601-2.
Nasuh Pasha got his first major administrative appointment, the governorship of Aleppo,
also with the intermediacy of the queen mother sometime around 1602 [Nasuh Pasha was
definitely the governor of Aleppo in 1603; see Najm al-Dn Muhammad bin Muhammad
Al-GHAZZI, Lutf al-samar wa qatf al-thamar, ed., Mahmd al-Shaykh, 2 vols., Dimashq,
1981-82, vol. 2, p. 679-89]; SELANIKI, Tarih-i Selnik, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 766, 851;
HASANBEYZADE, Hasan Bey-zde Trhi, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 665; BnF, MS Collection
Dupuy 429, f. 105a-b.
55
Mahmud was the son of Cgalazde Sinan Pasha (d. 1606) from Messina. He was
given the governorship of Damascus in 1601, apparently through the intermediacy of his
father. He later held the governorships of irvan and Bagdad. In 1612 he became a vizier
and married Ahmeds sister, who was the wife of the late Mirahor Mustafa Pasha. She
apparently died short after their marriage; El-EDIRNEVI, Tarh, op. cit., f. 71.
56
Davud was the ukadar of Mehmed III and became the bakapucba in 1600.
Within a few days in September 1604, he was first made governor of Rumelia and then a
vizier. Around the same time he married a daughter of Mehmed III, yet the feast for and
the consummation of the marriage took place in March 1606, as he was busy fighting the
Jelalis in Anatolia. A few months after his wedding, he was appointed to the governorship
of Rumelia. Then he came back to the capital and re-joined the imperial council. During
the last years of the reign of Ahmed I, he does not seem to have left the capital. During
the second reign of Mustafa I, he became the first grand vizier of his brother-in-law;
SELANIKI, Tarih-i Selnik, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 843; El-EDIRNEVI, Tarh, op. cit., f. 33b;
SAFI, Zbdett-tevrh, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 22-3.
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the sultanate of Mustafa to that of Osman, might well have been in contact through the intermediacy of others, such as Nasuh Pasha, Davud
Pasha, and Safiye Sultan. Most of these connections are quite speculative, yet this imaginary portrait suggests that there were quite a number
of powerful and well-connected people in the capital who would have
been interested in keeping Mustafa alive, if not in securing his succession. Among them, Ksem Sultan was positioned right in the center of
the imperial court as the favorite of the reigning sultan and the mother of
his second born son. After the death of Osmans mother, no one was left
to oppose her on behalf of the interests of the first-born son. Eventually,
despite the fact that since the last quarter of the sixteenth century firstborn sons or the eldest son alive at the time of a sultans death
have been automatically succeeding their fathers on the Ottoman throne,
when Ahmed I died in 1617, instead of Osman, his uncle Prince Mustafa
was enthroned as Mustafa I. Retrospectively, Ksem Sultan seems to
have played an important role in the developments that led to this
enthronement, which proved to be an important step in the evolution of
the rule of seniority in Ottoman succession.57
57
See also PEIRCE, The Imperial Harem, op. cit., p. 232-3. There were, however, other
and arguably more powerful dynamics that led to the survival and eventual succession of Prince Mustafa; see Baki TEZCAN, The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and
Social Transformation in the Early Modern World, forthcoming from Cambridge University Press in 2010.
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