From Management Culture To Cultural Management

1
INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP
FROM MANAGEMENT CULTURE TO
CULTURAL MANAGEMENT
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS (SELECTED PAPERS)
Editors:
Assist.Prof. Sorina ERBNESCU, PhD
Assist. Prof. Sebastian CHIRIMBU, PhD
EDITORS:
Sorina ERBNESCU, West University of Timioara, Romania
Sebastian CHIRIMBU, Centre for Research and European Studies AEPEEC/
Spiru Haret University, Bucharest, Romania
The publication of this volume has been approved by the Faculty of
Economics and Business Administration, West University of Timioara
(FEAA) and the Centre for Research and European Studies (AEPEEC).
From Management Culture to Cultural Management. Conference

Proceedings (Selected Papers) / erbnescu, Sorina, Chirimbu,
Sebastian (eds.) Santa Monica, USA: Josh Jones Publisher
EPub Bud, 2013
ISBN 978-1-63041-3668
DISCLAIMER: The authors of the articles are solely responsible for the
contents of their contribution.
Copyright S.erbnescu, S. Chirimbu and contributors
ISSN
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the editors and contributors.
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environmental regulations of the country of origin.
International Workshop
FROM MANAGEMENT CULTURE TO
CULTURAL MANAGEMENT
The Opening Speech
Dear guests, colleagues and students,

The event that we host today, a project of the Faculty of
Economics and Business Administration, West University of
Timioara, in partnership with the Timi County Council addresses
both professionals (academic staff and businesspeople), as well as
students. This is the reason why it has been designed in the form of a
colloquium- workshop. The general topic refers to management
culture, cultural management and marketing and cultural tourism,
cross-cultural communication.
The pragmatic purpose of this workshop is an attempt to
implement a cultural branding project by designing, managing and
marketing it: the cultural brand of Timisoara, focused on a
fundamental part of its cultural image, the architectural heritage of
Art Nouveau (Secession), a clear and practical piece of evidence for
the cultural and historic affiliation of Timisoara to the European
community.
Thus, we are honored to have as our guests important
specialists in the field of Art Nouveau (Secession): Mr. Lluis
BOSCH PASCUAL, Vice-president of the Rseau Art Nouveau
Network, Permanent Secretary of the Art Nouveau European Route
in Barcelona, Prof. Peter SCHUBERT, PhD., Klosterneuburg
Foundation in Vienna and Prof. Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG, PhD.,

Faculty of Arts and Design, West University of Timioara.
We would also like to thank the representatives of the
County Council, Mr. Rzvan HRENOSCHI and of Timisoara City
Hall, Mr. Radu DIMECA, counselor, who accepted our invitation,
showing their interest for this topic and for our guests of honor.
The workshop format allows, during its first part (14
November morning of the 2nd day, 15 November), a general
information on the topic mentioned, which represents the theoretical
support for the practical part of the afternoon of the 2nd day (15
November).
The last part will become an interactive workshop for
reflection and discussion regarding our project: the cultural branding
of Timisoara.
The workshop offers therefore both a theoretical and a
practical training regarding cultural management and marketing
techniques.
Assoc. Prof. Valentin Partenie MUNTEANU, PhD

Vice-Dean of Faculty of Economics and Business Administration
West University of Timisoara, Romania
valentin.munteanu@feea.uvt.ro
HONORARY MEMBERS
Assoc. Prof., Ovidiu MEGAN, PhD, Dean of Faculty of Economics and
Business Administration, West University of Timioara (FEAA)
Rzvan HRENOSCHI, Director Executive, Counsellor, Timi County
Council
Radu DIMECA, Counsellor, Timioara City Hall
Lluis BOSCH PASCUAL, Vice president Rseau Art Nouveau Network,
Permanent Secretary Art Nouveau European Route
Prof. Peter SCHUBERT, PhD, Klosterneuburg Foundation, Vienna
Prof. Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG, PhD, Faculty of Arts and Design, West
University of Timioara
MEMBERS OF THE SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE / REVIEWERS
Prof. Paul S.VERLUYTEN, PhD, University of Antwerp
Prof. Michel OTTEN, PhD, Universit Louvain-la-Neuve, professeur
mrite
Prof. Ioan PETROMAN, PhD, University of Agricultural Sciences,
Timioara
Assoc. Professor Carmen Mihaela BBI, PhD, Chief Chancellor, West
University of Timioara
Assoc. Professor Valentin MUNTEANU, PhD, Vice-Dean, Faculty of
Economics and Business Administration, West University of Timioara
(FEAA)
Prof. Costinel DOBRE, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Administration, West University of Timioara (FEAA)
Prof. Nicolae BIBU, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Prof.
Ioan PETRISOR, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Prof.
Bogdan DIMA, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Prof.
Mihaela PASAT, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assoc. Prof. Laura BRANCU, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assoc. Prof. Diana SALA, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business

Assoc. Prof. Lucia NEGRU, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assoc. Prof. Silvia VLAD, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assoc. Prof.
Bogdan NADOLU, PhD, Faculty of Sociology and
Psychology, West University of Timioara
Assoc. Prof. Mihai PREAN, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Sebastian CHIRIMBU, PhD, Centre for Research and European
Studies AEPEEC/ Spiru Haret University, Bucharest
Assist. Prof. Daniel DEJIC-CARTIS, PhD, Department for
Communication and Foreign Languages, Polytechnic University of
Timioara
Assist. Prof. Cosmin ENACHE, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Daniela ISTODOR, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Patrick LAVRITS, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Sorina ERBNESCU, PhD, Faculty of Economics and
Assist. Prof. Adrian STAN, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Asssist. Sanda CRISTEA, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Administration,
West
University
of
Timioara
(FEAA)
Assist. Anca MAGHEIU, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Anca-Maria MILOVAN CIUTA, PhD, Faculty of Economics and
Assist. Bogdan VECHE, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Virginia MASICHEVICI, PhD, University of Agricultural Sciences
and Veterinary Medicine of Banat
ORGANISING TEAM
Assist. Prof. Sorina ERBNESCU, PhD, Workshop coordinator,
Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, West University of
Timioara (FEAA)
Prof. Mihaela PASAT, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Daniela ISTODOR, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Adrian STAN, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Prof. Patrick LAVRITS, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Sanda CRISTEA, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Anca MAGHEIU, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
Assist. Bogdan VECHE, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business
AEPEEC ADVISORY BOARD
Prof. Vihren BOUZOV, PhD, St Cyril and St Methodius University of Veliko
Tarnovo, Bulgaria
Assoc. Prof. Niculina VARGOLICI, Faculty of Letters, University of
Bucharest
Assoc. Prof. Larisa Alekseevna ROMANOVA, Tver State University,
Russia
Assoc. Prof. Ekaterina MALYSHEVA, Tver State Academy, Russia
Assoc. Prof. Viorica BANCIU, PhD,University of Oradea
Assist. Prof. Alexandru BURDA, PhD, Christian University Dmitrie
Cantemir, Bucharest
Assist. Prof. Adina BARBU-CHIRIMBU, PhD, Spiru Haret University,
Bucharest
Assist. Prof. Denisa DRGUIN, PhD, Spiru Haret University, Bucharest
Assist. Prof. Aurelian PETRU PLOPEANU, postdoctorat researcher,PhD,
Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iai

Assist. Prof. Elena SAVU, PhD, Polytechnic University of Bucharest
Notes on Contributors
Panagiotis ASIMOPOULOS (PhD candidate) is currently teaching
at the Hellenic Military Academy. His interests for Classical Studies,
Grammar and Language impose him as an young author and
researcher. The basic task of his studies is to examine the various
structures used as Serbian translation equivalents for Greek
deponents verbs or vocabulas.
Cristian BDOIU is a practician of the cultural tourism. He started
in this field as a guide for cultural sightseeing trips (just before
graduating in Biochemistry at the Bucharest University) and founded
in 2004 the tour operator Tymes Tours. He manages and owns the
small company it has been the only Timioara-based tour-operator
concerned only with incoming tours. The offered travel packages
often combine hiking with cultural sightseeing and insightful,
detailed city tours aimed for culturally demanding visitors and are
marketed mostly in Austria, Germany and Switzerland.
Maja BLDEA is currently a PhD student and a research assistant at
the Polytechnic University of Timisoara, Romania, where she also
graduated as an architect and obtained a masters degree in the
Restructuring of Environments and Historical Buildings
(Restoration). In 2003 she founded together with Claudiu Toma and
Attila Wenczel the PARASITE STUDIO architecture office, where
she carried out a dynamic and diverse activity, including
participation and awards in numerous architectural competitions. Her
expertise includes project design, rehabilitation of historical
buildings and also urban and interior design. Since 2013 she works
as a freelancer.The dissertation that she currently develops is entitled
New Patterns for High Density Collective Dwellings, representing a
research in architecture as well as environmental and social sciences.
10
Viorica BANCIU, PhD, is a reader in Didactic and Foreign

Languages at the Faculty of Social and Human Sciences,
Department of Education, University of Oradea. Her interests are
ESP, Linguistics, Pedagogy, and Globalization. She authored 7
books and more than 30 scientific papers published in Romania and
abroad, of which 20 being covered by various international
databases.
Adina BARBU-CHIRIMBU, PhD, is a senior lecturer at the
Department of Philology Languages, Faculty of Letters within
Spiru Haret University, Bucharest, Romania, and mentor-trainer in
multiculturalism and European studies. A graduate of Foreign
Languages and Literature Faculty, Department of Finance and
Banking, and of various programs in specialized terminology and
translation studies (legal, marketing, statistics) including a postgraduate studies program in Applied Linguistics (University of
Bucharest), she is the author of several scientific articles and of 5
textbooks and university courses (in GE, English teaching,
translation studies, globalization studies, and terminology).
Alexandru BURDA, PhD n Economics, teacher and researcher at
the "Dimitrie Cantemir" Christian University, for more than 13 years
in domains like Logistics and distributions of goods, Quality
management, Food quality, Commerce and Marketing. Author of 5
books and coauthor of 14 other books. Author of more then 30
published scientific papers. Attendant at more then 20 national and
international scientific conferences and symposia. Member of the
organizing and scientific committees of national and international
conferences. Member in the editorial board and scientific revue
committees of national and international publications.
Sebastian CHIRIMBU, PhD, is a senior lecturer at the Department
of Specialized Languages, Faculty of Letters within Spiru Haret
11
University, Bucharest, Romania, and mentor-trainer in Management

and European Affairs. Currently, he is managing the Centre for
Research and European Studies (AEPEEC), being involved in
different research (inter)national projects. His PhD thesis is on
European Union Terminology. His research interests that lie in the
fields of applied linguistics, translation theory and practice,
community/ legal terminology.
tefana CIORTEA-NEAMIU has a PhD in Philology (Linguistics)
from the Alexandru Ioan Cuza University in Iai (Romania), a
degree in Journalism and German and a Master in Political Sciences
and Administration from the West University of Timioara. She is
currently teaching as a Senior lecturer at the Faculty of Political
Sciences, Philosophy and Communication Sciences at the West
University of Timioara and coordinating the research group in
Social Sciences and Communication of the Institute for Social and
Political Research at the above mentioned Faculty. Her expertise
includes communication studies, applied linguistics and discourse
analysis. She participated in many national and international
conferences. She is the author of a reportage book Souvenirs.
Reisereportagen, which was awarded the Nikolaus Berwanger
prize for literary debut in German language by the Writers
Association in Timioara. She is co-author of the bilingual (German
and Romanian) CD The Germans from the Banat before and after
1989 / Photographs from the Archive of the Neue Banater Zeitung
and the Banater Zeitung (1983-2003). Her interests lie in
researching the bulimia of information, a concept she is trying to
coin for communication and social sciences. She already
conferenced on informational bulimia in respect to breaking news on
Romanian TV and to online news.
Sanda Ligia CRISTEA holds a Master of Arts in French Language
and Civilisation, a Master of Science in Management and Marketing
in Mass-media and a PhD in the area of advertising standardisation/
12
adaptation (in the field of Philology) from the West University of

Timioara. Sanda Ligia Cristea is an assistant lecturer at this
university and her research focuses on terminology (she teaches
Business English), pragmatics, discourse analysis, translation
techniques,
cross-cultural
communication,
and
teaching
methodology. She is the author of some scientific papers published
in Romania and abroad and the co-author of several books, the latest
being Architectural Secession Routes in Timioara.
E-mail: sanda.cristea@gmail.com
Corina DRAGOMIRESCU is the founder of the Academy of
Advocacy in initiating, apply for financing and coordinating all the
projects the organization; she is also actively involved in the
organization's advocacy campaigns, public consultations carried out
by the procedure of public hearings and publications to support the
development of civil society to defend its interests. Within the
Confederation of Private Entrepreneurs in Timi County, she has
developed projects for funding, both for the Timisoara and borders
(1995-2001). She started the pilot experiment for a business
incubator, implementing the first private public partnership in Timi
County - Centre for Innovation and Incubation Timisoara "(1994).
Under this program has supported over 50 SMEs with technical
assistance in obtaining non reimbursable funds worth 50,000 euro /
project (1994-1996). Her experience in the associations led her to
engage with international bodies (IRIS Center, CHF International)
public policies, in order to create a favourable environment for socio
- economic development in Romania. She contributed to the
development of free access to public information laws, to the law of
transparency, to the draft of single consolidated corporate statement,
to the law of tacit approval of affidavits, gaining extensive
experience in the legislative process and in how interfering with
legislators. She elaborates advocacy training sessions and delivers
specific modules of vocational training, both at home and abroad.
13
Ioanna FOKOU is currently teaching at the

National and
Capodistrian University of Athens, helds a MA and is very
interested in the presence of women in media, society and
community. Her last communication was in Serbia (Mind the Gap
Conference): How are women presented? What messages do they
communicate through the role of women in advertisements?
Stefan IMRE is a PhD candidate at University of West Timioara
(Doctoral School of Management). He has an MBA and hold
scientific senior researcher degree. In diplomacy has obtained the
minister counselor position as economic counselor. His expertise
includes more than 16 years in management at different level,
starting with management at limited company, multinational
company, national research institute, trade promotion organization.
After working more than 20 years in foreign economic relations he
was appointed as state secretary for foreign trade and economic
relation in government in 2007, and after economic counselor 4
years in a permanent abroad mission. Some of the most important
field of activities are concerning with competitiveness on macro
level, as competitiveness of economic sectors and competitiveness of
nations. By now is working as strategy analyst at the Ministry of
Economy in Bucharest. Main activities are on the field of enhancing
economic competitiveness.
Isabel LAZR is a PhD candidate at the University of Bucharest
with a study on Portuguese-American literature, focusing on issues
such as cultural and diasporic identity and immigration. In 2009, she
has graduated the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures
Portuguese Major English Minor (University of Bucharest) and
two years later, in 2011, she has received the Master degree with the
dissertation Southern Identities in Tennessee Williams Plays at
the same university.
14
Natalia MANEA PARIZEA is currently teaching at the Spiru Haret

University, Faculty of Marketing and International Ecoomic Affairs,
being interested in economics (modern tendencies in economics)
corporations, globalisation.
Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG is an art critic and curator, professor
at the Arts Faculty, West University in Timisoara, Romania. Her
books include Actionism in Romania During the Communist Era,
2002 and the volume Mitteleuropische Paradigmen in
Sdosteuropa. Ein Beitrag zur Kultur der Deutschen im Banat (with
Roxana Nubert), 2006. She has also published tefan Bertalan.
Crossroads, 2010 and a number of articles and essays on
contemporary art in Romania and abroad in international catalogues
and volumes. In 1994 Pintilie won a National Award for Art
Criticism. She curated numerous monographic and collective
exhibitions in Romania and abroad, including Zone Performance
Festival (www.zonafestival.ro) in Timisoara, Body and the East from
the 1960s to the present at the Museum of Modern art in Ljubljana
(1996), and Subversive Practices. Art under Conditions of Political
Repression 60s - 80s / South America / Europe. Wrttembergischer
Kunstverein Stuttgart (curator for the Romanian section), 2010.
Aurelian-Petru PLOPEANU is currently teaching at Alexandru
Ioan Cuza University of Iai, Romania and is following his
postdoctoral degree studies. His work, "Determinants of economic
development. Christianity versus Islam is a somewhat innovative
research in our space, it leads us to the forgotten origins of economic
science, but also to certain spiritual-religious determinants of
economic phenomenon.
Horia Liviu POPA, Prof., PhD, is a Romanian and Euro-regional
expert in Sustainable Progress Engineering, Management and
Governance domain (Sustainable Competitiveness Engineering,
Management and Governance; Organisations and Clusters
15
Management and Marketing; Competitiveness culture; Industrial

Engineering). He is the author of 31 books, 191 scientific papers
published in Romania and abroad, 84 national and international
research development consulting projects, 4 patents. He teaches
Sustainable Competitiveness Engineering, Management and
Governance at the University Politehnica of Timioara,
Management Faculty.
Peter SCHUBERT (PhD) is an art historian and photographer,
spokesperson and director of Klosterneuburg Abbey, publisher and
co-author (with Dr. Gabriel Kohn, deputy director of the Romanian
Cultural Institute in Vienna) of the first guide dedicated to Romanian
personalities whose biography is related to Vienna. Mr. Peter
Schubert organized in November 2012, a photo exhibition about
architecture Art Nouveau - Jugendstil, "Jewelry of Jugendstil
architecture in the Danube countries", whose opening was held in
Bucharest, at the National Theatre "I.L.Caragiale" New Art Gallery.
The event was organized by the government of Lower Austria in
cooperation with the ARGE Donaulender, supported by ICR Vienna
and the Austrian Cultural Forum in Bucharest. The exhibition project
was sponsored by the government of Lower Austria and was
designed to the itineraries in all Danube countries.
Sorina ERBNESCU has a PhD and A Master of Arts (Diplme
dEtudes Approfondies - DEA) in Comparative Literature at the
University of Sorbonne Paris IV, in France and a PhD in Philology
(Semiotics) from the University of the West in Timioara (Romania),
where she is teaching as a Senior lecturer. Her expertise includes
applied languages, semiotics, pragmatics, discourse analysis,
communication, translation techniques and librarian sciences. She
participated in many national and international conferences. She is
the author of the dissertation Mythological universe and fundamental
symbols in the drama of Lucian Blaga and of Paul Claudel; coauthor for four methods of applied French language: standard French
16
language and civilization; French for business; professional

correspondence in French; intercultural communication in French;
author of the preliminary edition of the Dictionary of Advocacy
Terms; co-author for Architectural Secession Routes in Timisoara.
She is also interested in cultural management projects, civic and
ecological education and in advocacy methods and techniques
aiming the social dialogue and involvement in decision-making of
leaders and staff of civil society organizations and social partners.
Niculina VARGOLICI, associate professor (PhD) is currently
teaching at the Department of Administrative Studies (Faculty of
Letters, University of Bucharest),. Her interests: managerial tools,
office automation, business correspondence and e-learning,
leadership. At the moment she is deeply involved in the project ECultural Highway but also other prjects with the main objective of
developing an integrated system using multimedia techniques and
methods for highlighting and promoting cultural products with
relevance to european level, exploiting the potential of rural culture,
popular culture and traditions in rural areas, through the study in
particular areas, such as multiculturalism, models for the sustainable
development of rural area.
Ctlina VLAD ALEXANDRU, PhD candidate at the Academy of
Economic Studies, being interested in economics (modern tendencies
in economics) corporations, globalisation.
17
CONTENTS
Valentin Partenie MUNTEANU ................................
International Workshop. The Opening Speech
04
Notes on Contributors ................................................

____________________________________________
10
Cristian BDOIU ......................................................

Cultural Tourism in Timioara - a Practical
Approach, with Special Focus on the Art Nouveau
Heritage
22
Maja BLDEA ............................................................

Two programs for the rehabilitation of built heritage
in the historic districts of Timioara. Opportunities
and limitations from the point of view of the consulting
architect
72
Viorica BANCIU .........................................................

The Co-Evolution of Language and Politics
93
Alexandru BURDA .....................................................

The Increasing Role of the Consumer in Innovation in
the EU Food Industry
107
Sebastian CHIRIMBU ................................................

Adina BARBU-CHIRIMBU
Between speech and dialogue, image and
manipulation. The new European political leader
113
18
tefana-Oana CIORTEA-NEAMIU ......................

Multiculturalism as a Component of the PR-Campaign
for the Candidacy of Timioara
120
Sanda Ligia CRISTEA ...............................................

Horia Liviu POPA
Cultural Capital and Sustainable Progress
130
Corina DRAGOMIRESCU ........................................

Influenarea deciziei publice. ntre tiin i netiin
151
Ioanna FOKOU ...........................................................

Panagiotis ASIMOPOULOS
The Management of Sexist Stereotypes in Greek
Textbooks
170
tefan IMRE ...............................................................

Inteligena competitiv. Problematica organizrii i
implementrii sistemului inteligenei competitive i a
transferului expertizei organizaiei de afaceri la
instituia public
180
Isabel LAZR .............................................................

Teaching and Understanding Cultural Identity and
Cultural Heritage Through Literature
221
Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG ....................................

Secession Architecture in a Regional Context
228
Aurelian-Petru PLOPEANU
The rationality of religious behavior
243
19
The Marketplace of Religion
258
Peter SCHUBERT.......................................................
Die Europasche Jugendstillandschaft und Anstze zur
Ihrer Vermarktung
277
Sorina ERBNESCU ...............................................

Les nouveaux courants europens et le style Art
Nouveau-Scession Timioara
288
Sorina ERBNESCU ...............................................

Autour du langage spcialis en langue trangre
335
Niculina VARGOLICI ................................................

Sebastian CHIRIMBU
Lideri i leadership. ntre viziune, strategie i abiliti.
Leadership situaional
353
Ctlina VLAD ALEXANDRU .................................

Natalia MANEA PARIZA
Sectorul serviciilor n cadrul economiilor moderne
369
20
21
CULTURAL TOURISM TIMIOARAA PRACTICAL APPROACH WITH SPECIAL FOCUS

ON THE ART NOUVEAU HERITAGE
Cristian BDOIU
Over the last decades the Art Nouveau heritages of some European cities
became essential factors for the cultural tourism. Timioara, a city of
300,000+ in Western Romania, is the town with the highest number of
heritage buildings in the country, and many of the monuments of
architecture belong to the Art Nouveau (named here Secession). This
heritage shows a great diversity and some of the monuments are very
valuable, but most of them are in poor condition. As such there is scepticism
at both the administrative level and within the local community about the
city's chances for increasing the cultural tourism. We think that this is
possible if targeting suitable categories of visitors experienced travellers
eager for non-mass destinations for sightseeing. The targeted, long term
promotion is the main mean to achieve this. A set of ten practical, but smallscaled measures is also proposed in order to harness the very rich past of
the city but also the nowadays active cultural landscape for the cultural
tourism.
Keywords: cultural tourism, Art Nouveau, Secession, Timioara, heritage,
incoming tourism, promotion
1. Art Nouveau and the cultural Tourism in Timioara

1.1. The Art Nouveau / Secession Heritage of Timioara main
features playing a role in the cultural tourism
The Art Nouveau was an artistic movement which appeared
in the late XIX century. In the first years of the XX century its
22
expression in architecture flourished all over Europe, and even

beyond the continent. The Art Nouveau architecture soon developed
local features in many countries or regions, hence it was even named
in different ways, depending on the location. In Timisoara, a city
which, till 1918, was part of the dual Austrian-Hungarian
monarchy, the term mostly used for Art Nouveau was and still is
Secession.
Fig. 2. Not quite a mature Art Nouveau, but almost a manifesto

marking the entry of the style of the 1900's in Timioara.
The extent and the quality of the Secession architecture in
Timisoara have been discussed in many works, especially starting
with the early 1990s (however, a comprehensive, grand-scale
approach of the topic is still missing, as to our knowledge). We start
from the idea, that Timisoara has a valuable Art Nouveau
architectural heritage, as being a fact. Rather more, we aim to
emphasize in this sub-chapter those features of the Art Nouveau
architectural heritage, which are of significance to the cultural
tourism.
a. The Secession architecture marked Timioaras best
times. The period 1900-1914 represents the height of a tremendous
23
development of the city. This development started in the 1880's

(possibly even earlier, in the late 1860's, when the tramway was
introduced) and culminated prior to the First World War. This
development is well documented, we have plenty of works on this
topic: many exact contemporary statistics, contemporary descriptions
of all sort, analyses which were published later (and this is still an
ongoing process). The period 1880 1914 has been considered by
many as the birth of the modern Timioara. The consequence for
the cultural tourism is that there is a description of the time which
can be nicely presented to the tourists. Many details are available,
covering the overall conditions which led to this fulminating
development but also many minute aspects from decisions of the
administration on exact matters and down to personal stories and
histories. There is more than enough narrative substance to make up
the charming story (and yet: a true story! not much room left for
suppositions) of the period, an ingredient so necessary for the
cultural tourism.
b. There is much less information, on the other hand, on the
artists (namely: the architects) and the monuments they have created.
Or, when the information is available, it is hardly accessible to the
tour operators and to the guides, even less to the tourists. An
important exception is represented by the work of Szkely Lszl,
certainly the most important author of Secession buildings in
Timioara. However, the work in Timioara of several other
architects (Martin Gemeinhardt, Fodor Gbor, Eugen Klein, Leopold
Baumhorn, Alexander Baumgartner, Arnold Merbl, Leopold Lffler)
is poorly documented, or the existing information is hard to reach.
c. Even less is known of the other artists and crafts of the
first two decades of the XXth century, other than the architects. We
just know about the existence of some carvers (Kornel Tunner, Alois
Heine, Goldstein Flp). We know that there were entrepreneurs
engaging only in pure construction (masonry) activities, while
others, like Arthur Tunner, took over the carpentry works and
some of the carpentry details do show a good deal of delicate, artistic
24
spirit. We also know that there was a factory for majolica and
ovens belonging to Andreas Pucher, having not less than 25
employees. This all is information which could find a use in the
cultural tourism. Of course, having a direct contact with the items
these craftsmen produced would be even better.
Fig. 3. The hydro-power plant of the city is at the same time an

exceptional monument of the Secession and a valuable piece of
Timioara's glorious industrial past. The complex is well preserved
and restored. However it lies far away from the center and is not
open for inside visits. So, those tourists which will take a bicycle
ride, the tram, a taxi or will just make a very long walk to see it, are
due to only admire the outer shell of the monument.
d. The sheer size of the Secession heritage of Timioara is
nothing but spectacular. Considering the period in which these
buildings appeared, their large numbers can be explained. To our
knowledge there is no exact record of how many Secession buildings
there are in Timioara, even less a distinction on categories of any
25
sorts (how many are truly Secessionist monuments? How many

others only have some Secessionist elements, but overall
subordinated to Historism?). This lack of statistical information is of
less importance for the practice of the cultural tourism, since any
tour operator can make up, by example, its own list of top 100 Art
Nouveau monuments in Timioara. The figures (exact figures or, at
least, some evaluations) might be interesting for the marketing of
Timioara as a travel destination, though (concerning such statistical
aspects, there is a long history of Timioara presenting itself through
a set of first ofs or having the highest number of...; but that is yet
another issue, which shall be discussed elsewhere).
e. The distribution of the Secession monuments throughout
the area of Timioara is of major interest. On one hand one can find,
as expected, many Secessionist buildings in the central area of the
city; by central area we specifically mean the city district named
Cetate, which could also be named inner city, since its
disposition and significance for the urban environment is very
similar (and directly inspired) from Vienna's 1 st district (1. Bezirk
or Innere Stadt).1 This is a positive feature, since the tourists can
spot a lot of beautiful Secession within a simple walk through the
downtown. The downtown, an American term designating central
area of larger urban settlements, is naturally the place which most
foreigners see during their visits. However, in the case of Timioara,
even if the city has so much of this architectural style, it is hard to
state that the downtown of Timioara is a showcase of Art
11
erbnescu,Sorina,"Aperu sur les itinraires architecturaux

Scession dans la ville de Timioara et leur symbolisme", in CDF
Congress, Barcelona, june.2013, p.3 , p.10 ;
http://artnouveau.eu/admin_ponencies/functions/upload/uploads/Sori
na_Serbanescu_Paper.pdf, accessed on 09.14.2013.
26
Nouveau.
This sounds as a standard advertisement slogan but, in the
case of this city, there are quite many Secession monuments which
are not located in the downtown. Because these monuments, actually
some of the most beautiful of them, are scattered throughout other
parts of the city:
The historical districts of Fabric, Iosefin and Elisabetin, all fairly
close to the centre of Timioara. We find here many of the most
interesting ones, like the Secessionist complex in the Fabric
neighbourhood or Gemeinhardt's buildings in the Iosefin
neighbourhood. Without seeing this monuments, the visitor is far
from having a real idea about Timioara's Art Nouveau.
Many others are far away from the centre, towards the eastern,
southern and south-western marginal areas. Many of these are not
very valuable. However, there are some notable exceptions, most
important being the hydro-power plant. Even quaint marginal streets,
having only small parter-houses, team of Secession (a good example
would be Alexandru Vlahu St. at the outskirts of Iosefin). Such
places definitely complete the overall travel experience and ensure a
more complete understanding of Timioara's history of urban
development.
27
Fig. 4. Far away from the downtown we still meet Secession in its
purest forms here a funeral monument in the cemetery of the
Fabric neighbourhood, created by the local craftsman Kornel
Tunner.
f. There is a fairly large diversity of the Secessionist
heritage. The part, which is most noticeable, is made up certainly
the buildings. In this sub-category, people (locals and guests alike)
may notice the exteriors, the faades. Many of them are lofty
decorated with elements of the Secessionist vocabulary, one notices
the plaster decorations, the ceramic tiles, the wrought iron railings of
the balconies, the wooden frames (still very numerous and extremely
gifted works), sometimes statues or reliefs, writings or monograms
of the original owners a.s.o. Minute details go down to delicate door
latches or to roof snow guards. In other words, the exterior of the
buildings does completely fulfill the expectations considering the
variety of the Secessionist decorations. The visitors definitely do
notice the bad state of most of these buildings as well, but we'll
28
address this issue on another place. The problems appear when we

come to the interiors of the buildings, since most of them are private
owned and basically inaccessible for the tourists, without a
hypothetical preparations prior to the visit. Just because the artists of
the Art Nouveau valued so much the idea of Gesamtkunstwerk
(the total work of art, that is, comprising all of the aspects of an art
work, comprehensively integrated), the enlightened cultural traveler
is entitled to expect Art Nouveau not only on the outside shell of the
buildings, but also on the inside. The hallways of (at least) some of
the buildings of Timioara do fulfill this expectation as well,
providing staircases with lofty stucco mouldings, ceramic tiles with
geometric patterns or stylised floral motives in well-thought
geometrical disposition, stair railings with geometrical motifs or
even with the characteristic coup de fouet shapes, old cage-like
elevators, sometimes coloured glass patterns at the windows of the
staircases or of the hallways. We have even noticed inlay wood
decorations (intarsia) with Art Nouveau patterns. We also know of
one case of a series of precious stained glass windows but they are
out of reach of the tourism, being located in the palace of the
Roman-Catholic bishopric. Also the internal structure of the
buildings is preserved, sometimes also visible: the partitioning of the
flats (the tage noble at the first floor) or the access to the more
modest flats from the courtyard balconies (the Pawlatschen). So
far, so good. The problem here is the access. The tourists almost
never know where such treasures are hidden; and even if they knew,
seeing them would still be next to impossible, considering, first of
all, the language barrier when talking to the owners. This is a good
reason to open to the visitors at least the public buildings; in this
respect, in Timioara the interiors of the rectorship of the
Polytechnic University (former seat of the stock exchange and of the
Chamber of Commerce) and the interiors of hydro-power plant
deserve special mentioning (at least these two, as to our
knowledge!). Both interiors are in good shape,
29
Fig. 5-7. A Secessionist stove in the Iosefin neighbourhood. It is

quite possible, that the glazed tiles were manufactured in Timi oara
but we couldn't find appropriate information on the local craftsmen.
and opening them to short visits by the tourists would not interfere
with the activities of the current owners. Going deeper into the
buildings, we come to the flats.
These most intimate parts of the buildings do have at least
some of the Secessionist features still well kept we think of the
door frames and the ovens covered with ceramic tiles, first of all.
From few personal encounters we have also noticed valuable
ceramic tiles in bathrooms or kitchens (seldom, though) and, of
course, the all-present Viennese coffee house chairs (Wiener
Kaffeehausstuhl). But one expects more from the Secessionist arts
and crafts, like expensive (or perhaps not-so-expensive) ceramics (at
least some Zsolnay porcelains, perhaps?), much more stained glass
and pieces of furniture. Is there still any of it hidden in the thousands
of flats existing in the Secession buildings of Timioara? Most
30
probably, but we cannot issue an opinion about to what extent this

items are still present in the city of nowadays. Every now and then
one notices such Secession items being on sale in local antiquity
shops, but this does not happen as frequently as expected. Even if
they would be present, for the traveler to visit them would fall in the
same next to impossible category. From an outer perspective, such
details seem utterly unimportant to tourism. But there are very
lucrative examples in Europe of city tours where the guests are taken
for inside visits into well preserved Art Nouveau flats (notably in the
city of Brussels).
Fig. 8. Secessionist intarsia with inlay wood and mother-of-pearl in

one of Timisoara's old pharmacies.
g. There is a very good variety of building types belonging
to the Secession architecture in Timioara. Certainly most of them
are plain buildings with flats. But then Timioara offers an
interesting bridge, very appealing to the eye (and being part of a
first-class complex of Secessionist architecture), several schools,
parts of several hospitals. There are three well maintained old
pharmacies which offer the rare opportunity of seeing inner Art
Nouveau decorations. Also many other buildings for public utilities
31
(of technical nature) have been designed in Secessionist style (even

if, in most cases, a less decorated version of it): the hydro-power
plant, the plant for water supply (Urseni), the plant for clearing the
sewage water (Rona), water towers. Then there are many old
industrial facilities, having the same functional version of the Art
Nouveau they are quite numerous, but also disappearing fast over
the last two decades. Another place we can find the Secession is the
cemeteries, where there are some funeral stones carved in this style.
Fig. 9-10. Close to the centre of the town, in the Elisabetin

neighbourhood, we find hundreds of Secessionist buildings. Sadly
32
almost all of them are in bad condition and virtually unknown. Such
are the two Peacocks Houses designed by Martin Gemeinhardt in
Secessionist floral style. The plaster decorations are degraded
(parts of them are already lost), and the buildings are criss-crossed
by parasitic cables and even pipelines for methane gas.
h. How attractive is the Art Nouveau of Timioara? This
opens a longer discussion. Among the facts, we can consider that the
number of lofty, intricate faades is not large; not many are
decorated in the Hungarian Secessionist style (which is a very eyecatching version of the Art Nouveau). The most prodigious architect
of the beginning of the XXth century in Timioara, Szkely Lszl,
used to play mostly (but not always) with the volumes (complicated
roofs and attics, bow-windows) and with sober geometrical
decoration patterns, rather than with intricate floral decorations like
we see in Oradea, Kecskemt or Subotica (which were all marked by
the Hungarian-type Lechner School of the Art Nouveau). On the
other hand we have two renovated palaces built by Szkely's designs
(Stefania Palais and Brck Palais, respectively) and both shine now
in vivid colours and make up for overall interesting sights, suiting
everybody's taste. Could other buildings designed by Szkely
become just as attractive, once restored? How were these buildings
painted in the first place? These are, of course, question for the art
historians and cannot be cleared other than studying each monument
individually. And yet, there are also Secessionist monuments in
Timioara which are highly attractive, even without restoration
(which is still needed, nevertheless) we think of some of the
buildings designed by Martin Gemeinhardt, Fodor Gbor and Eugen
Klein. So the final answer is: there is a fairly high degree of
attractiveness with Timioara's Art Nouveau heritage, whereas it
depends greatly on the taste of the viewers. The experienced tourists,
with a lot of travelling behind, will also appreciate the Secession
with a rather geometrical decoration, often found in Timioara.
However, a few punctual restoration works would greatly enhance
33
the attractiveness of Timioara's Secession, making it suitable to

broader categories of tourists.
i. There is an important feature, which everybody sees: the
Art Nouveau buildings are in very poor condition. This is regrettably
very true. However these critics often go extremely far, too far.
Especially the locals of Timioara are very critic with the state of the
old buildings (no distinction made here between Secession buildings
or other ones); when discussing to the locals, many times only the
bad condition of the buildings is mentioned, while their intrinsic
value (even in such a bad shape!) is altogether forgotten or
secondary. Much too often, the critics just seem to forget about that
the valuable heritage is still present, and much can still be done to
prevent its further destruction. The only positive side to this attitude
is the pressure put on the administration to undertake some
measures.
j. We leave for the end the most important feature of
Timioara's Secession heritage: its not known. Actually, most of the
inhabitants of Timioara have no clue about what terms like
Secession or Art Nouveau refer to. The locals are definitely
familiar with the Secessionist faades, but there is no indication that
people make any difference between the architectural styles of the
city's old houses. The same ignorance (whereas we do not intend any
offending meaning to the word, just merely intend to depict the
situation in true colors) is shared by the broad media. Regrettably,
also the city administration seems to lack a sense of the importance
of the Art Nouveau / Secession heritage. We never noticed the terms
Art Nouveau nor Secession and not even Jugendstil in any of
the press statements issued by the City Hall. There is a lot of
mentioning of the Secession on the web-site timisoara-info.ro, which
was instituted by the City Hall in 2009 for the promotion of cultural
events and of tourist spots in the city; but these mentions of the
Secession come, without exception, from experts which were hired
by the City Hall to write on those topics.
34
Fig. 11. Highly aesthetic, but unknown

There seems to lack the basic understanding that the Art Nouveau (or
the Secession) is a main feature of Timioara's urban landscape
and quite an attractive one.
1.2. The use of Art Nouveau for cultural tourism in other

European cities
The Art Nouveau is not main stream, but this niche tourism
is still large enough to provide revenues.
For a long time there was not much connection between Art
Nouveau and tourism. Even if some of the crafts workshops gained a
good fame (like Tiffany or Lalique which became hugely popular),
there was worldwide little popularity for the architecture, since it
was considered by many as sort of trivial, sometimes even as an
expression of lack of good taste. But over the last decades the Art
Nouveau has become increasingly significant for tourism. Many
cities in Europe have recognized this trend just in time, started
35
renovations and started actively promoting their Art Nouveau

heritages.
And yet, the tourism connected to the Art Nouveau can
hardly be considered mainstream, even if some cities do register
large figures of incoming tourists connected to this heritage Riga,
Barcelona and Brussels, first of all. The Art Nouveau is still a subject
for people with a certain degree of education, and it will probably
never attract such crowds as the tropical beaches or, for the purpose
of the cultural tourism, the antique heritages of Italy, Greece or
Egypt. However, in the conditions of the global market, even such a
narrow niche already means large numbers of tourists. Even if Art
Nouveau is not main stream, the niche of cultural tourism based on
this heritage can already ensure high revenues from the tourism
operations revenues for both the public and the private sectors.
This conclusion is crucial in order to convince local decision factors
that promotion activities should be carried.
At this stage we lack detailed knowledge about how other
cities have put into practice their promotion processes. Depending on
the scale of the city and the aimed results, this can be a costly
process, also requiring large teams of skilled personnel. However, a
costly organizing & promotion process as in the case of Barcelona
(presented at the colloquium) is not really suitable for most cities
and certainly not for Timioara. And yet, however modest, there
must be a start of some sort.
And, in our opinion, there are three stages into actively
using the Art Nouveau heritage as a stimulus for the cultural tourism.
The first stage might be called reaching the awareness acknowledging the value of the Art Nouveau heritage among the
locals (local administration and inhabitants alike). For those
European cities which have Art Nouveau monuments, this is
nowadays self-understood perhaps it wasn't like this 20 years ago.
But in Romania it seems that this step is only now being undertaken.
The city of Oradea is on the way (through the registration into the
European Network of Art Nouveau cities), Timioara might possibly
36
do just the same. Other than this, there is not much initiative in
Romania. Even for the two cities, registering into the network should
be just the first step; basically it only signalizes that the
administration has understood the potential of Art Nouveau. This
could finally mean a start to a proper promotion, or could well end
up as yet just another missed opportunity. Reaching a truly status of
local awareness might well be a long process. Not only the city
administration must be aware of this heritage, but also most of the
inhabitants. Measures for awareness among the locals must have a
long-term focus, continuing well after the administration started
moving to the next stages.
Because in the second stage action is required for active
tourism promotion. There are cities in Europe which host not only
Art Nouveau, but lots of other interesting sites for cultural tourism;
in many cases, they were already well-established travel destinations
long before the Art Nouveau became trendy again, in the last
decades of the XX century. Budapest, Brussels, Barcelona, Prague,
Glasgow are such cases in our opinion. Even in such cases, adding
the Art Nouveau to the tourism promotion brought up a fresh new
impulse to their attractiveness (quite often, a highly lucrative
impulse!). But there are also other cities for which exactly the active,
well-planned promotion of their Art Nouveau heritages proved to be
the main ingredient into bringing them into the focus of international
tourism.
To our knowledge, Riga (Latvia) is the major example in
this category, probably also lesund (Norway) and even Nancy
(France).
On our opinion, there is also a third stage of the use of the
Art Nouveau in the cultural tourism. These are hardware measures
for better putting into value the existing heritage. Many cities do
have some of their Art Nouveau monuments well-kept and right in
the focus of tourism, while many other interesting buildings or
monuments, perhaps located further away from the downtown or, for
some other reason (like ownership issues) remained neglected for
37
long periods, or where just insufficiently or improperly used. In other

words the conversion for tourism also means, on the long run,
restoration works and well-thought preparations for including more
monuments into the visited heritage. At this stage reconversion of
interior spaces for tourism is also taken into account, sometimes
even opening of Art Nouveau museums or of permanent exhibitions
closely connected to the Art Nouveau (exhibitions on architects or on
craft workshops), like it happened in Riga, Brussels, Barcelona,
Nancy, Glasgow, Budapest, Pcs.
Fig. 12. Not even in Prague all Art Nouveau buildings are in best
shape. However, even if Prague hosts quite a lot of Art Nouveau
buildings (and also the Mucha Museum), the medieval heritage is the
city's main attraction and the main engine of the mass tourism.
The three stages are almost never set chronologically in
row, so that one stage finishes, and the administration (or the
stakeholders) moves to the next stage. On the contrary, often these
measures are carried at the same time. Sometimes already costly
restoration works are carried away, while measures for raising the
awareness of the locals on the value of the heritage are still on their
38
way, perhaps since decades. And the tourism promotion is, by all
means, a never-ending process.
1.3. Art Nouveau in the surroundings of Timioara
Having a deeper look in the narrow vicinity of Timioara
we notice several cities with interesting Art Nouveau heritages:
Kecskemt (Hungary HU), Subotica (Serbia SR), Szeged (HU), Arad
(RO), Novi Sad (SR), Kiskunflegyhza (HU), Zrenjanin (SR). They
all have Art Nouveau in fairly large amounts, and of sometimes very
good quality. Furthermore, the monuments of these cities are almost
always in better condition than the ones in Timioara. Scattered in
smaller towns of the countryside we can still find some nice
Secessionist monuments in Lugoj (RO), Vrac (SR), Caransebe
(RO), Deva (RO) a.s.o. (frequently even in villages); even if, in
particular cases, some Secessionist monuments of these towns are
well worth a short visit, the Art Nouveau is not participating
decisively to the overall urban image of the respective settlements.
The broader vicinity of Timioara hosts cities where the Art
Nouveau is already well in place for the tourism Budapest (HU)
and Pcs (HU), first of all. On a next level we include Oradea (RO)
and Trgu Mure (RO), where there is some acknowledged effort to
drive in tourism based on the Art Nouveau heritage. Probably
Oradea can be considered the most important competitor to
Timioara. It exhibits a substantial heritage of Art Nouveau; not only
it accounts many buildings (less than Timioara, though), but also
the version of Art Nouveau found here the very lofty magyar
szecesszi is quite spectacular, even for the less-trained eye.
Then in cities like Cluj-Napoca and Sibiu we find some
valuable Art Nouveau monuments, but they don't belong to the main
features of the respective cities, neither are they used for tourism
promotion.
39
Fig. 13. Oradea (RO), the Black Eagle, a spectacular Art

Nouveau shopping gallery
1.4. Competition or common marketing?
Coming to the Art Nouveau cities and towns in the nearer
vicinity again, we have mentioned than, on a fairly small area, there
is an important concentration of Art Nouveau. Many of these
monuments are even very well maintained.
This is not necessarily bad news. Little is known in Western
Europe about the existence of the Art Nouveau in Eastern Europe all
together. So the presence of an Art Nouveau cluster in the border
region Romania Hungary Serbia could very well serve as a
common marketing base for the tourism promotion of the whole
cross-border region. As a matter of fact, since major traditional,
already-established attractive sites lack in the area, thinking of new
common values, like the Art Nouveau, sounds decent. This would
40
encourage the tour operators to offer longer trips, 7 to 10 days,

focused on the region. We must realistically acknowledge that none
of the cities of the region is suitable for city breaks, at least not by
the standard definitions of such travel packages.
Looking at the promotion efforts in each of the cities taken
individually, not much is done regarding the Art Nouveau: Subotica
(SR) and Kecskemt (HU) have this as a prime target, also Szeged
has undertaken measures in this respect. On the Romanian side, both
Timioara and Arad did very little for the tourism promotion.
But there was an administrative unit which saw the
opportunity: DKMT Kht., which is the joint venture of the
administration units (counties) from the cross-border region. DKMT
Kht. came up with the idea of common travel routes in the
Euroregion. They even went further with this idea, concluding a
project (with EU-financing) which included attractive brochures,
printed separately for several languages. Included into this project
was also the participation at several tourism fairs in the three
countries. This all took place already in 2004-2005 so, by now, we
are able to draw the conclusions of this enterprise.
The project encountered lots of issues which were hard to
solve: communication issues (the project involved seven counties
plus an autonomous region), lack of personnel (only two people did
all the management work), the lack of information (as we pointed
out, even today it is hard to find good information about Timioara's
Art Nouveau heritage), complicated and time consuming reports,
lack of expertise from the side of the partner counties a.s.o. Also the
lack of experienced tour operators was an important hindrance for
the project. In the end we can say that the project did not bring any
detectable growth in cultural tourism. To be honest, measuring the
effects of such a project would probably be more costly than the
whole project. On the other hand, the materials (brochures) are of
use even today. We, as a tour operator, still distribute them at
international travel fairs.
Looking back at those years, with the expertise in the
41
tourism which accumulated in the meantime, we think that there

should have been low expectations from the beginning (we were not
part of the project since we lacked the expertise those days, but we
knew about the developments). Such bold tourism promotion
projects must stretch over much longer periods. They have to include
into the budget much more funds for participation at travel fairs and
exhibitions, for visits with journalists and other PR-events. And the
local communities must be taken into account much more. And it
needs a dedicated project team over a larger period of time; the team
from the DKMT Kht. manages several projects from completely
different fields (from public health and border security to tourism
and prevention of flooding).
On the other hand, the project, which was later continued
with thematic routes on wine, history, gastronomy a.s.o. clearly
showed what a great job can be done by even a small team. We must
mention, than neither the municipality of Timioara, nor the county
administration of the Timi County, has any dedicated personnel
solely for tourism promotion. There aren't also any formal or
informal meetings between administration and the tour operators on
the topic of cultural tourism.
42
Fig. 14. The front cover of the brochure Secession routes in the
DKMT-Euroregion.
With other words, at the moment all the administrationdriven tourism promotion of the Timi County lays in the hands of
the small DKMT office in Szeged, an office which is also not
dedicated to tourism. This is very bad news, even more when we
think that at the Timioara City Hall the situation is very similar.
Returning to the idea of a common marketing of the Art Nouveau
monuments in the DKMT Euroregion, we must stress that there is
very little chance that the city halls of the respective will carry on
with the initiative started by DKMT Kht. But the whole case proves
in a clear manner how fresh, original approaches to the tourism
marketing can be born even in bureaucratic offices, from people
which never previously had any professional contact to the field of
tourism.
43
2. Practical proposals for the development of the cultural

tourism in Timioara
2.1. Which would be the type of cultural tourism suitable for
Timioara?
The previously presented chapter mentioned no practical
proposals for the improvement of the situation. Before laying down
these proposals, a short introduction into the substance of the cultural
tourism would be of interest.
First of all, how much cultural tourism is there in
Timioara? Nobody can answer this question, and we don't dare
proposing any figures. Knowing the exact values of the total number
of visitors, the average number of overnights spent in the city, the
average amounts of the expenses a.s.o. would be very meaningful.
Even more meaningful would be for us to know how many of the
incoming tourist are leisure tourists in a broad sense (and for which
type of leisure tourism do they come), and how many are coming for
other reasons - congresses or just for business-related reasons or
whatever other purposes. But such studies are expensive; they mostly
pay off in major travel destinations. So we have to stick to the
encountered experiences. It is sure that there is some cultural tourism
in the city, there are obvious facts for this: we notice the big travel
buses parked in front of hotels, the groups of tourists taking city
tours a.s.o. In the absence of relevant quantity analyses, we stick to
the general opinion shared by most people, from the hotel owners to
the administration, and also by many plain inhabitants: there is too
little tourism. There is a general discontent about the situation of
tourism (including cultural tourism) in Timioara.
On the other hand, we have noticed some misconceptions
about the cultural tourism; this is especially true for the people of a
city which doesn't record much cultural tourism, so there is not much
experience on the topic, at the city administration, cultural actors and
most of the providers of travel services alike.
At the first glance, any travel which includes visiting of
anthropic sights can be included in the cultural tourism (the
44
discussion would be more complicated, but we shall keep it simple

for our purposes). The diversity of cultural tourism is huge, different
people search for different things (i.e. different kinds of
destinations), and the principle one size fits all definitely does not
apply.
Fig. 15. The stage is ready for an event in Sibiu's main event. This
city in central Romania (Transylvania) has done huge steps in
cultural tourism: it gradually restored the historical architecture of
the central area, it developed a long term promotion activity and it
improved manifold the volume and the quality of the cultural
management, organizing countless quality events. Sibiu is only about
half the size of Timisoara, but lacks an expensive football team
financed by the administration...
There are indeed many large groups of tourists which visit
one country after another in a big hurry, with tight schedules and
45
accordingly little time spent in one place. This is the mass tourism
side of the cultural tourism. The classical example would be what
many Europeans think of American tourists on visits of whole
Europe in two weeks; we think that also bus groups of older
German tourists, visiting whole Romania in 8-9 days, don't fall far
away
Fig. 16. A group of German tourists takes a rest in the scenic Union
Square. The area is mostly restored and makes up a large reserve of
architecture (including some Art Nouveau monuments, but shaped
mostly by the Baroque). It would be false to consider that there is no
cultural tourism in Timioara there is, including with large
groups. But the general feeling is still that it is by far not enough to
really make a change in the economy profile of the city.
from their transoceanic counterparts. Such groups look for wellestablished, famous places, with well maintained and famous
monuments in one word, they look mostly for already established
travel destinations. They do not have time for discoveries.
Timioara is, at the very moment, not completely unsuitable for
them, but falls invariably weaker than already famous, well-kept and
46
mostly restored destinations in Romania (the cities of Sibiu and

Braov, the Saxon villages in south-central Transylvania for which
Prince Charles makes so much marketing or the monasteries of the
Bucovina region). Just for the purpose of making the further
discussion easier to grasp, we could call this mass-driven cultural
tourism; in real life, situations are much more various and such
overall categorizing is almost a sin. Addressing this category of
tourists is not completely futile (some of them do come to Timioara
already), but will only have partial success due to the situation in
Timioara at the moment. This kind of tourists would have a limited
content when visiting Timioara of 2013.
But the tourists are just as diverse as all human beings.
Many have a higher education and have seen much of the world
including sites or whole countries in a much worse situation than
Timioara. Such people with higher educational background and
significant travel experience are able to see beyond the creepy
faades even more, in some cases, they are turned off by the
perfectly renovated buildings in touristy places. They travel with
much more time (they visit fewer locations, but spend more time in
each of them) and also with much more attention to details. Of
course they notice the decay of the historical substance and they are
somehow bothered by the lack of some tourism amenities (to a much
smaller extent than the first category), but, if the historical or cultural
substance is original and valuable, or if the location offers a deeper
understanding of the locals, they will look beyond this issues. For the
sake of discussion, we could call this unconventional cultural
tourism as opposed to the mass-driven cultural tourism.
Of course, in real life strict boundaries between the two
categories are hard to draw. It is rather a gradual scale. Some people
only want to visit sites such as Paris, Rome, Prague or Athens
enormously famous and offering the whole palette of tourism
services. Some will make visits to the Romanian monasteries (only
to the most famous of the 600 of them!), were five stars hotel lack
but the services are still quite decent. Some others might be inclined
47
to visit the small villages of native tribes in Zimbabwe much less

known and with quite a narrow range of available amenities. And
some visit places of true horror like the remains of Chernobyl in the
Ukraine or scenes of on-going military conflicts in the Middle East.
How about the figures - the numbers of visitors for each
category, the revenues they bring? Are there really significant
revenues from the types of tourism situated at the unconventional
end? The museum of the death camps of Auschwitz recorded
1,405,000 visitors in 2011; of course, these visitors consumed
services, they had to eat and sleep somewhere, at least. To bring it on
a more human side, one of our medium-sized partners, the tour
operator WeltWeitWandern from Austria, brings each year no less
than 80 groups (of an average 10 pax per group) to different tours in
Morocco, were the guest are visiting traditional desert villages on a
very slow pace, from village to village, and sleep in tents.
The distribution of the figures within different types of
cultural tourism might well be imagined as a pyramid: the bottom of
the pyramid consists on the huge numbers of visitors of top
destinations like Paris, Rome etc. The top of the pyramid is
represented by the smaller numbers of the visitors of less
conventional destinations.
As a destination, Timioara would belong, in our opinion,
among the rather unconventional destinations somewhere in the
upper half of the pyramid. It is an interesting city with a fair amount
of services its very far from Prague or Budapest, but also not a
desert village in Morocco.
48
Fig. 17. A small group of tourists having a city tour in the downtown
of Timioara; they are about to find out the story behind the
Corso, an impressive row of Secessionist buildings in the Victory
Sq. These people are hikers, they have boooked the trip through
WeltWeitWandern, a partner of Tymes Tours; they walked the
wilderness of the Carpathian Mts. for a few days, and the last day of
their trip is dedicated to a whole day city tour of Timioara.
However, this is just potential, since the city is mostly
undiscovered by that category of tourists, to whom it would make up
a suitable destination.
The good news is that the potential is out there for
Timioara right now. Minor and major improvements of the
hardware (restoring buildings, developing tourism amenities,
improving traffic conditions) should be carried on for the sake of
tourists and the local inhabitants alike. But already software
improvements alone could boost the number of visitors by
software we mean promotion, brand, image.
The whole discussion above could serve as an antidote to
49
the skepticism of many locals. This skepticism towards Timioara's

potential for tourism is widely spread. In fact, within several
encounters at the City Hall or at the county administration we have
noticed a large amount of skepticism, upon the idea with our
monuments so decayed, we have nothing to show right now; let's
renovate first, and only then hope to attract some tourists.
The local skepticism is also present at the private stake
holders, at the tour operators. This is the explanation for why the
attempts to create a local association for tourism failed years ago
the tour operators and the hoteliers had the natural desire to see a
development of tourism in Timioara and in the surrounding Banat
area, but not enough of them considered this a realistic, reachable
target. The handful of a few local tour operators and hoteliers,
stressed with urgent survival issues (the economic crisis had just
started) and lacking everything needed (organizational experience,
funding and time) lost enthusiasm and the nascent structure perished.
The lack of a professional association of the providers of local
tourism services is regrettable, but normal under the circumstances.
This means that at least the management (and perhaps also
the implementation) of any significant, long term project regarding
the cultural tourism will fall into the tasks of the City Hall. How and
where will the city administration identify partners might be the key
issue for starting the much-needed process. At this moment, the city
administration does not have clearly designated personnel for
tourism development. The personnel from the Tourists' Info Centre
(two employees) has a lot of inside information on the topic, but
cannot physically carry by itself a process which is of major interest
to a community of 300,000+.
As we have shown, the possibility of Timioara reaching its
potential group of clients is still very much present, but it will not be
fulfilled by itself. Timioara can become a successful provider of
lucrative travel services, just like it has become, in little more than
one decade, a prime location for the automotive industry.
In this respect, the explanations above on the chances Timioara
50
stands in cultural tourism, coming from somebody who has worked

with foreign tourists in Timioara (and other cities) for a decade,
should bring some comfort and, perhaps, a call to action.
2.2. Promotion of Timioara as a travel destination
The call to action should concern the tourism promotion as
the top priority. It is now clear that the lack of promotion is a major
drawback for the development of cultural tourism in Timioara.
Many smaller or larger steps of the hardware type are needed,
indeed (see the next two sub-chapters) but many of them
(including major projects) are already on the way, anyhow. But
promotion is a long-term action and it has to start as soon as
possible, since it will take a good while till it will bring results.
Since we can hardly speak of any organized tourism
promotion in Timioara at the moment, there must be a radical
change of attitude better said a change of paradigm. Tourism and,
within it, the promotion of the Art Nouveau heritage must be taken
into account as a major factor for Timioara's further development.
Tourism promotion shall be regarded as part and parcel of the
tourism development. And this must occur firstly within the city
administration at a serious, factual level, and not remain, as so often,
at a purely declarative stage.
The discussion starts from the category of tourists, to which
Timioara can deliver positive experience. Considering the previous
pages, we think that Timioara should plan the promotion measures
(and the whole marketing) addressing to educated, experienced
tourists, searching for destinations beyond the usual paths. These are
tourists which do not respond well to extremely flashy
advertisement. This are tourist with a high degree of aesthetic sense,
which would rather open a brochure with a deprecated design
reminding of the Socialist times provided it has an interesting
cover picture, than a kitschy picture showing tradition, like a
wrinkled old lady in folk costume (one of those images tourists know
51
that are only possible to encounter in ethnographic museums).
Fig. 18. A Japanese visitor carefully scanning for imperfections an

Art Nouveau porcelain, in an antique shop in Timioara.
How can one reach such people? One can reach many
potential tourists at travel fairs for sure, even if they do not make
more than 10% of the visitors. So, Timioara should be present at
international travel fairs with carefully designed printed materials
and well trained personnel, capable of answering the tricky questions
of the unconventional tourists.
Many of these experienced travelers are not young and they
only spend limited time on the internet. They still read classical
media, like newspapers all major newspapers have sections
dedicated to travelling. Inviting journalists to visit and then write
about the city still is a classical, but still effective way to reach the
potential tourists, included the sophisticated ones Timioara needs.
On the international market we find now an abundant
52
choice of brands of guide books. Some of them are quite famous,

some less famous. But all of them are important; those which
resisted on the market and print guide books for Romania are
invaluable; a tourist which buys a guide book for Romania (and
many of these books are not cheap) has clearly the intention of
visiting the country. Making sure that Timioara is depicted in the
right way is crucial. Honestly the issue of how Timioara is
described in the international guide books would deserve a serious
study; it belongs to the foundation stones when planning mid- and
long-term marketing campaigns for cultural tourism.
The target group can also be found outside the mainstream
media; often they read travel blogs or conduct blogs themselves; so
having someone just answering posts or posting interesting articles
in the blogosphere is of big interest for Timioara's tourism
promotion.
Fig. 19. Much of Timioara's beauty stands in the details. Among the
advantages of the modern media (beyond its many negative sides) is
its cheap price and, as a consequence, its sheer, ever expanding size.
There are blogs covering all kinds of insignificant details of the
world, and any interesting picture or content will be blogged and re-
53
blogged and gets the chance of viral spreading. Timi oara's

appealing old door latches could well become a topic subject of such
on-line articles, or might well remain anonymous, till the last one
will be replaced by a cheap modern counterpart. A few years ago
Mr. Konschitzky's photo album themed on the old doors of
Timioara, had a large success (despite its price) and was soon sold
out. Situations from the real life could inspire bold marketing
approaches.
These people are big information consumers. They will not
just shoot a photo of themselves in front of a beautiful building and
then move to the next must-see site. They will happily feed on the
existing detailed information about a site. Years after, they will
amazingly recall insignificant details at a chat with friends and so
spread the word about their nice experiences in Timioara. As in any
other field, enthusiast consumers are excellent multiplicators.
The promotion should also take the distribution chain into
account. While many of the less conventional tourists plan and
conduct their trips by themselves, there is now an extensive range of
unconventional tour operators in Europe; they often have an
ecological approach to tourism but to this vision don't belong just the
bears of the Carpathians, but also towns and villages not spoiled by
the mass-tourism. And they are more than just a few. On the
Austrian and German markets, with which we have in-depth
contacts, there is even an association of different travelling (Forum
Anders Reisen) has 130 members, mostly tour operators specialised
on travel packages beyond the ordinary. And there are many others
ou there which are not members of the association, and also tour
operators of the same type in countries like the UK, France,
Netherlands, Sweeden a.s.o.
Any tour operator offering travel packages which reach
Timioara (among other locations) is a big plus for the city, since it
maintains a website and prints a brochure or a catalogue; through
them the word about the city as a viable travel destination is
54
multiplied to a immense rate. But the distribution chain must

discover Timioara. In order to reach such tour operators, inviting
some of them to visit the city and the surroundings might bring great
benefits on the long run.
Paying more attention to the websites administered by the
City Hall is also to consider. Most important for cultural tourism is,
by far, www.timisoara-info.ro. It clearly has an unattractive design,
but this could easily be changed; and the content is good. The
website is teaming with information about the sightseeing spots of
the city, on a pretty detailed level. It also hosts a good section about
the cultural events, so it potentially caters to the locals as well.
Statistics on the website visitors could be obtained easily (we do not
have them), however we dare saying that the website is much to little
known. Spreading the information on the up-coming and on-going
cultural events has connection to both cultural management and
tourism promotion and neither of the fields performs well in
Timioara. Among the measures we see for improvements is the
cosmetic change of the design and an active advertisement through
postings on FaceBook and through printing on all cultural postings
throughout the city.
Timioara now possesses a nascent think-tank we are
talking about the association which was set up for the promotion of
the candidacy for the European Capital of Culture. It is a place which
might come up with many fresh ideas for the promotion. Also
meetings of the city administration with the academic life and with
the very few local tour operators for incoming could lead to new
proposals on promotion.
Promotion is deeply connected to the city branding; the
connections are manifold and some of them rather subtle. The
discussion on city branding is both one of major interest for any city
of Timioara's size, and, at the same time, a largely neglected topic.
It is also a too vast subject to be discussed here.
What about the role of the Art Nouveau heritage? Can
Timioara look up to cities like Riga, lesund or Nancy and make
55
the Art Nouveau its main tool for the tourism promotion? Or should
Timioara use the Art Nouveau as one among other promotion
messages? As Timioara is a fairly large city, the answer could well
be: somewhere in-between. Considering the size, the value, the
variety and share of the Art Nouveau into the visual landmark of
Timioara, we consider that the Art Nouveau should have a main
share within Timioara's tourism promotion.
But there is definitely more to Timioara than just the Art
Nouveau. It is the city where the Romanian revolution started in
December 1989, an event which proved to be a corner stone of the
developments in Eastern Europe in the late XX century. Whether the
dynamic cultural life or thriving university centre and other
epithets are suitable to characterize Timioara in a realistic manner
and can be promoted, or are merely depicting an ideal, wannabe
situation, it is hard to say. Sometimes such positive features depict
rather a sentimental attitude of the inhabitants than the real image of
the city, as seen by the outer world. But it is certain that Timioara is
not a dormant, dusty town. Timioara as an urban environment offers
more than enough as an interesting background of a trip focused on
modern history and architecture.
Fig. 20. Sometimes the Art Nouveau mixes with the recent history in
a charming way. On the northern side of the Lffler Palais in the
56
Victory Sq. one notices the traces of bullets from the Revolution in
December 1989.
2.3 Practical proposals
1. Opening of the Turbines (old hydro-power plant) to
visits. This outstanding site is interesting as both a monument of the
technical-industrial history, as well as a monument of the Secesion
architecture. And it is well maintained, renovated. The only problem
is that, other than on special occasions, on special dates (of which
tourists have no clue, anyway) it is closed to the public. It cannot be
visited, and the tourists miss an interesting experience. Opening it
would bring several benefices:
It adds an out of the ordinary interest visiting site to the city in
its entirety.
It adds an important attraction point to the neighbourhood of
Fabric; there was a lot of thinking in the City Halls in the past on
how to bring the tourists into this historical neighbourhood. Taking
the tourists out of the downtown and make them visit the other
historical neighbourhoods as well (and hence understand the size of
old Timioara and better appreciate the value of the city) is an
important task, and this is one of the steps towards solving it.
It could also serve to visits with groups of school pupils or even
students, and Timioara's inhabitants in general. The ignorance of
nowadays citizens of Timioara about the history of their home town
has been mentioned over and over, and has deep-reaching and
disturbing effects in city branding and in the overall collective
conscience of the town.
Timioara is visited by many engineers (because of the many new
foreign investments in industry). The visit of this technical facility
would be a top addition after a city tour.
For a city in the EU with 300,000+ inhabitants, university and
cultural centre with tradition (and high expectations), the number of
museums and exhibitions is surprisingly low.
57
It puts the necessary substance behind the slogans with the first
city in Europe with electrical street lights, which otherwise is
merely words.
2. Push towards opening of the Museum of the Brewery.
This issue has been in a perennial project stand-by situation for
around a decade (as much as we know), perhaps even longer; up to
now nothing was done by the owner of the brewery, Ursus Brewery
SA. This is necessary in order to put some substance behind the
frequently heard slogan Timioara has the oldest brewery in
Romania. The administration of the city must find viable means of
moving the private-owned brewery to action on this stringent (but
apparently forgotten...) issue. This also brings some of the benefits
mentioned at the 1st proposal (it is located also in the Fabric
neighbourhood, it also has a technical side a.s.o). Otherwise, beer
and wine is a major boost for tourism worldwide including visits
and tasting, not just by drinking, and this is valid for the cultural
tourism as well.
3. Setting one or two panorama points. An important
ingredient for most cities with architectural values (and not only for
them) is the existence of a place with an elevated position above the
landscape, offering nice views. Many cities in Romania have both
natural elevations (hills) as well as towers set as panorama points:
Braov, Sibiu, Cluj-Napoca, Sighioara. The nature has not gifted
the flat landscape of Timioara with such places, but the history did.
We have two locations in mind: the main tower of the Romanianorthodox metropolitan cathedral and one of the twin towers of the
catholic Millenium church in the Fabric neighbourhood. Both have
pros and cons, both need considerable works, of funding amount
which we considerable decent in a city which set becoming
European Cultural Capital.
58
Fig. 21. View towards the Inner City from one of the towers of the
Millenium church
We must mention that the space in one of the towers of the
Millenium church would allow a small exhibition (a small
exhibition room at each level along the stairs up to the panorama
point), so setting here a small museum of the crafts would be
interesting (similar exhibition spaces have been opened in
Sighioara, Sibiu, Braov and Drobeta Turnu-Severin). The
exhibited items could cover the history of the crafts and early
industry in Timioara, with accent on the Fabric neighbourhood:
casting of bells (Novotny workshops), stone carving (Tunner),
manufacturing of deposit boxes (Anheuer), organs (Wegenstein),
clocks (Kidl), majolica tiles (Pucher) and many others. This would
also strengthen the attraction of the historical Fabric neighbourhood.
There have been vague plans since year to do something of
this kind in one of the two water towers of the city. Both are dating
59
from the first years of the XX-th century and show a functionoriented, geometrical type of Art Nouveau. Sadly both are in poor
condition, a restoration would probably include structural elements
as well (not just decoration, so it would be very costly) and, worse of
all, both are located in unappealing urban environments so, there
are no attractive views around them.
4. Setting a proper parking lot for large tourist buses, in a
central location. There is a private parking in the downtown, also
suitable for large buses (the entrance is still a bit narrow, though
but: usable). The problem is that many bus drivers do not know of its
existence (no signs directing the buses to the parking lot). Also, there
are no toilettes there; this would be a must, since most of the bus
tourists are older person, exhausted after long driving times. And, to
top of it all, a new building is planned to be erected here.
5. Using the renovated spaces from the Bastion much more
intensively for history exhibitions. Timioara has no history museum
since the beginning of the renovation works at the Banat History
Museum in March 2011. The initial estimation for the end of the
works was 2013, in fact in the summer of 2013 the estimations
moved to not earlier than 2017. In order that ensure that at least
some of the most interesting items are accessible to the public, they
could be exhibited in the renovated spaces of the Bastion. There have
been discussions on this issue as well, but no action. Not having a
history museum at all is extremely disturbing for the cultural tourism
of a large city.
6. Organizing events on the site of restorations of Art
Nouveau buildings. There are still very many Art Nouveau buildings
waiting to be restored, and this is expected to occur over a (very)
long time span. For the most impressive Art Nouveau buildings
small cultural events could be organized, so that the interest of the
locals and of the tourists alike is stirred. This might help raising the
awareness level over the heritage of Timioara and over the city's
history. Among the things which could be organized within such
events: detailed explanations on the restoration techniques, offering
60
on-site tours of the buildings or presentation of the people which

used to live them during time.
Fig. 22. Short theater play on the street, included in the Feast of
the Pacha Street, organized by the Ariegarda association. This
feast was a row a street happening picked up to match the location.
Timioara has an interesting history of such events,
organized by the Ariegarda cultural association. In the last few
years they organized street-themed festivals, like the event dedicated
to the Eugeniu de Savoya street or to the Mercy street, respectively.
They even went so far to hold theatre place on streets, based on
historical happenings connected to the respective streets. Also the
Philharmonic Orchestra has a long records of events held in
unconventional spaces (on boats in the middle of the Bega river, at
the airport, on construction sites and so on), so they, and perhaps
other cultural players, might be interested in taking part, or might
come up with surprising new ideas. As so often, we conclude that
there is a huge potential coming from the smaller or larger cultural
players of the city, but a skilled cultural management from the City
Hall is needed in order to focus and enhance this potential in the
61
right direction. Another option, if the City Hall does not have by its
own enough capacities for cultural management, would be a much
deeper implication of the association which was created for the
project of European Cultural Capital (in which case still more
support is needed from the City Hall, especially on the funding
question).
Also on the sites of archaeological diggings information
sessions can be organized on-spot. It is much more interesting to find
out from the archaeologists, on the place of the diggings, minute
details about the city's past, than read a few sentences in the local
paper.
7. Much more substantial support is needed for the events of
the new wave, like the graffiti festival (FISA) which is little
known, and even for the . Losing the two festivals TmBase and the
IRAF (dedicated to Romani music and arts) meant significant loses
for city branding, attractiveness of Timisoara as a travel destination
but also losing some valuable, original features of the local cultural
landscape, which were clear advantages of Timioara over other
cities in Romania. With much contempt we notice that, for the last
two years in the row, the PLAI festival was nominated at the
European Festival Awards category for the best small European
festival category. This is
62
Fig. 23. The graffiti festival (FISA) is one of the events which grew
up over the years by themselves, with very modest support from the
administration of Timioara. Some of the works are very good, being
noticed by the visitors during the city tours.
significant, but in the meantime Timioara's competitors performed
even better: Cluj-Napoca (which is considered by many as the main
competitor for the title of European Cultural Capital 2021) has
developed a very good film festival (TIFF) and succeeded attracting
the famous Peninsula festival (which previous to 2013 had another
city as location), while Novi
Sad, a city in neighbouring Serbia and smaller than Timioara, has a
music festival (EXIT) which attracts 200,000 visitors, which is quite
another scale of magnitude than Timioara's most frequented music
festival (bit more than 10,000 visitors). The example of the Exit
shows greatly how young crowds can become consumers of cultural
tourism; if Timioara wants to cater to its self-imposed image of
young and dynamic city, then supporting the Plai and street art
63
(graffiti, FISA) festivals is the way to go.

8. Improvements of the frequency of the bus lines
connecting the airport to the downtown are needed. At this moment
many unaware visitors fall prey to shady taxi drivers at the airport.
The bus lines with improved schedules must be properly advertised
inside the airport.
Minor, but important improvements of the public transportation are
also needed. Most stringent problem is the lack of maps of the public
transportation lines, as only in a few stations maps can be found.
Maps can be procured from the Tourists' InfoCentre, but, of course,
many tourists never reach it. In this respect, information about the
location of the Tourists InfoCentre could be posted in each and every
station of the public transportation network.
9. Organizational and financial support for the small history
exhibitions existing in Timioara.
Since Timioara has a limited offer of large, state-owned museums,
more support to the small private ones would be of major interest for
tourists and locals alike. We have in mind, first of all, the museums /
exhibitions of the three bishoprics (dioceses) having their seats in
Timioara: Romanian-Orthodox, Serbian-Orthodox and RomanCatholic, respectively. All three of them host very valuable items.
The idea is to offer them some support for the locations and the
personnel, so this small institutions can improve their locations
(especially needed for exhibition of the Romanian-Orthodox
archbishopric), dedicated staff, accessible daily upon an agreed
schedule (all the three of them) and more promotion of their values
in the materials edited by the City Hall and the county
administration. Once the personnel issue is solved, also research,
publishing and organizing cultural events could all be encouraged
through funding from City Hall and / or county administration. Once
again, such measures mean that skilled cultural management is
present at the administrative level of the city and of the county.
Besides the three mentioned exhibitions, which all deal with
historical-religious heritages, there are also private art exhibitions
64
and art workshops in Timioara. They are in an even much more

delicate position, since they cannot afford the backing of any
institution (like the bishoprics). They also have less influence on the
administrative and political level (in Romania the religious
institutions do tend to exert pressure on the political decision
makers), so these purely private art exhibitions are much more
exposed. They need support from the local administration on the
long run and they do contribute a great deal to the cultural landscape,
and hence to the cultural tourism.
10. Public toilettes constitute minute details but which can
easily cause major discomfort and spoil the overall tourists'
experiences. This is especially true in Timioara, where many older
public toilet facilities (many having a long tradition, being built
and maintained for three-four decades) are now closed and replaced
by poorly maintained portable boxes made out of moulded plastic,
like those temporarily used at large events (only in Timioara these
have been placed years ago). The city is proud with several
wonderful historical squares (Piaa Unirii, Piaa Victoriei, Piaa
Traian, Piaa A. Mocioni, Piaa N. Blcescu), a fact which is not
equalled by many European cities of similar size. Regrettably
enough, the state of Timioara's public toilets is just as hard to equal.
2.4. Major issues of the city landscape
Certainly all of the ten measures positively affect the life
quality of the inhabitants just as much as (if not even more than) the
travel experiences of the visitors. And all of them could be put into
practice through fairly small-scaled projects.
But, of course, Timioara has major, long term problems
just like any large urban settlement. In a country still searching its
way towards modern prosperity, these major issues, many neglected
for decades (and perhaps even today not being addressed properly)
are more than a few. They all concern the local inhabitants in the
first place, but they also affect greatly the quality of the travel
65
experience.
It may be surprising, but these major problems do stand a
rather good chance of being solved, more or less satisfactory. This is
because they are a daily problem for the locals, they have been
presented in the media for decades and the pressure for solving them
has been accumulating.
Fig. 24. Timioara is not spared by the typical problems of the

expanding cities. The summer of 2013 brought the discovery of the
large-scale remains of a bastion from the mid-XVIII-th century. The
discovery was occasioned by the works at a new office building.
After months of debates behind closed doors, the decision was taken
to relocate a small part of the found remains, the rest will be
destroyed. Stunningly enough, the City Hall took no loud and clear
public stand on this issue. Most of the locals have never heard about
how another opportunity for tourism had just been ignored.
The major problem with the highest connection to the
cultural tourism is represented by the old houses of which a great
deal is taken by Art Nouveau. Long public debates have been around
for at least one decade, at least concerning the outer shells of the
66
houses: the faades and the roofs, mainly. We hope that the solution
adopted 2013 (an arrangement with credits supported partly by the
City Hall) will be put into practice and save Timioara's wonderful
historical substance. At the moment we are cautiously optimistic on
the topic.
Fig. 25. Austrian tourists taking pictures in the Fabric

neighborhood, during a city tour on bicycles. Of course, the
Austrians have enough Art Nouveau monuments back home. But they
trip looking for new overall travel experiences, and the crumbling
Mercur Palais in Fabric's main square is still an interesting sight.
However, improving the bicycle lanes (which is no rocket science)
would allow for a much better development of this kind of slow
tourism. And would serve the locals to an even larger extent.
A long-awaited and most welcomed restoration of the
public spaces of the inner city (downtown, central area), a project
which includes also the pedestrianizing of several historical streets,
67
has just started in autumn 2013. Hurried by the closing of the EU

financing exercise, this projects is due to end already in early 2015.
It will probably change to outlook of the inner city much into better,
of a manner which we cannot visualise right now. We also hope that
the works will take care of details, since the local experiences
showed that, when very costly are put into project, details are
sometimes overseen.
Another major issue is the traffic in the city, with its
important components of private car traffic, bicycle traffic and the
network of public transportation. At the moment the traffic
conditions in Timioara do not leave much chance for the reaching
of the tourism potential. We have to remind that much of the
architectural heritage of the city is spread outside the central area, so
decent means of transportation are important if planning to real put
into value the heritage in its entirety; otherwise the visitors will stay
further on captive in the inner city. A meaningful solution to solve
the transportation issue would be by using the bicycles. In deed we
have to notice positive measures from the city administration. But
this is not just a matter of funding (which, for the budget of the city,
could be considered satisfactory) but rather more a matter of care
when establishing the lanes; the cyclists encounter often all kinds of
hindrances on the tracks, small but impairing details which could
have been avoided from the very beginning. Our company has been
starting with city tours on two wheels since spring 2013, and we can
say that Timioara is suitable for such activities only in the weekends, when the car traffic takes a break.
2.5. Last 20 years in Timioara changes affecting the potential
for cultural tourism
The city changed a lot over the last two decades. The shift
to market economy brought private investments already starting with
the mid-1990's; this process started in Timioara earlier than in other
major Romanian cities, which led to a general improvement of the
local economy, a thing which triggered many developments. The
68
new economic and social conditions had also a deep impact the
urban landscape, it created many factors affecting the cultural
tourism in both positive and negative ways.
Many new houses were built at the outskirts which lead to a
low interest of the real estate sector into the centrally or, in the
particular case of Timioara, also peripherally located old buildings
(many of which are, as previously shown, monuments of the
Secessionist architecture).
The network of public transportation improved a lot and
continuously over the two decades but still couldn't keep pace with
much higher pressure towards an enhanced and comfortable
mobility. The long waiting times in traffic and the high prices of
rates do not seem to deter the inhabitants of Timioara from driving
their own cars. The traffic increased manifold, reaching a point
where it affects the tourism potential of the city in many ways:
through crowd (and long driving times), through pollution (dust and
powders which affect both people and the old houses, as well as
noise). An unexpected and positive evolution was a huge increase of
the bicycle enthusiasts. This is now very favoured by the European
mobility trends. Bicycle tracks appeared but some are not properly
set and are of little use. A new project, unfolding at the moment, is
set to create bicycle lanes along the Bega river, but fails to pass
under the bridges (and traverses the busy streets above) even in
cases where the elegant and safe solution of passing under the
bridges would have been easy to solve. For the practical side, this
would affect the visitors wanting coming from the downtown
towards the hydro-power plant, a memorable Art Nouveau
monument located at the Eastern outskirts of the city.
The old houses were generally neglected, very few being
professionally restored. The international community started
regarding the old constructed substance of Timioara with concern;
the German institution of GTZ provided valuable help for saving the
heritage (both precious expertise and funding), still the problem is
not solve, and it only now starts being taken seriously by the City
69
Hall. Whether this is a momentary accident of this period (autumn

winter 2013) or a long term commitment, it is to early to judge. Of
course, the lack of help from the Romanian Ministry of Culture and
Heritage, with both professional expertise and funding schemes, is
regrettable. Timioara hosts the highest number of old buildings,
officially protected as monuments, under all cities in Romania. A
professional management of such a heritage with the existing City
Hall's personnel and expertise is, in our opinion, not a reachable
goal. A major change must occur somewhere along the chain of
responsibilities and commitments.
Also dangerous trends set in. Especially the replacement of
the old window frames, made of carved wood, through new ones
made out of molded plastic, was noted by the media. On this topic
the public critics went so far, that the GTZ helped the City Hall by
establishing a workshop were owners of old houses were trained into
self-restoring their beautiful old windows. For some reason, this very
good initiative was not continued by the city administration. And
there are also other destructive tendencies as well.
As a conclusion, there are reasons for moderate optimism.
The city does offer a substantial potential for tourism, but cultural
tourism must be first acknowledged as a major factor for the future
development of Timioara.
Fig. 26. Timioara's Union Square in winter
70
Disclaimer:
Fig. 1 (on 1st page). The Art Nouveau is as essential part of
Timioara's urban landscape. The pictures catches the entrance into
the Fabric neighborhood, with a pillar of the bridge (representation
of elephant heads hold the street lights) while the background is
dominated by architect Szkely's private building.
All pictures in this article are courtesy of Tymes Tours.
71
TWO PROGRAMS FOR THE REHABILITATION OF

BUILT HERITAGE IN THE HISTORIC DISTRICTS OF
TIMISOARA.
OPPORTUNITIES AND LIMITATIONS FROM THE
POINT OF VIEW OF THE CONSULTING ARCHITECT
Maja BLDEA
Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism
Polytechnic University of Timisoara, Romania
The historic districts of Timisoara represent the largest area of protected
built heritage in Romania. Built heritage represents an invaluable historical
and architectural value for the city, but the course of recent history led to
massive and widespread degradation. Preserving the integrity of historic
buildings and their rehabilitation became a topic of interest in recent years,
both for the municipality, property owners and the general public, as the
physical condition of the buildings showed continuing and aggravating
deterioration, while the intervention measures by the owners are extremely
limited. Two major projects regarding the rehabilitation and conservation of
built heritage had so far targeted Timisoara. These are projects GTZ (20062008) and KFW (2013-2015), both run by the municipality in partnership
with the German government, aiming the sustainable development of the
historic districts. This paper provides a comparison between the two
projects in terms of process, of assumed targets, opportunities and results,
following the practical implementation of rehabilitation measures.
Economic, social and cultural factors play an important role in the current
state of the heritage and in the rehabilitation of the built monuments and
historic buildings. The paper presents the viewpoint of the consulting
architect, developing personal conclusions about the opportunities and
limitations of the two programs and the future effect of their implementation.
The discussion points aim to describe a complete and comprehensive picture
of the results of the two rehabilitation projects so far and the context in
which they are implemented.
72
Keywords: sustainable restoration, built heritage, Romanian-German

cooperation projects, rehabilitation projects, historic buildings, Timioara.
1. Introduction
The built heritage of the city of Timisoara is divided in three major
areas, corresponding to the main historic districts. Those are the
Citadel district or Cetate, defined as the area enclosed within the
former walls of the citys citadel, and the two outer districts of the
citadel, Fabric and Iosefin. The outer historic districts Fabric and
Iosefin have formed as new suburbs outside of the citadels
esplanade, and were approved as new districts in 1774, together with
the Mehala district (O, 2011). The cumulative built heritage of the
historic districts of Timisoara represents the largest protected area in
Romania, containing a number of approximately 14.500 buildings
built before 1945, according to the numbers registered by the GTZ
project.
This built heritage represents a great value for the city, from
the historic, cultural and architectural points of view. Unfortunately,
recent history has led to its massive and generalized degradation.
After the fall of communism, Timisoara was left without a coherent
urban strategy, until around 1999 when the municipality started to
develop it. At that time it became clear that the only way to develop
the city and meet its growing and complex needs was by building a
general concept for the long lasting development of Timisoara, in the
shape of a coherent socio-economical development strategic plan of
the area, supporting it at the same time by a specialized
consultancy, according to European normative (J, 2007: 16). The
arising strategy of the city took into consideration the great value of
the existing heritage, judged both from an urban as well as from an
architectural point of view, and aimed to integrate it in a careful and
considerate manner (J, 2007). Hence, the preservation of the integrity
of historical buildings and their rehabilitation become a topic of
extreme interest within the past years for the municipality, for the
73
owners as well as for the general public, since the physical state of
the built heritage registers a continuous degradation that attracts a
decrease in life quality as well as having a negative impact on the
economic development of the city. Although the current law system
provides a series of laws that define the responsibilities and
obligations of the property owners regarding maintenance and repair
of built heritage, yet the intervention measures of property owners
are extremely limited.
The municipality of Timisoara has developed in the recent
years a partnership with the German government in order to
implement a set of model intervention projects for the historic areas
that should provide in the future a framework for applying a
sustainable rehabilitation process of the historic building fund. The
action of rehabilitation is here understood as an act of preservation,
of securing the built substance, hence being an action that is inferior
to restoration and superior to a simple repairing.
The main reason why Timisoara was chosen as the
beneficiary of these programs has been its extremely vast and rich
built heritage, but also the fact that its heritage is in such a poor
condition. This paper develops the implementation of these projects
and discusses them from the viewpoint of the consultant architect
directly involved in discussions and project consultation with the
owners.
2. The implementation context of the two programs
The context in which the two programs did unfold is a very
specific one, shaped by recent history and by current socio-political
and economic climate, supplemented by the local specificity. It is
clear that built heritage represents a historical, cultural and
architectural value for the city. However, recent history has led to a
massive and generalized deterioration and to the maintaining of this
state.
According to the data provided by the GTZ (Gtztm, n.d.)
program for the year 2006 (the year in which the study of building
74
degradation was conducted), 50% of the entire building fund was in

an advanced state of decay and only 10% of it was rehabilitated.
Today, this situation has not improved much statistically, since the
physical state of the buildings has mainly recorded aggravations, in
the form of a continuous deterioration. In the same time, newly
renovated buildings are fewer than those that didnt record any
interventions yet. This fact leads to a decrease of life quality for the
buildings inhabitants, but also, in a less visible manner, it has an
adverse affect on the economic development of the city.
2.1. Legislative background for built heritage
The current legislation contains a number of laws that
define the owners obligations and their responsibilities regarding the
maintenance and repair of built heritage. The most relevant laws in
prescribing the regulations in regard to built heritage are: Law no.
422 / 2001, updated in 2001, regarding the protection of historical
monuments, Law no. 153 / 2011 on measures for improving the
architectural and environmental quality of buildings, Law no.
50/1991 on the authorization of construction works, republished with
subsequent amendments, and the Governments Decision no. 1430 /
2003 approving the Methodological Norms on situations where the
Ministry of Culture, namely local administration authorities,
contribute to the costs of rehabilitation works on historical
monuments, the proportion of contribution, procedures, as well as
the conditions that the owner, other than the state, city, town or
village, has to meet.
Although the aspects regarding the obligations of
maintenance are clearly stated, the legislation leaves room for
interpretation regarding the responsibilities of intervention and the
degree of implication of institutions as well as the manner of
intervention (G, 2012). It's also unclear about what is protected and
how, respectively the manner of protection and conservation. Also,
the current legislation is not accompanied by a methodology for
implementation or funding programs for the monuments as well as
75
for the individual natural owners. In the case of the Governments

Decision no. 1430 /2003, where a structure of obtaining financing is
given, the way of accessing the funding is granted in a way that
almost excludes all private natural owners without previous
economies that use the property solely for residential purposes. The
result is that owners of buildings with heritage value most often feel
helpless in the face of the responsibility and effort needed to
maintain the heritage building, which is defined and understood by
legislation as a common cultural good.
2.2. Owners of heritage, natural persons

An important stage in defining the current working context
for heritage is to understand the phenomenon of appropriation of
individuals, meaning the way in which the majority of current
owners gained propertied in historic buildings. The majority types of
owners of apartments in historical buildings are natural persons.
Until 1989 the historic building stock Timisoara was in relatively
poor physical condition and most of the residents were tenants of the
state, which was the major heritage property owner. After 1989, the
acquisition of an apartment in historic buildings owned by the state
could be achieved either through direct purchase from the state, for
very little money, in the case of tenants who used the apartment
above or through restitution, following the law 112 / 1995, in the
case of former owners who had been dispossessed by the
nationalization that took place in 1950 (A & B, 2010). In both cases,
the main problem is that the new owners gained a heavily damaged a
building in which no one had invested for decades, both physically
and morally degraded.
The main causes of degradation accumulated under communism
are:
A lack of responsibility regarding the maintenance of the building
for tenants. Before 1989, a single public company responsible with
building maintenance existed, the ICRAL Company, who performed
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most repairs on the historical buildings but not restoration or

rehabilitation.
The action of subdividing apartments taken from their former owners
and converting them into accommodation for more numerous tenants
than the original number of persons which the apartment was
originally intended to house. This has led to the functional
destruction of many apartments by operating internal subdivisions
and changes, which converted large apartments, designed to serve a
certain kind of family in housing rudiments of much lower quality
and usage.
What the new owners gained possession of are generally
individual apartments located in collective property houses, which
are in poor condition, both physically and morally degraded. The
new owners have two possible courses of action at hand:
Either to invest a huge amount to rehabilitate the outer building
envelope as well as the interior.
Either to re-sell. By doing this, the only change is that the
responsibilities for maintenance of the historical building changed,
but the main problem, the correct rehabilitation of the entire
building, remains still unsolved. Most of the new buyers are also
unaware of the high costs that the responsibility for maintenance has
brought upon them.
In the case of heritage owners that have regained the
property following the law 112/1995, they mostly prefer to re-sell
the property, mainly because they lack the economic power to invest
and meet the responsibilities of maintenance. Also, an important
psychological aspect is the fact that they regained a once beloved
belonging of their family, which has been strongly altered, so they
have to face both the disappointment of re-gaining a building in a
strongly altered physical state, while also facing the obligation to
find great sums of money in order to revive it. The action of selling
that follows appropriation is usually done according to the current
subdivisions of the original property operated during the communist
77
period that has the advantage of a greater economic return than the
full sale of the property.
Another option, which represents in fact a lack of action, is
to wait for a change of context, such as a change in the legal system
that would provide facilities and practical support in the
rehabilitation process for natural owners, or a change in the current
economy context. Most of the current owners find themselves in this
latter situation, being unable to intervene now in the current context
and awaiting a methodological or legislative change.
By buying apartments in historical buildings from the state
since 1989, most of the current owners have not wished in an
assumed fashion the state of monument that their building now has,
but wanted something completely different. Historic buildings in the
period immediately after the revolution represented apartments that
could be easily purchased at a lower price, offering lower
maintenance costs than apartment blocks. Today, the dream of a low
cost maintenance apartment is completely shattered by the
responsibilities arising from the heritage status of the building or of
the area in which it is located.
From the point of view and the experience of the consulting
architect involved in technical advising of owners about the
necessary interventions on buildings, it was possible to identify a
number of generic issues arising from the condition of the individual
owners that make the intervention and rehabilitation of buildings
under common ownership more difficult. These are:
The imbalance between income per family and repair costs. Most
owners are part of the lower and middle class, and the ratio between
revenue and the cost of rehabilitation is high, forcing owners to
apply for credit in order to initiate the maintenance of the building.
Currently, it is nearly impossible for a low-income family to apply
for credit, or to honor payments in time.
The inability of isolated members of the homeowners association to
participate in repairing the building, even though the vast majority
would have this capability. This always leads to the fact that some
78
o
o
members are constantly voting against the action of reparation, since

they dont have the necessary funds. This is a basic and extended
kind of sabotage for any intention of starting rehabilitation, since
decisions over interventions on a building commonly owned have to
be made by all its members, and participation in the repair fund
necessarily involves all members of the association, which have to
participate according to the share of property resulting from the land
registry book.
This leads to the result that some owners, frustrated and exasperated
by the impossibility of conducting a general intervention, while the
physical state of the building is constantly deteriorating, start
repairing by themselves only the portions of constructive elements in
their immediate vicinity. Unfortunately, this is an action both illegal
and incorrect, since a correct rehabilitation is the one that treats the
constructive elements as whole, whether roof, faade or other
building components.
A low degree of involvement of the owners in the maintenance of the
common parts. This lack of involvement is mainly linked to mindset
matters, such as:
Outdated mentalities. In general, owners and residents alike have old
and outdated visions about the law, ownership and responsibility
regarding the buildings maintenance.
The common misunderstanding of the concept of private property,
manifested by the refusal of some to participate in common expenses
because their property is not directly affected by the degradations
that have a high priority in being fixed. One of the most common
manifestation is that the owners of apartments on the top floors,
influenced directly by roof leakage, are considered by other residents
as being the only ones directly responsible for the maintenance of the
roof, since those at lower levels or ground floor are trying to evade
from common expenses, claiming the irrelevance of the roof to their
direct ownership.
The misunderstanding of the personal responsibility over property,
evidenced by the widespread popular belief that the state is
79
responsible for maintaining the property, based on the reason that the
state declared that building as a common value by declaring it a
patrimony building, but also based on the belief that the street faade
is part of the "outside area" and that is the responsibility of the City
Hall to up-keep all facades related to the street, including private
properties. Also, the fact that before 1989 there was a single state
owned company responsible for building maintenance adds up to this
belief.
Lack of awareness regarding the real value of a heritage building,
beyond the immediate economic value. On the one hand, the current
owners do not understand the reason for a big investment in the
rehabilitation of a monument, since they dont see it for what it
really is, meaning a long term investment that would greatly increase
their property value over time. Instead, they are looking for cheap
solutions for maintenance that actually will greatly decrease value
over time. Also, in the case of buildings inhabited by old people,
their future younger heirs are not interested in the potential value of a
heritage building, preferring currently not to invest in repairs and
awaiting to sell when the property will belong to them, without any
additional investments or effort.
The general belief in Romania considers that the only valuable
apartments in collective residential buildings are the ones that are
located in new buildings, while the ones within historic buildings are
rarely seen as a good property investment.
3. GTZ and KFW, Two Cooperation Programs between
the Municipality and the German Government
The programs developed by Timisoaras municipality in
cooperation with the German government were the GTZ program,
implemented between the years 2006-2009 and the KFW program
that started in 2013 and will be developed until 2015. Both programs
represent decentralized cooperation models that generate
mechanisms for collaboration and partnership between Romanian
and foreign public authorities, designed to achieve objectives of
80
common interest (B, 2013). Both programs are primarily aimed at

developing in a sustainable way the historic districts of the city, but
differ in typology. The differences between them will be detailed in
the following description, as seen from the point of view of a
consulting architect.
My direct professional implication has been to offer
consultancy to the owners of historical buildings, delivered in the
form of detailed reports regarding the physical state of deterioration
of the building, establishing a list of priority actions of intervention,
developing lists of cost estimations, developing the technical project
for the architectural intervention, site tracking and direct technical
consultancy services for owners. The consultancy reports play an
important role in the actual process of rehabilitation, primarily
because they provide an intervention strategy in accordance with the
priorities derived directly from the actual physical condition of the
building, organizing interventions from the highly urgent ones, that
are absolutely necessary to ensure safety and stability to the building
or users to unimportant interventions that may be postponed without
prejudice to property or residents. As Franoise Choai (C, 1998)
states, referring to interventions on heritage buildings: the greatest
difficulty is to know at first how to justly evaluate the need or
appropriateness of intervention, to locate it, to determine its nature
and importance (C, 1998: 121).
3.1. The Romanian-German Cooperation Program GTZ
The GTZ program (Gtztm, n.d.), entitled "Prudent
rehabilitation and economic revitalization of the historic districts of
Timisoara", represented a Romanian-German cooperation project
developed by Timisoara City Hall together with the German Society
for Technical Cooperation (GTZ). Its main purpose was the
development of long-term urban and economic rehabilitation
projects of the historical districts and establishing the methodology
for their application while promoting a sustainable and durable urban
regeneration process. The GTZ program targeted a series of
81
measures that were integrated into a strategic concept for

implementing complex measures on several levels. It assumed
different actions targeting different purposes, which grouped
together, defined a major revitalization of the city. Specifically, those
actions were:
Developing an integrated urban strategy targeting the banks of the
Bega River within the urban territory and the central historical
squares.
Courses for coordination and training of local craftsmen, architects
and engineers.
Informing and mobilizing citizens, especially those living in the
historic districts through direct counseling or implication in wider
cultural events.
Elaborating a guide of intervention for owners and people or
agencies involved in actions on the historic building fund:
Guidelines for interventions on historical buildings of the Citadel
neighborhood and other protected historic areas of Timisoara (O et
al., 2008).
Free technical consultancy for the owners of historic buildings,
according to a priority list of buildings that were decided after a
consistent analysis of the existing building fund.
Developing a set of demonstration projects for the rehabilitation of
the envelope of historic buildings.
The program had its conception based on a socio-economic
study accomplished in 2005 targeting the three main historical
districts of Timisoara, respectively the Citadel, Iosefin and Fabric
districts. The results of this study showed the need of undertaking a
series of rehabilitation measures on the historical building fund, in
order to increase the comfort of the inhabitants without
compromising the historical character of the buildings. This study
was later followed in the year 2006 by a thorough analysis of the
physical condition of the historical built fund of the three districts
82
that was translated into a mapping of the buildings according to their

state of degradation (Figure 1).
Figure 1.
The physical state of buildings in the Iosefin district- GTZ
building degradation study.
Source: http://www.gtztm.ro/media/dms/File/IOSEFIN_mic.jpg
The results of this mapping generated a list of priorities for

individual rehabilitation interventions on the buildings. Owners of
buildings in this list were able to apply for free technical
consultancy. The selection criteria of the buildings on this list were:
Urban perception degree meaning the position of the building
within the urban fabric, such as representing an end view for some
major streets, delimiting a square or marking points of intersection.
The level of deterioration, a condition that would justify a rush to
intervention.
83
The historic character of the building, given by the position of the

building on the list of historical monuments of Timis County, or
given by its unique value to local, regional or national level.
The end of the program meant the production of a series of
demonstrative prudent rehabilitation projects in order to establish
examples of good practices in regard to the intervention measures,
designed to promote the rehabilitation of the building fund by
entailing similar actions. Buildings within all three districts were
rehabilitated under the project, respectively three buildings in Unirii
Square no. 9, 10 and the corner building on George Cosbuc street no.
1 (Figure 2), the building on Timotei Cipariu street no. 1 and the
storefront windows of the building on the corner between Piata
Romana square and Stefan cel Mare street.
Figure 2.
Before and after the rehabilitation results of the intervention
on the building on the corner of Unirii Square, George Cosbuc
street no. 1.
Photos by the author.

Most of the historic buildings in Timisoara are residential
buildings with multiple owners, the majority of them being grouped
84
into owners associations. Both programs (GTZ and KFW) are

pursuing interventions on the commonly owned parts of the building,
meaning the building parts that are held jointly by all owners and
that are subject to common maintenance, according to the percent of
shared of property of each co-owner. The commonly owned parts of
the building in accordance with the law are represented by: the
foundations, the inner courtyard, the structural parts, the perimeter
walls and partition walls between different properties and/or
common areas, the roof, terraces, stairs and stairwells, hallways,
cellars and common facilities. In this context, the rehabilitation
interventions on the buildings carried out by the GTZ program
focused exclusively on the external envelope of buildings, and
particularly but not exclusively to interventions towards the streets,
visible from the public space, such as roofs and facades. The option
for the intervention areas was primarily defined by the level of urban
visibility and by the recommendations given by the consultancy
reports of the buildings in question, which established as the main
building parts in need of priority interventions the roof cover (the
visible part of the roof), the roof structure (the wooden structural
support of the roof) and the facades facing the street.
The contribution of the program had also an economic
component, since the GTZ program funded 70% of the rehabilitation
costs while the owners participated with a 30% share to the costs of
the intervention. The program also contributed by offering free
technical support throughout the course of the construction sites,
involving external experts, both local and German, such as
engineers, architects and other construction professionals.
3.2. The Romanian-German Cooperation Program
KFW
The KFW program (Primria Timisoara, 2013), currently in
progress, represents a partnership between the Municipality of
Timisoara and the KFW Development Bank, with the support of the
Federal Government of Germany, which continues the strategies
85
implemented by GTZ program. It targets exclusively the

Rehabilitation of Historic Monuments of the historic districts of
Timisoara, being conducted as a project within the development axis
for municipal infrastructure Phase II. The KFW program provides
financial support for the rehabilitation of historical monuments in the
form of subsidized interest loans, also including free technical and
economic counseling to all owners of historic buildings listed within
the priority list of the program, which did result from the previous
project. The program is the only one of its kind developed in
Romania, offering to owners of historic buildings a special social
approach as well as technical and financial support, calibrated to the
individual needs and capacity of each individual owner. The
specialized consultancy, containing technical and financial
assessments, is a free service provided for the owners. The owners
have to bear the financial costs of the investment in the form of
subsidized loans and the costs of the technical project drawn up by
an architect (Primria Timisoara, n.d.). The financial support
provided by the City Timisoara to the owners of historic buildings
consists in a financial support offered by the City Hall, by which it
directly pays the bills for the construction companies, while the
owners repay their contributions, calculated in relation to their exact
income at the start of the project, in the form of distributed payments
over a period of 10 years. The maximum investment for each
building is 250,000 Euro.
4. Opportunities and limitations of the two programs
The GTZ program reported a series of successes on several
fronts. The most important aspect is the fact that it provided a
functional model for implementing a complex project of
rehabilitation and of revitalization on urban scale. It achieved this
while it was organized as a mechanism of association between the
local public administration and a foreign nongovernmental
organization, supported by the German Government that could
involve local private social partners.
86
On urban scale, the program has succeeded in improving the

image of urban space in highly visible spot areas, enhancing the
perceived quality of the greater urban space around the rehabilitated
buildings. Also, on the individual buildings level, by rehabilitating it
an improvement has been achieved on the perceived image of the
building, of the actual property value as well as of the physical
condition of the building, by the preservation of the built substance.
In regard to the limitations, the program failed to generate
the expected boost that was estimated, of similar investments on the
rehabilitation of the historic built fund that were supposed to be
undertaken by private owners. The program assumed that future
rehabilitations will follow, driven by the power of the example set
and by the demonstration that these interventions can be done at a
relatively low cost. Similarly, the restoration of the exterior envelope
should entail, in the case of the buildings that have undergone
rehabilitation through the program, a rehabilitation of the interior
private areas and hence to bring an increase in the quality of living
and in the quality of the rental spaces inside those buildings, destined
for private businesses in relation to the public urban space. This in
return would have increased prices and would have generated a
future economic growth of the historical districts of Timisoara.
Unfortunately, those logical consequences of the revitalization
process envisioned by the GTZ program were carried out in a very
small extent. The main cause for this was the fact that the completion
of the program coincided with the time of installation of the recent
economic crisis.
Currently, the KFW program is picking up where the GTZ
program has ended, and provides a natural extension to the latter. It
started with a series of technical consultations for owners
associations that did apply for the program. Based on the technical
reports and the cost estimations done for the buildings, each owner
within the associations will be summoned at a series of individual
economic interviews, in order to establish the value of the grant
adjusted for each individual owner. The costs of rehabilitation are
87
only communicated individually to the owners, as individual costs

that are apportioned to only their household. Following the
individual interviews, the owners can decide if they will apply for
the grant and follow the program or if they will decline participating
in the program.
The apparent risks of the program at this stage of development
could be identified as:
A possible high percentage of withdrawal of owners after they are
informed about the rehabilitation costs that are apportioned to them.
A tendency of natural owners to shift for interventions to
construction firms that lack the expertise required for working on
built heritage, simply because those firms offer repairing at much
lower costs. The latter option has been verified during the technical
report process, when an owners association started to undertake big
scale repairing without informing the KFW office of their intention.
Both risks are quite serious, since they might lead to a decrease
in the economic value of the building by either accepting a
continuous deterioration of the building due to a refusal to participate
in the program or by agreeing to undertake cheap repairing as
opposed to a correct rehabilitation done by professionals and with
the technical supervision provided by the project. Although both
possible directions of action are based on the sole frustration given
by the state of high decay of the construction and by the low quality
of housing conditions, supported by a low income, the long term
impact that they might have might seriously decrease the historical
and economical value of the building, and might also damage the
urban landscape of the historical districts (Figure 3).
Figure 3.
The state of the roof at the start of the consultancy and at the
end, at the report delivery building in Traian Square no. 6.
88
Photos by the author.

In these cases, it is important to continue developing
technical consultancies in a right direction and re-engage a dialogue
with the owners in regard to their real needs and aspirations.
89
Eventually, working solutions can be found that can satisfy both

parties and that could save the buildings appearance and historical
character.
5. Conclusions
The current situation in Timisoara regarding a general and
correct rehabilitation of the built heritage is far from being achieved.
Still, the development, implementation and results of the two
programs are promising. These two programs have established the
foundations of a dynamic associative approach that comes to provide
financial support to private owners. This approach could be
transferred to another city or even extended to a national level.
In order for the program to achieve positive technical results and to
manage to have a positive impact on the economic growth of the
city, it is important that the program integrates consultancies and
technical assistance in the form of free services for the owners
throughout the whole process of rehabilitation, starting from the
assumed decision they take to rehabilitate the building until the end
of the building site. The technical consultancies, throughout their
different phases of consultancy reports, tracking of cost estimates,
project design and execution phase supervision were an important
part of both programs, providing the guarantee of a correct result,
adequate both technically and qualitatively to the needs of the
inhabitants as well as those of the heritage building itself.
The positive results achieved by urban scale programs rely
on one hand on their integration into a broader vision of
revitalization developed on the city scale, which works on multiple
levels of context, such as economic, urban, social, political or
cultural. On the other, they rely on the active and assumed
involvement of residents, which can only be obtained from a
continuous dialogue and consultation with them. The success of such
programs relies primarily in the way in which they manage to
90
identify and respond to the direct needs of residents, while their lack
of connection to the same needs is the main cause of failure.
References
Axinte, A., & Borcan, C. (2010). Evacuarea fantomei. Arhitecturi
ale supravieuirii. Bucureti: Centrul de Introspecie Vizual /
Asociaia pepluspatru
Brum, L (2013). Bani pentru reabilitari. In: L. Brum (Ed.),
RePAD Ghidul: Reabilitare_Patrimoniu Arhitectur Dezvoltare (pp.
82-105). Bucureti: Imprimeria Arta Grafic
Choai, F. (1998). Alegoria Patrimoniului. Bucuresti: Editura
Simetria
Graf, R (2012). Patrimoniul locuit. De ce ne chinuim cu
monumentele (noastre)? Revista Arhitectura, nr. 2 (638) / 2012, 8689
Gtztm
(n.d.).
Project
Description.
Retrieved
from
http://www.gtztm.ro/informatii+generale/descrierea+proiectului
Junie, A. (2007). Timioara towards Europe. In Tadi M. (Ed.),
Timioara 2020 Overall Vision: a Case Study (pp. 16-19). Firenze:
Alinea Editrice.
Primria Timisoara (2013, March). The financial support program
KFW.
Retrieved
from
http://www.primariatm.ro/m/2Monitorul_Primariei_Timisoara/60-Patrimoniu/5884Programul_de_sprijin_financiar_KFW_.html
Primria Timisoara (n.d.). Financial support program for
homeowners - Restoration of Historic Monuments in Timisoaras
historic
districts,
Municipal
Infrastructure,
Phase
II.
http://www.primariatm.ro/reabilitare_cladiri_istorice/Program%20Kf
W_prezentare.pdf
Opri, M., & Engel, M. & Mersch, G. (2008). ndrumar pentru
interveniile asupra cldirilor din cartierul Cetate i din zonele
istorice protejate din Timioara.
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Opri, M. (2011). Studiu de fundamentare. Zone construite protejate
Timioara
2011.
Retrieved
from
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A91E089072C2257899003AA225/Anexa.pdf
92
THE CO-EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE AND

POLITICS
Viorica BANCIU
University of Oradea, Department of Social Sciences
Politics varies according to situations and purposes; it is a

political answer in itself. If we consider the definitions implicit and explicit,
found both in the traditional study of politics and in the political discourse
studies, we can notice that there are two broad stands.
Keywords: politics, language, techniques, institutions
On the one hand, politics is viewed as struggle for power,

between those who seek to assert and maintain their power and those
who seek to resist it. On the other hand, politics is viewed as
cooperation, as the practices and institutions that society has for
resolving clashes of interest over money, influence and liberty. But
there is another distinction, this time between micro and macro.
At the micro level there are conflicts of interest, struggles for
dominance, or efforts for co-operation between individuals, between
genders and between social groups of various kinds (Chilton,
2004:3). [] at the micro level we use a variety of techniques to get
our own way: persuasion, rational argument, irrational strategies,
threats, entreaties bribes, manipulationanything we think will work
(Jones et al., 1994:5).
At the macro extreme there are the political institutions of
state which serve to resolve conflicts of interests and also to assert
the power of a dominant individual (a tyrant) or group (e.g. the
capital-owing bourgeoisie-as in the traditional Marxist perspective).
This approach leaves out the relations between states-the
93
international arena. It is often argued that beyond the state, the

international sphere lacks differentiated institutional functions and is
anarchic in the technical sense. Such a model does not indeed
characterize the foreign policy of most states. Opponents of this view
of international relations point to the development of international
law, the increasing porosity of state boundaries and global economic
and communication networks all of which increasingly lead to world
politics.
The state institutions in a democracy are enshrined in
constitutions, in civil and criminal legal codes and in precedent
practice (Chilton, 2004:3). Associated with these state institutions
there are parties, professional politicians, other groups of interest,
social movements which may play upon the same stage. At the
microlevel behaviours mentioned above there are actually kinds of
linguistic action, i.e. discourse. The macrolevel institutions are also
types of discourse with some specific characteristics (parliamentary
debates, broadcast interviews). There are also texts of a highly
specific type like constitutions and laws which are considered
written discourse. Miller (1991:390) says that the political process
typically involves persuasion and bargaining. This leads to the need
to explain how the use of language can produce the effects of
authority, legitimacy, consensus, that are recognized as being
intrinsic to politics.
As Hague et. al. (1998:14) points out, decisions reached
through communication, that is persuasion and bargaining, became
authoritativea process that involves force or the threat of force.
They also point out: politics scarcely exists if decisions are reached
solely by violence, but force, or is threat, is central to the execution
of collective decisions (ibid).
If the verbal business of political authority is characterized
by the ultimate sanction of force (fines, imprisonments, withholding
of privileges and benefits) it needs to be pointed out that such force
can itself only be operationalized by means of communicative acts,
usually going down links in a chain of command. However politics is
94
defined and there is a linguistic, discursive and communicative

dimension generally or only partially acknowledged.
What Is the Connection?
It is known that language and politics are intimately linked
at a fundamental level. When Aristotle gave his definition of humans
as creatures whose nature was to live in a polis, he also spoke of the
unique human capacity for speech: But obviously man is a political
animal [politikon zoon], in a sense in which a bee is not, or any other
gregarious animal. Nature, as we say, does nothing without some
purpose; and she has endowed man alone among the animals with
the power of speech. Aristotles next sentence makes the difference
between speech and voice. Voice is possessed by all animals and
serves to communicate feelings of pleasure or pain. Only human
speech is different. Aristotle considered speech in what might be
called in todays linguistics functional terms: Speech on the other
hand, serves to indicate what is useful and what is harmful, and so
also what is just and what is unjust. For the real difference between
man and other animals is that humans alone have perception of good
and evil, just or unjust, etc. (The Politics, 1253 a7, translated by T.A
Sinclair 1992).
The ability of individuals to indicate (to have a sense of) the
advantageous and the harmful and the therefore also the right and
the wrong might logically mean that each individual has its own
opinions. Aristotles final point in this significant question is that it
is the sharing of a common view in these matters that makes a
household and a state.
It is shared perceptions of values that define political
associations. The human endowment for language has the function of
indicating, signifying, communicating what is meant, according to
such shared perceptions, to be advantageous or not by implication to
the group and what is perceived to be right or wrong within that
group. Aristotle states that the just and the unjust is related to what is
useful and harmful from the common point of view of the group. We
95
may see that Aristotle defined the public and the domestic in similar
terms because he places the state above the household. This suggests
that it is not only the public institutions of the state that depend on
the shared value perceptions and shared speech but also other
social groupingsnamely what Aristotles society meant by
household which included wives and slaves who were in subordinate
positions.
In linguistics it is now widely accepted that the human
capacity for speech is genetically based, though activated in human
social relations. We have to question how the genetic base itself
evolved. Did it evolve as a part of social intelligence?
Aristotles view is that language would have evolved to
perform social functions that would correspond to what we
understand as political. May it evolve as a random mutation which
provides neural structures that lead to the duality and generative
characteristics of human language? Then the language instinct would
be not intrinsically bound up with the political instinct (Hurford et al.
1998).
In this regard there are two things to be noticed: this view
does not entail that the social and/or political behaviour is not
genetically based and even if the language instinct is politics neutral
we have to assume that the cultural and culturally transmitted
characteristics of human language serve (not exclusively) the needs
of the political. Thus, political activity does not exist without the use
of language. The use of language arose from the socialization of
humans (the formation of coalitions, group boundaries, or reciprocal
altruism).
Semantic Relevance
We must wonder if language matters to politicians as we
know that at the level of wording and phrases political actors are
equivocal. In 1999 The BBC Radio 4s Today Programme
interviewed a government spokesperson about the future
composition of the second Chamber and the answer was that it
96
would be properly representative. The reporter observed that she

did not say properly democratic and the spokesman replied
dismissively were talking about semantics now. It is very common
for the British politicians to use the word semantics to dismiss
criticism or to avoid making politically sensitive specifications. It is
our interest to know if properly representative meant that members
of the reformed chamber would be appointed by government to
represent sectors of population or that the members would be
democratically elected by the population. Representative may mean
claimed or believed to be representative by the drafters of the new
constitution and not representative in the sense of representative
by popular election and this shows that semantics is politically
crucial. We neednt look into the aspect of the semantics of the word
semantics to take it for granted that people think seeking the
clarification of meaning is a bad thing. The reporter wanted only to
clarify meaning had sufficient political significance for the politician
to fend it off, and to do so by implicitly challenging the very validity
of inquiry into the speakers meaning.
Here is another example this time illustrating the extremes:
1999, UK Parliamentary Select Committee on Public
Administration, a Labour MP questioned Sir David Gore Booth, a
former British High Commissioner in India and ambassador to Saudi
Arabia, about the use of the phrases company wives and one of
yours meaning one of your employers. One of yours had been
used by the ambassador of Saudi Arabia in a letter to the chief
executive of British Aerospace on the subject of a complaint made
by one of its employees against British consular staff. The
Parliamentary Ombudsman had enquired into and criticized various
cases of undiplomatically language. The words company wives
were regarded by Labour MPs Helen Jones and Linda Clarke and the
Labour Chairman Rhodri Morgan as insulting and incredibly
disrespectful and Sir Davids retort was that his offending phrase
was no worse than FO wives (Foreign Office wives) and that it was
merely convenient shorthand. For the Labour members phrasing
97
mattered only because it embodied social values which they did not
share and for Sir David (Eton educated) the concentration on
language was at least bizarre (Guardian, 13 January 1999).
Different actors on the political arena have different views
of the significance of phrasing and wording, although the referent is
constant. Company wives versus wives of employers of the
companythey both have the same referent, refer to the same wives
but the different syntax can be related to different conceptualizations.
The nounplusnoun construction may be interpreted as follows: the
wives in some sense belong to the company but there are people who
would deny that interpretation because the alternative phrasing
changes the meaning but it matters if wives are thought of or
portrayed as company property.
If a politician would be questioned about some verbal
formulation will frequently respond with some version of the
formula do not concentrate on words or this is just semantics.
This move involves the notion of political correctness. A
verbal formula whose meanings are attended to in relation to
political values, to contravene certain political values, may be
countered with some version of the objection you are just being
politically correct where political correctness is expected to be taken
as referring to something undesirable.
Politics is partly about priorities so it is justifiable to claim
the attention to linguistic detail in ongoing discourse. It may be
argued that alternate referential formulations are indeed arbitrary and
neutral, but they may also be very good reasons to relate wording
and phrasing to concepts and values. Despite the tendency of
politicians to deny tactically the significance of language, the
importance of language in the sense of differential verbal
formulation, is tacitly acknowledged. Politicians and political parties
employ publicists of various kinds whose role to control the flow of,
and access to information and also to design and monitor wordings
and phrasings, responding to challenges or potential challenges. The
discourse management is usually done by hind rhetoricians and the
98
terms spin, put a spin and spin doctor reflect that. This function
is found both in contemporary and traditional societies.
Language in Use
There is a suggestion that wording and phrasing is
important at the level of microinteraction. But we must think about
the language at the level of macrointeraction. Many people think
that the political entities (countries) have their own language;
language is not a state of affairs that comes about naturally, so to
speak; it is deeply political (Haugen, 1966).
The standard language plays an important role in
economy, in providing prestige standard and also in the institution of
democracy. The standard may provide equal potential access to
economic benefits but also an open, tactic, right or wrong
participation to the political life. If one could no speak Greek, one
would not de facto be able to participate to the political life of the
city state; the ability to use the standard writing system is even more
basiceven with a command of the spoken standard, the range of
economic opportunities open to nonliterates will be highly
restricted.
There is an important distinction between a language and
languagethe universal genetically transmitted ability of humans to
acquire any language, and often more than one. A language, e.g.
French is not a uniform system that is spoken the same way
throughout a whole territory. There are several languages which
show a great deal of internal variability across geographical and
social space. It is known that different regions that speak the same
language show greater or lesser degrees of variation in one or more
levels of language structure (pronunciation, wordforms, syntax
vocabulary) but also do different social strata and different ethnic
groups.
Over a geographical area, we can frequently find one speech
community shading off gradually into another, without a sudden
break. These linguistic areas are known as dialect continua. It is
99
possible to isolate distinct dialects in the linguistic flux; we can say

that dialect d1 overlaps with dialect d2 which overlaps with dialect d3.
These dialects are mutually intelligible but the differences can be
exaggerated and sometimes associated with feelings of hostility and
politicized. But there are a lot of wellknown examples of linguistic
continua. In NorthWestern Europe, for example, the Germanic
dialects merge into one another, in the west Romance continuum and
in the east Slavic continuum. These continua override political
boundaries between the historic nation states, but interact with them
in complex ways.
Linguistic closeness does not necessarily imply social or
political closeness. Small differences can become hugely significant
from a political point of view. An example is the former Yugoslavia
this was the case for eastern and western varieties of SerbCroat
used in BosniaHercegovina. There are only minor differences
between these varieties and they are mutually intelligible, despite the
differences, i.e. the use of Cyrillic alphabet by Orthodox Serbs in the
eastern regions, and the use of the Roman alphabet in the Catholic
western regions. The other differences on the level of phonology,
morphology and syntax and to some extent the vocabulary are only
slight, but all the differences are capable of being politically indexed.
The differences in the SerbCroat dialect continuum were
seized upon and politicized by nationalist movements during the
Yugoslavian disintegration. Different nationalist discourses
emphasized eastern or western variants or words of Turkish origin,
according to their perceived ethnic or religious allegiance (Levinger,
1998; Carmichael, 2002). We can speak here about a linguistic
cleansing which went along with ethnic cleansing. This example
is a clear case of linguistic difference being selected in a particular
political situation for particular political ends formulated by elite,
specifically to create identity through difference (Chilton, 2004:10).
There are differences that occur naturally through social
and geographical differentiation which have little to do with the
politics of states. Such case is that of the form of Romanian spoken
100
in the former Soviet republic of Moldavia, now known as Moldova.

Beginning with 1945 the Cyrillic writing system was imposed in
order to distance Moldavian from Romanian and local linguistic
variants were codified into the descriptionsactually, prescriptions of
the standard (Trudgill, 1999:176).
In the case of France we have a revolutionary
bureaucratized ideology partly arguing in instrumental terms for
national linguistic unity on the grounds of democratization, but also
partly inspired by a rationalist ideology and belief that the French
language was inherently more rational, symbolic system than other
languages. In England the same general tendency towards linguistic
unification and purism was not the less powerful for being less
obviously enshrined in the organs of state (Chilton, 2004: 12).
Implications for Political Philosophy
There are social groups that speak a language different from
the language of the majority, or different from the official language
that is perceived as significantly deviant, and this gives rise to
questions of the minority rights in political theory.
There are two fundamental inalienable rights of citizens: the
right to be treated equally ant the right of citizens to have their
dignity respected (Dworkin, 1977); the right to life, liberty, property
and pursuit of happiness is not absolute in this philosophical
framework. Dworkin thinks that equality and human dignity are prior
and he argued for specific liberties such as the right of free
expression. The general principles, i.e. equality and human dignity,
make speaking the language of a social group.
The question how to circumscribe a minority group (e.g.
women, widows, mothers, senior citizens) was looked in by political
scientists, and they have or can be given clear legal definitions.
Cultural groups are more difficult to define. The solution could be to
regard all rights as essentially individual rights. As Birch (1993)
notes, the claim is usually for special protection of language and
culture. There are some conundrums arisen from the matter put this
101
way. The argument that language and culture are not right bearing
entities (Birch, 1993:126) can be easily disposed of. Languages and
cultures are not entities: individuals have the right to speak the
language of the social group in which they primarily identify, in
which case the problem returns to the domain of individual rights
and to the right of free expression. For more argument, Birch tried to
clear the ground by distinguishing between four different types of
right claimed by cultural minorities. The first type, right to be in,
confers the right of individuals belonging to groups that do not speak
the majority or official language to receive instructions in that
language, as a precondition for economic rights. It can lead to the
right to speak ones language in the work place and as part of the
work process as happened in Canada for French speakers. Birchs
second and third categories, the right to be out and the right to stay
out concern the right of cultural minorities to retain cultural identity,
however that is defined. A nonlinguistic example is the case of the
foulards islamiques (1989), a media debate about three Muslim
schoolgirls who wore traditional scarves and brought claims to
traditional dress code into conflict with the principles of the secular
state. If the issue of headscarves is replaced by that of languages then
the problems are more contentious. Birch argues:
It is clear that bilingualism is not a natural state of affairs
and if two languages are spoken in a given area, the stronger of them
will normally drive out the weaker. A weaker language cannot be
expected to survive over a long period unless it receives government
help (Birch, 1993:129).
Language protection is difficult to achieve because there are
a lot of motives and goals among individuals and their diversity
makes it impossible to identify a group claim to minority cultural
rights. The problem arises because of the confusion of individual and
group perspectives. A language is clearly a group phenomenonthe
discourse of rights is made in terms of the individual. And
individuals must have the right not to have a language imposed upon
them which they do not wish to speak. There may be a negative
102
formulation: Do individuals have a right to speak their own

language? which is based on the individual rather than a group. A
language can not have rights but the individuals who speak it can.
The formulation is syntactically negative; it can be taken as an
equivalent to other concepts in rights discourse, that have to do with
freedom from and puts in question the legitimacy of imposing a
particular language by groups and politics on their members.
We have not defined the broader sense of the word
language or what Aristotle referred to as speech. The use of
language in politics suggests that political actors themselves are well
aware of the importance of how language is used even in the act of
denying the fact. We have to take into consideration first the nature
of language (referred to as language 1) then its use can be
meaningfully studied in relation to what we call politics, and then
we have to take into account the human capacity for language
(language L) from a particular language and from use of a language
(language 1/u) which we will refer to as discourse.
The Co-evolution of Language and Politics
Language is an inanimate organ of the human mind; we can
ask how it evolved, and whether it casts any right on how we might
think about possible links between language, society and politics.
There are two views as to how this language organ has arisen and
both have consequences for thinking about the relationship between
language and politics. The Paris Linguistics Society in 1866 banned
the speculations about the origins of language as wild and ill
founded six years after the publication of The Origin of Species.
Darwins evolutionary theory renewed the interest about how
language evolved in homo sapiens (Bickerton, 1990; Hurford et. al.,
1998; Jackendoff, 2002:23164). Language evolved from an
arbitrary genetic mutation that was beneficial to evolving humans. It
does not build on prior properties, on emerging human brains but is
an entirely novel and speciesspecific ability (Chomsky, 1975,
2000). And then we have to think about the implications of such a
103
view for questions of the relationship between language and political

behaviour. There might be possible conceptual links between this
view of the evolution of language and important ideas that are
familiar in the tradition of political thought. Let us consider the
version of the emergence of language ability in the human brain;
then language would have no direct genetic or neurological link with
the social grouping or social manipulation. It would be a free
standing ability, not predictable from human social behaviour,
uninfluenced by it; it would be generative and creative in a very wide
sense. We may say that it is reminiscent of ideas about human
autonomy and freedom. Similarly independent modules of the mind
would coexist alongside language L. We must ask ourselves what
relationship would exist in a functioning mind, in a real social
context between the language module and, a social intelligence
module (Chilton, 2004:17).
The second current of thought states that social intelligence
itself is a specialized module of the early human brain; language
did evolve from existing structures in the primate brain and it is
social intelligence that provides the basis for language (Humphrey,
1976). There are a lot of variants of the theory that language
emerged out of social intelligence:
1.
language evolved for specifically social purposes
(Mithen,1996:158; Dunbar, 1993)
2.
early human individuals would be Machiavellian
in all behaviours including the communicative ones.
3.
language is not only about sharing information, but
is also to do with signalling group identities.
4.
group ritual is at the origin of the reciprocal
altruism, the mind reading abilities, the ability to infer other
individuals plans and goals (Humphrey, 1976; Hurford et. al., 1998).
The sort of altruism people have may be Machiavellian
but it also may be capable of detaching itself to become a free
wheeling ethical ideal. The answer to these problems lies in
representation and meta-representation. The notion of reciprocal
104
altruism should be replaced by cooperationwhich will make us

focus on a crucial aspectworking together for individual gain.
Animals have the ability of representing things, happenings, and
actions, be they aware or not. Sperber states that humans have the
ability to metarepresent; human can generate detached
representations of things as well as cued representations, while
animals most likely generate only cued ones (Grdenfors, 2002).
Cued representations occur in a physical situation where there is or
has been a stimulus and detached ones occur in the human mind
without a copresent stimulus called by Grdenfors inner worlds.
It is only the humans who can stimulate the outer world by
inner worlds. The question about where language comes into was
answered by Hockett in 1960. Language makes it possible to
communicate about things past, future, possible and impossible,
permissible and impermissiblefrom the point of view of some
speaker or a group of speakers. Humans show a vastly evolved
ability to plan for future cooperative group action. Planning for
future cooperative goals can only be possible if there is a medium of
communication that can be detached from immediate contextual
referents (Mithen, 1996:878). Individuals have the capacity to
communicate, compare, align, dissent mental representations.
Evaluations of representations can be assigned and agreed upon or
not. In Grdenforss words language makes it possible for us to
share visions (Grdenfors, 2002:5). His argument provides an
argument for the coevolution of language and politics.
Selective Bibliography
Anderson, B. (1991) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the
Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London: Verso
Aristotle (1932) Politics, London: Heinemann
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Austin, J. L. (1962) How to Do Things With Words, Oxford:

Clarendon Press
Birch, A. (1993) The Concepts and Theories of Modern Democracy,
London and NewYork: Routledge
Black, M. (1954) Metaphor. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society,
55, 273294
Black, M. (1962) Models and Metaphors, Ithaca: Cornell University
Press
Chilton, P. A. (1994) La plaie quil convient de fermer. Les
mtaphores du discours raciste, Journal of Pragmatics, 21 (6): 583
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Chomsky, N. (1966) Cartesian Linguistics, New York: Harper &
Row
Grdenfors, P. (2002) Cooperation and the evolution of symbolic
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lucs.fil.lu.se/ Abstracts/ LUCS_Studies/ LUCS91.html (accessed 5
November 2013)
Hague, R. and S. Breslin (1998) Comparative Government and
Politics: An Introduction, Basingstoke: Macmillan
Hale, D. (1971) The Body Politic: a Political Metaphor in
Renaissance English Literature, The Hague: Mouton
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Press
106
THE INCREASING ROLE OF THE CONSUMER IN

INNOVATION IN THE EU FOOD INDUSTRY
Alexandru BURDA
Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University
Faculty of Tourism and Commercial Management
Bucharest, Romania
Faced with significant changes and mutations at consumer level, the EU

food market finds itself in a position in which it has to function by rules that
could be considered non-specific. From a traditionally inelastic market, it
has gradually become a consumer market on which the producers have to
innovate constantly in order to meet the demands of consumers who are in
search of new foods that would have new properties and would satisfy
superior needs. Therefore, the consumer contribution to this process is a
must for the industrial food producers economic future.
Key words: consumer, food stuff, innovation, industry, quality.
The European trends in food production take a large series

of phenomena into consideration. They can be grouped into four
fundamental and scientifically and economically significant
directions, namely (1) developing quality implementation and
monitoring mechanisms; (2) innovation in food industry and
renewing the food offer; and (3) developing new agricultural
production systems.
Innovation in food industry and renewal of the offer of food
products is characterized by the fact that new categories of goods
appear on the market or already existing ones are developed
following new demand requirements.
107
This paper will refer mainly to the innovation trends in food

industry, with a special focus on (a) the increasing role of the
consumer in industrial innovation; (b) trends like considering food
consumption style, consumer health concerns and directly assessing
the properties of the food product; and (c) other trends.
The Increasing Role Of The Consumer In Industrial Innovation
It is the main trend (Monnier 2007, 51) in this area of EU
food industry, especially in new product concept development. The
procedure they usually apply has several main stages, namely
(Monnier 2007, 51) (1) basic concept testing; (2) prototype
development; (3) preliminary testing, and (4) secondary testing.
The basic concept testing (1) is a poll that presents a
targeted consumer group with the project of a new product or new
product line in an attempt to establish what the consumer might
expect from it in point of its objective and subjective features.
Generally speaking, this test implies interrogating select groups of
consumers who know nothing about the tested product about a series
of features that are considered to be more relevant in the subsequent
selection and acquisition processes.
Prototype development (2): the information provided by the
basic concept testing can help build a prototype of the respective
product. This prototype functions as a preliminary blueprint the
producers can use to further develop the product.
Preliminary testing (3) is a first organoleptic assessment of
the prototype product by experts, in laboratory. Marks are given to
each main property, which allows experts to define and compare the
organoleptic properties.
Secondary testing (4) is a second organoleptic assessment
of the product which was modified according to the results of the
previous stage. It is conducted among new relatively large select
consumer groups. The tendency is to create testing conditions that
are as close as possible to real consumption conditions (samples of
the tested product are distributed to the consumers who test them at
home. The results are gathered one week later.)
108
Finally, the producer is the one to have the last word by

selecting the average sum of the properties of the future product,
starting from the results of the last test, hence the tendency for foods
to have apparently weak organoleptic features. Thus, without
reducing the consumers contribution (the selection starts from the
values of the properties they provided), the producer eliminates a
major source of risk for the product to be rejected as he/she preserves
only those features that are likely to accommodate the largest pool of
consumers.
Considering Food Consumption Style

It is a European trend in increasing the weight of consumer
influence over the food innovation process and it has not been
deemed a priority until recently. (Monnier 2007, 52). Understanding
the consumption style means to identify the food habits of various
categories of consumers.
An important aspect of the food habits is faster food
consumption. It is closely connected to the current profile of the EU
consumer (Monnier 2007, 53). The producers respond to this trend
by (1) extending the food validity period (the target is the consumer
who purchases food at larger time intervals), (2) reducing the time
necessary to prepare the food, (3) eliminating the need to use dishes
(by marketing the food in disposable containers) and/or (4) selling
food in smaller shares (for individual consumption, regardless of the
place and time of consumption).
Consumer Health Concerns
This phenomenon emerged in the 1980s with the no-sugar
and no-alcohol beverages. They were then followed by food with a
specific content of minerals of vitamins. Lately, consumers propose
ever more often products the ingredients of which could help to
prevent diseases, and would have properties that could be used in
cures, keep the body fit or even have cosmetic effects.
109
Directly Assessing the Properties of the Food Product

Increasing the consumers possibility to directly assess the
properties of the food product, based on ones senses, prior to
consumption, it is a fifth important trend and although it is not
directly connected to the consumers option, it directly influences
him/her in selecting food products. This trend leads to the
importance packaging has lately acquired as well as that of the
correspondence between the expected properties of taste, flavor,
smell, and aspect and the color the products or their packaging can
have.
Other Trends
Beside these five trends, we can also add the role of
advertising in the communication between producers and consumers.
In order to reduce risks, the producers do not directly and clearly
advertise the new properties a food product can have lest they create
a feeling of rejection. Even in the case of new foods, they still refer
to properties and comparisons to properties the consumers know
(they even refer to tradition, regional and national particularities,
natural aspect, etc.) to make the people buy the respective product.
Conclusions
The trends in innovation in European food production have
as main goal that producers provide the best suitable answer to the
consumers requirements. The answer consists in finding solutions
to communicate with them and improving the consumption
conditions considering the requirements about the way the products
are consumed in relation to the consumers view of the product and
their relationship with it.
As a whole, the tendencies in innovation in the EU food
industry marks the adaptation of the producers to a constantly
changing food market amid a growing satisfaction of consumer
needs coupled with external factors such as the current economic
crisis which has a direct impact on the consumers capacity to give
an economic answer to the food producers of the EU food industry.
110
Bibliography
Brown, Amy Christian, (2007), Understanding Food: Principles and
Preparation (3 ed.), Cengage Learning.
Burda, Alexandru, (2008), Calitatea produselor alimentare - definire
conceptual i legal n procesul de integrare a pieei alimentare
romneti n cadrul pieei comunitare. Romnia, Uniunea
European. De la aderare la integrare, Editura ProUniversitaria,
Bucureti.
Glavieux Vincent, Les nouveaux aliments en 6 questions, n Les
dossiers de la Recherche, nr. 45, octombrie 2011, pp. 82-85.
Monnier, Emmanuel, (2007), Lere du client roi, Science & Vie
Hors Serie (trimestrial), 238.
Vandeginste Pierre, La saveur du fromage au laboratoire, n Les
Vandeginste Pierre, Predire le gout en modelisant, n Les dossiers de
la Recherche, nr. 45, octombrie 2011, pp. 88-89.
Maincent Guillaume, Elles imaginent nos assiettes de demain, n Les
111
BETWEEN SPEECH AND DIALOGUE,

IMAGE AND MANIPULATION.
THE NEW EUROPEAN POLITICAL
LEADER
Sebastian CHIRIMBU
Centre for Research and European Studies AEPEEC/
Dept. of Philology USH
Mihaela BARBU-CHIRIMBU
The concept of a political leader is used quite often for all
kinds of persons who have a considerable influence in public and in
the political spectrum, but there are certain theoretical rules and
concepts that should apply if we want to know in detail what a public
person must be and how he or she must behave in public policy in
order to be defined as a genuine political leader. The concept of
political leader usually refers, to the individual with the potential
influence and the highest authority and, implicitly, with the highest
degree
of
preference
and
desirability
within
the
organization/community of political interests. It is towards him / her
or with him her that tend to identify or equate most members of the
collectivity
because of his managerial skills and qualities,
psychological and moral leadership to ensure performance, integrity
and stability.
Key words: political leader, political discourse,
community, community leader, collective imaginary, political power
Introduction. Leaders and Politics
Politics has not been, is not and will not be an abstract
notion, as the scope of its manifestations is extremely extensive,
112
covering multiple and complex collective or community interests, as

well as principles on how to participate in the organization of
society, the exercise of power on various plans, in order to ensure
social order.
Political life, a concert and a fierce competition among the
main protagonists-political actors seeking power, is a topic that is
permanently in the attention of specialists and the general public.
The theme of leadership, in particular, the political leader generates a
lot of controversy: how assumptions must show a true portrait of a
leader (politician, manager)? Has the politician has become a product
that one can build, manufacture, sell and buy?
The idea of choosing a leader of a social community from
among its members is a concern of all nations and times feature. This
feature expresses in itself the essence of human nature, namely, the
need to choose the chief of a tribe, a leader of the crowd, which
would determine who is friend or foe, and the need to defend the
interests of all.
Political Speech
Many people today would agree that the traditional
resources of theoretical reflection are inadedequate in face of the
political realities of our timeThe changes ushered in by the
twentieth century have been enourmous and no attempt to
understand contemporary societies can be spared the effort of
rethinking the nature of politics in the modern world(
Lefort,Thompson 1986:1).
In this complex and well structured mechanism of political
communication, which is not in itself a political event, but creates
political events, political speech occupies a privileged place, given
that it relates to power, an imposing and legitimizes a "gatekeeper",
i.e. an institutional regulator, because through the multitude of
events, the power becomes an institution with representativeness and
likely to generate any comments.
113
By means of the discourse in general and the political

discourse mainly, one can focus on the multual understanding of the
world, on the sharing of common values, on the social coexistence
within a certain "understanding" as Lefort (2007) put it, outlining the
importance and impact of the activity and speech of some political
actors which aim at acquiring power or are already in Government
and want to gain a more solid position in the performance thereof.
"The speech and political message are not restrictive in the
direction of partisan information transmission, on the contrary,
generous and restrictive, actants inoculated a multitude of ideas to
generate an attitude, to build an opinion espoused the manipulators
and tempting pressures in some respects" (Deaconescu, 2007:7).
Speech may become a sounding board of the issuer
representing political support for a group of interests, better
government, opposition, system, institutions, given that political
authority is based on and the result of popular consent, the resultant
image is obtained in various circumstances, and very often via well
articulated speech, with a particular expressiveness.
Uttered in a public space, with many participants, on the
radio or on television, political discourse creates a "curfew" in turn,
disturbs receptors old attitudes and opinions, thoughts, ideas and
brings to life liberalised concepts and positive attitudes, manipulates
and affects consciousness.
Defining the New European Political Leader
In the press in most countries belonging to the European
Union we read every day that European leaders are increasingly
more and more concerned with deepening the mechanisms of
functioning of the European institutions and the harmonization of
their national institutions. But what it looks like such a political
leader? At present, the concept of a political leader is used quite
often for all kinds of persons who have a considerable influence in
public and in the political spectrum, but there are certain theoretical
rules and concepts that should apply if we want to know in detail
114
what a public person must be and how he or she must behave in

public policy in order to be defined as a genuine political leader.
The concept of (European) political leader usually refers, to
the individual with the potential influence and the highest authority
and, implicitly, with the highest degree of preference and desirability
within the organization/community of political interests. It is towards
him / her or with him her that tend to identify or equate most
members of the collectivity because of his managerial skills and
qualities, psychological and moral leadership to ensure performance,
integrity and stability. The true leader will demonstrate authority and
influence without resorting to excessive control, coercion,
manipulation, indoctrination.
A starting point for a political ideal is the personal power of
influence (personal power), i.e. his / her capacity to influence the
masses and to urge them to follow him / her. It is essential that there
be a relationship of mutual understanding between the public and
leadership. As a means of communication with the masses it is not
coercion that shall predominate, but a high degree of persuasion and
enforcement of legitimate authority. The target of persuasion has
always been the public and that aspect is the one that conveys power
and legitimacy (legitimate authority) to the political leader. In its
restricted or wide meaning, audience customarily plays a positive
role and has a positive impact on the political behavior of the leader,
and takes different forms depending on the preferences and priorities
of the public.
Also the political leader's messages must be short, clear and
comprehensive, easy to understand for every citizen, otherwise a
political leader can lose many present and future electors, or simply
becomes a personality that will be characterized as a demagogue.
Effective communication has always been at the basis of the
functioning of the State organizations of the party giving them
stability, efficiency, self evaluation, analysis and evaluation for
objectives or goals assumed by their political leaders. In addition to
the communication skills a leader has major advantages to influence
115
political group as a whole and may maintain effective leadership

authority, superseding any action that would be against him. Of
course in the content of the messages communicated to the public,
the press, radio, television and other means of communication will
occur to address criticism of the leader, but the most important from
this point of view is that the political leader must withstand criticism,
i.e. knowing when to intervene and when to refrain any comments.
Another important aspect of a political leaders attitude and
behaviour is his / her dedication to a particular political doctrine, i.e.
belonging to a system of wide shared values and principles with the
audience without deviate from them. So the leader has a target, a
goal, a clearly defined set of objectives, and his/ her actions are
concrete, drawing upon both adherents and supporters, as well as a
wide range of political militants. Last but not least by defining his /
her political doctrine a leader is seen as determined in his actions.
The New (European) Political leader an Agent of
Political Power
One of the fundamental conditions of detaininig power and
managing to keep it is the authority. And the key can be identified in
the authority relationship between power and personality. Personality
is the result of various individual components of the dominant
characteristics: instincts, reflexes, temperament, character, needs,
interests, skills, similar experiences. All this is gathered together,
forming motivation according to which an individual does, omits or
avoids certain actions. The political orientation of a person is
determined by factors that are related to certain individual
peculiarities (psychological, cultural, educational, familial,
professional and personality), but also by external factors: the
political situation in which he/ she lives and the evolving system and
political system within which he or she manifets itself, etc. It can be
said that "one individual having genuine characteristics if a political
leader cannot become a politician in any country and at any time, but
116
depending on the situation and institutions with which he or she

interacts. (Dogan, Lotreanu, 1999:145)
The aspirations of the political leader can be very varied
and powerful, but certainly they will be distilled on the stage of the
political decision making processes and confrontations and the result
will be a combination of unequal proportions of elements with
varying degrees of convergence. There are many angles from which
the launching of individuals in politics can be regarded. In an elitist
vision, a number of individuals endowed with special qualities
engage in the battle for winning a status and an exceptional role in
political life. The liberal vision sees as the winners of this
competition as the bravest, strongest, most tenacious, bolder and
more suited candidates for the job. Another point of view,
influenced by
Austrian psychoanalysts, claims that certain
individuals engage in politics for the sake of letting the unresolved
conflicts of childhood that have become waste frustrations and
notoriety, success in one word-prestige-representing the necessary
compensation they seek.
All these possible visions reveal and are characterized by a
common feature: the political leader as the main agent of political
power, is characterized by his / her individual capacities and by his /
her outstanding achievements and who, through his / her presence
and work represents a group, expresses interests, receiving in return
recognition and prestige. The study of statespeople's biographies
allows us to affirm that they are gifted with exceptional qualities,
with personal needs that are very powerful and complex
personalities, but they are generally solitary natures. (Ibidem, 147)"
In a genuine democracy, voters are educated to become and
be aware of their expectations in relation to the power, to know to
discern beyond the character's charisma and political promises of
political candidates for different political and administrative
positions, choosing those who can provide consistent answers to a
societys questions and problems. "The interest aroused by a
consistency and continuity of an advertised personality is an image
117
that cannot maintain its clarity if not adapted to the expectations of

the electorate.
The socio-psychological framework that facilitates and
contributes to the dissemination of a politica figures popularity is
diffuse consciousness at group level of the importance of the
political factor for the life and security of the community itself.
The popularity of a political personality is an indicator of a
community deep need for attachment, for gathering around a leader.
In this context, the force which generates this latent social energy
and secures it in images is the power. (Frigioiu 2007 :8)
Conclusion
The real (European) political leader should be able to
approach the ideal political personality, depending, of course, and
the political and social context of space and time. The moments of
balance and harmony can create social and political prerequisites of
appearance and legitimacy of political figures from the standpoint of
those who voted him consciously. The importance of the call to
political myth in training future leaders will need to be supported by
political marketers. The call to myth, political beliefs and traditions,
for the chrystalization of a political personalitys image can be
viewed as an attempt to bring the qualities of a leader into the
attention of the largest possible group.
At the time of acceeding to a position on the political stage
of a country, or European institution, leaders become embodiments
of certain characters, images which should be taken into account in
the exercise of power.
Bibliography
Ficeac, B. 1996: Tehnici de manipulare, Ed. Nemira, Bucureti
Deaconescu, I, 2007: Discurs i limbaj politic, Ed. Europa, Craiova
Dogan, M, Lotreanu, L., 1999: Sociologie politic, Ed. Alternative,
Bucureti
118
Frigioiu, N., 2007: Politologie i doctrine politice, Ed. Economic,

Bucureti
Iliescu, A.P, 2006: Doctrine politice comparate, Universitatea din
Bucureti, Bucureti
Lefort, Cl. 2007: Complications: Communism and the Dillema of
democracy, Columbia University Press
Lefort, Cl., Thompson, D., 1986: The Political Forms of Modern
Society:
Bureacracy, Democracy, Totalitarism, MIT Press
Pop, D., 2000: Mass media i politica, Institutul European, Iai
Ungureanu, T., 2006: Rzboiul timpurilor: declin ocidental i asediu
islamic, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti
119
MULTICULTURALISM AS A COMPONENT OF THE

PR CAMPAIGN FOR THE CANDIDACY OF
TIMIOARA
tefana CIORTEA NEAMIU
West University of Timioara,
Faculty of Political Sciences, Philosophy and
Communication Sciences
The city of Timioara candidates for the title of European Capital of
Culture 2021. The administration, the Association Timioara Candidate
European Capital of Culture as well as numerous cultural institutions from
Little Vienna are working towards this goal. The cultural events within
this framework will be accompanied by a PR-campaign, in order to present
the city at its best. This paper analysis the online campaign, with a special
view on multiculturalism as one of the strengths of the city.
Key-words: European Capital of Culture, multiculturalism, Timioara, PRcampaign
0. ECoC history of the concept and phenomenon

The history of the competition between cities from the
European Union member states candidating for the title of European
Capital of Culture reaches back to the 1980s. In 1985 former Greek
Minister for Culture Melina Mercouri and her French counterpart
Jack Lang came up with this idea and in June the project was
launched.
Ever since, ECoC are Europes most ambitious
collaborative cultural project both in scope and scale, with budgets
far exceeding those of any other cultural event (). Their aim is to
make Europeans aware of what they have in common (ECoC
From 1985 to 2010).
120
The city of Timioara in the western part of Romania, has

entered the race for this title to be awarded in 2021.
1. The success story: Sibiu
Romania is already looking at one success story regarding
ECoC, it is about the city of Sibiu who won this title in 2007. For the
city in Transylvania, winning the competition meant some positive
changes: Firstly, the looks of the city changed, through the
renovation of the faades and the reorganization of the pedestrian
area on and around the Big Square. Secondly, action was brought
into the city which now has one festival after another offering
something for everybodys taste: theatre festival, fashion festival,
film festival, music festivals and even a tattoo festival. The whole
campaign was about branding and rebranding the city. Many aspects
were used, but a special eye lay on multiculturalism, especially the
German component. A population whose history is inextricably
linked to Sibius history and heritage are die Siebenbrger Sachsen,
the Saxons. Many monuments in and around Sibiu as the Brukenthal
Museum, one of the most important museums in Romania or the
medieval fortified churches which are listed as UNESCO World
Heritage sites are some of the cultural treasures left by the Saxons.
The effects of being granted the ECoC-title were and are still visible
and are linked to four main areas: cultural development, economic
growth, tourism development and last, but not least raising the
contentedness of the inhabitants who became prouder about or at
least content with their city and enjoy living there. By all these
means, Sibiu was definitely put back on the map of European
cultural cities and the old city welcomes tourists from all over the
world now.
2. Timioara competing for 2021
2.1. Framework
The next date when a city from Romania will be rewarded
the ECoC-title is 2021. This is the goal Timioara wants to reach. In
121
2021 a city from Greece and one from Romania will share the
ECoC-tile. There are many competitors from Romania and it not yet
decided which one will be ECoC: Next to Timioara, other cities like
Alba-Iulia, Arad, Braov, Brila, Cluj, Craiova, Galai, Iai and
Sfntu Gheorghe announced their candidacy until the 25th of
November 2013. The decision will be taken in 2016 by a selection
panel built of experts chosen by the European Institutions (The
European Commission, The European Parliament, the Council of
Ministers and the Committee of the Regions) and by Romanian
Institutions. The selection panel assesses the proposals and settles its
choices on one city which will then be officially designated by the
EU Council of Ministers.
2.2. The campaign for Timioara
Until 2016 Timioara has to prove its strengths in
comparison to other cities from Romania. Involved in the campaign
for Timioara are the Association Timioara European Capital of
Culture, the local authorities (the Mayor, the Timioara City
Council, the Timi County Council members of the Association),
cultural organizations and institutions from Timioara, NGOs. The
elected president of the Association is one of the most famous
cultural personalities from the Banat: Ioan Holender who is born in
Timioara and became large recognition as the director of the Vienna
State Opera. Honorary ambassador is Anton J. Braun, a famous flute
builder descending from Timioara. Last but not least should be
mentioned the citizens involved through volunteering and/or
participating at events.
What means this campaign exactly? What are its
instruments and aims?
Public relations practice is the art and social science of
analyzing trends, predicting their consequences, counseling
organization leaders, and implementing planned programs of action
which will serve both the organizations and the public interest.
122
These are the words the public relations associations from all over
the world chose at their World Assembly in the Mexican Statement
in 1978 to describe their activity. (Newsom and Haynes, 1993)
Four elements are considered by PR-specialist John Marston as keyactivities within public relations, concluding to his famous RACEacronym: Public Relations activity consists of four elements
Research - What is the problem or situation?
Action(program planning): What is going to be done about
it?
Communication (execution): How will the public be told?
Evaluation Was the audience reached and what was the
effect?
(Wilcox et al., 1997)
As marketing consultant Joe Marconi puts it, a PR-campaign has
following key-elements:
- analyzing the situation
- setting objectives
- developing strategies
- developing tactics
- agenda setting (calendar)
- planning the budget
(Marconi, 2007)
We shall be looking at the first four components.
2.2.1. Analyzing the Situation. Talking about
Multiculturalism in Timioara
Looking at the first key-element (analyzing the situation), the
analysis has to focus on the competition, the competitors and clearly
state the strengths and weaknesses of the city.
The question raises What means Timioara? to a citizen
from here and to someone living elsewhere.
During the years, Timioara was labeled differently, as the
city of parks, the city of flowers, the capital of the Banat,
123
Little Vienna, a city of innovations, the city of the Romanian

Revolution or a cultural melting pot.
Timioara is a truly multicultural city, a city where people
belonging to different cultures, religions or having different ethnic
background dont just tolerate each other, but live together. This
means much more than tolerance, the togetherness has to do with
respect, friendship and exchange (learning from each other).
Some examples especially older citizens of Timioara can
talk about give an overview of what this togetherness means. On
Catholic Easter, Orthodox families used to light a candle in the
window for their friends and neighbors. Reciprocally, Catholics lit
the candles in respect for their Orthodox friends.
The 1st of November, the All Saints Day, is of great
importance in the Catholic calendar, people remember their beloved
ones and put flowers and candles on the graves. This day isnt
marked as a celebration in the Orthodox calendar, nevertheless,
cemeteries in Timioara, Catholic and Orthodox, are filled with
people on this day.
Saint Anthony is one of the most beloved saints for Catholics, but he
is worshiped also by Orthodox from Timioara who know that
Tuesday is the day of the saint.
Another example speaks of the good communication
between the different ethnic communities. Elder generations of
citizens from Timioara speak three languages: Romanian, German
and Hungarian.
Also cuisine has its influences from Austrian-Hungarian
cuisine. People eat traditionally a chicken soup with noodles (rather
than the sour ciorba) and put Krautsuppen and poppy-seeds
cakes on the table at Christmas.
2.2.2. Setting objectives
After analyzing the situation, for the start of a PR campaign
it is essential to set objectives. Professor Dennis L. Wilcox
124
emphasizes that organizations should design their PR to achieve

these objectives:
1. Develop public awareness of the organizations purpose and
activities
2. Induce individuals to use the services the organization
provides
3. Create educational materials
4. Recruit and train volunteer workers
5. Obtain funds to operate the organization. (Wilcox et al.,
1998)
According to Joe Marconi, objectives are the increase of
awareness, credibility and differentiating from the campaigns of
other competitors. The objectives will contribute to identify the
particular types of PR-activities. (Marconi, 2007)
From the cities listed above that wish to compete for the title of
ECoC 2021, only Timioara and Cluj-Napoca have both a website
and a Facebook-presence (until the 25th of November 2013) for their
goal to be awarded the ECoC-title. Five more cities were present on
Facebook with this aim (Alba Iulia, Arad, Brila, Braov, Craiova)
and three were not present at all (Iai, Galai, Sfntu Gheorghe). The
information is valid for the 25th of November 2013.
From the very beginning, it is essential to define the types of public
to be targeted. This will define the following actions.
2.2.3. Developing strategies and tactics
The strategy means concentration of the effort, the tactics
describe the way strategy will be executed. E.g. The strategy can
mean exploiting the long history and reputation in comparison with
the competitors, the tactics would be a number of particular actions
(ceremonies, festivals, but also advertising, publications: leaflets,
brochures, website, online discussion forums etc.) to be taken.
125
2.2.3.1. From labels to brands

This is where the labels start changing into a brand,
meaning something alive, vivid as branding-expert Wally Olins
explains.
Timioara can be branded as a multcultural city, as it used to be
labeled like this. Timioara Mayor Prof. Dr. Nicolae Robu stated in
the speech officially announcing the citys candidacy to ECoC on the
20th of December 2012 that this will be one of the major
components of the brand: Why we think Timisoara deserves to be
European City of Culture?
Firstly, I think, Timisoara is a city of multiculturalism, of
multi-ethnicity, a city of diversity in general. In this city, people have
lived in complete tolerance to one another, respecting and
appreciating their differences.
2.2.3.2. The online campaign
The online campaign conducted by the Association
Timioara European Capital of Culture includes the official website
www.timisoara2021.ro,
a
Facebook
presence
https://www.facebook.com/timisoara2021ro,
both
having
a
Romanian
and
an
English
version,
a
blog
http://timisoara2021.wordpress.com/ and a presence on Twitter
https://twitter.com/Timisoara2021, the final two not as updated as
the first ones.
The information is similar, but more interactive (e.g.
quizzes) on Facebook than on the website.
According to Joe Marconi, a website is a marketing tool, an
information and education tool, serving as the electronic version of
the materials for the media (2007).
Today, it is much more than that its the window itself to a
certain subject and since Facebook, not only the views count, but the
likes count on the Internet. Facebook is more accessed by younger
people.
126
The official website was under construction by the deadline for the
present paper. The site had (until I last accessed it on the 2 nd of
December) a Romanian and an English version, here my belief is
that more could be done, especially paying attention to the ethnic
communities talked about.
In the upper menu of the homepage, the guest finds information
about the City with following links:
Multiculturalism
(R)evolution
Architecture
Young People
Green City
Events
Multiculturalism is stated first and this corresponds to the
mayors speech and to what we found is probably one of the most
pertinent characteristics of the city.
The group involved in the campaign found correctly that
multiculturalism should be a major component of the campaign
itself. We find in the links other elements from the ones Timioara
was labeled with, e.g. (r)evolution means both Timioara the city
of the Romanian revolution as well as Timioara the city of
innovations and the green city certainly links to the city of parks or
the city of flowers.
Looking at multiculturalism, there is an English historian
and politician from the beginning of the 20 th century to be
mentioned. It was R. W. Seton Watson who described the region
Timioara is the capital of as a true melting pot: Ethnographically
there is no district in all Europe where the races are so inextricably
mingled as in the Banat (337).
Today, 29 ethnic groups and 17 religious cults live together in
Timioara.
I would like to mention a few points that describe this living
together in a unique way:
127
The first example is the Unirii Square. A square (or market place) is
a meeting point. It is a pedestrian area, a confluence area. On the
Unirii Square are two churches, the Catholic Dome and the SerbianOrthodox Church. It is a very rare situation to find two churches of
different cults on the same square. Usually squares are built around
one church. It is a very good symbol for living together, people can
go to church and afterwards meet on the Unirii Square.
Another unique example in Europe is that three national
theatres in three different languages (Romanian, Hungarian,
German) and one Opera share the same building. Especially the three
theatres make a very good symbol of multiculturalism in Timioara.
It is not only about sharing the house, but also sharing actors, stage
directors and other artists, participating in the festivals organized by
the others, and sharing the public, too. The German as well as the
Hungarian theatre offer Romanian-speaking visitors the titles in
Romanian, so they open up to a larger public.
Timioara is also a city where some of the ethnic
communities still publish newspapers in their own language.
Banater Zeitung, Naa re or Nyugati Jelen are examples that
German, Serbian or Hungarian are languages of the Banat alongside
Romanian.
The high-school scene in Timioara is in matter of
languages very diverse. There are high-schools in the languages of
different ethnic communities next to the Romanian ones: German
(the Nikolaus Lenau High School), Hungarian (the Bla Bartok
High School) and Serbian (the Dositej Obradovi High School).
After 1989 two high-schools brought English and French closer to
the attention: the Shakespeare High School and the Jean Louis
Calderon High School.
3. Horizons and some conclusions
The online campaign is only at the beginning, but the right
tools on the internet (website, Facebook, Twitter and blog) were
correctly picked up. There are still many tasks to be fulfilled. The
128
website is under construction and needs to be filled with more

information and also feedback from the viewers as well as press
releases and a press review. More content is needed and the
diversifying of languages would underline multiculturalism. This is
only one step towards three major goals to be reached in the near
future, namely: increasing awareness of different audiences,
increasing visibility of the activities and a better communication with
mass-media.
Bibliography:
Marconi, Joe, Ghid practic de relaii publice, Iai, Polirom
Publishing House, 2007.
Newsom, Doug and Haynes, Jim, Public Relations Writing: Form
and Style, 9th edition, Boston, Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2011.
Olins, Wally, Despre brand, Bucharest, Comunicare.ro Publishing
House, 2003.
Seton-Watson, Robin William, Europe in the Melting-Pot, London,
Macmillan
and
Co.,
1919,
on
https://openlibrary.org/books/OL7251092M/Europe_in_the_melting
_pot, accessed on the 23.11.2013.
Wilcox, Dennis L. et al., PR, Strategies and Tactics, 5th edition, New
York, Longman, 1998.
***, European Capitals of Culture: the Road to Success. From 1985
to
2010;
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Communities,
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http://ec.europa.eu/culture/pub/pdf/ecoc_25years_en.pdf, accessed
on 22.10.2013.
http://timisoara2021.ro
129
CULTURAL CAPITAL AND SUSTAINABLE

PROGRESS
Sanda Ligia CRISTEA
West University of Timioara, Faculty of Economics and
Business Administration
Horia Liviu POPA
University Politehnica of Timioara, Faculty of
Management in Production and Transportation
In this paper the systemic approach is applied to the elaboration of new

principle models for defining and achieving the integrative sustainable
progress PsS(t,c,g), through c, c+1, .. behavioural cycles and g, g+1, .
successive - parallel generations of entities real systems SR(t,c,g). The
principle model emphasizes the determinant categories of the progress
PsS(t,c,g) in a domain Dstr(t,c,g): (1) Sustainable resources and
environments RMs(t,c,g); (2) Sustainable competitive power CKs(t,c,g); (3)
Sustainable / self-sustainable stability Sas(t,c,g); (4) Sustainable integrative
innovation Iis(t,c,g); (5) Competitiveness and sustainable competitiveness
program / culture Kcs(t,c,g); (6) Sustainable periodic welfare Bps(t,c,g); (7)
Sustainable activation / entrepreneurship and mobility Ams(t,c,g) in the
domain Dstr(t,c,g) or / and in other domains Dstr(t,c,g) that can be more
favourable for the future progress.
The determinant categories of the progress PsS(t,c,g) are explained in detail
in a model of the sustainable progress cycle with more space-time-resources
domains {Dstr(t,c,g)}.
The paper also shows that there is a strong connection between the cultural
capital factor and the culture of progress.
Key words: sustainable progress, determinants, general cycle of the
sustainable progress, culture of progress.
130
1. Introduction
The 1950s decade was marked by the beginning of
scientific integration in knowledge and action achieved by
Systemology (it includes: Cybernetics, General Systems Theory,
Holistic Science, Complexity Science, etc.) (Odobleja, 1938;
Wiener, 1948; Bertalanffy, 1950; Bertalanffy, 1976; Hall, 1965;
Kalman, 1969; Mesarovi, 1970; Forrester, 1971; Zadeh, 1975;
Drujinin and Kontorov, 1976; Van Gigh,1978; Checkland, 1981;
Churchman, 1984; Nikolaev and Bruk, 1985; Constantinescu, 1990;
Franois, 1997; Hutchins, 1996; Hunt, 1999; Watson, 1999;
Pouvreau, 2013).
The 2000s decade has significantly deepened the extension,
the scientific integration in knowledge and action, through
the evolution of Systemology and the development of
sustainable Progress concept (Teilhard de Chardin, 1948; Mesarovi
and Pestel, 1974; Moore, 1994; Katseneliboigen, 1997; Banathy,
2000; Wright, 2001; Popa, 2003; Wright, 2005; Meadows, 2004;
Gharajedaghi, 2005; Hughesa and Johnstonb, 2005; Moffatt, 2006;
Senge, 2006; Skyttner, 2006; Beinhocker, 2007; Goosens, 2007;
Meadows, 2008; Seddon, 2008; Castellani and Hafferty, 2009; Page,
2011; Romanian Government, 2008/1; Romanian Government,
2008/2; Romania Sustainable Society Index, 2008; Costanza, 2009;
European Council, 2009; European Union, 2009; Giovannini, 2009;
OECD, 2009; Stiglitz, 2009; Altili, 2010; Canada Sustainable Future,
2010; Hall, 2010; Popa and Cristea, 2010; Schepelman, 2010;
Trewin D. and Hall, 2010; European Union, 2011; Meek Lange,
2011; Bergh and Hofkes, 2012; Deutsch, 2012; European Union,
2012; Randers, 2012; Sustainability Yearbook, 2012; Sustainable
Society Index, 2012),
the development of the advanced hypotheses and concepts
about Universe / Multiverse (Kaku, 2006; Umpleby, 2007; Carr,
2009; Penrose, 2011; Greene, 2012; Turner, 2013).
These new concepts, theories and models have been too
modestly approached from a systemic point of view, fact that limits
131
the ever deeper knowledge and more effective action, in terms of

efficiency for the progress of Mankind in the 21st century. The longlasting global economic crisis after 2007, with severe effects for the
stagnation and relative decline of the European Union, is a
conclusive evidence of the effects of neglecting systemic, integrative
innovative approach in the last 50 years (European Union, 2000;
European Union, 2010; Fischer, 2010; Gonzlez Mrquez, 2010;
Study Group Europe, 2010; Roxburgh & Mischke, 2011; World
Economic Forum, 2012; World Economic Forum, 2013).
The present work aims at deepening in a systemic manner
the concept, the main cyclic determinants of sustainable progress
PsS(t,c,g) of systems and the role of cultural capital / of progress
culture in this cycle.
2. Sustainable progress
The sustainable progress of systems is at the same time a
concept, a process and a performance of high complexity, fact that
explains the delay in the systemic defining, describing and
evaluating of the progress at the beginning of the 21 st century. The
systemic approach to sustainable progress develops the systemic
approach to sustainability (Goosens, 2007; OECD, 2009; Stiglitz et
al., 2009; Altili, 2010; Canada Sustainable Future, 2010; European
Union, 2010; European Union, 2011; Deutsch, 2012; Sustainability
Yearbook, 2012; Sustainable Society Index, 2012) and its aim is to
bring clarifications in knowledge and action. It also has a practical
application because the sustainable progress of Humanity is achieved
through it.
The progress in the Universe / Multiverse is a category of
the becoming / change and it is achieved in the space-time-resources
domain Dstr(t,c,g) of various dimensions, embedded hierarchic
levels, characteristics and life durations, within the life cycle of the
various Dstr(t,c,g) components [systems SR(t,c,g)]. As a general rule
(Popa, Pater and Cristea, 2008):
132
progress is defined by the evolution of the system whose

characteristics are the cyclic (through cycles c and generations g),
optimal, temporary or lasting / sustainable increase of
- competitiveness K(t,c,g) (Competing capacity, Flexibility of
products offer, Value of products offer, availability of Resources,
Efficiency, Demand and / or Acceptance in the proximate external
environment),
- the structural-functional complexity W(t,c,g),
- the structural-functional diversity Z(t,c,g),
- the structural-functional integration J(t,c,g),
- the B(t,c,g) welfare
of entities in the hierarchy of the system internal and external
environments in a space-time-resources domain Dstr(t,c,g),
stagnation is defined by the behaviour of the system
with cyclic, temporary or lasting maintenance of K(t,c,g)
competitiveness (Competing capacity, Flexibility of products offer,
Value of products offer, availability of Resources, Efficiency,
Demand and / or Acceptance in the proximate external environment),
of the structural-functional complexity W(t,c,g), of the structuralfunctional diversity Z(t,c,g), of the structural-functional integration
J(t,c,g) and of the B(t,c,g) welfare of entities in the hierarchy of the
system internal and external environments in a space-time-resources
domain Dstr(t,c,g),
regress is defined by the involution of the system

whose characteristics are the cyclic, temporary or lasting /
sustainable decrease of K(t,c,g) competitiveness (Competing
capacity, Flexibility of products offer, Value of products offer,
availability of Resources, Efficiency, Demand and / or Acceptance in
the proximate external environment), of the structural-functional
complexity W(t,c,g), of the structural-functional diversity Z(t,c,g), of
the structural-functional integration J(t,c,g) and of the B(t,c,g)
welfare of entities in the hierarchy of the system internal and
external environments in a space-time-resources domain Dstr(t,c,g).
133
The sustainable integrative competitiveness Kis(t,c,g) refers

usually to the ability and the capacity of a (SS) system of systems to
optimise from an integrative-hierarchical perspective its internal
environment, to be a winner in the coopetition (cooperation and / or
competition in successive-parallel cycles c and generations g) of its
external environment, without causing damage, to simultaneously
achieve welfare for an unlimited (sustainable) period of time within
Dstr(t,c,g) living domains.
Competitiveness K(t,c,g) of a conscious Scu system
integrates in a t time period, in a space-time-resources domain
Dstr(t,c,g) the following:
the Competing capacity CK(t,c,g) of the Scu system,
the Offer OScu(t,c,g) of the Scu system for the proximal
external environment Mpext(t,c,g), offer that, in its turn, integrates:
Flexibility F the variety / diversity of Y exits or {i} products, the Qi
quantity, the Tcai assimilating times of {i} variety / diversity, the Tpi
processing times of R(t) resources necessary for achieving the {i}
variety / diversity; Value V the Ngi level of {i} products global
quality of the Scu system and the Cci level of complete resource
consumption (cost) necessary for achieving the {i} products;
the Availability of DR(t,c,g) resources for the Scu
conscious system as a result of the coopetition and of the meeting of
the real / effective demand of consumers in the proximal external
environment Mpext(t,c,g) due to the offer of the conscious system (DR
is an effect of values exchange in the space-time-resources domain
Dstr);
the Efficiency E(t,c,g) (energetic, ecological, economical,
aesthetical, ergonomical, social etc.) of the creation, of the
functioning, of the regular restructuring and of the end of Scu system;
the Demand CMpext(t,c,g) [(needs {i} & quality Ngi &
quantity Qi & duration Ti) and (exchange of available values)] of
consumers in the proximal external environment Mpext(t,c,g) of {i}
products in the Scu conscious system;
134
the Conjuncture characteristics Ip(t,c,g) (of proximal

external environment Mpext) and IM(t,c,g) (of over-ordinate external
environment hierarchy) specific to the external environments of the
Scu conscious system.
The determinant factors of becoming / change in a spacetime-resources domain Dstr(t,c,g) are very numerous and extremely
complex inter-connected. The categories of sustainable progress
PsS(t,c,g) factors in a space-time-resources domain Dstr(t,c,g) are
presented in relation (1) and are detailed in relation (2). The RMs
(t,c,g), CKs (t,c,g) and Sas(t,c,g) complex determinants may
decompose and the relation (1) becomes (2):
PsS(t,c,g) = f[RMs (t,c,g), CKs (t,c,g), Sas(t,c,g), Iis(t,c,g),

Ams(t,c,g), Kcs(t,c,g), Bps(t,c,g),
Ams(t,c+1,g+1), .] (1)
PsS(t,c,g) = f[MRs(t,c,g), RsM(t,c,g), Cps (t,c,g), Pis(t,c,g),
Ics(t,c,g), Fss(t,c,g), Iis(t,c,g), Ams(t,c,g), Kcs(t,c,g), Bps(t,c,g),
Ams(t,c,g+1), ] (2)
where:
RMs (t,c,g) stands for resources and sustainable environments
CKs (t,c,g) stands for systems {SR(t,c,g)} structured with competitive
capacity (sustainable +) / (no-sustainable -)
Sas(t,c,g) stands for sustainable regular stabilization / selfstabilization
Iis(t,c,g) stands for sustainable integrative (hierarchical and
coordinative) innovation
Ams(t,c,g) stands for activation / sustainable entrepreneurship and
mobility
Kcs(t,c,g) stands for competitiveness with programs/ competitiveness
culture and sustainable coopetition
Bps(t,c,g) stands for sustainable regular internal and external welfare
135
Ams(t,c,g+1) stands for activation / sustainable entrepreneurship and

mobility in another domain of {Dstr(t,c,g)} multitude.
The significance of the detailed factors are:
resources and sustainable environments RMs (t,c,g), with
the structure:
MRs(t,c,g) environments with sustainable resources RsM(t,c,g)
RsM(t,c,g) sustainable resources in MRs(t,c,g) environments
CKs (t,c,g) structured systems {SR(t,c,g)} with competitive
capacity (sustainable +) / (no-sustainable -), with the structure:
Cps (t,c,g) systems structured {SR(t,c,g)} with processing capacity
(+Cp establishment / +Cps sustainable) / (-Cp non-sustainable / -Cpf
liquidation) and making of products P is(t,c,g)
Pis(t,c,g) sustainable competitive integral products
sustainable regular stabilization / self-stabilization
Sas(t,c,g), with the structure:
Ics(t,c,g) inoclusters (innovative clusters) with sustainable
consumers and suppliers
Fss(t,c,g) stabilization-based functioning / sustainable regular selfstabilization
3. The general cycle of sustainable progress
Models (1) and (2) allow the construction of a model of
sustainable progress cycle in the Dstr(t,c,g) domain and in Dstr(t,c,g)
related domains (Figure 1).
The model of sustainable progress cycle reflects the general
life sub-cycles of the systems S:
- the sub-cycle establishment (genesis) effected through
the stages 1 + 2 + 3.1 (+Cp), materialized by {SR(t,c,g)} systems
structured with a processing capacity Cp(t,c,g) (+Cp establishment /
potential sustainable) and making of Pis(t,c,g) products,
- the sub-cycle work (without / with the system regular
restructuring) effected through the stages 3.1 V 3.2 + 4 + 5 + 6 + 7 +
8 + 9 + 10, materialized by {SR(t,c,g)} systems structured with an
136
increasing processing capacity CKs(t,c,g) (+Cps lasting / sustainable;

or -Cp temporary) and making of competitive products P is(t,c,g), or
non-competitive products (3.2 + .),
- the final sub-cycle elimination (exit / death) effected
through the stages 3.2 (-Cpf) + 1 + 2, materialized by {SR(t,c,g)}
systems structured with a final, adverse processing capacity Cpf(t,c,g)
137
Conventional signs:
progress determination PsS(t,c,g) connections of progress
cycle PsS(t,c,g) in multiple {Dstr(t,c,g)} domains
general interconnections of sustainable competitiveness
stagnation / regress determination
Fig. 1 Principle model for sustainable progress PsS(t,c,g) cycle
of the real systems {SR(t,c,g)}
in the space-time-resources domains {Dstr(t,c,g)}
c cycles c, c+1, ; g generations g, g+1, ; Dstr(t,c,g)
space-time-resources domains (internal / external environments,
markets etc.) for the existence and possible progress of real systems
{SR(t,c,g)}; 1 MRs(t,c,g) environments with sustainable resources in
{Dstr(t,c,g)} domains; 2 RsM(t,c,g) available sustainable resources in
MRs(t,c,g) environments in {Dstr(t,c,g)} domains; 3 Cp(t,c,g)
structured systems {SR(t,c,g)} with processing capacity (+Cp
establishment / +Cps sustainable) / (-Cp non-sustainable / -Cpf
liquidation) in {Dstr(t,c,g)} domains; 4 Pis(t,c,g) sustainable
competitive integral products of {SR(t,c,g)} in Dstr(t,c,g); 5 Ics(t,c,g)
inoclusters with sustainable consumers and suppliers for {S R(t,c,g)}
in Dstr(t,c,g); 6 Fss(t,c,g) stabilization-based functioning /
sustainable regular self-stabilization of {Dstr(t,c,g)}; 7 Iis(t,c,g)
sustainable integrative innovation (hierarchical and coordinative) in
Dstr(t,c,g); 8 Ams(t,c,g) - activation / sustainable entrepreneurship and
mobility in {Dstr(t,c,g)}; 9 Kcs(t,c,g) competitiveness, programs /
competitiveness culture and sustainable coopetition in Dstr(t,c,g); 10
Bps(t,c,g) sustainable regular welfare in Dstr(t,c,g) in another
domain of {Dstr(t,c,g)} multitude
(-Cpf non-sustainable / liquidation), with no P is(t,c,g)
products making, followed by the cease of functioning and
138
incorporation of S systems in MRs(t,c,g) environments with

sustainable resources for the next g+1 cycle of the progress.
The principle systemic model of the general cycle of
sustainable progress (Figure 1) can be particularized at an average
level. When applying it to the knowledge, designing, establishment
and sustainable functioning of SR(t,c,g) real systems, the following
can be noticed:
- the adaptability of the model to W(t,c,g) complexity and
Z(t,c,g) diversity which defines the Dstr(t,c,g) domain and the
Dstr(t,c,g) related domains, either by restriction for relatively simple
cases (relation 1), or by development / thoroughness of the number
of determinants (in greater number as in relation 3) for very complex
cases,
- the main role, priority over Kcs(t,c,g) sustainable
competitiveness in achieving sustainable progress of PsS(t,c,g)
systems and its dependence on the most favourable, optimal /
suboptimal integration of MRs(t,c,g), RsM(t,c,g), Cps (t,c,g), Pis(t,c,g),
Ics(t,c,g), Fss(t,c,g), Iis(t,c,g), Ams(t,c,g), Bps(t,c,g) determinants in
Dstr(t,c,g) domain,
- the decisive role of Ams(t,c,g) activation / entrepreneurship
and mobility in achieving sustainable progress of P sS(t,c,g) systems
within other domains, related or not related to the D str(t,c,g) domain
under consideration, the moment when MRs(t,c,g) environments and
RsM(t,c,g) resources of Dstr(t,c,g) domain are significantly /
definitively exhausted.
4. Cultural capital and culture of progress
Culture is a very important factor for progress. The word "culture"
is most commonly used in three basic senses (English Dictionary,
2013):
An integrated pattern of human knowledge, belief, and
behaviour that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and
social learning;
139
The set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices

that characterizes a population, community, institution, organization
or group;
Excellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also
known as high culture.
There are many models and definitions of culture. The high
complexity of culture has led to hundreds of definitions. It is widely
accepted that cultures are different, but because of the complexity of
the concept of culture it is difficult to pinpoint a precise definition.
According to Hofstede (1991), culture is the software of
mind. The programming starts within the family; it continues within
the neighbourhood, at school, in youth groups, at the work place, and
in the living community. That means that culture is something that
we learn through all our life and that can be changed by our
environment. As Hofstede (1991:4) states, culture is the collective
programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one
group or category of people from another. The Hofstede model is
still the most valid one.
Hofstedes pyramid shows that there are three levels of
uniqueness in human being mental programming:
- Human nature (inherited) which is universal and means
that all people have the same needs,
- Culture (inherited and learned) which depends on the
given culture of the person, specific to a group or a category of
people and
- Personality (inherited and learned) which is different
between individuals.
Culture has many dimensions and does not refer only to a
nation or a country with territory borders. There can be many
cultures within the same country, even within the same city. People
with same characteristics tend to have the same culture. Hofstede
(Hofstede, G., Hofstede, G.J. and Minkov, 2010: 280-295) mentions
that there are six types of cultural dimensions. The model provides
140
scales from 0 to 100 for 76 countries for each dimension, and each
country has a position on each scale or index, relative to other
countries.
The cultural dimensions are: power distance, individualism
versus collectivism, masculinity versus femininity, uncertainty
avoidance, long term versus short term orientation and indulgence
versus restraint:
Hofstede (Hofstede, 1991: 10) is of the opinion that people
unavoidably have several layers of mental programming within
themselves, corresponding to different levels of culture. These
different layers are performed during our lives and are influenced by
our background, the country we live in, the language we talk, the
gender, the age we are and several other factors. Hofstede created a
list of layers which can be followed to identify somebodys culture
(cf. Table 1). There is a strong connection between these layers of
culture and the cultures of progress / stagnation / regress.
Table 1 The layers of culture and cultural capital
The layers of culture
Cultural capital
Layer 1: A national level according to ones country

(or countries for people who migrated during their
lifetime).
Layer 2: A regional and/or ethnic and/or religious
and/or linguistic affiliation level, as most nations are
composed of culturally different regions and/or
ethnic and/or religious groups.
Culture of
national
progress
Culture of
regional and/or
ethnic and/or
religious
and/or
linguistic
progress
Culture of
family progress
Layer 3: A gender level, according to whether

somebody was born as a girl or as a boy.
141
Layer 4: A generation level, which separates

grandparents from parents from children.
Layer 5: A social class level, associated with
educational opportunities and with a persons
occupation or profession.
Layer 6: For those who are employed, an
organizational or corporate level.
Culture of
generations
progress
Culture of
socioprofessional
progress
Culture of
organizational
progress
We can say that the cultural capital, being the aptitude or

inclination of a group or society to behave in a certain way, underlies
the human and social capital, describes the potential of a group or
society and defines the culture of progress / stagnation / regress.
5. Conclusions
This paper develops new general concepts and models in the
knowledge and achievement of sustainable progress, under any
circumstances of external and internal environments of real systems.
The concept of sustainable progress is introduced and
defined in a systemic manner. The concept of sustainable progress
is more rigorous than the concept of sustainable development.
Development is inevitably limited by the size and resources of
systems environments. Progress requires: progress culture,
integrative innovation, sustainable competitiveness, mobility and
migration to other more favorable environments.
The principle general model of sustainable progress cycle
can improve the Sustainable Society Index to become Sustainable
Progress Index, where the culture of progress is an important factor
on long term and prospective term.
142
The practical implications of the research results are

important for defining and achieving Sustainable progress programs
in Europe and Romania until 2050.
Future research will go deeper in the:
- Identification, thoroughgoing study and optimization of
new principle integrative models of sustainable progress in various
domains: nature (non-living, living), society, country federation,
country, sector, region, county, zone / area, locality, cluster,
organization,
- Improvement of the sustainable progress evaluation
methods at
different hierarchical levels,
- Improvement of the competitiveness culture (the core of
progress culture) evaluation methods at different hierarchical levels.
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150
INFLUENAREA DECIZIEI PUBLICE

- NTRE TIIN I NETIIN Corina DRAGOMIRESCU,
Academia de Advocacy
Democratic systems are based on voting by the citizens entitled to vote and
decisions are taken by majority of those present at the vote. As a result of
this mechanism always appear minority groups fail to influence democratic
decision-making mechanisms. Moreover, in any democratic society there are
millions of people who never vote because of varied reasons which can span
a huge difference, from ignorance to liability assumed as a form of protest.
Consequently, millions of people do not know the electoral systems, citizens
and taxpayers rights, their obligations as members of a democratic
society.Participatory democracy represents the mechanisms by which public
decisions are made with the involvement of citizens. A suggestion or
complaint came from a citizen can be accepted or rejected, but should not be
ignored by policy-makers.Advocacy and lobbying are the expression of
transposition in social, economic and political participatory democracy.
Key words: democracy, participatory democracy, advocacy, lobby, public
decision, decision maker
Democraia este acel aranjament instituional pentru a

ajunge la decizii politice, n care indivizii ctig puterea de a
decide, prin mijloacele unei competiii pentru voturi.1Grupul politic
care reuete ,,achiziionarea celor mai multe voturi ,,ctig
puterea de a decide, pentru o anumit perioad de timp, respectiv
pn la momentul unei noi ,,tranzacii politice a voturilor.
Care sunt criteriile de ,,tranzacionare a voturilor?De
regul, politicienii promit aciuni viitoare, invocnd ,,puterea de a
decide. Tot ei sunt cei care asigur alegtorii c, atunci cnd
ateptrile le sunt nelate, acetia au la ndemn alternativa
151
,,sanciunii la vot. Respectiv, la urmtorul moment electoral,

alegtorul are ocazia s i reconsidere poziia i, eventual, s i
schimbe opiunea, dac ateptrile i-au fost nelate sau ele nu au
fost ndeplinite la un nivel satisfctor. i de aceast dat, ns, votul
,,va fi tranzacionat tot n baza unor promisiuni, a unor aciuni
viitoare.
Aadar, de fiecare dat cnd se tranzacioneaz voturi pe
piaa politic, riscul tranzaciei este asumat integral de ctre
alegtor. Alegtorul ofer un lucru cert votul, n schimbul
aciunilor viitoare promise, fiind rare situaiile n care votul se ofer
n baza unor aciuni trecute i probate de aciunile i faptele
politicienilor.
Iat de ce, democraia este un sistem politic prost, cel mai bun,
ns, din cte a inventat omenirea pn acum.2
o majoritate votant neinformat sau incomplet informat,
emotiv i iraional poate fi la fel de periculoas i nociv
precum un sistem dictatorial.
o ,,democraie a spectatorilor, un electorat pasiv poate deturna
sistemul democratic de la adevratul su scop, acela al
,,guvernrii poporului, de ctre popor, pentru popor (Abraham
Lincoln, 1809-1865, al 16-lea preedinte al SUA).
Cum putem minimiza aceste dou riscuri majore de
deturnare a sistemului democratic?
Elementul cheie n ,,tranzacionarea voturilor este informaia,
respectiv accesul la informaii relevante, care s asigure ,,o bun
tranzacionare, n acord cu convingerile i ateptrile fiecrui
alegtor n parte.
Cum obinem accesul la informaii relevante? Accesul la
informaii relevante pentru exercitarea votului presupune, n primul
Winston CHURCHILL,Discurs n faa Camerei Comunelor, Parlamentul Marii

Britanii, 11 noiembrie 1947, preluat de pe serverului educaional D@dalos, parte
a serverului internaional UNESCO www.dadalos.org
152
rnd, dorin i preocupare din partea fiecrui alegtor n parte. n al

doilea rnd, presupune un efort constant de-a lungul intervalului
dintre dou momente electorale.Informaii relevante pentru
exercitarea votului nu se primesc. Ele se caut i se analizeaz! Este
o condiie esenial de minimizare a riscului asociat votului.
Dei cuvintele libertate i democraie sunt deseori folosite unul n
loc de altul, acestea nu sunt sinonime. n primul rnd, democraia
reprezint un set de idei i principii despre libertate, dar nseamn i
un set de practici i proceduri care au aprut i s-au dezvoltat n timp.
Astfel, se poate afirma c democraia este un proces care se bazeaz
pe un model de formalizarea i instituionalizare a libertii.
n al doilea rnd, procesul democratic este mai mult dect
un set de reguli i proceduri constituionale care determin cum
funcioneaz statul, guvernarea i societatea. Totodat, democraia se
bazeaz pe principiul c guvernele exist ca s se pun n slujba
cetenilor. ntr-o societate democratic, guvernarea este doar unul
dintre elementele care coexist n estura societii care include
instituii diverse, partide politice, asociaii, fundaii i alte tipuri de
organizaii ale societii civile.
Aceast diversitate este denumit pluralism, i presupune
existena unor grupuri legitime i organizate precum i instituii,
independente de guvernare i non-partizane, care au legitimitate i
autoritate proprie.
Cu alte cuvinte, democraia nu produce automat beneficii i
nu aduce avantaje i bunstare, ci este prezent i nflorete n
anumite condiii, respectiv cnd cetenii i grupurile organizate ale
societii civile devin participani activi prin:
implicare, ceea ce nseamn c i utilizeaz dreptul de
participare la via social i politic, fcndu-i auzit vocea n
dezbateri publice- o societate democratica sntoas face
glgie
rspundere i exigen n modul n care i percep pe cei alei
ca fiind responsabili n fa cetenilor de aciunile lor i
153
exercit mecanisme legale de monitorizare pentru tragerea lor

la rspundere n faa celor care i-au mandatat;
toleran, prin recunoaterea drepturile minoritii i principiul
egalitii de anse a tututor cetenilor.
Alturi de dreptul la liber exprimare, o caracteristic
fundamental a sistemelor democratice o reprezint libertatea de
asociere. Dac nu au dreptul de asociere i mijloacele de a forma
grupuri organizate, cetenii sunt izolai i vulnerabili, putnd deveni
victime ale tiraniei autoritii sau a liberului arbitru al banilor i
sectorului privat. Formele de asociere ale societii civile i de
reprezentare a grupurilor legitime de interese au menirea de a
echilibra modul de exercitare a puterii de ctre instituiile statului.
n societile unde exist un istoric al libertii de asociere, precum i
al libertii de exprimare i informare, cetenii desfoar activiti
independente de cele guvernamentale, nu de puine ori ajungnd
chiar n situaii conflictuale cu cei care dein puterea politic sau
economic. Ei sunt educai i informai att despre drepturile i
ndatoririle pe care le au, ct i despre responsabilitile puterii pe
care au ales-o pentru a-i guverna. Astfel, cetenii statelor care
practic democraia sunt contieni c sfera politicilor publice
depete cadrul de responsabilitate i de interes al partidelor
politice i a instituiilor statului, ci privete comuniti mai largi sau
chiar ntreaga societate.
Democraia participativ este definit i ca un proces de
negociere, n care toate interesele semnificative din societate sunt
reprezentate n mod formal. Asigurarea reprezentrii intereselor celor
care risc s nu fie auzii, ntruct nu au capacitate de organizare sau
nu au un reprezentant oficial (minoriti de orice fel sau persoane
care provin din medii dezavantajate) se face de ctre organizaiile
societii civile, care i asum aceast misiune n mod expres.
Cnd se analizeaz problemele critice ale unei societi,
ntotdeauna se constat c apare un proces de segmentare a
populaiei. Din totalul publicului doar o parte ia contact cu un anume
fenomen sau cu aria problematicilor percepute ca fiind critice. Din
154
cei care au experiene personale n raport cu un fenomen, doar o

parte l identific drept problem critic. Din cei care l identific
drept problem critic, o parte ncearc s o neleag. Din cei care
ncearc s o neleag o parte se mobilizeaz n vederea schimbrii.
Prin urmare, recunoaterea comun a problematicilor critice
care trebuie s-i gseasc o rezolvare n planul politicilor publice i,
respectiv al cadrului de reglementare aferent, este un proces ce face
parte din democraie.
Minoritatea care se mobilizeaz n vederea promovrii
schimbrii este format din factorii de opinie care mbrieaz mai
repede dect alii schimbarea vizat ca fiind necesar. De multe ori,
acetia nu sunt cei afectai n mod direct de manifestarea problemelor
critice, ci fac parte dintre elite, profesioniti i neleg att nevoia
unor promotori, ct i nevoia aglutinrii unei mase critice de
susintori ai schimbrilor propuse.
155
SherryArnstein, analist i consultant american n politici

publice, a descris diferitele abordri ale participrii cetenilor, ca pe
nite trepte ale unei scri metaforice. n primul rnd, cadrul
conceptual construit de Arnstein este fundamental pentru modul
general de nelegere a procesului participativ.
Participarea cetenilor reprezint puterea cetenilor,
fiind vorba despre redistribuirea puterii care le permite
cetenilor, exclui n prezent din procesele economice i
politice, s fie n mod deliberat parte a acestora n viitor.3
Scara lui Arnstein identific trei nivele de participare (nonparticipare, participare simbolic i de exprimare efectiv a puterii)
i are 8 trepte, ncepnd la baz cu manipularea i terminndu-se n
vrf cu controlul cetenilor.
Scara lui Arnstein
Arnstein, Sherry R. "A Ladder of Citizen Participation," JAIP, Vol. 35, No. 4, July
1969, pp. 216-224;
156
Treptele de la baza scrii lui Arnstein sunt: (1) manipularea

i (2) terapia. Acestea descriu nivele de neparticipare. Obiectivul lor
real este s i exclud pe ceteni din conducerea i planificarea
programelor, n timp ce deintorii puterii sunt abilitai s i educe
i s-i trateze pe ceteni.
Urmtoarele dou nivele pe scara participrii sunt (3)
informarea i (4) consultarea. Arnstein consider aceste activiti de
participare a cetenilor ca fiind nimic mai mult dect gesturi
simbolice. Comunicarea este de obicei unilateral, fr feedback sau
posibiliti de negociere, formal i intimidant i, de obicei,
realizat prea trziu pentru a se mai putea influena decizia care vine
de sus. consultarea este, spre deosebire de informare, doar cu puin
mai legitim pe scara participativ progresiv a lui Arnstein. Dei
aceste activiti de informare i consultare pot reprezenta metode
legitime de culegere a informaiei de la ceteni, nu exist nici o
garanie c informaia va fi luat n consideraie la formularea
deciziilor. Accepiunea uzual pentru consultarea cetenilor include
sondaje de opinie, ntlniri i audieri.
Mergnd mai sus pe scar, treapta (5) reprezint concesia i,
de obicei, pe acest nivel, cetenilor li se dau mai multe anse s i
exprime prerea, dar fr posibilitatea de a-i dovedi experiena.
Ultimele 3 trepte prezint strategii de mprire a puterii i
sunt (6) parteneriatul, (7) delegareaputerii i (8) controlul
cetenilor. n ultimele dou, cetenii capt controlul prin deinerea
majoritii n consilii directoare sau n elaboratoare de politici
publice, sau chiar prin deinerea ntregii puteri manageriale.
Scara lui Arnstein abordeaz nuane subtile ale participrii,
mprindu-le n categorii mari pe care le ofer spre analiz. Dup
spusele lui Arnstein, suntem nevoii s urcm i s coborm pe
aceste trepte pentru a combina i alege procesele participative care
rspund att nevoilor celor ce dein puterea, ct i ale celor care
doresc s devin mai puin lipsii de putere.
157
Creterea nivelului de implicare i participare a cetenilor

este modalitatea cea mai important pentru iniierea i promovarea
schimbrilor durabile n societate.4 Dac cetenii organizai n
ONG-uri i alte organizaii comunitare de baz doresc s influeneze
politicile publice pentru a rezolva problemele critice cu care se
confrunt, atunci ar trebui s fie preocupai de construirea i
consolidarea mecanismelor care asigur informarea, consultarea i
participarea lor, prin stimularea implicrii directe a acestora.
Principiile care stau la baza bunei guvernri, respectiv la
baza unui proces decizional participativ, conform Cartei Albe a
Uniunii
Europene
(UE)5
sunt:deschidere,
participare,
responsabilitate, eficien i coeren.Organizaia pentru Cooperare
i Dezvoltare Economic (OCDE) promoveaz un proces decizional
public deschis i incluziv, bazat pe 10 principii6: angajament,
drepturi, claritate, timp, incluziune, resurse, coordonare,
responsabilitate, evaluare i cetenie activ.
In societile democratice, organizaiile neguvernamentale
constituie mecanismele eficiente prin care cetenii sunt reprezentai
i particip la guvernare. ONG-urile reprezint de fapt multitudinea
de profiluri, interese i aspiraii prezente ntr-o societate, care devin
coerente, reprezentate i vizibile n viaa public doar prin activitatea
acestor organizaii. Toate ONG-urile pot avea un rol important n
identificarea i promovarea interesului public (dei nu toate
contientizeaz acest lucru).ONG-urile i societatea civil organizat
sunt n esen participani la dezvoltarea i realizarea democraiei si
a drepturilor omului. O definiie a Consiliului Europei a ONG-urilor
4
erbnescu, Sorina, "Monitoring Transparency in Decision Making and Mediating

the Communication of the Civil Society with Public Institutions as Effective
Techniques of Advocacy" in Revista Internaional de tiine Aplicate, ISSA, Vol.1,
nr.1, 2012, Ed.Universitatea de Vest, Timioara, pp.97.
5
Carta Alb a Guvernanei Europene, COM(2001) 428 final, Bruxel, 2001, pg. 10, 11;
6
Ceteanul n centrul ateniei implicarea public pentru politici i servicii mai
bune, OECD, 2009, pg.17;
158
poate fi gsit n Recomandarea Comitetului de Minitri (2007)14,

care prevede c, ONG-urile sunt organisme sau organizaii
voluntare de auto-guvernare nfiinate cu scopul de a urmri
obiectivele n esen non-profit ale fondatorilor sau ale membrilor
acestora.
Actul de dezvoltare de asociaii i organizaii comunitare
constituie un act de organizare social independent si nu este pur
centrat pe aciune individual. Se nelege c grupurile organizate
exist pentru a veni n ntmpinarea nevoilor membrilor acestora si
pentru beneficiul societii n general; prin urmare, ele acioneaz ca
un mijloc de participare si de sporire a angajrii cetenilor.
Activitile de baz ale ONG-urilor sunt axate pe valori de
justiie social, drepturile omului, democraia si statul de drept. n
aceste domenii, scopul ONG-urilor este de a promova cauzele si de a
mbunti vieile oamenilor.
ONG-urile constituie o component esenial a participrii
ntr-o societate deschis si democratic prin angajarea unui numr
mare de indivizi. Faptul c multe dintre aceste persoane sunt i
alegtori subliniaz relaia de complementaritate cu democraia
reprezentativ.
ONG-urile pot contribui prin cunotine si expertiz
independent la procesul de luare a deciziilor. Acest lucru a
determinat guvernele de la toate nivelurile, de la nivel local si
regional pn la nivel naional, precum si instituiile internaionale,
s apeleze la experiena i competena relevant a ONG-urilor care
s acorde asisten n dezvoltarea si implementarea politicilor. ONGurile se bucur de o ncredere unic din partea membrilor i a
societii acestora de a exprima preocuprile, de a le reprezenta
interesele i de a obine implicarea n cauzele respective, furniznd
astfel o contribuie crucial n elaborarea de politici.
Din aceast perspectiv, a promovrii cauzelor ONG-urilor, cea mai
general definiie a advocacy const n susinerea transparent a
unor cauze publice de care ne pas. Mult lume nelege aceasta ca
159
nsemnnd a face lobby pe lng oficialitile publice n legtur cu

respectivele probleme. Aceast abordare este adevrat doar ntr-o
anumit msur, ntruct activitatea de advocacy implic mai mult
dect a face lobby direct pe lng oficialitile publice i factorii de
decizie legislativ. Astfel, n abordarea curent, pe baza celor mai
bune practici internaionale n materie, advocacy este un concept mai
larg dect cel de lobby. Advocacy direct, respectiv lobby nseamn
contactul direct dintre reprezentanii societii civile i oficialii alei
sau decidenii cheie din diferite autoriti publice.
n abordare Academiei de Advocacy i pe baza experienei
anterioare acumulate n arena practic a activitilor de advocacy se
propune, spre examinare, i o alt definiie sau explicitare, care pune
accentul att pe aspectele tehnice, ct mai ales de finalitate.
Advocacy nseamn reprezentarea i susinerea intereselor
legitime ale diferitelor pri interesate, n dialogul civic i
social, n relaiile cu factorii responsabili de decizie, de la
nivel legislativ i executiv, central i local. Lobby reprezint
demersul direct de convingere a decidenilor politici n
favoarea grupurilor de interese legitime.
Definit n termenii de mai sus, influenarea adoptrii
legislaiei este cea mai relevant msur a succesului final n arena
civic i ar trebui s fie prima born de referin pentru orice
evaluare a impactului activitilor de advocacy i lobby.
Lobby-ul este transparent, asumat i declarat public, iar
reprezentarea unor grupuri de interese legitime se face prin
argumentare temeinic, susinut de studii i cercetri i
prin comunicare persuasiv.Traficul de influen presupune
promisiunea influenrii unui decident pentru luarea unei
hotrri favorabile unor interese private nguste, fr a ine
cont de argumentele tuturor prilor interesate i afectate,
n schimbul banilor sau foloaselor necuvenite.
160
Traficul de influen trebuie s devin prea costisitor i prea

riscant pentru a mai fi o alternativ viabil la activitile transparente
de lobby. Pentru aceasta trebuie s creasc eficiena activitilor
anticorupie, s devenim un stat de drept i s avem o guvernare
transparent. Dar sunt greu de combtut egoismul, lipsa de iniiativ,
pasivitatea, cinismul, nencrederea n instituiile i liderii politici,
nclinaia spre corupie, necinstea, nepsarea fa de voluntariat, atta
timp ct practicile contrare ceteniei active au succes i sunt
promovate de familie, coal i societate.
Reforma statului, educaiei, justiiei, administraiei i partidelor
politice trebuie s ating un prag critic pentru a stimula schimbarea
de mentalitate. Cetenii trebuie formai nc din coal n spiritul
ceteniei active, prin dezvoltarea competenelor lor civice i sociale
i prin stimularea voluntariatului n organizaii comunitare de baz
(grass-roots)7, a participrii politice i democraiei participative.
Activitatea de advocacy se poate desfura cu succes pe
baza construirii unor premise generale, din categoria crora se
menioneaz: legitimitatea, credibilitatea, rspunderea, angajamentul
i puterea de influenare a opiniilor i proceselor de elaborare
politicilor publice i legislaiei.
Grassrootsorganizations n terminologia anglo-saxon, unde a aprut conceptual;
161
Legitimitatea organizatoric adic n numele cui vorbete

organizaia / coaliia.
Pe ce baz vorbete organizaia / coaliia despre acea problem,
ngrijorare, cauz?
Cine i d autoritatea sau dreptul de a se preocupa i a avea o
poziie public?
Cum este acordat aceast autoritate? Prin intermediul unui
Consiliu format din oameni ai comunitii, lideri ai unor
organizaii non-guvernamentale i ceteni importani? Prin
alegeri de reprezentani de ctre membrii grupurilor? Prin
procese democratice de luare a deciziilor? Prin consultare cu
grupurile din comunitate?
Cum poate fi o organizaie / coaliia sigur asupra a ceea ce
comunitatea dorete? Grupurile i comunitile locale vd
modul n care organizaiile non-guvernamentale puternice i cu
resurse financiare vorbesc n numele comunitii fr ca aceasta
s fie consultat sau implicat n stabilirea unui program al
activitii de advocacy.
Cum se poate extinde o activitatea de advocacy iniiat local la
nivel regional i, respectiv, naional?
162
Credibilitatea se refer la msura n care putem fi crezui sau n

care ni se poate acorda ncredere.
De exemplu:
informaiile furnizate de organizaie, grup de iniiativ, coaliiei
etc. sunt vzute ca demne de ncredere;
activitile din program sunt logice, iar liderii i personalul
echipei de campanie sunt percepui ca fiind integri;
motivele declarate ce stau la baza fundamentrii documentelor
de poziie public sunt adevrate i sincere;
legturile organizaiei cu membrii ei, numrul i structura
membrilor i a altor categorii de susintori ai cauzei, gradul de
responsabilitate proprie n faa acestora;
capacitatea organizaiei de a ctiga atenia att a liderilor
publici, ct i a celor influeni;
realizrile anterioare privind activitatea de advocacy i alte
activiti, ca de exemplu asigurarea de servicii.
ntrebri la care trebuie gsite rspunsurile adecvate de natur a
da garania credibilitii.
o Care sunt sursele de autoritate public n organizaie /
coaliie?
o Ct sunt de sigure i corecte informaiile pe care grupul de
iniiativ le pune la dispoziia publicului larg?
o Cum sunt percepui liderii organizaiei de persoanele cheie
ce dein puterea i liderii de opinie, n termeni legai de
experien, integritate, veridicitate, cunotine?
o Care sunt contactele utile de care dispune organizaia?
o Ct de credibil este grupul de advocacy n rndul
membrilor, susintorilor, altor categorii de pri interesate,
a celor aflai la putere i a persoanelor care sunt lideri de
opinie sau decideni principali?
o Cum ne putem mbunti credibilitatea organizaiei?
163
Rspunderea se refer la cum i n faa cui rspunde

organizaia / coaliia pentru activitile sale.
da garania asumrii rspunderii.
o Ct suntem de transpareni pentru publicul larg?
o Cine ia deciziile n cadrul organizaiei i al coaliiei?
o Ct suntem de transpareni n luarea deciziilor interne?
o n faa cui rspund liderii dup ce deciziile au fost luate?
o Pentru ce rspundem?
o Care sunt mecanismele prin care suntem fcui
rspunztori? De exemplu, prin alegeri periodice, prin
revizuiri anuale ale realizrilor, etc.
o Cum sunt implicai n campanie i cum sunt informai
membrii i votanii?
o Cum ne putem mbunti rspunderea noastr la nivel
intern i extern?
Angajamentul i puterea se refer la angajamente i pasiunea
organizaiei / coaliiei, capacitatea ei de a mobiliza resursele n
aciune, de a le susine n timp, bani, dar mai important numrul de
persoane pe care le poate motiva pentru a se altura cauzei
organizaiei.
Organizaiile dobndesc putere cnd au un numr mare de
membri sau un numr ridicat de comuniti pe care le servesc, cnd
au stabilit aliane cu coaliii puternice, cnd au aliai importani, cu
influen i legturi cu organizaii internaionale.
Puterea bazei de membri rezid din legitimitate i credibilitate i
din capacitatea de a comunica cu succes i de a colabora eficient. De
asemenea, puterea organizaiei izvorte din relaiile pe care aceasta
le-a construit i meninut de-a lungul timpului.
da garania angajamentului.
o Ct de mult putere de angajament exist n organizaie /
coaliie?
164
Care sunt motivele pentru care se dorete implicarea n

activitatea de advocacy?
o Care sunt resursele specifice de putere pe care grupul se
bazeaz?
o Care sunt cele mai eficiente?
o Care sunt noile surse de putere pe care le poate antrena i
folosi?
o Cum sunt luate deciziile n cadrul organizaiei sau grupului
de iniiatori? Ce se ntmpl cnd are loc un conflict? Cum
este el soluionat?
o Care sunt tipurile de putere folosite n relaiile cu membrii
sau cu clienii proprii, cu alte organizaii nonguvernamentale i cu cetenii, opinia public?
o Cum contracareaz organizaia / coaliia exercitarea puterii
unilaterale, care caracterizeaz deseori relaia dintre oficialii
guvernamentali i ceteni n sisteme politice nchise
represive, dar care apare ca un factor de risc i n
democraiile cele mai veritabile i ncercate?
Implicarea organizaiilor n activiti de advocacy reclam i
dezvoltarea de competene manageriale pentru desfurarea acestora,
respectiv competene de: planificare strategic (de relaionare a unei
viziuni cu obiectivele, cu rezultate ateptate, prin intermediul unor
activiti etc.), de organizare (defalcare pe tipuri de activiti i
echipe de oameni, delegare,mandatare etc.), de implementare prin
coordonare a oamenilor, echipelor i proceselor, de ntocmire a
bugetelor de activiti, precum i de execuie bugetar conform cu
estimrile efectuate, de motivare i mobilizare a bazei de sprijin, de
monitorizare i control i altele.
o
Procesul de advocacy eficient i eficace solicit o abordare sistemic

i sistematic. Acest demers presupune acumulri cantitative de
informaii i tehnici ntr-un domeniu dat, care s introduc
schimbarea ntr-o politic public sau ntr-un proiect de act
normativ. Orice grup interesat sau afectat de o decizie public
165
trebuie s analizeze tipurile de argumente care sensibilizeaz factorii

politici. n termeni foarte generali, acestea sunt voturile i resursele.
Decizia public este decizia care vizeaz interesul general
al unui grup sau al unor grupuri de interese i care, de regul,
implic resursele financiare ale statului.
Decidentul este fie om politic, fie susinut i asumat politic.
n consecin, orice demers de advocacy va analiza n ce msur
propunerile efectuate vor asigura mai multe voturi i resurse publice
decidenilor politici intii a fi convini.
Modalitile de susinere a intereselor sunt diverse,
precum: furnizarea observaiilor i propunerilor din partea grupurilor
legitime de interese strict pe canalele legale descrise de procesele
legislative la nivel central i local, apeluri mass media pentru
diseminarea mai larg a mesajelor, activiti de lobby prin
contactarea direct, transparent, fa-n fa a decidenilor,
construirea de aliane, coaliii de advocacy, mobilizarea la baz a
membrilor organizaiilor componente prin conferine, forumuri,
demonstraii, greve,
alte activiti i evenimente adecvate
circumscrise unor campanii de advocacy.
Grupurile de presiune sunt grupurile de amatori, care
urmresc s influeneze sistemul politic i opinia public.
Grupurile de interese sunt grupuri structurate pe interese
legitime, de sector, industrie, domeniu.
Organizaiile profesionale de lobby i advocacy sunt
grupuri alctuite din profesioniti, care pot fi angajai pentru a
influena eficient anumite decizii publice i/sau politice.
Procesul decizional este condus de oameni, nu de

instituii.
166
n fiecare faz a procesului decizional este posibil

influenarea rezultatului.
Nu toi membrii autoritii deliberative au aceeai

putere.
Membrii partidului majoritar pot avea mai mult
De reinut!
influen.
Membrii seniori au de obicei o influen mai

puternic.
Nu neglijai influena personalului tehnic (secretari,

consilieri/consultani).
Pstrai la ndemn fie sintetice, cu date statistice

i indicatori economici a posibilelor obiective ale
demersurilor voastre.
Cutai activ informaiile de care avei nevoie.
Stabilii o reea de contacte.
Urmrii dosarul care v intereseaz.
Fii la curent cu poziiile pro i contra i cu
Fii
preventivi!
argumentele pentru ambele poziii.
Monitorizai politicile publice i reflectarea

acestora n legislaie.
Intervenii ct se poate de timpuriu n parcursul
Anticipai
legislativ.
evenimentele!
167
Fii la originea iniiativelor.
Pstrai la ndemn proiecte concrete.
Pregtii-v argumentaia colectai cifrele i

datele care susin poziia dvs.
Colectai argumentele i datele care sprijin

poziiile opuse. Fii contient de puterea lor de a
influena decizia.
Nu v bazai pe un singur factor de decizie.
Nu neglijai nici un nivel ierarhic, nici o instituie.
Multiplicai demersurile, argumentele, procesai

informaii din surse diverse.
Identificai argumentele ideologice i folosii-le n

construcia argumentaiei cazului personal.
Adoptai logica autoritilor publice.
Punei-v n pielea interlocutorilor.
Adoptai limbajul administrativ.
Finisai-v att coninutul, ct i forma mesajelor.
Enunai clar care sunt paii dorii.
Formulai dvs. propunerea de text de lege i/sau
Fii
multivaleni!
Fii buni
comunicatori!
hotrre.
168
Decidenii ezit n aplicarea i promovarea principiilor

democraiei participative pentru c gndesc ierarhic, se simt
reprezentativi, se consider competeni i se concentreaz asupra
rezultatului i nu a procesului!
Implicarea determin, aadar, tensiuni ntre guvernarea
reprezentativ i guvernarea participativ!
n acest context, provocrile societii civile i a cetenilor, n
general, sunt:
focalizarea pe o ct mai bun implicare, nu numai pe o mai
mare implicare;
definirea clar a obiectivului fiecrei iniiative i comunicarea
coerent prilor interesate;
ncurajarea aleilor reprezentativi s lucreze cu i nu
mpotriva formelor democraiei participative;
dezvoltarea unor procese mai largi i mai vizibile ale
implicrii publice.
n Romnia exist un cadrul legal bogat de intervenie n procesul
de elaborare al actelor normative i al politicilor publice, ntre care
menionm pe cele de baz:
Legea nr.52/2003 privind transparena decizional n
administraia public, cu modificrile i completrile ulterioare;
Legea nr.544/2001 privind liberal acces la informaiile de
interes public, cu modificrile i completrile ulterioare;
Ordonana Guvernului nr.27/2002 privind activitile de
soluionare a petiiilor;
Hotrrea Guvernului nr.775/2005 privind procedura de
elaborare a politicilor publice n Romnia;
Legea nr.62/2011 privind dialogul social, cu modificrile i
completrile ulterioare.
169
THE MANAGEMENT OF SEXIST

STEREOTYPES IN GREEK TEXTBOOKS
Ioanna FOKOU
National and Capodistrian University of Athens
Panagiotis ASIMOPOULOS
Hellenic Military Academy
This paper presents a study between the existing connection of the Greek
school textbooks and the reproduction of gender construction combined with
sexist stereotypes. In this study, we tried to see how women are presented
through the textbooks and to what extent such representations match current
perceptions for women and if within these texts gender diversity and sexist
stereotypes are imprinted and reproduced. The outcome is that textbooks not
only do not help eliminate disparities based on gender that exist in
education, but instead they present living standards that sustain and
reproduce traditional stereotypes of the gender roles.
Key-words: sexism, stereotypes, construction of gender, traditional role,
education, textbooks
170
The sexist stereotypes in textbooks

Children, as they develop cognitively and socialize, begin
very early to categorize stimuli and people in their effort to
understand the world. By their interaction, in a very active way, with
their families, their school and their peers, they internalize social
stereotypes and attitudes and they may manifest discriminatory
behavior regarding social groups. The first discriminations are
between men and women, among the people of a race or another, or
based on nationality and other social characteristics ( 1998:
24-27).
One of the very first social categories perhaps even the
first- that children learn to distinguish and use for themselves and the
others, in order to classify the persons of their environment, is the
perception that the child is either a boy or a girl. The extensions of
this perception are considered of the most important aspects of selfperception ( 1995: 84-85).
Katz states that most children approach the distinguish of
their self-identity and the others, based on the categories malefemale in the age of 3 years, and it appears that they also know in
this age which activities and which objects are used by both sexes
(KATZ 1981: 907-916).
Cognitive- developmental psychology considers as
precondition the acquisition of the stability of sex/gender, in order
for the child to start actively to internalize the socially accepted
behavioral manners, skills and activities for his/hers sex/gender
(KOHLBERG 1984: 52-55).
At this point, it needs to be clarified that the word gender
refers to the social dimension of the word, while sex refers to the
biological dimension of the word ( 2008: 157).
Using the word gender, the social roles of the sexes are described,
i.e., behaviors and actions that are attributed to men and women in
every social process and alter depending on the historical- social
circumstances of each era.
171
Therefore the major factors of forming a gender identity are:

a) family and the traditionally differentiated way of upbringing
depending on the sex from a very early age, b) the peers and their
choices regarding friends, toys and their preferences at the school
subjects, c) the dominative ideology, presented by the Mass Media
(advertisements, movies, TV series), junior books and magazines
and the internet (social network, interactive web games) ( &
2013: 4-8).
Hence, children grow up overwhelmed by social stereotypes
of how to see and treat themselves, their self-esteem and the
choices they will make in their scholar or professional careers
(FOKOU 2012: 94-101).
Stereotypes are over simplified, distorted, exaggerated and
generalized conceptions of the people which are created in their
effort to comprehend and explain the complex social reality. There
are racist, sexist, national, class stereotypes, and e.t.c. Stereotypes
attribute, to the members of some groups, in a simplified way certain
negative characteristics only because they belong in these groups
( 2007: 39-43).
In this paper, the object of the research is the stereotypes
that are based on the sex of the persons and due to those standards
the phenomenon of sexism is created. The term sexism expresses
the prejudices and discriminations in expense of people with
criterion their sex. So sexism is a sum of negative thoughts and
prejudices, which refer to supposedly differences of two sexes, i.e.,
the difference between males and females. The sexist prejudices
define for centuries the male and female roles and consider that the
sexes are not equally suitable for the same roles ( 1994:
45-61).
School as a social institution helps in the shaping of
attitudes and values of pupils and affects, to a certain extent, the selfimage of the pupils and their choices to the fields of studies and
172
professional aspirations (ANTONINI 1994: 55-59). It affects the

selection of their social role as active citizens in society. The way
school helps sexist stereotypes perpetuating occurs through three
interlinked and interdependent components: a) the curricula
(including both the official the hidden curriculum), b) the body of
teachers and c) the school textbooks ( &
2013: 9).
Let us see how the school textbooks operate as s
socializations factor. The image and the role that are projected
concerning the sexes affect the reproduction and formation of social
roles ( 2007: 38-41). Language contributes on the
stabilization of prejudices and the perpetuation of stereotypes for
both sexes in a double form. On one hand the social discriminations
have imprinted on the linguistic system and on the other hand,
language is used as a vehicle of a certain ideology (
2003: 74). Simone de Beauvoir had written that we are not born as
men or as women as we become. Beauvoir states that the behavior of
each gender is more a result of social-cultural influence than
biological factors. Hence, this means that school textbooks with the
apprehensions they cultivate to the pupils, affect directly the ideas of
each person for the other sex, and the relationships between the two
sexes.
The textbook is the means of teaching used by the teacher
and the pupils both in the classroom and at home to achieve the
teaching goals. It is the most important means of teaching
( & 1995).
The study occurred both in primary and secondary Greek
school textbooks and it involves the most recent textbooks that are in
effect since 2006. It targeted theoretical subjects (literature, history,
sociology) and science subjects (physics, chemistry, math).
Though pupils are no longer taught female or male
subjects, the stereotypes are enhanced significantly by the context of
the textbooks ( 1998: 180-190).
173
A)
B)
The study of the textbooks was divided in thematic

categories that were examined totally concerning the two sexes.
For practical reasons in this article only the linguistic sexism will
be presented. In this category, were examined, passages, fragments
of passages, titles, picture captions in which discriminations between
the two sexes are produced. The term linguistic sexism describes
the use of language in a way that seems to continue and legalize the
power of men against women. In the thematic category of linguistic
sexism the study entailed: a) the females and males speech
output, b) the choice of verbs used in active or passive voice, c)
personalization of occupation, d) use of the male gender to state
both genders, e) use of the words man/person (), child
(), f) placing first the male name when there are pairs of
male-female names, g) nominal references, h) use of pronouns
and adjectives, i) semantics stereotypes. At this point it is stated
that the examples given through this article come from various
textbooks taken both from primary and secondary school textbooks
and from different subjects both from theoretical and science
subjects.
For time saving, a few indicative examples will be presented
here. Though a few, the frequency in which they appear in the
textbooks, is more than sufficient for continuing the existence for
sexist stereotypes and traditional roles for the genders.
the females and males speech output: when
women or girls talk in the textbooks, the words they use are not
strong or aggressive or decisive in contrast to the vocabulary used by
men or boys in similar context. For instance a girl says: I would
like, a boy: I want, a woman asked her husband to., a
man told his wife, a girl: could you give me, a boy give
me ( 2011: 11-12).
the choice of verbs used in active or passive
voice: women tend to have a more passive-sensitive role, so the
verbs that are used are, in many occasions, in passive voice. That
means that things happen to her, whilst men do, act, react.
174
C)
D)
E)
They have a decisive and active participation in the aspects of life, so

the verbs are used in active voice ( 2011: 14-15).
personalization of occupation: The male gender is
used to express a variety of professions/jobs reinforcing stereotypes
about the professional occupation of women. Professions, in the
textbooks, are personalized, they obtain gender, offering to men
plenty of choices and limiting women to a very confined career
opportunities. Men appear in traditional jobs, for example: (sailor,
captain, truck driver, bus driver, baker, fisherman), but also in career
professions, such as explorer, doctor, mechanic, architectetc.
(LANCASTER 2002: 41-68).
use of the male gender to state both genders: The
male gender is used in the textbooks to declare persons of both
sexes. For example: (masculine plural of the word pupils)
(of fifth grade) to speak for both genders. Or
(masculine plural- the employees) (of
the factory) to indicate all the employees both male and female.
Even when the reference occurs on populations where men or boys
are a minority, like the kindergarten teachers (the majority of them
are women), the texts write:
(the students of the faculty of nursing) again the noun students is again masculine plural and it is used to described the
whole of students (HANMER 2005: 213-235).
use of the words man/person (), child
(): Frequently the words and are used in
the textbooks to express groups of people. The word
means person either male or female, the word means
young boy or girl. When this words are used in the textbooks either
on singular or plural, they are used in a context that are identified to
men and boys. Or the image that frames the sentence shows images
of males. Therefore the word (person) and
(child) are identified to man and boy. By doing so, the hidden
message that women and girls are less important or worth mentioned
175
F)
G)
H)
I)
is conveyed to both male and female pupils, ( & al.

2006: 23-25).
placing first the male name when there are pairs
of male-female names: In the textbooks, where a reference in
activities occurs with the participation of both boys and girls, the
names of the boys in most cases precede the names of the girls, and
where the text is accompanied by a picture, boys appear before the
girls. Indicatively: (male pupils and female
pupils), (men and women),
(John and Gabriela), etc (, 1998: 180190).
nominal references: It is noted that more nominal
references are made for men than women. Equal numbers of
references to men and women as well as roles of men and women in
the family should be mentioned in the textbooks in order to avoid the
repetition of standard stereotypes. For instance:
(Ulysses lives in Australia),
(Nickolas asked his dad), 1,55.
(John is 1,55m.), etc. ( & al. 2006: 26-27).
use of pronouns and adjectives: References like:
(his role), (for him
and his wife), (the good friends in the masculine
form of the adjective and noun), (his wife), declare
property, therefore acquisition of goods and power. Power that is
deprived of women since the vast majority of these references
mention men ( 1994: 45-61).
semantics stereotypes: In the textbooks words are
usually used to allude to stereotypical roles and relations between the
two sexes. So, while, for example, the position of women occurs
almost exclusively in the home and family, however the father is
portrayed as a family man. A father who is the responsible provider,
'the leader' of the family. The mother and children are under his
protection ( 2006: 32-33).
176
Usually in the science, chemistry, maths textbooks there are

no references of women scientists that promoted these fields, but
only men. The image of a male scientist with uncombed hair and
glasses who resembles Einstein is imprinted in the minds of the
pupils. Women only appear in stereotypical roles that stress their
marginal position in science ( 1995: 22-25). Or the
illustration of some textbooks or the pictures framing the texts and
also the pictures captions are mainly addressed to boys ( &
2013: 14-15). The school textbooks have
massive effect on pupils and the image they shape for their gender
through their suggested role models ( 2007: 370374). It is like it pushes girls not to stray from the path that
society has prepared for them over the years (HANMER 2006: 141150).
Conclusions - Proposals
From what is mentioned above, measures should be taken.
The measures should be taken in three directions: a) to the textbooks,
where an effort will be made to exempt them from traditional sexist
stereotypes, b) towards the parents and the wider community, where
information and awareness will take place regarding social
discriminations and inequalities in expense of women, and c)
towards to the teaching community (teachers, professors), where
seminars and educational programs will be held informing and
educating them about the socializing process regarding gender,
particularly, within the field of education.
Finally, the traditional roles of the two sexes, as
aforementioned above, is not something innateness, but a learning
result. So, we could, as parents and teachers, promote equality
feelings and thoughts, where the criteria of different ion of a person
will not be its gender or another feature external and random, but its
individual value, its intelligence, its preferences, its competencies, its
talents, but also its needs as well.
177
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INTELIGENA COMPETITIV.
PROBLEMATICA ORGANIZRII I
IMPLEMENTRII SISTEMULUI INTELIGENEI
COMPETITIVE I A TRANSFERULUI EXPERTIZEI
ORGANIZAIEI DE AFACERI LA
INSTITUIA PUBLIC
tefan IMRE
University of West Timioara
Faculty of Economics and Business Administartion
Doctoral School
This paper presents in a multidisciplinary exercise but accessible format,
using general known terms in order to explicitness the problems occurred on
design and implementation of strategic intelligence system at a public
institution. The subject has a maximum interest in era of economic
uncertainty and the lack of successful models in resolving imbalances in
society, economic recession, waiting for government reform, including
organizational reforms, designed to increase efficiency.The paper argues
that competitive intelligence system operational criteria satisfy the
conditions of creation of intelligence and provides the necessary climate for
knowledge conversion to increase individual and collective intelligence.
Institutions and the nation's competitiveness can be influenced by
180
intelligence created directly and it depends on representatives of permanent

missions skills assessed by the criteria of competitive intelligence profession.
Keywords:
strategic
management,
competitive
intelligence,
competitiveness, public administration, goals of institutions competitiveness
Introducere
Studiul dedicat examinrii problematicii organizrii i
implementrii sistemului inteligenei competitive i a problematicii
transferului expertizei organizaiei de afaceri la instituia public n
domeniul implementrii sistemului inteligenei competitive
reprezint un exerciiu n format multidisciplinar, opernd cu noiuni
din tiinele managementului i din administraia public. Subiectul
este de actualitate maxim n era incertitudinii i lipsei modelelor
economice de succes n rezolvarea dezechilibrelor n societate,
recesiunii economice, ateptnd reforma structurilor de stat i cea
guvernamental, menite s eficientizeze actele de guvernare.
Cele mai vehiculate expresii ca schimbarea de paradigm,
elaborarea strategiilor, creterea competitivitii, au devenit noiuni
uzuale, att n discursurile politice, ct i la nivelul tiinelor sociale,
economice, avnd menirea sugerrii unor alte moduri de gndire,
rareori conferind argumentarea tiinific a intelor i obiectivelor
propuse. n logica managementului strategic, prezenta propune
utilizarea unui sistem prin care resursele endogene ale organizaiei,
precum i gestionarea i procurarea informaiilor externe
organizaiei, despre competitori i mediul extern, pot avea o
contribuie direct la formularea strategiilor i creterea
competitivitii.
Cu scopul mediatizrii unor rezultate de succes n
managementul organizaiilor de afaceri care au aplicat sistemul
inteligenei strategice, i implicit, sistemul inteligenei competitive,
prezenta i declar obiectivul s conving managementul public
pentru utilizarea celor mai bune practici manageriale cunoscute la
181
organizaia de afaceri, la modul general, i implementarea sistemului

inteligenei competitive la instituia public care dispune de reea
extern de reprezentare.
Analiza condiiilor implementrii sistemului inteligenei
strategice, implicit a inteligenei competitive, la instituia public a
identificat obstacole, n special de natur uman. Din punct de
vedere tehnic, organizarea infrastructurii sistemului i funcionarea
acestuia nu necesit eforturi suplimentare fa de cele ntmpinate la
organizaia de afaceri. Dar, literatura de specialitate a administraiei
publice constat sensibiliti umane la orice schimbare de natur
structural sau organizaional a instituiei publice. Implementarea
unor sisteme noi ntmpin reacii opozante, att pe partea puterii
politice, ct i pe partea birocraiei publice. Avnd n vedere faptul
c implementarea sistemului inteligenei competitive induce
schimbare n cunoaterea i inteligena individual i colectiv a
instituiei, studiul a examinat relaiile puterii politice i a puterii
birocratice cu schimbarea, implicit schimbarea structurii birocratice,
respectiv relaiile cu cunoaterea, cu tiina, prin
analiza
documentare a literaturii de specialitate a administraiei publice.
Concluziile arat c translatarea expertizei implementrii
i utilizrii sistemului inteligenei competitive organizaiei de afaceri
la instituia public depinde n msur determinant de
capacitatea politic. Implementarea sistemului necesit un cost al
tranzaciei, att n ceea ce privete schimbrile care intervin n
instituie i afecteaz puterea politic i puterea birocratic, ct i
eventualele schimbri n raportul de fore ntre pri.
Studiul a inventariat elementele principale organizatorice
care definesc stabilitatea i funcionarea organizaiei, i anume,
structura organizaiei, liderul schimbrii i procesele din organizaie,
i n cele ce urmeaz a examinat influena acestora la schimbare.
Studiul n primul capitol prezint prin metoda analizei
documentare a literaturii de specialitate efectele pozitive ale
182
sistemului inteligenei competitive la organizaia de afaceri prin

relaia competitivitate i inteligena competitiv, identificate prin
creterea performanelor i a adaptabilitii organizaiei de afaceri.
De asemenea, sunt prezentate aspecte privind problematica
organizrii, dezvoltrii sistemului inteligenei competitive ca parte a
inteligenei strategice, fazele elaborrii produsului inteligent i
instrumentele specifice, procesele conversiei inteligenei tacite n
inteligen explicit, precum i profesia inteligenei competitive i
aptitudinile necesare nsuirii cunotinelor profesionale.
n al doilea capitol, studiul examineaz influena factorilor
determinani ai schimbrii la instituia public, i anume influena
structurii organizaionale, a liderului i a proceselor, pentru c,
implementarea sistemului inteligenei competitive la instituia
public ntmpin dificulti similare cu cele ale schimbrii. Costul
tranzaciei schimbrii are dou componente principale. Primul
component este descris prin capacitatea politic, sensibil la
schimbare, la redistribuirea puterii spre funcionarii publici, iar al
doilea component fiind tot de natur uman, dar pe partea opus, din
sfera funcionarilor publici, oponeni ineriali la schimbri datorit
sensibilitii la schimbare i posibilei pierderi a monopolului asupra
informaiilor gestionate.
Capacitatea politic poate susine schimbarea prin acceptul
redistribuirii puterii spre mecanisme tehnocrate. Legitimitatea
reprezentativ i legalitatea administrrii structurilor de stat, confer
funcionarilor politici puterea decizional executiv obinut prin
mecanismul democraiei reprezentative. Redistribuirea puterii spre
funcionarii publici i tehnocraie, de regul, este interpretat prin
slbirea puterii, n loc s fie neleas ca form a cooperrii n
vederea creterii capacitii i competitivitii instituiei, implicit
creterea capacitii administrative a statului.
Capacitatea public nsumeaz totalitatea comportamentelor
i atitudinilor umane care depind de pregtirea profesional a
183
funcionarilor publici, capacitatea de nelegere a necesitii

schimbrii i renunarea la monopolizarea informaiilor administrate.
Capacitatea colaborrii celor dou puteri, politice i
birocratice, reduce costul tranzaciei i asigur implementarea
sistemelor manageriale performante i verificate la organizaia de
afaceri, n vederea creterii capacitii instituionale, creterea
competitivitii instituiei, flexibilizarea proceselor, asigurarea
continuitii memoriei instituionale.
1. Relaia competitivitate i inteligena competitiv
Studiul prezint aportul inteligenei competitive la creterea
competitivitii
organizaiei,
creterea
performanelor
i
adaptabilitii ei. Inteligena competitiv, ca parte a sistemului
inteligenei strategice asigur decizionalului informaiile despre
competitorii externi organizaiei n vederea formulrii celor mai
bune strategii. n conceptul lucrrii, inteligena competitiv este
parte a managementului strategic, de asemenea, asigur mediul
necesar creaiei produselor inteligente. Inteligena colectat i
prelucrat va asigura creterea competitivitii organizaiei/instituiei
publice. La formarea strategiei instituiei publice n cadrul
managementului public i noului management public, respectiv, la
elaborarea politicilor din responsabilitatea instituiei publice,
sistemul inteligenei competitive asigur cele mai bune informaii
despre competitorii externi i contribuie implicit la creterea
competitivitii naiunii.
1.1.
Creterea performanelor i adaptabilitii
organizaiei. Sistemul inteligenei strategice la organizaia de
afaceri.
Lucrarea susine n consens cu opinia lui Drucker c, intele
strategice ale organizaiei de succes care poate confrunta provocrile
mediului extern i incertitudinile erei prezente trebuie s conin
184
valoare etern invariabil. Aceste valori intite i descrise prin

obiectivele strategice ghideaz evoluia organizaiei i, implicit,
susin creterea competitivitii organizaiei. n acest context,
creterea inteligenei individuale i colective, pot fi inte cu valoare
etern invariabil pentru oricare organizaie. Inteligena, sub forma
unui produs inteligent i sub forma proceselor interne definite prin
mediul cultural asigur creterea competitivitii organizaiei.
n conceptul lucrrii, inteligena nu poate fi supus
funciilor manageriale, deci expresia managementul inteligenei este
lipsit de coninut, dar condiiile care faciliteaz creterea
inteligenei organizaiei i creaia produselor inteligente sunt
rezultate ale managementului organizaiei. Creterea cunoaterii
colective este un proces care poate fi facilitat prin cultura
organizaiei (structur i procese interne) i prin lideri iniiatori ai
schimbrii, preocupai de inovare continu. Rolul determinant
organizrii acestor condiii i revine managementului organizaiei,
care reglementeaz procesele interne, definete structura
organizatoric i preuiete prezena liderului inovativ. n caz fericit,
liderul inovativ poate fi managerul organizaiei, vizionar ale intelor
viitoare i cel care definete obiectivele organizaiei.
La instituia public, liderul formal este funcionarul politic
susinut de funcionarul public de conducere, cu expertiz
profesional tehnic i mai puin managerial, numit prin decizia
puterii politice. Segmentarea atribuiilor de conducere n cadrul
instituiei publice n ce privete funciile manageriale, la nivelul
funcionarilor publici reduc capacitatea de administrare a instituiei.
Reinerea total sau parial a funciilor manageriale n sfera
politic, n special luarea deciziilor reduce aportul tehnocraiei la
actele de decizie. n aceste condiii, intele i obiectivele formulate,
comunicate, nelese i asumate de personalul instituiei publice pot
deveni inte i obiective comune, doar prin colaborarea tuturor
factorilor interni instituiei. Cooptarea tuturor persoanelor din
185
instituie, a categoriilor din subculturile distincte din organizaie la

realizarea obiectivelor comune necesit un mediu organizaional
stabil i creativ, o cultur organizaional propice. Dar, precum
schimbrile frecvente ale personalului din categoria funcionarilor
politici reprezint element de instabilitate a culturii organizaionale,
prin introducerea unor elemente noi de form i coninut n
colaborarea cu funcionarii publici se perpetueaz un sentiment de
incertitudine i instabilitate funcional. n aceste condiii, este greu
de presupus c se poate dezvolta i stabiliza climatul propice creaiei
produselor inteligente i produselor inovative.
Dac schimbrile frecvente nu susin formarea mediului
cultural necesar creaiei inteligente, iar rezultatele obinute prin
implementarea sistemului inteligenei strategice la organizaia de
afaceri sunt ncurajatoare din aceste considerente, translatarea
experienei implementrii sistemului inteligenei strategice, i
implicit celui de inteligen competitiv, la instituia public poate fi
soluia reducerii incertitudinii, poate asigura continuitatea proceselor
creative interne, i poate asigura structura permanent a
interconexiunii persoanelor i a inteligenei colective.
La organizaia de afaceri, n paralel cu implementarea
sistemului inteligenei strategice, i implicit inteligenei competitive,
crearea condiiilor ideale pentru creaia inovativ, creterea
cunoaterii individuale i colective, transformarea cunoaterii n
inteligen i creaia inteligenei sunt preocupri permanente ale
managementului. Inteligena competitiv devine parte integrat a
inteligenei organizaiei i este instrument creator de inteligen.
Mediul cultural asigur creaia inteligenei, iar produsele inteligente
asigur informaiile utile formrii strategiei organizaiei. Astfel,
inteligena competitiv este instrument al managementului strategic
prin care se asigur informaiile despre competitorii externi i
mediul extern.
186
Pentru susinerea acestor ipoteze, lucrarea va prezenta

sinteza analizei documentare a literaturii de specialitate, subliniind
opiniile proprii asemntoare sau distincte fa de cele publicate.
1.2.
Organizaia de afaceri. Obiectivele inovrii
managementului.
Lucrarea definete organizaia ca fiind entitatea de afaceri.
Organizaia supus permanent la provocrile externe caracterizate
prin incertitudine i schimbri continue din ce n ce mai rapide ale
erei prezente, poate supravieui n condiiile n care i se va atribui un
caracter asemntor sistemelor vii adaptabile, n care coexist
sistemele interne paralele i aciunile crora converg. Aceste ipoteze
presupun inovaia radical a managementului i a structurii
organizaiei (Hamel, 2010). n ipoteza admiterii acestor modele
viitoare ale organizaiei i managementului viitorului, n totalitate
sau parial, se vor examina transformrile elementelor definitorii ale
organizaiei.
Trstura principal a organizaiei viitorului este nvarea
continu care va dispune de management adecvat activitilor
(Schwaninger M. 2006). Organizaia care nva poate asigura
mediul propice pentru creaia inteligenei i inovaiei, la nivel
individual i la nivel colectiv, creaia inteligenei fiind produsul
colectiv al organizaiei (Nonaka i Takeuchi 1995; Georg von Krogh
2000; Jay Liebowitz 2010, 2006; Edgar Schein 2010; Helen
Rothberg 2004).
Acestui model al organizaiei i se confer un management
care are preocupri permanente pentru dezvoltarea abilitilor de
baz, i anume, cultivarea aspiraiilor (miestria personal i
viziunea colectiv), conversaia reflexiv (modele mentale i
dialogul), respectiv nelegerea complexitii prin gndirea sistemic
(Peter Senge 2012).
187
n aceste condiii organizaia viitorului i pstreaz i i

crete competitivitatea. Componentele vizate de managementului
viitorului definesc stabilitatea, dar i flexibilitatea i adaptabilitatea
organizaiei. Inovarea managementului va aciona asupra
componentelor definitorii astfel:
Organizaia ca structur adaptiv, care nva,

inoveaz i se reinventeaz (Gary Hamel 2010; Peter Senge 2012), n
final, poate deveni organizaia inteligent descris de Schwaninger
(Markus Schwaninger 2006) cu abiliti n adaptare, nvare,
transformare i rennoire de sine. Structura organizaiei care
corespunde cel mai mult flexibilitii i adaptabilitii este aplatizat.
Liderul cu calitile de designer, profesor, steward (i

depune eforturile n interesul i folosul organizaiei) (Peter Senge
2012), care ndeplinete funcii noi. Va fi iniiatorul schimbrii
(schimbarea culturii organizaiei, schimbarea gndirii), vizionar
(modele mentale), organizatorul formrii modelului mintal comun,
reprezentant al profesionalismului i apreciat de subalterni.
Procesele manageriale se vor distribui spre membrii

organizaiei (Gary Hamel 2010; Peter Senge 2012), inclusiv procesul
deciziei, inovaiei, controlului.
Din leciile nvate de la formele de afaceri inovative care
prosper, se poate observa c, structura organizaiei flexibile i
creatoare seamn cu structurile naturale, sunt ne ierarhice, sau
foarte aplatizate, sunt disponibile pentru cooperare ntre subsistemele
aceluiai sistem.
Fa de cele descrise, pe lng managementul adecvat vor
avea o contribuie nsemnat sistemele inteligenei artificiale pentru
creterea vitezei de comunicare, inter conectivitatea membrilor n
timp real, viteza de calcul i capacitatea de stocare, programe
specializate. Modelele organizaiilor virtuale, valorificnd avantajele
inteligenei artificiale i inteligenei umane libere, au devenit
modelele de afaceri cele mai performante ale erei prezente (Google,
Yahoo). Precum toate organizaiile nu pot deveni virtuale,
188
organizarea produciei fizice fiind legat de eforturile colective

sincronizate i coordonate, combinaia inteligenei umane i celei
artificiale va converge spre diverse modele de management,
proiectate pentru condiiile activitii organizaiei. Varietatea
modelelor va crete adaptabilitatea organizaiilor la condiiile
mediului concurenial.
Modelele descrise mai sus reprezint direcia schimbrii
paradigmelor actuale ale managementului. Chiar dac managementul
organizaiei necesit structur ierarhic necesar coordonrii i
organizrii activitilor de afaceri, organizaia de succes va asigura
un mediu deschis cooperant pentru toate categoriile de persoane
pentru creterea cunoaterii individuale, conversiei cunoaterii i
creterea inteligenei colective. Este greu de presupus dac toate
organizaiile se vor transforma n modelul descris mai sus, sau dac
vor implementa doar parial anumite propuneri tehnice, dar este cert
c, incertitudinea viitorului se poate reduce prin sistem care
nsumeaz potenialul endogen i-l utilizeaz cu maxim eficien
pentru creterea competitivitii.
Tranziia spre organizaia inteligent i managementului
viitorului necesit sistem al gestionrii inteligenei organizaiei,
mediu propice pentru creaia produselor inteligente i lider care
susine inovarea permanent. O astfel de structur stabil la
schimbrile frecvente ale puterii politice i reprezentanilor acesteia
n instituia public poate fi sistemul inteligenei strategice al crui
subsistem este inteligena competitiv.
1.3.
Inteligena competitiv ca parte a inteligenei
strategice i component a strategiei organizaiei
n contextul tranziiei organizaiei i managementului spre
structurile ideale descrise mai sus, gestionarea inteligenei
organizaiei i crearea mediului propice pentru creterea inteligenei
individuale i colective poate fi organizat prin structura inteligenei
189
strategice. Lucrarea nelege prin conceptul inteligenei strategice

agregatul tipurilor de inteligen destinate furnizrii informaiei i
cunotinelor cu valoare adugat, n vederea utilizrii acestora
pentru luarea deciziilor strategice ale organizaiei (Libowitz, 2006).
Obiectivul inteligenei strategice este poziionarea cea mai bun a
organizaiei pentru a rspunde provocrilor i oportunitilor viitoare
n vederea maximalizrii succesului.
Definiiile cunoscute ale inteligenei strategice se refer la
totalitatea activitilor care gestioneaz inteligena organizaiei
(McDowell 2009), sau aliana strategic ntre inteligena uman i
cea tehnic (IT) (Bashiri 2010).
Literatura de specialitate descrie sistemul inteligenei
strategice ca sistem care:
Cuprinde componentele inteligenei artificiale,

managementului cunoaterii, inteligenei afacerii i inteligenei
competitive. Conform lui Jay Liebowitz, sistemul inteligenei
strategice este catalizatorul creterii IQ-ul organizaiei i al pstrrii
i ntririi memoriei instituionale.
nglobeaz sinergia componentelor inteligente din

organizaie, avnd infrastructura asigurat de managementul
cunoaterii.
Induce gndirea creativ i coeziunea ntre

managementul strategic i executiv, respectiv personalul implicat n
procesul elaborrii produsului inteligent.
Opereaz cu inteligena organizaiei, definit ca

ansamblul beneficiilor valorii adugate colective derivate din
valorile intangibile ale organizaiei.
Cultiv patru tipuri generale ale capitalului:

capitalul uman, capitalul structural (proprietate intelectual),
capitalul clienilor (relaii sociale), capitalul competitiv
(cunotinele nvate de la competitori).
190

Produsul principal al sistemului este un produs
inteligent, ntocmit sub forma informaiei, analizei sau sintezei.
Procesele de elaborare sunt efectuate de persoane i sunt destinate
persoanelor n vederea creterii cunotinelor. Cunoaterea se
formeaz n persoane i se distribuie la persoane.
Sistemul inteligenei strategice, fiind element intern al
organizaiei, implicit face parte din structura organizaiei, unde, de
cele mai multe ori, este n subordinea direct a managementului
decizional superior (Jay Liebowitz 2010, Christopher Murphy 2005,
Markus Schwninger 2006), dar poate fi i n subordinea unui
manager strategic (Douglas Bernhardt 2003) care este n contact
permanent cu decizionalul superior. Avnd n vedere rolul strategic
pe care-l ndeplinete, produsele elaborate i comunicate se refer la
termeni medii i lungi, sesiznd, semnalnd i previzionnd cele mai
importante schimbri n evoluia economic, tehnologic i social,
ale mediului competiional, dar i celui global, n care se ine cont de
geostrategii, evoluia industriilor i tehnologiilor de vrf (Ben Gilad
2008; 1996; Bernhardt Douglas 2003; Craig Fleischer 2003).
Inteligena strategic este proiectat n mod deliberat pentru a ajuta
decizionalul s utilizeze politicile pe termen lung (Don McDowell
2009) n baza cunotinelor i inteligenei receptate. Produsele
sistemului cresc cunoaterea colectiv a organizaiei.
Cunoaterea
este
un
element
determinant
al
comportamentului, atitudinii i creativitii, att la nivelul decizional,
ct i la nivel executiv, la nivel individual i colectiv (Edgar Schein
2010; Markus Schwaninger 2006). Comportamentul ca parte a
culturii organizaionale definete viabilitatea, adaptabilitatea ei
(Markus Schwaninger 2006). Cultura organizaiei este conceptul care
cuprinde mediul n care se desfoar activitile organizaiei i este
descris n lucrrile de specialitate prin componentele artefacte,
valori expuse i valori de baz, sau ipoteze comune (Edgar Schein
2010). Cultura este definit prin percepia, gndirea i simul unor
191
trsturi (artefacte), declaraii (crezul expus), ele fiind oarecum

explicite, dar i prin trsturi ascunse, tacite, pe care le putem
nelege doar prin studiu, cunoatere i nelegere (Edgar Schein
2010, Michael Polanyi 1966; Nonaka Takeuchi 1995; Georg von
Korgh 2000).
Cultura organizaiei, fiind mediul n care capitalul uman
este integrat i n care creeaz, influeneaz n mod direct inovaia i
productivitatea, componente ale competitivitii. Puterea culturii se
manifest n oameni fr contientizarea ei. nelegnd felul cum
opereaz, ne ajut s nelegem ,,puzzelul, sau mozaicul imaginii
percepute i relaia ntre elementele componente, respectiv, ne ajut
n explicarea unor experiene sociale sau organizatorice care ne
frustreaz. Ca atare, inteligena organizaiei este dependent de
cultura organizaiei (Edgar Schein 2010, Markus Schwaninger
2006).
n acest context, implementarea unui sistem nou care
vizeaz gestionarea inteligenei organizaiei va ine cont de mediul
culturii organizaiei, care poate fi potrivnic schimbrii, i vizeaz
schimbri ale structurii organizaionale, ale proceselor interne.
Implementarea sistemului inteligenei strategice n
organizaie este un proces, care are la baz infrastructura sistemului
managementului cunotinelor. Aceast infrastructur, va trebui s
in cont de interconectarea departamentelor din organizaie, a
personalului, de sistemul intranet al organizaiei i instrumentele de
distribuie a informaiilor, a produselor inteligente. Ca s performeze
la parametrii maximi, sistemul trebuie s permit accesul permanent
la informaii, la nivelele operaionale i schimbul de informaii n
structura managementului cunoaterii (Jay Liebowitz 2006; Helen
Rothberg 2004). Doar libera circulaie a valorilor, a creaiei i a
informaiilor, contribuie la sinergia componentelor, creaia valorilor
comune (modele mentale comune) i pot asigura valoarea adugat
necesar pentru creterea avantajelor competitive ale organizaiei
(Georg von Krogh 2000; Nonaka i Takeuchi 1995).
192
n sistemul inteligenei strategice, inteligena competitiv

are responsabiliti n procurarea informaiilor despre competitori i
mediul competiional extern.
1.4.
Inteligena competitiv ca parte a inteligenei
strategice.
n literatura de specialitate sunt uzuale definiiile
inteligenei competitive care se refer la domeniul ei de activitate sau
procesele din cadrul ei. Astfel, Ben Gilad (2011) definete
inteligena competitiv ca fiind domeniul care susine decizionalul
i asist executivul prin identificarea competitivitii organizaiei
prin comparaii analitice. Procesele inteligenei competitive sunt cele
care nsumeaz i colecteaz sistematic i orientat informaii din
surse multiple, interne i externe, elabornd rezultate acionabile prin
analize, sinteze i integrare (Helen Rothberg 2004). Michael Porter
(1998 i 1996) a susinut rolul inteligenei afacerii i inteligenei
competitive n efectuarea analizei structurale a industriei, iar n
cadrul industriei a firmei. Ben Gilad a sugerat c aceste analize nu
sunt suficiente fr predicia viitorului prin semnalele de alert
timpurie (Early Warnings). n posesia acestor informaii, organizaia
flexibil i adaptabil poate reinventa modelul afacerii, dar se poate
reinventa i ca organizaie (Gary Hamel 2010).
Definiiile i modelele sistemelor prezentate sunt
difereniate datorit evoluiei conceptelor. Dinamica schimbrilor a
afectat procesul de nelegere a fenomenelor i proceselor, deseori un
concept utilizat la modul general devine special prin precizri
specifice. Astfel, Helen Rothberg (2004) precizeaz faptul c
inteligena competitiv este orientat spre aciune din momentul
colectrii informaiei. Lucrarea este de acord cu sensul orientrii
inteligenei adecvat obiectivelor colectate despre competitori spre
aciune prin transmiterea informaiilor ctre decizional. Cunotinele
organizaiei cresc prin analize, iar inteligena face cunotinele s
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devin acionabile prin comunicarea lor decizionalului, contribuind

astfel direct la dobndirea avantajelor competitive ale organizaiei.
Studiul definete inteligena competitiv ca sistemul care
nsumeaz aciunile care colecteaz, analizeaz, definesc i
distribuie inteligen despre produse, clieni, competitori i aspecte
ale mediului exterior, n vederea susinerii managementului strategic
n formularea strategiei organizaiei.
Evaluarea din cadrul inteligenei competitive se bazeaz pe
o gam larg de informaii vizibile sau ascunse, elemente care aduc
informaii despre dezvoltarea prognozei comportamentului
competitorului sau despre decurgerea unor aciuni, ce pot fi
recomandate pentru conducerea unei organizaii, conferind
organizaiei avantaje competitive fa de competitori, clieni,
furnizori, tehnologii. n acest context, una din cele mai importante
funcii ale inteligenei competitive n cadrul organizaiei este cea de
identificare timpurie a riscurilor i oportunitilor din pia nainte
s devin evidente.
Lucrarea prezent face distincie ntre evalurile mediului
extern i a prognozei emise de ctre evaluatorii publici (de exemplu
Wall Street Journal, Fitch, Watch IT, Financial Times) i evalurile
din cadrul inteligenei competitive ale organizaiei. Primii pot fi
suspectai cu formarea opiniei publice n direciile de interes.
Sistemul inteligenei competitive ale organizaiei ofer informaii
valabile pentru organizaie, acestea au caracter temporar i secret,
contribuie n mod direct la abordarea unor strategii competitive.
Dezvoltarea sistemului inteligenei competitive la
organizaie urmeaz bunele practici cunoscute din literatura de
specialitate.
1.5.
Dezvoltarea
i
organizarea
inteligenei
competitive.
Dezvoltarea inteligenei competitive la organizaie
presupune implementarea prealabil a sistemului inteligenei
194
strategice, avnd infrastructura managementului cunoaterii. Cele

mai importante obiective pentru dezvoltarea inteligenei competitive
vizeaz selecia i formarea profesionitilor, respectiv, organizarea
proceselor sistemului inteligenei competitive, implicit a creaiei
inteligenei colective.
Prezenta este n consens cu literatur de specialitate
dedicat formrii profesionale, seleciei persoanelor n funcie de
aptitudinilor native i cognitive. Articolele publicate de ctre
societatea profesionitilor inteligenei competitive (SCIP) au
dezbtut recunoaterea statutului profesiei inteligenei competitive,
subliniind importana recunoaterii acesteia n sfera afacerilor de
ctre cei care beneficiaz de serviciile lor, recunoaterea importanei
activitii la nivel social i cultural, academic i formarea asociaiei
profesionale (SCIP). Programele educaionale au fost influenate de
factori sociali i instituionali, formalizarea acestora a devenit
posibil sub influena factorilor economici, tehnologici (Andrew
Abbott 1988; Jerry P. Miller 2000, 1996, 1995; John E. Prescott
1999,1995; Craig S.Fleischer 2004, 2001).
Avnd n vedere sfera activitilor externe organizaiei n
care se desfoar activitatea profesional a angajatul din
departamentul inteligenei competitive, literatura de specialitate
accentueaz importana unor caliti native i unor caliti formate
prin nvare,
cu ajutorul crora poate nelege cultura
competitorului, mediul de afaceri, comportamentele determinate de
condiii sociale (Jerry P Miller 2000; Craig S. Fleisher 2004; Jay
Liebowitz 2006; Edgar Schein 2010). Mediul extern are dimensiuni
multiple, include sectorul guvernamental, economic, social, tehnic,
dar i competitorii cu care organizaia poate avea contacte directe.
Astfel, n faza de colectare a informaiilor, primeaz abilitatea
nelegerii mediului extern, a culturii acestuia, urmnd s dezvolte
contacte cu surse primare de informare. n aceast faz domin
aptitudinile de comunicare i socializare, cunoaterea unor limbi
strine. Avnd n vedere obiectivul studiului, cel de implementare a
sistemului inteligenei competitive la instituia public care deine
195
reprezentane n strintate, importana calitilor profesionale ale

reprezentanilor este cu att mai important cu ct acetia i
desfoar activitatea n strintate singuri i departe de central.
Dup colectarea informaiilor, elaborarea inteligenei
competitive continu prin analiza inteligenei i diseminarea
inteligenei ctre decizional (Craig S. Fleisher 2004; Jerry P. Miller
2000, John E. Prescott 1999). Lucrarea prezent, n baza expertizei,
este n consens cu opinia lui Fleisher, care pe lng cele trei faze
enumerate mai sus adaug ca prim faz a produciei inteligenei
competitive faza identificrii nevoilor exprimate de decizional.
Aceast afirmaie este n consens cu una din realitile erei prezente,
i anume, cu intoxicarea decizionalului cu informaii neutile.
Datorit imensitii volumului informaiilor i fluxului informaiilor
neproductive, acestea devin contraproductive.
n faza analizelor primeaz cunotinele multidisciplinare
tehnice, tehnologice pentru nelegerea sectoarelor economice n
ansamblu, nelegerea funcionrii organizaiilor de afaceri,
evaluarea economic i a profitabilitii lor, s cunoasc i s
utilizeze cu succes diferite instrumente de analiz, s neleag
forele din pia i mediul de afaceri general. Ian Herring, un fost
analist la CIA, consultant i co-fondator al Academiei inteligenei
competitive Fuld Gilad Herring, consider analiza ,,creierul
inteligenei. n urma analizei, nelegerea fenomenelor se transform
n inteligen din care fac parte i sugestiile i recomandrile
expertului. n aceast faz, cunoaterea acumulat prin nvare i
experiena practicii se transform n expertiz, se suprapune cu
abilitile native, cum ar fi atenia la detalii, extragerea acelor date
care converg cu rezolvarea tematicii, flexibilitate pentru revenirea la
analize cu noi date obinute pe parcurs, insisten pentru completrile
imaginii ntregi, abilitatea de a nva independent.
n general, literatura de specialitate raporteaz suma
abilitilor la patru factori, i anume, abiliti native, cunotine
obinute prin educaie, experiena care nu se poate substitui prin
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nvare, i mentorat, adic dezvoltarea calitilor sub ndrumare

(Craig S. Fleisher 2004; Jerry P. Miller 2000). Profesionistul din
cadrul inteligenei competitive creeaz valoare adugat datelor
obinute din sursele primare i secundare. n conceptul lucrrii,
colectarea i analiza nu sunt neaprat faze secveniale, deoarece n
decursul analizei pot apare informaii adiionale (Craig S. Fleischer
2004), sau elaborarea informrii de la distan (strintate) conine
ambele faze, a colectrii i analizei (John G. Heidenrich 2007).
Ultima faz a ciclului de producie are importan deosebit,
pentru c informaia ne comunicat nu are valoare. Faza de
comunicare a rezultatelor are dificultile specifice, n primul rnd
datorit relaiilor interpersonale. Comunicarea trebuie redactat n
formatul dorit de decizional i concentrat pe subiectul cerut.
Produsul inteligent trebuie s fie concis, s aib claritate, s fie
echivoc, dac este cazul, s utilizeze imagini i grafici care conving
uor. Fr comunicare producia inteligenei nu are rezultate, nu
contribuie la acumularea avantajelor competitive ale organizaiei
(Helen Rothberg 2004).
n continuare se prezint cteva precizri cunoscute din
literatura de specialitate, care atrag atenia asupra orientrii
activitii profesionistului inteligenei competitive.
Cunoaterea inteligenei competitorilor nu este suficient
(Christopher Murphy 2005; John G. Heidenrich 2007), nici imitaia
competitorilor. Organizaia dedicat pentru dobndirea avantajelor
competitive are nevoie de inovare profund, n baza evalurii
riscurilor i oportunitilor
n conformitate cu cele publicate de SCIP (Society of
Competitive Intelligence Professionals), practicarea activitii
inteligenei competitive necesit cunotine multidisciplinare,
conceptele de baz au fost introduse n programul educaiei post
secundare. n literatura de specialitate se cunosc dezbaterile privind
recunoaterea profesiei inteligenei competitive (Ben Gilad 2001; Ian
Herring 2003, 2004; John McGonagle 2003; Jerry Miller 1995;
197
2000; 1996; 1995), ct i modalitile n care se poate organiza

nvmntul n aceast specialitate.
n baza expertizei acumulate n profesia inteligenei
competitive, studiul consider formarea profesional n inteligena
competitiv adecvat cursurilor nvmntului post universitar,
similar cu cursurile master n administrarea afacerilor. n acest sens,
elementele profesionale ale disciplinelor aferente inteligenei
competitive pot completa cunotinele de specialitate dobndite la
cursurile universitare i practicate la un nivel corespunztor al
creaiei inteligente, dezvoltnd inteligena cognitiv, atenia acordat
detaliilor, viziunea de ansamblu. Considernd c, printre calitile
unui practicant al inteligenei competitive trebuie s fie cunotine
explicite i tacite dobndite prin nvare i practicare sub mentorat,
nici unele elemente ale inteligenei cuantificabile sau a talentelor
native nu pot fi neglijate. Printre acestea se pot enumera inteligena
cognitiv, iniiativa, creativitatea, consecvena, flexibilitatea,
abilitatea repoziionrii n cazul percepiei schimbrilor, predicia,
atenia distributiv, dar i atenia la detalii aparent nensemnate
(Weak Signals), inteligena motric, dar i inteligena auditiv i
vizual.
1.6. Procesul de producie a inteligenei
Lucrarea susine c, n cadrul sistemului inteligenei
competitive procesului de producie a inteligenei ncepe cu
planificarea i formularea unei teme de cercetare. Tema de cercetare
este definit de ctre beneficiar, adic decizionalul din organizaie, n
funcie de nevoile reale. Ciclul de via a inteligenei produse difer
de la tem la tem, termenele ns i comunicarea la obiect sunt
eseniale pentru obinerea rezultatelor. Urmrirea mediului extern i
a competitorilor se desfoar, de regul, n mod permanent, ceea ce
nu nseamn ns, c temele cercetrii sunt identice (Don Mc Dowell
2009). Uneori pentru formularea temei de cercetare decizionalul
apeleaz la managementul cunoaterii din organizaie. Formularea
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obiectivelor temei, pot ntmpina greuti asemntoare cu cele din

practica managementului n formularea obiectivelor strategice
(Nonaka i Takeuchi 1995).
n baza principiilor prezentate, se poate dezvolta sistemul
inteligenei competitive n organizaie, care se bazeaz pe structura
managementul cunoaterii, asigurnd funcionarea colectrii,
gestionrii, stocrii, prelucrrii datelor i informaiilor, respectiv,
transformarea acestora n inteligen. Astfel cum s-a artat, n prima
faz a proceselor inteligenei competitive pot coopera mai multe
persoane din compartimente diferite fr aptitudini analitice. Aceste
colective nu au utilitatea unor grupuri de lucru creative denumite de
Helen Rothberg ,,shadow team, sau de Nonaka ,,rugby team, ele
asigur la nivel operativ circulaia fluxului de informaii, gestionarea
informaiilor sau a leciilor nvate (Helen Rothberg 2004).
Urmtoarea faz din procesul inteligenei competitive este
transformarea cunoaterii n inteligen. Aceasta necesit un plan i
procedur proiectat, dar i compartiment organizatoric specializat,
toate fiind denumite i arhitectur a inteligenei competitive (Helen
Rothberg 2004). Departamentul sistemul inteligenei competitive, ca
numr de persoane i ca structur organizatoric, variaz n funcie
de mrimea i potenialul organizaiei. n special, compartimentul de
analiz va trebui s fie distinct de alte compartimente. S-a constatat
c cele mai creative compartimente sunt cele formate din persoane
din diferite profesii i specialiti, care se constituie n grupuri adhoc care nu se reflect prin structura organizaiei (Jay Libowitz
2006; Helen Rothberg 2004; Nonaka and Takeuchi 1995; Markus
Schwaninger 2006). Prin sinergia membrilor i conversiei
cunotinelor, la nivel individual i la nivelul organizaiei, produsul
inteligent devine un bun al tuturor, este asumat de angajai. Aceste
grupuri deservesc cauza creaiei inteligenei n modul cel mai
adecvat, pentru transferul cunotinelor tacite individuale n
cunoatere colectiv, conversia cunotinelor tacite n cunoatere
explicit (Nonaka Takeuchi 1995; Georg von Krogh, 2000; Jay
199
Liebowitz 2010). Distribuia inteligenei la toate nivelele organizaiei

sunt benefice, chiar i la nivelele inferioare ale managementului (Jay
Liebowitz 2006).
Fa de cele prezentate, se cunosc cazuri n care colectarea
datelor, prelucrarea acestora, analiza i formularea comunicrii este
efectuat de profesionistul aflat la distan de central n strintate.
n aceste cazuri, aptitudinile i cunotinele profesionale ale
persoanei determin calitatea inteligenei transmise. Analizele
efectuate necesit cunoaterea ctorva instrumente specifice.
Tipurile cele mai importante de analiz, cunoscute att din
literatur de specialitate, ct i din practica zilnic, constituind
,,creierul inteligenei, sunt urmtoarele:
modelul de analiz a competitorilor i a mediului

extern, n conformitate cu modelul celor 5 fore ale competiiei
propus n analizele strategice de Michael Porter n 1980, utilizate la
nivel micro i mezo, sau diamantul lui Porter utilizat la analiza
competitivitii la nivel macro (Christipher Murphy n 2005; Jerry P.
Miller 2000; Jay Liebowitz 2006; Benjamin Gilad 2004; Chris West
2001; Helen Rothberg 2004; Douglas Bernhardt 2003). n acest sens,
modelul prezentat poate constitui baza planificrii colectrii i
analizei inteligenei competitive, obiectivele propuse fiind
rspunsuri, att la starea, evoluia i viitorul mediului extern, ct i la
cele ale competitorului de interes.
Analize de tip PEST sau PESTLE, sunt

conjuncturale ntocmite pentru descrierea situaiei politice,
economice, sociale i tehnice, dintr-o ar competitoare.
Analiza avertizrilor timpurii (Early Warnings),

adic prevenirea timpurie a unor evenimente majore care se vor
petrece n viitor pe baza unor semnale slabe, este recomandat de
ctre Ben Gilad (Ben Gilad 2004) ca instrument al previziunii.
Benchmarking este un proces sistemic continuu,

reprezentnd una din cele mai bune practici. nvarea prin
200
experimentare proprie prin acest instrument poate fi ntregit prin

nvarea din greeala sau succesul competitorului.
Analiza SWOT este un instrument analitic des

utilizat pentru descoperirea ameninrilor, slbiciunilor, dar i a
potenialului pozitiv al organizaiei.
Profilul psihologic al competitorului (Wella and

McGonagle 2000), prin care apropiaii organizaiei sau conducerii
divulg anumite intimiti, din care se pot deduce reaciile viitoare.
Expertiza n domeniu arat c cele mai importante fore de
coeziune pentru stabilirea climatului creativ sunt ncrederea ntre
membri, dar i ncrederea n viziunea comun, chiar prietenia i
recunoaterea profesional reciproc. Aceste fore lucreaz i n
cadrul formrii unor grupuri de lucru n reea (John Prescott 2006).
Mediul propice pentru promovarea lucrului n grupuri astfel
organizate depinde de cultura organizaiei prin care se nelege
necesitatea creaiei cunotinelor noi, a nevoi condiiilor de munc
corespunztoare liberei circulaii a informaiilor,a liberei exprimare a
ideilor noi, comunicarea permanent ntre membrii organizaiei pe
reele virtuale, utilizarea sinergiei ideilor, chiar i a celor marginale
sau nefezabile, nlesnirea organizrii grupurilor tematice ntre
membrii compartimentelor organizatorice diferite, desfurarea
activitilor creative n spaii deschise n consens cu deschiderea i
creativitatea pe care le inspir (Edgar Schein 2010; Jay Liebowitz
2006).
innd cont de experiena proprie i de cele constatate de
Edgar Schein (Edgar Schein 2010), cultura organizaiei se
transform foarte ncet datorit forelor ineriale contiente sau
incontiente din partea persoanelor din organizaie. Cea mai mare
provocare a managementului organizaiei este s iniieze i s creeze
o nou cultur organizaiei, cultur care permite nvarea continu,
inovarea continu, care preuiete inteligena i acumularea
capitalului intelectual i asigur avantajul competitiv sustenabil al
organizaiei. Obiectivul teoretic al transformrii poate fi organizaia
201
inteligent, practic realizarea acestuia depinde de eforturi susinute i

de timp relativ lung. Inteligena competitiv este determinat de
nivelul culturii organizaionale, i invers, nivelul culturii organizaiei
poate fi neleas ca un efect secundar al inteligenei competitive.
Msurarea efectelor reale ale inteligenei competitive
furnizate a fost i este dezbtut n continuare n publicaii i
conferine (ETPO 2012; Chris West 2001; Christopher Murphy
2005). Cele mai importante direcii moderne imprimate sistemelor de
evaluare accentueaz valoarea calitii inteligenei, a cercetrii, i
mai puin efectele sau numrul interveniilor prestate. De asemenea
conteaz acurateea, profunzimea, relevana, responsabilitatea,
oportunitatea livrrii, nelegerea solicitrilor (frecvena) (Christ
West 2001).
1.7.
Importana elementelor marginale n creterea
competitivitii
Lucrarea n acest subcapitol acord importana cuvenit
unor elemente specifice ale profesiei inteligenei competitive care se
refer la evenimente cu importan aparent minor (Jay Liebowitz
2006; Ben Gilad 2006). n aceast activitate primeaz atenia la
detalii i semnale slabe. Prelucrarea i comunicarea acestor elemente
specifice singulare pot contribui la dobndirea avantajelor
competitive ale organizaiei. Un element marginal poate deveni
element strategic pentru organizaie.
Din experiena unor organizaii de afaceri se cunoate c,
tocmai tratarea cu mare atenie a nielor marginale se pot dobndi
avantaje competitive dac acestea sunt tratate cu maxim seriozitate
i sunt asumate riscurile aferente. Fenomenul este cunoscut dup
terminologia englez ,,we win at the margin. Aceste informaii
marginale pot fi la nceput avantaje minimale, de tipul ,,tim puin
mai multe informaii dect ceilali. Diferena este att de fin prin a
avea puin mai mult cunotin i nelegere c, doar prin acordarea
ateniei necesare acestora pot deveni acionabile.
202
De asemenea, un alt aspect, de multe ori neglijat, poate fi

punctul de vedere minoritar, care este potrivnic viziunii majoritare
(Markus Schwaninger 2006; Helen Rothberg 2004; Jay Liebowitz
2006). Managementul superior trebuie s promoveze punctul de
vedere minoritar, prin acestea se pot crea avantaje i inovaii. Astfel,
managerul nainte de luarea deciziei trebuie s in cont de rapoartele
minoritare. Profesionitii inteligenei competitive prin furnizarea
acestor opinii minoritare, contrar cu viziunile majoritare, trebuie s
formuleze i s finalizeze analizele n mod profesional, cu ncredere
n realitatea adevrului descoperit.
2. Problematica transferului expertizei aferente

inteligenei strategice, implicit al sistemului inteligenei
competitive din domeniul privat la cel public n vederea creterii
competitivitii actelor de guvernare.
Acest capitol examineaz problematica translatrii
expertizei organizaiilor de afaceri n domeniul implementrii
sistemului inteligenei competitive la instituii publice. Ipoteza
studiului susine c, avantajele competitive captabile de ctre
instituia public se vor reflecta n creterea eficacitii activitii la
nivel instituional, dar i n creterea calitii produselor elaborate, i
implicit, n creterea competitivitii naiunii.
Capitolul precedent a relevat problematica implementrii i
dezvoltrii sistemului inteligenei competitive la organizaia de
afaceri, subliniind factorii care pot facilita implementarea sistemului
i dezvoltarea acestuia. n condiiile implementrii sistemului
inteligenei competitive la instituia public, expertiza dobndit la
implementarea sistemului inteligenei competitive la organizaia de
afaceri este insuficient datorit condiiilor diferite, la nivel
organizaional, proceselor interne, managementului practicat.
Prezentul capitol va examina situaia factorilor determinani n calea
translatrii expertizei organizaiei de afaceri n acest domeniu,
203
trecnd n revist specificul administraiei publice, problematica

legitimitii i legalitii exercitrii funciilor de conducere la
instituia public, relaia puterii politice cu tehnocraia i tiinele,
cunoaterea. n urma examinrii condiiilor implementrii sistemului
inteligenei competitive la instituia public, studiul a descoperit
obstacole nentlnite la organizaia de afaceri, bariere de natur
uman i obstacole privind redistribuirea puterii la modul general.
n rezolvarea problemelor aparent complexe, n spiritul
expus de Herbert Simon (1962), problemele se pot rezolva n msura
acordrii ateniei cuvenite domeniului, respectiv, sistemele complexe
se pot gestiona prin sistem managerial adecvat complexitii
sistemului. Structurnd problemele din punctul de vedere al
managementului strategic, se observ diferene eseniale ntre
condiiile de funcionare ale organizaiei i instituiei publice.
Competiiei din mediul de afaceri se poate face fa prin creterea
competitivitii i adaptabilitii organizaiei, iar supravieuirea
instituiei publice unice n felul ei n administraia statului nu este
supus presiunii conjuncturale.
n acest context, crescnd incertitudinea i competiia n
perioada globalizrii, organizaia de afaceri poate capta i menine
avantaje competitive prin management adecvat, care gestioneaz cu
maxim atenie toate resursele aflate la dispoziie, astfel i cele
endogene. Cunoaterea i inteligena individual i colectiv, avnd
calitatea de resurse endogene, n organizaie necesit un sistem
adecvat de gestionare, respectiv, creaia produselor inteligente
necesit un mediu cultural specific. Un astfel de sistem managerial
despre care se cunosc bunele practici la organizaia de afaceri poate
fi implementat la instituia public cu scopul obinerii rezultatelor
similare, dar aceste schimbri nu se produc datorit presiunii
concureniale ci sunt iniiate de puterea politic sub aspectul
reformelor instituiilor de stat.
204
Necesitatea reformelor instituionale sunt cunoscute de

ntreaga societate, dar reformele sunt ncete din cauza
conservatorismului puterii birocratice i capacitii politice limitate
pentru schimbare, coabitnd cu instituia public repartizat pe
perioada exercitrii puterii. Formele managementului corporativ sunt
cunoscute i utilizate doar n statele dezvoltate. Instrumentele cele
mai utile managementului, cum ar fi identificarea i utilizarea
potenialului endogen creativ i inteligena colectiv, nu sunt
implementate.
n aceste condiii, aprofundarea problematicii transferului
expertizei i bunelor practici din organizaia de afaceri la instituia
public a necesitat analiza documentar a literaturii administraiei
publice i managementului public n vederea examinrii
problematicii schimbrii i relaionrii puterii cu tiina,
cunoaterea. Concluziile relaiilor studiate vor cuprinde referiri i la
situaia administraiei publice romneti.
Implementarea sistemului inteligenei competitive la
instituia public este asimilat prin schimbarea structurii i
procedurilor interne, reprezentnd dificultile adaptrii i
implementrii expertizei
administrrii sistemului inteligenei
strategice din mediul de afaceri la instituia public.
n acest context,
analiza a urmrit indicatorii care
influeneaz implementarea sistemului inteligenei strategice la
organizaiile de afaceri, i anume, cultura organizaiei caracterizat
prin structura organizaiei i procesele interne, rolul liderului formal
al organizaiei, relevnd cele mai importante diferene ale
instituiilor publice fa de organizaia de afaceri, prezentate sintetic
n cele ce urmeaz.
Prima constatare relev c activitile administraiei publice
se supun dublei subordonri, i anume, legislaiei funcionrii
organizaiilor publice (managementul public), respectiv, puterii
politice i integrrii sarcinilor politice care revin organizaiei din
205
programul de guvernare. Cu toate diferenele constatate ntre

activitile managementului privat i cel public, n statele dezvoltate
dup integrarea auditului public, obiectivele i evaluarea rezultatelor
obinute de sistemul inteligenei strategice difer relativ puin
(Douglas Bernhardt 2003). Constatarea ncurajeaz demersurile
implementrii la instituia public a sistemelor manageriale eficace
testate la organizaia de afaceri. Totui, literatura de specialitate a
managementului public ndeamn la pruden n privina
implementrii unor modele noi de management din prisma relaiei
managementului public cu politicul i politicile, satisfacia dorinei
stakeholderilor (puterea politic i funcionarii politici, societate,
puterea birocratic), participarea publicului la luarea deciziilor i
formarea politicilor, problema legitimitii.
innd cont de aceste relaii i mecanisme specifice
instituiilor publice, lucrarea prezint problematica managementul
instituiilor publice din perspectiv istoric i a schimbrii birocraiei
guvernamentale n conceptele acceptate la sfritul secolului XX,
prin sinteza concluziilor celor mai cunoscute publicaii de
specialitate.
Cele mai importante schimbri n administraia de stat s-au
petrecut pe msura transformrii administraiei publice n statele
democratice n management public, instituiile publice au introdus
treptat elemente ale guvernanei corporative prin audit intern i au
aplicat guvernana statal pentru creterea capacitii instituionale.
Managementul public urmat de noul management public acord
atenie sporit formrii managerului public, cu atribuii
antreprenoriale, i msurarea performanelor manageriale. Profesia
de manager public i-a ctigat recunoaterea dup transformarea
funciei de administraie public. Denumirea de management public
are un istoric de peste jumtate de secol i este modelul hibrid al
managementului afacerii i administraiei publice. Acesta difer de
activitile administraiei publice prin faptul c i se atribuie funcii
similare managementului afacerii (planificare, organizare, control i
206
evaluare), criterii de performan economice n locul echitii i

siguranei politice, un rol funcional din perspectiva politicului,
reprezentarea organizaiei n relaiile cu terii, legtur filozofic cu
tradiia managementului tiinific (Madisonian i Taylorian), dar i
cu tiina politic i sociologic (Lynn Laurence 2004). Profesia de
manager public ctig loc important n administraia puterii
executive, guvern i agenii, devenind interfaa ntre puterea politic
i puterea birocratic (Meier Kenneth 1986). Rolul conductorului
organizaiei este obinerea puterii pentru organizaie, astfel, n
organizaia public rolul lui este obinerea resurselor i autonomiei
pentru realizarea elurilor politicii publice, cu ajutorul membrilor
cooptai prin coeziune i demonstrarea expertizei (denumit funcie de
leadership n afaceri) (Behn Robert 1991). Pe msur ce
managementul public este efectuat de specialiti, abordrile devin
tehnice (tiinifice i empirice), ctignd influen n stabilirea
politicilor (Lynn Laurence 1996). Independena relativ a
managerului public fa de politic n conducerea instituiei poate
asigura posibilitatea elaborrii unui sistem de recompensare i
stimulare a nvrii, a creterii cunotinelor profesionale
(Schneider Anne 1990). Creterea cunotinelor profesionale sunt
necesare n vederea nsuirii unor tehnici analitice i reorientarea
intelor spre viitor, adoptnd astfel gndirea strategic (Lynn
Laurence 2004).
n aceast logic, implementarea sistemului inteligenei
competitive este facilitat de ctre sistemul managementului public
descris n statele democratice avansate.
Conform cu cele mai importante publicaii, managementul
public s-a difereniat definitiv de administraia public prin formarea
profesionitilor. Caracteristicile prezentate definesc noua cultur a
profesiei (Kelman Steven 1987) i a organizaiei, care nlocuiete
justificarea analitic i cantitativ a modelului raional de conducere
al lui Frederic Taylor, cu tendina de aciune, apropierea de client,
autonomia (strategiei) i antreprenoriatul (Peters Thomas J. i
Waterman Robert J. 1982). n aceste condiii, devine posibil
207
satisfacia ,,stakeholderilor, dar redistribuirea puterii politice spre

tehnocraia nelegitim a democraiei reprezentative este
controversat. Problema satisfacerii clienilor ns este dificil
datorit dublei subordonri a funcionarilor publici, i, implicit, a
managementului public.
Subordonarea managerului public fa de puterea politic
executiv deriv din relaia structural legal a instituiei cu
guvernarea, dar i din faptul c, managerul public este numit n
funcia de conducere (managementul organizaiei publice) n baza
competenelor profesionale, dar i n funcie de ncrederea acordat
de politic n ateptarea loialitii lui. Teoretic, paradigma post
birocratic consider valoroas argumentarea i deliberarea
managerului public, exercitarea conducerii, crearea unei misiuni
nalte i unei noi culturi organizaionale, implementarea planificrii
strategice, angajarea fa de calitate i climat favorabil inovaiilor,
investirea n resurse umane (Barzelay Michael 1992), dar nu i fr
avizul politicului. Managementul se menine astfel, n cadrul a dou
tradiii asociate, i anume, politica i administraia. Legitimitatea
aciunilor funcionarului public asigurat de politic este ignorat de
Barzeley. Birocraia este privit ca entitate cu voin proprie, avnd
responsabiliti doar spre ceteni, cu toate c se afl dincolo de
influena mecanismelor alegerii sociale.
n aceste condiii, se poate afirma c, managementul
cunoaterii, component de baz al sistemului inteligenei strategice
care asigur infrastructura sistemului poate fi atribuia
managementului public. Dar, alocarea resurselor, umane i
financiare, pentru dezvoltarea i funcionarea acestora revine puterii
politice. Sistemul managementului cunoaterii poate reprezenta
infrastructura sistemului inteligenei competitive, component a
inteligenei strategice, dar selecie a persoanelor i numirea acestora
pe funciile specifice aparine puterii politice. Aceast situaie
contravine criteriilor de performan elaborate de organisme
academice i asociaii profesionale (SCIAP), care consider calitatea
profesional al lucrtorului n profesia inteligenei competitive i
208
abilitile native i cognitive condiii de baz care definesc calitatea

inteligenei elaborate.
Fa de considerentele teoretice prezentate, managementul
public autohton este insuficient de dezvoltat. Managerul public este
ntr-o permanent negociere cu decizionalul pentru a-l convinge de
corectitudinea i eficiena soluiilor tehnice derivate din expertiza
care l-a promovat de fapt n funcie. Soluia final este compromisul
agreat de politic, care poate diferi de soluia original propus.
Propunerea ine cont i de legislaia specific care se refer la
desfurarea activitilor, implicit i de sanciuni n cazul abaterilor,
sau obinerea unor rezultate negative de ctre instituie, implicit de
conducerea politic. Aceste aciuni nu se ncadreaz n bunele
practici prezentate de Peters i Waterman, conform crora
antreprenorii birocraiei de succes transform obstacolele n
oportuniti, riscnd s fac greeli (Peters i Waterman 1982).
Managerul public romn ns, n exercitarea funciei n administraia
public, este precaut i limitat. n conformitate cu publicaiile de
specialitate autohtone, managerul public nu risc comiterea unei
greeli, nu are curajul abordrii unor soluii noi n situaii delicate
nentlnite, sau nu abordeaz oportuniti marginale, care n
managementul privat, creeaz avantajele competitive ale
organizaiei.
2.1. Relaia ntre cunoatere, tiin i politicile publice
Disputa ntre tehnocratizarea i politizarea activitilor este
continu. n statele dezvoltate, administraia public a devenit
management public, n paralel cu tehnocratizarea actelor de
management. Participarea maselor la formarea politicilor i deciziilor
tehnice de specialitate s-a diminuat, din motivul principal al
diminurii influenei autoritii raional-legal a aleilor
(Hisschenmoller, M. Dunn.W 1998; Dunn W.2010). Democraia
participativ asigur creterea capacitii instituionale prin
guvernana de stat n paralel cu redistribuirea puterii politice.
209
n acest sens, se poate afirma c, problemele politicilor

publice nu trebuie cutate n exterior, ci mai degrab n gndirea
puterii politice (Dunn W. 2010). Ca urmare, autoritatea tradiional
(Max Weber) perceput prin superioritate moral i spiritual acelor
care exercitau autoritatea, respectiv, autoritatea charismatic a
liderului cu caracter eroic, au fost nlocuite, datorit evoluiei
societii, cu autoritatea raional-legal, bazat pe legi scrise, care
necesit funcionari profesioniti (Weber Max 1946; Lynn Laurence
1996). Regndirea raionalitii tiinifice i politice este consecina
contradiciei manifestate ntre capitalism i liberalismul democratic
(Hirschenmoller M., Dunn.W 1998). Rezolvarea problemelor se afl
la intersecia cunoaterii tiinifice i tehnice cu capacitatea i voina
puterii politice alturi de participarea la formularea politicilor
publice. Nu toi oamenii de tiin sunt adepii colaborrii cu
politicul, astfel nici funcionarii publici experi n specialitate nu pot
coopera mpotriva raionalitii tiinifice. Aceste elemente definesc
costul tranzaciei schimbrii, iar rezolvarea problemelor necesit
cooperare ntre puterea politic i puterea birocratic. O limit a
tiinei aplicate i utilizate n interiorul cercurilor de putere ns,
poate fi cea a susinerii inteniilor puterii, deformnd realitatea i
asigurnd metode i instrumentaie tiinific (Wildavsky Aaron
1997).
Tehnocratizarea n rndul funcionarilor publici din
administraia central i-a specializat profesional n domenii
economice, sociale i tiinifice, s-au specializat n profilul tehnic al
instituiei publice (ministere, agenii). De asemenea, introducerea cu
succes a tiinelor politice i a analizelor politicilor n activitatea de
cercetare a administraiei publice este efectul dominrii tehnocraiei.
n aceste condiii, cunoaterea individual i colectiv a
funcionarilor publici a devenit criteriu important n rezolvarea
problemelor de serviciu. Cunoaterea are impact deosebit asupra
proceselor i deciziilor la nivelul politicilor publice naionale
(Caplan N. 1979). De asemenea, a devenit imperios necesar
creterea capacitii cercettorilor de a produce date i informaii n
210
conformitate cu nevoile politicului pentru luarea deciziilor cele mai

bune i n timp scurt (Caplan N. 1979).
n instituiile publice cunoaterea tiinific este
marginalizat de cunoaterea practic, datorit politicului, care de
multe ori, nu are pregtirea sau disponibilitatea nelegerii actelor
tiinifice (Dunn.W, Hisschenmoller, M. 1998). Atunci cnd exist o
cooperare pozitiv ntre tiin, puterea politic i politicile,
problemele sunt rezolvate n consens. Astfel de probleme sunt legate
de protecia mediului nconjurtor, unde tiina se traduce n politic
(Dunn.W, Hisschenmoller, M. 1998).
Unele instrumente tiinifice de analiz au fost preluate din
managementul organizaiei de afaceri. Astfel, analizele politice, au
devenit instrumente importante pentru informarea puterii. Creterea
calitii inteligenei produse depinde de formarea multidisciplinar a
analitilor. Prin luarea la cunotin a inteligenei recepionate din
rezultatele cercetrilor, puterea politic se poate repoziiona fa de
probleme, reducnd incertitudinea politicilor aplicate. Un instrument
important la luarea deciziilor poate fi avertizarea timpurie (Early
warnings) pentru creterea prediciei actelor de guvernare (Rogers
James 1988; Dunn.W, Hisschenmoller, M. 1998).
Cunoscnd barierele cooperrii ntre puterea politic,
puterea birocratic i cunoaterea i tiinele, se poate declara c,
eficacitatea strategiei guvernamentale este o ntrebare deschis, fr
rspuns (Rogers James 1988), n special pentru c, la elaborarea
politicilor pot interveni opinii subiective. Aceast afirmaie se
bazeaz pe rezultatele cercetrilor de comportament ale politicienilor
care n msur nsemnat se bazeaz pe decizii i aciuni dictate de
instinct, presimiri provenite din practica politic. tiinele politice,
sociale i a politicilor publice au consemnat evoluia relaiilor ntre
managementul politic i administraia public n decursul secolului
XX. Rolul funcionarului public s-a transformat din administrator
birocrat n consultant tehnocrat datorit instrumentrii analitice n
instituiile publice centrale.
211
n acest sens, se poate constata c, n vederea implementrii

sistemelor care gestioneaz i creeaz inteligen este nevoie de mai
mult schimbare dect tehnocratizarea proceselor, este nevoie de
schimbri ale structurii instituiei, a culturii organizaionale, precum
i c, cunoaterea ca for endogen acionabil produce schimbare
organizaional.
2.2. Cunoaterea i necesitatea schimbrii la instituiile
publice
Lucrarea prezent consider crearea cunoaterii noi,
integrarea cunoaterii n strategii i formarea culturii organizaiei
pentru dezvoltarea mediului propice creaiei i integrrii
cunotinelor, condiiile de baz pentru dobndirea avantajelor
competitive ale organizaiei, deopotriv celor de afaceri sau publice.
n baza acestor principii, n vederea implementrii sistemului
inteligenei strategice, i implicit, celui al inteligenei competitive,
organizaia trebuie s accepte schimbri ale structurii i culturii
organizaionale. Toate acestea nu se pot ndeplinii fr iniiatorul
schimbrii, care de fapt n cazul ideal este chiar liderul formal, stimat
pentru cunotinele profesionale, designer i dedicat (steward)
organizaiei i intereselor ei. Liderul n instituiile publice are acelai
rol determinant ca n sfera mediului de afaceri cu diferena c nu
dispune n toate cazurile de resursele financiare. Liderul formal al
instituiei publice poate fi reprezentatul puterii politice sau
managerul public cu statutul funcionarului public numit de ctre
putere. Poziia liderului instituiei publice fa de schimbare, asimilat
cu atitudinea puterii politice fa de schimbare este de cele mai multe
ori negativ. Literatura de specialitate studiat precizeaz c puterea
politic nu este ncntat n privina unor schimbri majore care
vizeaz structura organizaiei i lrgirea competenelor managerului
public, ntr-un fel i aceasta nseamn redistribuirea puterii. n locul
acestor schimbri, se propune identificarea potenialului existent n
instituie pentru mbuntirea organizaiei (Lynn Laurence 2008).
212
Aceast atitudine nseamn implicit i reducerea agendei intelectuale

a managerului public i are consecine practice negative la
valorificarea potenialului intern prin cadrul politic i instituional dat
(Lynn Laurence 2008). n acest context, implementarea sistemului
inteligenei competitive fiind echivalent cu schimbri nsemnate n
structura organizaiei i a procedurilor interne, decizia asupra
implementrii sistemului inteligenei strategice i competitive,
depinde de capacitatea politic.
Pe de alt parte, extinderea managementului organizaiei de
afaceri la instituia public crete rolul funcionarului public n
stabilirea proceselor politicilor publice i adaptarea concepiilor
administraiei publice (Barzelay M. 1992). Cu toate c, prin aportul
expertizei funcionarilor publici la formarea strategiilor, implicit
elaborarea analizelor sau a avertizrilor predictive, este susinut
puterea executiv pentru definitivarea deciziilor politice, Fischer
susine c, aceast contribuie este profund antidemocratic (Fischer
F. 1993), pentru c intele i obiectivele sunt elaborate de ctre
tehnocrai care nu dein legitimitate democratic.
n acest context, soluia optim agreat de ambele pri
depinde de capacitatea politic i capacitatea public, miestria
managerial prin care cultura organizaiei cunoscut de conducerea
politic se poate coopta n proiectele comune. De asemenea, se poate
constitui echipa managerial din funcionarii politici i funcionarii
publici pentru obinerea obiectivelor comune stabilite n comun.
Costul tranzaciei care nsumeaz contribuia tuturor resurselor n
vederea schimbrii, att pe partea politic, ct i pe partea public,
este proporional cu mrimea divergenei prilor.
n cazul nereuitei colaborrii, Lynn recomand dezvoltarea
gndirii individuale, informarea i condiionarea minii (Lynn
Laurence 2004), dezvoltarea unor modele pentru gndire i
comportament. Unii autori susin c, crearea i aplicarea
cunotinelor revine universitilor i profesorilor din domeniul
managementului public (Lynn Laurence 2004), iar instituiei publice
213
i revine rolul de integrare a rezultatelor cercetrii. n aceast logic,

managerul public este un simplu investigator specializat, capabil s
examineze pretenii concurente, s rezolve incertitudinile n mod
rezonabil.
Studiul prezent nu este de acord cu aceste opinii, n special
datorit faptului c, s-a dovedit succesul organizaiei de afaceri care
gestioneaz i creeaz inteligen, devenind mai competitiv.
Resursele endogene ale instituiei publice pot fi descoperite i
susinute s devin factori multiplicativi ai creaiei prin sistemul
inteligenei strategice, implicit prin sistemul inteligenei competitive
i sinergia prilor.
n literatura de specialitate a managementului public nu se
cunosc aspecte referitoare la importana cunoaterii colective, aportul
cunoaterii tacite i conversia cunoaterii. De asemenea, nu se
cunosc lucrri care apreciaz mediul intern al organizaiei din punct
de vedere al creaiei inteligenei.
2.3. Concluzii. Rezolvarea problemelor prin cooperarea
ntre puterea politic i birocraia
Concluziile studiului arat c implementarea unui sistem al
inteligenei strategice la instituia public, care cuprinde implicit i
sistemul inteligenei competitive, reprezint o schimbare esenial n
structura i procedurile interne instituiei publice. Schimbarea
depinde n primul rnd de capacitatea politic, implicit capacitatea
nelegerii avantajelor implementrii unui sistem care asigur
creterea competitivitii instituiei, acordul pentru schimbare
structural i a procedurilor interne, acordul pentru redistribuirea
puterii spre mecanisme tehnocrate. Legitimitatea i legalitatea
administrrii structurilor de stat confer funcionarilor politici
puterea decizional executiv obinut prin democraia
reprezentativ. Redistribuirea puterii spre funcionarii publici i
tehnocraie aparent poate fi interpretat prin slbirea puterii, n loc s
214
fie neleas ca form a cooperrii n vederea creterii capacitii i

competitivitii instituiei.
Capacitatea public nsumeaz totalitatea barierelor umane
care depind de pregtirea profesional a funcionarilor publici,
capacitatea de nelegere a necesitii schimbrii i renunarea la
monopolizarea informaiilor administrate.
Rezolvarea situaiei poate fi una de compromis ale prilor
i colaborarea ntre puterea politic i puterea birocratic n vederea
implementrii sistemelor manageriale performante i verificate la
organizaia de afaceri, n vederea creterii capacitii instituionale,
creterea competitivitii instituiei, flexibilizarea proceselor,
asigurarea continuitii memoriei instituionale.
Avnd n vedere cele spuse de Alexander Hamilton, precum
o guvernare caracterizat de proast execuie, este n practic o
guvernare proast (Lynn Laurence 2004), rezultatele bunei guvernri
depind de cooptarea managementul public i cointeresarea puterii
birocratice n mod implicit. Pe de alt parte, cu o formare
multidisciplinar i datorit pasiunii pentru profesie i
devotamentului fa de tiine, managerul public n calitate de
reprezentant al funcionarilor publici i lider formal, trebuie s
negocieze cu reprezentanii puterii prin convingere argumentat,
demonstrnd c intele i obiectivele comune se pot obine prin
colaborare i creterea competitivitii instituiei publice.
Puterea politic executiv trece prin testul real al artei
guvernrii dac reuete instituirea schimbrilor pe care le dorete,
fr s piard serviciile birocratice pe care le impune (Heclo H.
1977). n acest context, cooperarea ntre funcionarul politic i
funcionarul public este singura cale constructiv pentru realizarea
obiectivelor.
n baza acestor considerente, teoretic ar fi util fiecrei pri,
s se delimiteze funcia public de cea politic n mod real i
depolitizarea structurii funciilor publice. Problema nelegerii
necesitii cooperrii de ctre fiecare parte const i prin nelegerea
215
prii opuse i nceperea negocierii. n mod firesc, politicul ar trebui

s aib mai mult ncredere n funcionarul public, n expertiza pe
care o are ntr-un domeniu unde el este ,,strin, adic ndeplinete
funcia doar pe durata mandatului (Elmor Richard 1986).
Delimitarea ariilor de aciune de ctre puterea politic i
depolitizarea posturilor de conducere din instituie, ar asigura
continuitatea expertizei domeniului ntre mandatele politice.
Performana guvernrii poate fi produsul matematic al rezultatelor
obinute de conducerea politic i al puterii birocratice (Heclo Hugh
1977).
Alternative pentru flexibilizarea birocraiei i natura
guvernrii sunt propuse prin organizaii conductive (McGuire M.
And Arganoff R. 2011). Saint-Onge i Armstrong definesc
organizaia conductiv ca fiind organizaia care genereaz n mod
continuu capabiliti i pe care le rennoiesc n mod continuu pentru
obinerea performanelor, crescnd calitatea i rspndirea
cunotinelor, organizaie care i calibreaz strategia, cultura,
structura i sistemul la nevoile clienilor i pieii. Menionnd c,
aceast descriere a organizaiei conductive reitereaz de fapt
calitile organizaiei adaptabile din mediul de afaceri, se poate
declara c, obiectivele, organizarea i strategia sustenabil a
organizaiilor, fie ele publice sau de afaceri, teoretic converg spre
creterea competitivitii. Atingerea acestui obiectiv poate fi
facilitat prin sistemul inteligenei competitive care asigur
inteligena necesar formulrii intelor i obiectivelor strategice,
asigur mediul necesar creaiei inteligente i creterii inteligenei
individuale i colective.
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220
TEACHING AND UNDERSTANDING CULTURAL

IDENTITY AND CULTURAL HERITAGE
THROUGH LITERATURE
Isabel LAZR
University of Bucharest
Societies and higher education institutions are facing nowadays the shaping
force of globalization in other words, frontiers are vanishing and
national identities gradually become fluid and cosmopolitan. My paper
puts forward the importance of teaching concepts such as cultural
identity and cultural heritage for Romanian students. In order to do that
I shall use Tennessee Williams plays, since his dramas bring into discussion
the issue of Southern society characterized by racist bigotry which will
always be remembered by the theatergoers through characters like Blanche
DuBois (A Streetcar Named Desire), or Margaret (Cat on a Hot Tin Roof)
that basically represent Southern identities.
Keywords: cultural identity, cultural heritage, American literature,
Tennessee Williams.
Tennessee Williams is one of the most important

representatives of American literature who managed to create
characters who truly symbolize American Southern identities
throughout his writings. For these characters the South was more
than their place of living but rather a way of life. The South had a
major influence on the writer and his years spent in Mississippi Delta
and in New Orleans consisted in his most valuable literary source for
his work.
As Signi Lenea Falk puts it, his favorite themes are mainly
concerned with the South and they can be found throughout his
work, namely, aristocratic women who are trapped in a world which
221
does not appreciate coquetry anymore therefore, it is worthless;

unmarried grown-ups who are simply incapable to overcome the
Southern Puritan tradition; people used to a culture which
appreciated honor and who end up in a society in which they have to
compete with others who are totally adjusted to capitalism and
consequently, stronger; failed individuals lost in a materialistic and
immoral world; slavery trauma; and people who are incapable to
overcome their desire and passion. The playwright shows sympathy
and mercy regarding the characters' dramas. Nevertheless, the
characters face experiences which are not exclusively Southern; in
other words they can take place all over the world and to anybody
not only to aristocratic people. In other words his plays are about
people who live in the past and who are unwillingly placed in a
"mechanistic society" (Falk, 1961:163).
Williams often creates grotesque characters and overdraws
certain scenes as to make the audience feel the impact of the plot. It
is obvious that he wittingly created this theatrical device since that
would mean a bigger box office which gradually came in time due to
his dramatic wisdom. With the same purpose in mind Williams also
analyzed the corruption and decay of Southern aristocracy when
creating his Southern characters. For instance, Amanda Wingfield in
The Glass Menagerie is in a continuous struggle to survive the
poverty; Blanche DuBois in A Streetcar Named Desire shifts from
moments in which she thinks she is the queen of past balls to
moments when she's wild, alcoholic and sex-starved; Big Daddy in
Cat on a Hot Tin Roof is the last successful representative of the
Southern planters who fights for his son Brick to overcome his
drinking problem.
Another category of character includes the failed artist who
is compared to the common man. The artist refuses to obey social
rules and as a consequence he becomes an outcast of the urban
society. He is a great lover who takes advantage of nymphomaniacs
in order to achieve his happiness and freedom. Furthermore, he is
the last symbol of a society which is subject to a continuous decay.
222
Moreover, he sees the industrialized world as a source of inspiration

for his art creations. For instance, Tom Wingfield, the
autobiographic character in The Glass Menagerie, is an art starved
youngster who describes his experiences in his writings. Even
though they are unsocial and marginalized people, they consider art
as self-sufficient.
Williams unconventional Southern characters are in fact
the first victims of capitalist society. For instance, the representatives
of Southern aristocracy such as Laura Wingfield or Blanche DuBois
can not adjust to contemporary norms and values since they are inbetween worlds and in the end they opt for the values of Puritan
culture and dismissing their instincts and desires. All in all,
Williams' Southern characters refuse to acknowledge the roughshod
reality which leads to their obliteration. Nonetheless, the playwright
gives an opportunity to be true one to the other to Big Daddy and to
his son in a scene of Cat on a Hot Tin Roof when they have a chance
to speak up their minds.
An important role in Williams construction of Southern
identities is played by sex and its strange relation with religion.
Religion is somewhat inconsistent with Tennessee Williams'
theatrical view since all the representatives of Episcopal Church are
described in a grotesque manner. According to him Southern
Puritanism usually stands for lack of sexual desire which leads to
celibacy. Thus, the characters see sex as synonym to the corruption
of purity which causes feelings of guilt in the end. However, sex
basically represents Williams' favorite theme which conveys
different meanings throughout his literary work. Therefore, sex is
more than pleasure and guilt since it is the only way to complete
freedom. Furthermore, it is in fact the symbol of love and religion as
it is life-giving.
Williams explores in depth the nuances of the gendered
identity. Such female characters as Amanda Wingfield and her
daughter Laura or Blanche represent Southern stereotype characters.
They are the "belle antique" who keep on dreaming on the ideal
223
gentleman who does not show up and eventually he never does.

Furthermore, they live in their own dream world which is
incompatible with the rules of the competitive society in which they
live. In addition, their Puritan education makes them accept
abstinence which causes hysteria and leads to prostitution. Amanda
Wingfield is basically the mother character. She can be on the one
hand, the Southern landlady, gentle and displaying good manners but
on the other hand, the overprotective mother who is continuously
annoying her son. Big Mama takes over the role of pater familias as
a result of her husband's illness.
Williams also puts forward the socially aggressive woman
who basically masters men. In other words, Brick's wife is feeling
stronger everyday as her husband become weaker and weaker. There
are several female characters who are not inhibited at all and who
reject the Puritan values of plantation culture. Margaret in Cat on a
Hot Tin Roof or Stella in A Streetcar Named Desire are two women
who are aware are of their sexuality. Williams highlights the fact that
they are two young and normal Americans who are not afraid of
physical attraction and of fleshly needs. Blanche DuBois is contrary
to those two, namely, she is an elegant aristocrat with easy virtue.
Female identities are represented by comparison to average
women and in sharp contrast to Williams male characters.
Tom Wingfield in The Glass Menagerie is the first and
moreover, the best described male character in the playwright's
writings. He is the runaway poet who enjoyed living his life in an
unconventional manner. Thus, he dislikes inhibitions and his
mother's nonsensical rules. At the same time, he is socially frustrated
due to his way of living which is incompatible with the
businessmen's world that lacks imagination. The male character in
Cat on a Hot Tin Roof Brick is a carefree person who does nothing
else but to seek help in alcohol when he experiences the hardships
and injustices of life. Stanley Kowalski, Stella's husband in A
Streetcar Named Desire is on the other hand, a completely adapted
citizen of the industrialized society owing to the social class in which
224
he was born. He is a man with a "primitive vitality" (Falk, 1961:171)

that vindicates his violent and brutal manifestation.
Williams also describes in his plays totally different
Southern male character, that is, the pragmatic industrialist or
businessman who is fully adjusted to contemporary society. For
instance, Gooper in Cat on a Hot Tin Roof who belongs to this
typology is continuously trying to save all the fortune for him and to
force out of home his alcoholic and irresponsible brother.
Big Daddy represents a different stereotype character,
namely, the dynamic older man who refuses to give up regardless of
his age. He is used to a certain standard of comfort and he is afraid
that his sons will not be able to increase the family's wealth. Besides
industrialists who are satirically presented and defeated dreamers,
Williams also creates another stereotype male character, namely, the
good boy like Jim O'Connor (Falk, 1961:163-173).
Tennessee Williams was a revelation in American literature
above all due to his fine gift of creating Southern characters which
made him unique from other writers. He manager to explore the
depths of human intense feelings, then he mentally analyzed them
and in the end wrote them down and in this way gave birth to
characters who were both representatives of the past and of the
present. When he was 31, Williams was the best known playwright
of decade and ten years later, at the age of 41, he had already won
five important awards. Thus, besides all critiques he will remain
unique due to his numerous works and to his unique manner of
describing the lost values of South and of immortalizing a huge
gallery of Southern characters.
As Nancy M. Tischler put it in Tennessee on Tennessee
readers or audience
will find a new mystery [in his plays] a labyrinth of confused
motives, desires, loves, defenses, apparent revelations, actual deceits,
and laments. So complex a human, so sensitive a writer, so
chameleon a figure is endlessly fascinating (Tischler, 2003:654).
225
Virgil Stanciu stated that the South was the element that
triggered the whole writing mechanism for Williams. Williams
together with Arthur Miller are the most famous American
playwrights and American drama became known worldwide because
of them. Williams was an "open, Mediterranean and Southern
person, [he was] sensual, volcanic and luxuriant literary speaking "
(My translation Stanciu, 1977:179-180). Tennessee Williams' plays
are full of energy and the Southern characters' inner power goes
beyond words:
At a closer analysis one can observe that the souls of Tennessee
Williams' heroes represent a peculiar mixture of primitive sensuality
and noble endeavors of purity and absolute. Most of his characters
are strange, and mysterious in a pragmatic world; consequently, their
fate is to perish. They can not be with the others; even though their
lives and destinies meet, they get closer one to the other but no other
deeper connection occurs between them (My translation Stanciu,
1977:186).
Furthermore, the playwright puts in stage sets which
suggest the lost dignity of a peaceful South: white houses with
decorative gables, orchards and vineyards lighted by Chinese
lanterns, parlors with decayed pieces of sculptural furniture. Even
the sky which is permanently blue fills up the scene with a lyrical
atmosphere, suggesting the sweet taste of decadence (My translation
Stanciu, 1977:200).
In his work, the playwright has continuously shown a
preference for Southern aristocrats who are single and hysterical and
who live in an ivory tower ignoring the outside world. His favorite
characters represent the Southern stereotype character that accepts
his destiny with dignity and does not try to change it regardless of its
hardships. Therefore, the Southern characters turn up to be victims in
Tennessee Williams' world that is "crepuscular and sick" (My
translation Stanciu, 1977:201). The alienation of Blanche DuBois is
a consequence of on the one hand, rape and on the other hand, of
226
heroes' nervous break down caused by their awareness that they will
never succeed.
In other words, the drama of the American South is put
forward by the lives of typical Southern characters. Heroes are
marginalized which gives them the privilege to see the society from
outside. In other words, they are the only ones that have a true
instead of a distorted perspective upon the grotesque elements which
characterize it. The corruption and vulgarity of Southern society is
highlighted by characters' alienation (Blanche DuBois), creative
grief (Tom Wingfield), physical handicap (Laura Wingfield), vices
(Brick) and sickness (Big Daddy) (Stanciu, 1977:200-202).
Therefore, Tennessee Williams' plays picture the Southern
contemporary society which does not accept sensibility and
humanity.
Works cited:
Falk, Signi Lenea. Tennessee Williams. New York: Twayne
Publishers Inc., 1961.
Stanciu Virgil. Orientri n literature sudului american. ClujNapoca: Editura Dacia, 1977.
Tischler, Nancy M. Tennessee on Tennessee. The Mississippi
Quarterly. 2003. Volume 51. Issue 4. pp. 649-654.
227
SECESSION ARCHITECTURE IN A REGIONAL

CONTEXT
Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG
Arts and Design Faculty, West University of Timioara
Central Europe includes the former provinces that, at the end of the 19 th
century, were part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In this space, a
central position was, occupied by Vienna, the imperial metropolis of the
early 20th century, a place marked by impressive contrasts. The metropolis
became the context of the urban modernization, comprising, at the same
time, the accumulation of the knowledge and of the collective memory of this
multinational society.
For a better definition of the complex situation characterizing these
medium-sized cities, capitals of autonomous provinces usually called
Kronland, we have adopted the terminology provincial metropolis. We have
decided to use this terminology, of course with reference to the beginning of
the 20th century, because it is appropriate for a category of cities which
present many similarities: Chernivtsi, Lvov, Timioara, Oradea, Szeged,
Zagreb, Ljubljana, etc.
In Timioara, together with the defortification at the end of the 19th century,
the authorities started exploring the idea of an urban development plan
which was to unify all the inhabited nuclei of the city. The particular
situation of Timioara, which bore strong similarities with cities that had
had fortifications until recently, made Viennas model of systematization,
with a ring on the track of the former walls, appear to be a suitable solution.
The style used in buildings in Timioara was fashionable at that timethe
style of the 1900s. The Banat Secession school was influenced both by the
Austrian, Viennese tradition imposed by the German-speaking authorities,
especially in Timioaraand by the Hungarian fashion, given the
involvement of architects from Budapest in the design of several important
buildings.
Key words: Central Europe, Vienna, metropolis, regulation plan,
defortification, Timioara, Secession school of architecture.
228
The interest in the cultural space offered by Central Europe

has increased over the last few decades out of the desire to recover
the memory of the countries in this area. This desire is maybe also
fuelled by the frustration caused by such a long period of
estrangement from the past, which was determined by communism.
In fact, the space which is vaguely defined as Central Europe
includes the former provinces that, at the end of the 19 th century,
were part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the second largest
state in Europe around 1910. The eleven nationalities, delimited
rather as linguistic groups (Germans, Hungarians, Czechs, Poles,
Ukrainians, Serbs, Croats, Romanians, Slovaks, Slovenes, and
Italians), made their contribution to the creation of a new European
identity8.
In this space, a central position was, and, to a certain extent,
still is, occupied by Vienna, the imperial metropolis of the early 20 th
century, a place marked by impressive contrasts, a centre of
conservatism, but also of cultural and artistic innovations. Regarded
with resentment and rivalry loaded with jealousy by the metropolitan
officials of Budapest and Prague, Vienna was, in general, taken as a
model in the region; the model of that belated modernization,
preserving the obsolete charm of its imperial aspirations,
characterized by saturated eclecticism, was creatively confronted
with the ideas of functionalism (spread by the architect Otto Wagner)
and with a subtle aestheticism, devoid of the superfluous ornaments 9.
8
For more details regarding this historical and political context, see Kahn, Robert A
History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526-1918, Berkley, 1974.
9
Borsi, Franco, Godoli, Ezio Wiener Bauten der Jahrhundertwende. Die Architektur
der Habsburgischen Metropole zwischen Historismus und Moderne, Deutsche VerlagAnstalt, Stuttgart, 1985.
229
The metropolis, the main place for the manifestation of the

public urban culture, combines the abstract (theoretical) form with
the concrete aspect of the city as a residential area. It became the
context of the urban modernization, comprising, at the same time,
the accumulation of the knowledge and of the collective memory of
this multinational society. The interest in the metropolis was first
manifested at the end of the 19th century, on the brink of modernism,
but it was enormously amplified in the 20 th century. The discussion
concerning the regulation plan for the metropolis had become public
in Vienna, and, consequently, after the contest in 1893, several
solutions were put forward, two of which are worth mentioning.
Both solutions were offered by architects, Camillo Sitte and Otto
Wagner. The winning urban development plan, the one proposed by
Wagner, considered the city as a whole and offered solutions for the
continual development of the modern metropolis. He imagined the
development of Vienna in districts which had their own
administrative, cultural centre, as well as entertainment areas (parks),
this plan being successful in the early 20th century.
The process of turning Vienna into a modern metropolis 10
began with the decision to demolish the fortification walls of the
Innerstadt, on the site of the fortifications they built a circular
boulevard Ringstrasse, whose role was to create spatial cohesion
by integrating the historical centre into the urban space, which
included all the other districts. The building of this boulevard led to
the adoption of a systematization plan of the radial-concentric type:
circular boulevards radiated from the centre to the outskirts of the
city and became belts (Grtel), being cut through by radial
boulevards, which ensured access to the suburbs. The management
plan concerned the city in its ensemble and proposed a suitable
10
For this topic, see Renate Banik-Schweitzer, Urban Visions, Plans and Projects,
1890-1937,in the volume Shaping the Great City. Modern Architecture in Central
Europe 1890-1937, (ed. Eve Blau, Monika Platzer), Prestel Verlag, Munich, London,
New York, 1999.
230
infrastructure organizing the access routes, the water, gas, electricity

supply network, as well as the waste disposal (the sewerage system).
This plan concerned the building regulation, the authorized height,
and the land was divided into lots meant for erecting buildings with
one or several functions: dwellings, offices, commercial spaces,
banks, superstores, etc. This boulevard became the most
representative place of the capital city, being the location of the most
important institutions of the new middle class which emerged after
1860: the Parliament, the City Hall, the University, Museums, the
Theatre, the Opera House, etc. The boulevard was completed with
buildings with flats to let, which, as Carl Schorske11 noted,
cumulated both the representative function of the former baroque
palace, and the efficiency of the bourgeois type.
The Ringstrasse model spread in other cities, for which
Vienna represented the centre of cultural influence, cities which had
preserved, to a great extent, the fortifications of the previous
centuries. It was not only the urban model that was rapidly
disseminated, but also the stylistic one, as well as the orientation
towards eclecticism, later towards Secession. Closely following the
model of Vienna, the radial-concentric plan was most frequently
adopted in the Central-European region, given the existence of some
Habsburg fortresses, by the demolition of the walls which generally
delimited a circular space. The ring was completed by radial
avenues, which offered opportunities of rapid access to the suburbs,
which were included, at that time, in the central nucleus of the city.
Such plans were developed and applied to cities like Timioara,
Brno, Lvov or Krakow.
For a better definition of the complex situation
characterizing these medium-sized cities, capitals of autonomous
provinces usually called Kronland, we have adopted the terminology
used by Andrei Corbea12, who, referring to Chernivtsi, calls it
11
12
Carl E. Schorske, Vienna fin-de siecle. Politics and Culture, Polirom, Iai, 1998.
Andrei Corbea, Paul Celan and His Meridian. Old and New Landmarks On A
231
provincial metropolis. We have decided to use this terminology, of

course with reference to the beginning of the 20 th century, because it
is appropriate for a category of cities which present many
similarities: Chernivtsi, Lvov, Timioara, Oradea, Szeged, Zagreb,
Ljubljana, etc.
Timioaras economic, social and cultural development
between 1900 and 1914 placed the city on an advanced position, as
one of the most dynamic and the most progressive cities in the
South-Eastern part of the Monarchy. In comparison to Szeged,
Timioara was more developed from an economic point of view,
presenting an alert rhythm of industrial and commercial-banking
progress. The national mixture (Germans, Romanians, Hungarians,
Jewish, Serbs) favoured the development of multiculturalism and
represented the premise for the emergence of a cosmopolitan spirit,
which was open and receptive to certain European models. In
comparison to Debrecen, a Hungarian city located somehow in the
same area of the steppe, an old regional Hungarian centre, with a
population which was relatively homogenous, but conservatory and
impregnated with Calvinistic culture, without receptivity to
modernity, Timioara, together with Arad and Oradea, were
representative of the concept of open and modern cities. To a certain
extent, the city on the Bega canal was similar to Arad and Oradea, all
of them being located in the plain area, at the edge of the steppe,
capitals of counties, with a rapid economic evolution, with an openminded middle class, who loved progress and tried to apply the most
recent technical innovations both at the urban level and at the level
of the individual households. But, while Timioara and Arad had a
population with a greater German component, Oradea was a city
where the Hungarians and the Hungarian Jews were predominant, a
fact which determined different cultural characteristics.
Central-European Atlas. Polirom, Iai, 1998.
232
As compared to Cluj, Transylvanias spiritual capital, an old

urban, cultural and intellectual centre, Timioara looks like a new
city (just like Arad and Oradea), being completely rebuilt in the 18 th
century, after the Turkish occupation. In Timioara, together with the
defortification at the end of the 19th century, the authorities started
exploring the idea of an urban development plan which was to unify
all the inhabited nuclei of the city. For the general conception of
systematization, they invited the architect Lajos Ybl from Budapest,
assisted, on behalf the city hall, by the engineer Aladr Kovcs
Sebestyn. Lajos Ybl had studied architecture at Vienna and
Stuttgart and was acquainted with the various urban solutions that
were applied in the great cities at that time. The particular situation
of Timioara, which bore strong similarities with cities that had had
fortifications until recently, made Viennas model of
systematization, with a ring on the track of the former walls, appear
to be a suitable solution. In fact, the spirit of Banats city with a
strong inclination towards pragmatic solutions, receptive to
modernity, but also emphatic, in conformity with the image of the
provincial metropolis somehow dictated the adoption of these
solutions. Thus, between 1893 and 1895, several variants were
elaborated, all of them in line with the radial-concentric system,
where, around the City, there were two boulevards, a broader one in
the inner area, following the track of the former fortification walls,
and a narrower one, following the contour of the glacis. The districts
were connected to the centre by means of great roads, and the public
buildings were located and highlighted in a manner that turned them
into landmarks. The main quality of this plan was its geometric and
functional clarity.
Ybls plan was much simplified and pragmatically adapted
to the urban development which was in full swing immediately after
the demolition of the walls and the cancellation of the military
restrictions, as well as after the division into lots of the huge empty
area located in the very vicinity of the old centre. After a great part
of the fortifications were pulled down between 1898-1903, the
233
situation of the city changed considerably, a fact which determined

the design of a second systematization plan by professor architect
Lszl Szesztay from Budapest. This plan took into account the
suggestions made by the former main architect, the main difference
consisting in the fact that the latter treated the city as a whole, in
which the suburbs were included.
Just like in other cities such as Prague (Wenceslas Square)
or Brno (Elizabeth Street), an esplanade (called Corso, today the
Victory Square) was built in Timioara, at the far end of the former
walls of the City. It soon became the new centre of the modern city.
In this space, in front of the City Theatre building, erected in 1875
according to the plans of the Austrian architects Ferdinand Fellner
and Hermann Helmer13 (who, having considerable experience with
building design, were regarded as experts in the field), the most
representative buildings in the Secession style appeared. Although,
in the initial plans, a few important public buildings (the Palace of
Justice, the Conservatoire, etc.) should have been raised along this
esplanade, for objective reasons, the city administration, which was
supposed to buy back the grounds of the city from the Austrian
military authorities, no longer had the necessary funds and started to
sell the lots to individuals or influential companies (the Lloyd
Association). In the next few years, the Lloyd building appeared on
this esplanade followed by other buildings which combined the
residential function with other public functions: conference halls,
restaurants, cafs, shops, etc. A sequence of five parks was created
along the Bega river, canalized like a branch of the Danube at
Vienna, and these parks formed a green belt, mirroring the
imperial model.
13
The projects of these Viennese architects were perfectly adapted to the necessities of
these medium-sized cities, and the theatres designed by them were suitable not only
for the function for which they were created, but also for the need of representing this
type of cultural institution, which perfectly embodied the tastes of the bourgeoisie.
The two architects designed such buildings in Vienna, Graz, Rijeka, Prague,
Timioara, Oradea, Cluj, Cernui and Odessa, to mention just a few of these theatres.
234
Closer to the urban situation of Timioara is that of the

Moravian city Brno, a former Habsburg citadel which kept its walls
intact until around mid-19th century. When they became useless, a
great part of the bastions went to ruin, and their demolition started
immediately after the Revolution of 1848. The urbanization plan
designed by the Viennese architect Ludwig Frster included the first
variant of a ring-shaped boulevard, doubled by a belt of parks
which contained the surface of the glacis, followed by an area with
residential buildings. The general desire of the city was to preserve
the belt of parks and to erect the important public buildings on the
ring: the theatre, the university, as well as residential buildings.
However, the ring did not have the unity of the Viennese one.
Essentially, the modernization of Szeged, a Hungarian city
in the South-Eastern part of the country, between the rivers Tisza and
Maros, imitates the development plan of Budapest. Almost
completely destroyed during the disastrous floods of 1879, the city
had to be rebuilt. During this reconstruction, which lasted until 1891,
the master plan of the city was developed. The architect in charge of
the project was Lajos Lechner, who had designed the Andrssy
Avenue in Budapest and had supervised the construction of the great
ring. For Szeged, the direction of the development plan, with the two
rings, was applied, being suitably adapted with six radial avenues
like six axes going in various directions. This plan brought closer the
main suburbs with the city centre, while a bridge secured the
connection with the newest suburb, the New Szeged (j-Szeged), an
expanding area. Like in Timioara, the inner ring followed the track
of the old city ramparts. The rings were built in compact, equal
segments, with blocks of flats mainly, but serving other purposes as
well, especially shopping, and was adapted to public transport by
tram in the central area. Among these buildings, there are also the
important public institutions, such as the Museum, the Theatre, the
City Hall, etc., which fit into the new urban space. Another similarity
with Timioara is the design of six new parks, which make Szeged
look like a garden city.
235
The style used in buildings in Timioara was fashionable at

that timethe style of the 1900s. The Banat Secession school was
influenced both by the Austrian, Viennese tradition imposed by the
German-speaking authorities, especially in Timioaraand by the
Hungarian fashion, given the involvement of architects from
Budapest in the design of several important buildings. This style had
two distinctive stages: the former, approximately between 19001908, was closer to Art Nouveau, and the style of dn Lechner,
with floral decorations and curves, while the latter, between 19091914, was characterized by a simplification and geometricalization
of forms, with heavy volumes and minimal decorations, being closer
to the Viennese architecture of that time.
The most spectacular area in Timioara was built in 19101912, on the esplanade in front of the Theatre and decorated with
impressive buildings, the first, erected by Lloyd Company, being
designed by Lipt Baumhorn, an architect from Budapest. This
building, on the street corner, with a ground floor and three storeys,
with various purposes (caf and shops on the ground floor, the stock
exchange and meeting room of Lloyd Company on the first floor,
flats to let on the other two floors), is remarkable for the way in
which it divides space for various purposes inside, while outside it
offers the imposing appearance of the three faades, with a wellbalanced game between full and empty spaces. The faades have a
semi-circular attic each, supported by pillars and oversized columns
on two levels. The entrance, on the corner, is enhanced by the
powerful pillars which support a triangular gable.
The Szcsnyi building, designed by a local architect, Lszl
Szkely, is situated on the same side, opposite Lloyd Palace on the
esplanade. One notices here, as in the previous building, a tendency
to cut edges with faades which are perpendicular on the other sides
of the building. Its purpose was to make this building stand out from
the others, from a distance, over the bridge nearby, catching the eye
with a tower erected in the corner. Other buildings on the esplanade,
also designed by L. Szkely, were: Dauerbach building (later
236
Palace), in a style reminiscent of dn Lechner of Budapest, with

the carved and sinuous cornice, and Hilt Building, more austere,
enriching the ensemble of the square with the volumetric roof. Other
buildings in the same square are: Merbl House, designed by Anton
Merbl and the building next to it, Neuhausz House. The large Lffler
building connects two streets and comprises three wings, connected
by the same faade. It is a massive building, its volumetric quality
being emphasized by the roof profile, although the design of the
faade is graceful and delicate, with its vegetal ornaments, the lifesize statues, or the harmony of the windows.
The architect Lipt Baumhorn from Budapest is
undoubtedly responsible for the creation of regional stylistic
emulations between Banat and the neighbouring areas. Active in the
Hungarian provinces (among them, the so-called Southern
Hungary which included Szeged, Novi Sad and Timioara), he was
also the most important architect of synagogues in the first three
decades of the 20th century. With his peculiar style, which brought
him broad recognition, he was an important actor on the market of
public and private civil engineering in the cities of this area.
Lipt Baumhorn14 was born in Kisbr, Hungary, in 1860
and studied architecture in Vienna. After he graduated, he started his
career in Lechner and Prtos architecture studio, where he worked
for twelve years. His admiration for Lechners work and their close,
long-term partnership made Baumhorn to be regarded as one of his
major disciples and a follower of his style.
This period coincides with his first personal creations15 and
the configuration of his interest in synagogue design. Baumhorn had
been involved in debates about sacred Semitic architecture and the
tendencies to modernize worship places which had to preserve their
religious specificity. After the first Zionist congress in Basel, in
For Baumhorns biography see Gerle Jnos-Kovcs Attila-Makovecz Imre, A
szzadfordul magyar pitszete, Bonex, Budapest, 1990, pp. 33-35.
15
His first independent work was the synagogue of Esztergom in 1888.
14
237
1897, invited by Theodor Herzl and Max Nordau (who were both
Hungarian Jewish), to discuss the establishment of the Jews
homeland in Palestine, an expedition was organized, with the
participation of several Zionist artists and cultural public figures16,
including the Austrian architect Oskar Marmorek, active in Vienna
and Budapest. They underwent extensive research about a Jewish
specific architecture, based on the traditions of ancient Palestinian
and Judaistic design. The Zionist movement was reinforced by the
desire, nurtured by many Jews in the Habsburg Empire, to integrate
in society, a desire which favoured the modernization of their daily
lives at all levels. Therefore, to many of them, the design of modern
architecture in the early 1900s, mixed with Moorish stylistic
elements, became the expression of a distinctive style, which was
original but which also accepted the rhythm of modern life.
L. Baumhorn also chose this type of religious architecture.
His style is characterized by a prominent volumetric profile, well
defined roofs, often dominated by a dome or a tower, combining the
decorative repertoire of late historicism with the Hungarian
Secession, similar to the style employed by his mentor, Lechner.
Still, Baumhorns decorative elements are not direct references to the
Hungarian folklore, but they can be included in the universal stylistic
portfolio of the age. A peculiar feature of his style is the use of
apparent yellowish bricks, klinker, set like frames around a
plastered surface.
Thus, after becoming well-known as the architect of
synagogues and of administrative-religious buildings, used by the
Jewish communities in Hungary, Baumhorn opened his own studio,
being a prodigious designer for three decades. An impressive aspect
of his work was his loyalty to his projects, imaginatively enriched
Szeg Gyrgy, Baumhorn Lipt - A templompit, in the catalogue Baumhorn

Lipt - pitsz (1860-1932), Architart Kiad, Budapest, 1999, p. 7-8.
16
238
with blocks of flats or other public institutions, commissioned in the

context of his close relationship with the local communities.
Baumhorns first building in Timioara was the new
synagogue in Fabric, designed in 1897 and finished in 1899. This
small but monumental building, with its well researched proportions,
looks like many other synagogues he designed in Rijeka, Szolnok
and Great Becicherec. Lipt Baumhorns style in this architecture is
characterized by his effort to observe and serve all religious
requirements. In his early work, he chose, in stylistic terms, a
combination of Moorish-Byzantine elements and of the Italian
Renaissance he was so fond of17. All in all, the four synagogues he
completed by 1900 became prototypes, genuine models he later
developed and capitalized in large-scale projects like the synagogues
in Szeged (1902-1904) and Novi Sad (1906-1909). His involvement
in these projects and his active presence on the building sites drew
him closer to Timioara, as he was to Szeged and Novi Sad.
Consequently, it can be argued that, in the first decade of the 20 th
century, Baumhorn was the regions favourite architect, especially
for the Jewish communities.
His first public commission while he was visiting Timioara
for the Fabric synagogue was the impressive building of the TimiBega Systematization Society, erected on a triangular lot,
overlooking an important traffic junction. The architect adapted his
work to urbanism requirements used consistently in the city,
transforming the corner of the building into an elegant faade for the
main entrance, enhanced by numerous decorative elements,
especially the high tower which dominates the street. The well
articulated volumetric ensemble, the generous and correct
proportions between horizontal and vertical lines, the combination
between the decorative language of late eclecticism and Secession,
make this public building a landmark of the citys architecture.
Perhaps because it was built only a year later, in 1903, the building
17
Baumhorn had travelled to Italy extensively, between 1893-1899.
239
of the Szeged-Csongrd Bank in Szeged copied many of the stylistic

elements used in Timioara, especially the decoration made of
connected columns, grouped two by two, apparently supporting the
massive tower in the corner.
Close to the Timi-Bega Society in Timioara, in the same
period (before 1903), Baumhorn designed a building with flats to let,
with a ground floor and two upper floors. The building overlooks the
avenue, with a massive and moderately decorated faade, made of
symmetrical elements around a central axis, with a bay window on
the first floor and a long plastered balcony, as well as a semi-circular
attic in the roof. This building seems to have been used as an
experimentation of architecture and decorative solutions, used at a
larger scale in Menrt House in Novi Sad, in 1909.
Another important project by Baumhorn in Timioara was
the Girls College, today the Pedagogical Highschool (1902-1903), a
building ensemble of great value which was regarded as a model of
architecture in the city, made up of the college per se, the boarding
school building and the infirmary. Lipt Baumhorn changed the
decorative repertoire employing neo-Gothic and Secession elements
in an austere style, which was also imposed by the use of the
klinker-type bricks, the only ornament the architect allowed for
this building. The ensemble became a genuine prototype for his
future projects in a set of buildings in Novi Sad (1906-1909), which
included the synagogue, the Jewish community scholl and guest
house, as well as a house to let (1909), situated on 12, Trg Toze
Markovica (the building was dominated by a bay window on the first
floor and an attic which completed the ensemble). The likeness
between the highschool of Timioara and the Jewish school near the
Novi Sad synagogue proves the fact that the architect worked for
many years on a prototype which was gradually enriched and then
adapted to various situations and requirements.
The elegance and refinement of Baumhorns style become
even more conspicuous in two buildings which stand out thanks to
the remarkable design solutions the architect came up with: the
240
building of the Jewish community in Timioara (1905-1907), built

on the spot of the Jewish rectangle in the City and the building of
Lloyd Company, which was described above. Although separated in
time by a few years, there is a clear connection between the two
projects; Baumhorn employed the stylistic repertoire of the
Secession in both buildings, a style which was completely stable and
universally embraced at that moment. In concrete terms, these
elements are apparent in the volumetric quality secured by the
existence of a bay window, by the attic which enhances the aspect of
the main entrance and the towers in the corners, as well as by the flat
geometric dcor dominated by mascarons.
Timioara, like other centres of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy,
was, in the first decades of the 20th century, torn between the desire
to imitate a modelin this particular case, the model offered by
Vienna, the metropolis whose urban development and architecture
was meant as a source of wonder and admiration for the provinces
and the local pride, stimulated by favourable social and economic
conditions which developed the society, by a cultural evolution and
the belief in the virtues of progress. This mixture of tendencies
resulted in the creation of a modern city, which followed the most
advanced principles of urban development and a stylistic gliding
towards a periphery in comparison with the model offered by the
capital, an example which was adapted and enhanced according to its
own cultural traditions.
The term periphery, unlike the term province, was
promoted by the Italian researchers Enrico Castelnuovo and Carlo
Ginzburg. The authors chose the notion of periphery, considering it
unloaded and unbiased, while the notion of province may also have a
negative connotation. The conflict between the centre and the
periphery could, thus, generate a hierarchical classification of
society, which would risk stifling the local autonomy. The process of
241
gliding towards the periphery pushes some regions towards a

cultural subordination. At the same time, the periphery is the place
in which alternative productions are created. Thus, the centreperiphery model permanently oscillates between competition and
equivalence, at least in cultural terms.
242
THE RATIONALITY OF RELIGIOUS BEHAVIOR

Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iai, Romania
Full economic rationality hypothesis considers that all individuals know
perfectly how to choose in an efficient manner between a set of
heterogeneous alternatives, having access to comprehensive and relevant
information. The main actor of neoclassical economic, homo economicus, is
considered a really powerful computer. We also know that if you would have
supported such a working hypothesis fundamental economics would not
have gained consistency and predictability. However, there are a number of
theories and paradigms showing that religious behavior is not necessarily
rational nor manifested in terms discussed above.
Keywords: rationality, religion, marketplace, Protestantism, Catholic
Church
Introducere
Noi descoperiri privind psihologia evolutiv au accentuat
ideea c, n cursul adaptrii evoluiei n mediul ancestral, omul a
preferat s relaioneze i s schimbe mrfuri cu membrii grupului
social pe care l cunotea i n mijlocul cruia tria. Nu a mai fost
dect un singur pas pn la a se considera c mentalul uman este
impregnat cu ideea c schimburile economice se deruleaz extrem de
greu cu parteneri necunoscui, mai ales n condiiile unui grad ridicat
de abstract al tranzaciilor de pe pia. De aici a rezultat faptul c,
pentru o dezvoltare complet a pieelor, este necesar intervenia
instituiilor specifice. Catolicismul, prin standardele morale
considerate neomogene, a favorizat costuri impersonale de tranzacie
superioare, dar, n acelai timp, a uurat schimburile individuale.
Presupunem c religia e un bun de tip Z, aa cum l-a
considerat Gary Becker. Un bun de tip Z reprezint un produs
243
complex, absolut necesar, la fel ca hrana sau mbrcmintea, care

atrage dup sine nglobarea de elemente caracteristice, precum
moralitate, securitate, statut social i/sau apartenen la un anumit
grup social. Acest fapt arat c, indiferent de forma final a
outputului (sigurana mntuirii, solidaritate social, spirit de
camaraderie), bunurile i serviciile religioase sunt rezultatul
combinrii bunurilor de capital, munca i bunuri private,
tranzacionabile pe pia, ceea ce rezult fiind consumat ntr-o
manier utilitarist. (Ekelund, Hebert, Jollison, 2006:55)
Se consider c un comportament religios este unul raional,
n aceeai msur ca orice alt conduit economic. Producia de
bunuri private i publice i confer Bisericii un statut de juctor al
pieei, deciziile fiind luate n conformitate cu relaia dintre cerere i
ofert pentru doctrin i manifestarea practic.
Ekelund, Hebert i Jollison ncearc s defineasc
eterogenitatea de manifestare n timp i spaiu a diferitelor micri
religioase, prin apelul la o construcie raional din punct de vedere
al manifestrii, piaa religiei.
Teorii i paradigme ale raionalitii umane
Ipoteza raionalitii depline a indivizilor economici
consider c acetia aleg n cunotin de cauz, avnd acces la
informaii complete i relevante. Actorul principal al
neoclasicismului economic, homo economicus, este considerat un
adevrat computer performant. tim, de asemenea, c dac nu s-ar fi
sprijinit pe o astfel de ipotez de lucru fundamental, tiina
economic nu ar fi cptat coeren i predictibilitate. Cu toate
acestea, exist o serie de teorii i paradigme care atest c un
comportament religios nu este neaprat unul raional i nici nu se
manifest n termenii discutai mai sus.
244
Dup al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, alte dou modele care

analizau raionalitatea uman s-au creionat. Primul, dezvoltat de
John von Neumann i Oskar Morgenstern, considera c oamenii
decideau destul de corect n baza analizei costuri i beneficii. Al
doilea model i aparinea lui Herbert Simon. Acesta consider c
Toat lumea este de acord c oamenii au motivaii pentru ceea ce
fac. Ei au motivaii, i i folosesc raiunea (bine sau nu), pentru a
rspunde la aceste motivaii i a-i atinge scopurile (Simon, H.A.,
1986:25). Simon introduce conceptul de alegere raional, o
alternativ la raionalitatea clasic deplin, care presupune c un
individ nu va alege niciodat o alternativ care nu aduce un beneficiu
net. Raionalitatea limitat st n spatele acestei alegeri. Deoarece
mintea uman este suficient n ea nsi, beneficiul ateptat este
acel rezultat care ndeplinete principiul satisficienei i nu cel al
optimizrii.
Un atac susinut mpotriva teoriei economice clasice a
raionalitii rezid n capacitatea indivizilor de a alege prin procesul
de ncercare-eroare. Printr-o raionalitate limitat, considerat cea
mai bun metod de a obine ceea ce i doresc, indivizii opteaz
doar pentru ceea ce pare satisfctor i nu pentru cea mai bun
variant posibil. (Witham, 2010:22) De asemenea, se face distincia
ntre raionalitate obiectiv i raionalitate subiectiv. Dac prima
este sinonim cu un mod de gndire utilitarist, cea de-a doua este
influenat de percepiile personale ale indivizilor fa de via, lume
sau societate, n baza crora acetia acioneaz raional.
Un motiv de disput n rndul psihologilor i antropologilor
a fost legat de capacitatea minii umane de a face erori de percepie,
erori care influeneaz decisiv aciunile umane. Un bun exemplu
pleac de la afirmaia unui antropolog francez, Lucien Lvy-Bruhl
care considera c mintea oamenilor primitivi era pur i simplu
iraional, de vreme ce credeau n magie, considerat o eroare
245
cognitiv, o form impersonal care nu putea evolua ntr-un sistem

de credine precum reuea o religie.
ns, o asemenea teorie este constrazis de antropologul
englez, Edward Evans-Pritchard, care credea c omul modern nu
gndete mai logic dect cel primitiv. Dimpotriv, acesta a observat
un trib din Sudan, Nuer, vreme de un an i a demonstrat c sistemul
social primitiv descria o anarhie ordonat, fiecare participant la
viaa comunitii decidea raional o aciune i era contient de
posibilele consecine ale acesteia, chiar din perspectiva unei
dimensiuni religioase. Cei din tribul Nuer credeau la unison c mai
devreme sau mai trziu, ntr-un fel sau n altul, bunvoina urmeaz
conduitei pozitive, iar reaua-voin (ostilitatea, dumnia) celei
negative. (Evans-Pritchard, 1956:16) Acetia fceau apel i la ceea
ce Simon Herbert evideniase: raionalitate subiectiv i cea
obiectiv. Prima funciona relativ eficient. ns, pentru c aveau un
stoc de cunotine tiinifice extrem de limitat, percepia creat fiind
de asemenea redus, cu toate acestea gndurile i aciunile svrite
erau raionale. Acest studiu de caz demonta opinia monopolist a
oamenilor de tiin care lansaser absolute gratuit o marot fals:
iraionalitatea omului primitiv. (Witham, 2010:20-21)
Daniel Kahneman i Amos Tversky aduc o nou teorie n
cmpul dezbaterilor tiinifice. Acetia, avnd n background teza lui
Lucien Lvy-Bruhl, consider c oamenii judec i interpreteaz
greit situaiile reale, analiza costurilor cu beneficiile din viaa de zi
cu zi fiind att de complex nct acetia folosesc tot felul de filtre,
categorii sau constructe mentale reguli de decizie pentru a
simplifica problemele i a lua decizii care deseori sunt simple
presupuneri. (Witham, 2010:23) Dei fiecare dintre noi suntem
nzestrai cu o putere raional, aceasta se supune de multe ori
intuiiei i presupunerilor, mai mult sau mai puin eronate. Deciziile
nu sunt arbitrate de calculul matematic corect al raiunii, ci sunt
ghidate de emoii, comoditate, simplitate a gndirii, etc.
246
Durkheim considera c religia reprezint un impuls colectiv

care afecteaz contiinele individuale, ghidnd comportamentele
ntr-un sens specific, altul dect cel dictat de alegerile raionale.
Forele religioase care anim clanul au devenit individualizate prin
incarnarea lor n contiina individual (Durkheim, 1995:426) Apoi,
n buna tradiie a lui Lucien Lvy-Bruhl, religia nseamn o
disonan cognitiv, crezul n magie fiind compus din cauze i
conexiuni care nu exist n realitate. (Witham, 2010:28)
Sociologul francez Raymond Boudon interpreteaz
conceptul lui Simon de raionalitate subiectiv n termeni de alegeri
plauzibile ale indivizilor n viaa de zi cu zi. Modelul cognitiv poate
fi considerat unul general, iar cel al alegerii raionale un caz
particular n cadrul acestuia. Modelul alegerii raionale conine un
set de explicaii de forma a procedat n felul acesta, deoarece a avut
motive ntemeiate s fac aa, aceste motive fiind de tipul
comparaiei cost-beneficiu. Modelul cognitiv sau cel axiologic
reprezint o generalizare a celui al alegerii raionale prin eliminarea
ultimei restricii. Acesta poate fi definit ca fiind setul de explicaii de
forma a procedat n felul acesta, deoarece a avut motive ntemeiate
s fac aa; aceste motive pot fi n unele cazuri de tipul comparaiei
cost-beneficiu, dar n alte circumstane de alte tipuri. (Boudon,
1996:146-147) Acelai autor arat c i Adam Smith i Alexis de
Tocqueville credeau c individul social acioneaz pe ambele paliere
n funcie de conjuncturile date. Pe de o parte, apeleaz la analiza de
tip cost-beneficiu, pe de alt parte, la teorii, conjecturi i idei bbeti.
Pentru Boudon, aciunea uman nu apare ca la Gary Becker, ca una
de maximizare a utilitii. Raionalitatea extins vizeaz o gam mai
larg de domenii care nu se pot supune modelului alegerii raionale,
de exemplu atunci cnd vrem s analizm credinele morale sau
religioase.
n domeniul economiei religiei, modelele de alegere
raional oscileaz dincolo de perspectiva deschis de Simon, Becker
247
i Boudon. Actorul raional, care i afirm convingerile religioase i

adopt comportamente religioase, poate face acest lucru sub
paravanul "bunelor intenii (temeiuri)" sau sub cel al analizei
"costurilor i beneficiilor". Ambele tipuri de raionalitate ncearc s
rezolve problemele sau s caute poteniale beneficii. Oricare dintre
acestea ofer o justificare suficient pentru a merge mai departe cu o
abordare economic - care este, o abordare a alegerii raionale - la
religie. (Witham, 2010:29)
James Beckford ofer o imagine nou asupra raionalitii
umane. E un adept al alegerii raionale limitate. Alegerea raional,
din perspectiva raionalitii obiective, a permis prin prisma analizei
costuri-beneficii definirea religiei ca aciune raional. Limita acestei
analize raionale rezid n imposibilitatea de comprehensiune a
minii i sufletului, a resorturilor umane cele mai profunde, precum
i a determinantelor comportamentelor religioase. Alegerea raional
se aplic doar grupurilor de indivizi, colectivitilor care nu au suflet
i, astfel, pot fi analizate i nelese prin apelul la analiza de tip costbeneficii fa de aciunile poteniale i alegerea celor care ofer
maximizarea beneficiilor nete.
Robert Wuthnow consider c teoria alegerii raionale nu
poate suporta presiunea culturii care i modeleaz pe indivizi.
Cultura religioas afecteaz setul individual de credine i astfel
lucrurile judecate n mod raional. Este raional ca fiecare individ s
aib promisiunea n interiorul confesiunii alese de a moteni viaa de
apoi i de evita cderea n iad. Cu toate acestea, nu toi indivizii se
sperie de perspectiva unei viei eterne n iad. Faptul c nu toi
oamenii opteaz pentru un sistem de credine care ofer promisiunile
cele mai dezirabile i satisfctoare, nu i face pe ceilali oameni care
au fcut alte alegeri mai puin raionali. Spiritualitatea este uneori
produsul alegerilor raionale, uneori rezultatul unor situaii
neprevzute i influene care nu implic deloc niciun fel de alegeri.
(Wuthnow, 2008:256)
248
Stark i Finke continu n aceeai direcie evideniind c

raiunea uman presupune uneori un proces nesistematic i intuitiv i
c ceea ce presupune maximizarea alegerilor este doar o viziune
preliminar, parial i ovielnic. (Stark, Finke, 2000:37)
Catolicism i Protestantism, o disput interpretat (i)
n cheie de raionalism economic
Raionalitatea sistemului capitalist const n calcularea i
evaluarea matematic i experimental, raional, exact, prin tiin,
a naturii. Aceast demonstraie empiric, prin improbabilitatea
ipotezelor iniiale, sugereaz viziunea protestant, naturalitar
materialist. Max Weber consider c acest raionalism este specific
doar culturii occidentale, deoarece doar Occidentul a permis
capitalismului industrial modern aceast manifestare tehnic,
juridic, formal, prin intermediul unei perfeciuni intrinseci,
indisolubil legate de acesta.
Spiritul capitalismului este indisolubil legat de
contientizarea individual a ideii de datorie fa de creterea avuiei,
ca finalitate moral. Legtura dintre maximizarea averii materiale i
conceptul de vocaie se stabilete n condiii de virtute, competen,
pricepere i experien. Vocaia capitalist, de sorginte asceticprotestant, are cauze individuale, legate de dobndirea pe cale
raional, prin virtute, a abilitii personale i a iniiativei. (Barbalet,
2008:75-76)
Suprataxarea ritualului catolic duce la apariia unei noi
doctrine, cea protestant. Beneficiile pentru membrii bisericii
catolice au fost reduse mult de politica de discriminare prin pre, fapt
care i-a adus pe credincioi aproape de situaia de a alege o alt
confesiune religioas. Apariia protestantismului a nsemnat c toi
consumatorii interesai de rscumprare puteau avea o mai direct i
mai puin costisitoare cale spre mntuire. Protestantismul a fcut
249
rscumprarea mai ieftin, mai facil i a stimulat beneficiile pentru

credincioi prin reducerea costurilor de tranzacie. (Ekelund, Hebert,
Jollison, 2006:133)
Dovezile istorice arat c Biserica catolic medieval a
reacionat la intrarea pe pia a Protestantismului pe dou niveluri
diferite. Pe partea de retail, a luat msuri pentru a crete i
transforma cererea de produse religioase, n timp ce din punct de
vedere al pieei en-gros, structura organizatoric a Bisericii Catolice
a acionat ca un impediment n calea reformei. (Ekelund, Hebert,
Jollison, 2006:140)
Monopolul religios catolic a funcionat cel mai bine n acele
societi cu structuri semi-feudale greoaie, tradiionaliste, autoritare,
conduse de sistemul primogeniturii i care se bazau pe o concentrare
tipic a averii, de tipul aristocrailor latifundiari care proiectau un
comportament de tip rent-seeking sub egida i protectorarul
monarhului - situaie n care o entitateobine un anumit venit prin
manipularea pieei, fr a utiliza mijloacele clasice de schimb, plus
pe o ptur social inferioar mult mai puin atins de politica
discriminrii prin pre (Austria, Frana, Spania, Porugalia, Bavaria,
Irlanda, oraele-stat italiene). Pe de alt parte, n acele societi mai
liberale, cu un monarh avnd puteri limitate, unde exista o form
incipient a clasei de mijloc (middle-class) care urmrea un
comportament ndreptat spre obinerea de profit (profit-seeking) i o
concentrare a averii mai dispersat i mai erodat, politica vreunui
monopol religios de discriminare prin pre era mult diminuat (spre
exemplu, n mare parte din Germania, n Anglia i Scandinavia).
(Ekelund, Hebert, Jollison, 2006:112-113)
Ekelund, Hebert i Tollison (2006) ncearc s priveasc
cretinismul ca un produs care a evoluat de la o structur omogen
nainte de Reform, la unul difereniat n cadrul unui grup eterogen
de produse. Reforma a nceput n secolul al XVI-lea un proces nou,
datorat penetrrii de ctre mai multe firme a pieei religioase
250
monopoliste. Ideile de reform i de democratizare instituional au

zdruncinat din temelii Biserica medieval. Kraynak preia teza
potrivit creia doctrinele protestante Sola Scriptura, justificarea
numai prin credin, precum i calitatea de preoi acordat
nediscriminatoriu fiecrui credincios, fiind eliminat astfel
intermedierea sacerdotal, au reprezentat surse eseniale pentru
apariia unei veritabile democraii liberale moderne. (Kraynak,
2001:115)
Se consider c Reforma protestant a nscut conceptul de
democraie n interiorul Bisericii, care apoi s-a extins durabil i
asupra sferei politice i civile, impactul fiind dat de necesitatea
imperioas ca libertatea de contiin i apariia unui constract social
s fie girate de ctre stat. Cu aceast ocazie, peste cteva decenii,
contractul social ca doctrin a legitimitii politice capt o
vizibilitate nemaintlnit pn atunci, dei se vorbise despre acesta
n trecut, n filosofia stoicilor i greac, precum i n dreptul roman
i canonic. Astfel de cereri au ncurajat lupta i pentru obinerea de
alte drepturi, n cele din urm ajungndu-se la recunoaterea
drepturilor universale ale omului n toate sferele vieii. (Kraynak,
2001:115) Cu toate acestea, Robert Kraynak, dei este de acord cu
rolul democratic indubitabil adus n snul Bisericii de Reform, i cu
externalitile pozitive ale efectelor acesteia n termeni de modele
culturale extinse (impactul pozitiv al tiinei de carte asupra
reducerii analfabetismului maselor), are reticene fa de teza originii
protestante a democraiei liberale moderne. Motivul principal este c
libertatea spiritual i religioas nu reprezint o condiie necesar i
suficient pentru ca s devin un vehicul i un determinant de prim
rang al libertii politice. (Robert Kraynak, 2001:115-116)
n secolul al XVI-lea, apar o serie de noi confesiuni
protestante concurente, precum Anglicanismul, Calvinismul i
Luteranismul, n interiorul crora credincioii urmreau s obin o
utilitate superioar, optnd pentru ritualuri i serviciile religioase
251
generoase, dar implicnd o serie de costuri net inferioare. O pia

religioas extrem de diversificat poate ajunge n situaia n care
ofertanii se specializeaz i o satureaz cu produse i servicii
religioase pentru toate niele mai mult sau mai puin liberale. n
aceste condiii, mai muli indivizi vor consuma aceste produse
personalizate. (Olson, 1999:149-173; Chaves, Gorski, 2001:261-281;
Voas, Olson, Crockett, 2002:212230).
Religiile cresc i pot evolua n noi forme de manifestare.
Dei am fi tentai s privim Reforma ca o micare fondat pe o
unanimitate de viziuni i doctrine, n realitate Protestantismul a
funcionat ca un proces inovativ, dar ca structur a fost compus din
micri sectare diferite. O prim fractur a structurii aparent
omogene a Protestantismului originar s-a creat n urma disputei ntre
Luther i Zwingli cu privire la Euharistie. Religiile se ntemeiaz
tocmai pentru ca s permit indivizilor s-i creeze mijloacele cele
mai potrivite pentru ca s existe o superioritate a beneficiilor
resimite fa de costurile asumate. (Witham, 2010:93)
Pentru a obine un nivel de prosperitate ridicat, bisericile
apeleaz la procesul de difereniere raional a produselor livrate
credincioilor, precum i la un marketing mai mult sau mai puin
agresiv, oferind o form particular a acestora funcie de natura
asigurrilor de mntuire. Protestantismul, conceput ca o reacie
virulent mpotriva abuzurilor monopolului catolic, s-a sprijinit ns
pe arhitectura acestuia n termeni de credine i servicii religioase,
ns a reuit acest lucru stabilind preuri mai mici att bneti, ct i
din punct de vedere doctrinar. n acest mod, s-au putut economisi
resurse bneti importante care au putut fi investite ulterior n bunuri
nonreligioase, stimulnd procesul de cretere economic.
Max Weber nu a susinut nici faptul c etica protestant a
fost suficient n ea nsi pentru a produce mugurii sistemului
capitalist, nici c religia per se ar fi stimulat apariia capitalismului.
Mai degrab, Weber a ales calea de mijloc, prin care demonstra cum
252
etica protestant a favorizat i accelerat sistemul capitalist

occidental. Dup Reform, capitalismul occidental a urmat o cale
nebnuit pn atunci, iar istoria a confirmat acest lucru. Munca i
ascetismul n doctrina protestant au fost ingredientele eseniale,
aprute pe filiera preceptelor religioase specifice, creionnd o
conduit individual compatibil cu etica capitalist. Acesta enun
urmtoarea conjectur: ceea ce a permis naterea capitalismului
modern nu fost reprezentat de vreo schimbare instituional n plan
formal, ci, mult mai important, de o transformare pozitiv a
mentalitii indivizilor economici. ns toate aceste invenii ale
capitalismului trebuie s se muleze eficient, organic pe
disponibilitatea oamenilor, prin aptitudini i mentaliti, pentru a
mbria un astfel de stil de via. Rezistena luntric poate
mpiedica aderarea la acest model de via, ideile religioase
transcendentale putnd ntri sau, dimpotriv, deprecia acest fapt,
prin produsul credinei n ele. Aa cum a afirmat Weber, cauza
comportamentului diferit trebuie deci cutat, n primul rnd, n
specificul luntric durabil al confesiunilor i nu numai n situaia
istorico-politic exterioar dintr-un moment sau altul. (Weber,
2007:30)
n Protestantism, nu exista posibilitatea rscumprrii
pcatelor precum n Catolicism prin intermedierea preotului i prin
cumprarea de indulgene. Singurul mod de mntuire al
credinciosului era acela de a urma o via bineplcut lui Dumnezeu
prin munc i efort susinut, insistndu-se pe discrepana etic dintre
valorile religioase i cele lumeti, considerate decadente. Alegerea
prin graie a calvinismului reprezint dogma religioas care a
inoculat acele impulsuri psihologice reprezentrilor religioase, care
au orientat, fr ndoial, aciunea uman i au creat un cadru nou de
manifestare al acestor energii creatoare.
Horia-Roman Paptapievici considera c (i) Principiul
protestantismului a lsat relativ neafectate toate acele ndeletniciri
umane care au legtur fie cu materia, fie cu disciplinele transistorice
253
(logica, matematica, tehnologia). (ii) n schimb a alterat profund

toate ndeletnicirile umane care nu se pot referi direct la materie ori
implic, ntr-un fel sau altul (prin religie ori teoria valorilor),
transcendena. Chemat mpotriva Bisericii catolice pentru a salva
religia, n mod paradoxal, aciunea protestantismului nu a reuit dect
s anuleze principiul de existen al oricrei doctrine care se bazeaz
pe invocarea i a altceva dect pura materialitate a lumii. ntr-o lume
n care principiul protestantismului a mers pn la capt nu mai este
loc dect pentru materie. (Patapievici, 2001:98)
Doctrina predestinrii reprezint fundalul pe care Weber i
solidific teoria. Conform acesteia, nimeni nu are cum s cunoasc
dac este damnat sau nu, hotrrea divin absolut neputnd fi
schimbat prin aciunile umane individuale (prin fapte ori credin).
Aadar, nu se poate schimba hotrrea divin, de aceea intervine o
aa-numit solitudine interioar care capt valoarea unui
individualism metodologic.
De aceea, vocaia (beruf) reprezint soluia calvinitilor
pentru eliminarea hazardului moral al manifestrii indivizilor i
pentru reducerea sau eliminarea incertitudinii privind alegerea din
partea lui Dumnezeu. n acest sens, Weber opineaz c este de
datoria individului s se considere ales de Dumnezeu i s evite
orice tentaii care s-ar nate pe fondul unei credine slabe. n plus,
garania graiei divine vine i din ncrederea n sine, cultivat prin
activiti mundane.
Rolul jucat de invenia tiparului de ctre Guttenberg n
apariia i evoluia Protestantismului a fost categoric. Prin aceast
inovaie i apariia produciei de carte, monopolul catolic n materie
de credin i moravuri a fost puternic zdruncinat. Interpretarea
preceptelor religioase n afara spaiului autarhic al bisericii,
recrudescena filosofiei clasice, a literaturii i a tiinei heterodoxe n
form fizic au fost primite de Biserica Catolic cu extrem
reticen, acionnd n sensul cenzurrii i eliminrii a tot ceea ce se
considera a fi anti-religios i anti-sistem. n acest sens, aciunea
254
falangelor legale ale monopolului catolic nsemnau, n cheie

economic, formule prin care accesul competitorilor s fie zdrnicit
datorit costurilor de intrare pe pia extrem de ridicate. Inchiziia i
Registrul Crilor Interzise, Cruciadele, vntoarea de vrjitoare i a
ereticilor, excomunicrile forate i alte interdicii nsemnau formule
dinamice de a pstra status-quo Bisericii i zdrnicirea
concurenilor s intre pe piaa sa.
Cu toate acestea, apariia Protestantismului i spargerea
hegemoniei catolice au presupus o serie de efecte eseniale:
(1) reducerea volumului de resurse financiare atrase de
Biserica Romano-Catolic, pe fondul scderii cererii pentru bunuri i
servicii religioase;
(2) reducerea capacitii financiare inflaionate de rentele
adunate pentru a finana investiiile masive ale Bisericii n
construirea de catedrale n Europa;
(3) competiia ntre regiunile catolice i protestante
nvecinate care a produs o dezvoltare economic mai mare n zonele
catolice. (Ekelund, Hebert, Jollison, 2006:194)
Concluzii
Dup al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, dou modele de
raionalitate uman s-au conturat: unul, dezvoltat de John von
Neumann i Oskar Morgenstern, care arta c oamenii decideau n
baza analizei costuri i beneficii i un altul, aparinnd lui Herbert
Simon, care demonstra c oamenii i folosesc raiunea pentru a
rspunde la motivaiile care le domin aciunile i pentru a-i atinge
scopurile. Mai recent, aceast raionalitate destul de simplist a
suferit argumentaii i mutaii tiinifice suplimentare. S-a ajuns ca
Daniel Kahneman i Amos Tversky s considere c oamenii judec
i interpreteaz greit situaiile reale, analiza costurilor cu beneficiile
fiind caduce, deoarece viaa de zi cu zi e att de complex nct
255
acetia folosesc tot felul de filtre, categorii sau constructe mentale

reguli de decizie pentru a simplifica problemele i a lua decizii
care deseori sunt simple presupuneri. (Witham, 2010:23) Astfel,
dei fiecare dintre noi suntem nzestrai cu o putere raional, aceasta
se supune de multe ori intuiiei i presupunerilor, mai mult sau mai
puin eronate. Deciziile nu se iau doar prin apelul la un calcul rece,
matematic al raiunii umane, ci sunt ghidate de emoii, simplitate a
gndirii, etc. Protestantismul a reprezentat o religie-substitut, o
modalitate de a intra pe o pia religioas dominat pn atunci,
secole de-a rndul, de monopolul Bisericii Catolice. Reforma
protestant (1517 - 1555) a reprezentat i o ripost fa de modul
Bisericii Romano-Catolice de a practica preuri supraevaluate pentru
bunurile i serviciile religioase. Simplificarea i reducerea numrului
de ritualuri, sacramente religioase (eliminarea misterului
transsubstanierii, a penitenei i mirungerii, a hirotonisirii i a
botezului etc.), pelerinaje i srbtori, democratizarea doctrinei i a
ntregii structuri organizaionale, au contribuit la reducerea preurilor
pentru produsele religioase ale protestanilor, devenind extrem de
competitive fa de cele catolice. Spre deosebire de doctrina
catolicismului n materie de obinere a mntuirii, adic prin
Purgatoriu, indulgen, confesiune, peniten, Protestantismul oferea
un instrumentar mai simplu, mai ieftin i mai facil, ceea ce a crescut
beneficiile credincioilor prin reducerea costurilor de tranzacie.
Protestantismul a funcionat ca un proces inovativ, dar ca structur a
fost compus din micri sectare diferite.
Bibliografie
Barbalet, Jack (2008), Weber, Passion and Profits. The Protestant
Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism in Context, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press
Boudon, Raymond (1996), The Cognitivist Model: A Generalized
Rational-Choice Model, Rationality and Society, vol. 8.
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Chaves, Mark, Gorski, Philip S. (2001), Religious Pluralism and

Religious Participation, Annual Review of Sociology 27.
Durkheim, Emile (1995), The Elementary Forms of Religious Life,
New York: Free Press.
Ekelund, Robert Jr., Hebert, Robert, Jollison, Robert (2006), The
Marketplace of Christianity, Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press.
Evans-Pritchard, Edward (1956), Nuer Religion, Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Foster, Michael B. (1934), The Christian Doctrine of Creation and
the Rise of Modern Natural Science, Mind, New Series, vol. 43, no.
172, October.
Kraynak, Robert P. (2001), Christian Faith and Modern Democracy:
God and politics in the fallen world, University of Notre Dame
Press, Notre Dame, Indiana.
Olson, Daniel V. A. (1999), Religious Pluralism and U.S. Church
Membership: A Reassessment, Sociology of Religion, vol. 60, no. 2.
Patapievici, Horia-Roman (2001), The Recent Man, Bucharest:
Humanitas.
Simon, Herbert A. (1986), Rationality in Psychology and
Economics in Hogarth, Robin M., Reder, Melvin W. (eds.),
Rational Choice: The Contrast Between Economics and Psychology,
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Stark, Rodney, Finke, Roger (2000), Acts of Faith: Explaining the
Human Side of Religion, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Voas, David, Olson, Daniel V. A., Crockett, Alasdair (2002),
Religious Pluralism and Participation: Why previous research is
wrong, American Sociological Review, vol. 67, no. 2.
Weber, Max (2007), The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism, Bucharest: Humanitas.
Witham, Larry (2010), Marketplace of the Gods. How economics
explains religion, New York: Oxford University Press.
Wuthnow, Robert (2008), After the Baby Boomers, Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
257
THE MARKETPLACE OF RELIGION

Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iai
In many countries, there is a relatively recent tendency that
highlights an increasing trend for many religious denominations.
Each one produces goods and services (credence goods), setting
the optimal combination of religious rituals and theology in order to
fit the potential believers income and level of education. It is
considered that the religious behavior is rational, the decisions are
taken in accordance with the relationship between supply and
demand. Strict churches stand on a religious market because they
require a high commitment of its members. The theory of the
religious club explains why these churches last over time and how
they evolve to more elaborate form, while the entry cost is high,
given the promise of a high quality credence final good.
Keywords: marketplace, religion, club, credence good, rational
behavior
Introducere
n multe state ale lumii exist o tendin relativ recent care
creioneaz o evoluie ascendent a numeroase denominaiuni sau
secte religioase, n conformitate cu o libertate constituional
naional sporit. n plus, n articolul 18 al Declaraiei Universale a
Drepturilor Omului se specific faptul c Orice om are dreptul la
libertatea gndirii, de contiin i religie; acest drept include
libertatea de a-i schimba religia sau convingerea, precum i
libertatea de a-si manifesta religia sau convingerea, singur sau
mpreun cu altii, att n mod public, ct i privat, prin nvturi,
258
practici religioase, cult i ndeplinirea ritualurilor. n acest context

(post)modern, recrudescena noilor secte religioase este n plin avnt.
Statele Unite ale Americii, Japonia, Marea Britanie sau Brazilia
prezint grade ridicate de libertate religioas, de aici fenomenul larg
rspndit de apostazie i, pe cale de consecin, de aderen la noile
micri religioase. Multe forme ale cretinismului exist n prezent n
lume din cele mai vechi timpuri pn astzi. Fiecare instituie
religioas poate produce bunuri i servicii de ncredere (credence
goods), stabilind combinaia optim de ritualistic i teologie pentru
a se potrivi cu nivelul veniturilor i educaiei potenialilor
credincioi.
O interpretare economic a fenomenului religios
Teoria economic demonstreaz faptul c, cu ct exist un
grad de reglementare a pieei mai sczut, cu att competiia va fi mai
vie i mai eficient. Creterea economic este n strns corelaie cu
tolerana social i formele liberale de manifestare i organizare
religioase. (Easterly, W., Levine, R., Africas Growth Tragedy:
Policies and Ethnic Divisions, QJE, 1997, 112 (4), p. 1203-1205;
Rupasingha, A., Chilton, J. B., Religious Adherence and County
Economic Growth in the US, JEB&O, 2009, 72 (1), pp. 438450;
Voas, D., Olson D.V.A., Crockett A., Religious Pluralism and
Participation: Why Previous Research is Wrong, ASR, 2002, 67(2),
pp. 212-216). Bisericile mai stricte rezist pe piaa religioas pentru
c cer un devotament ridicat membrilor si. Teoria clubului
explic de ce asemenea instituii nu numai c rezist, dar n timp
evolueaz spre forme mai elaborate; aceasta deoarece nivelul
costurilor de intrare este ridicat, dat fiind faptul c promit un bun de
ncredere final de calitate superioar.
O religie debuteaz din postura uneia exclusive, cu o cerere
ridicat, apoi cnd tensiunea cu mediul social se atenueaz,
evolueaz spre nie religioase destul de clare. O asemenea viziune
259
vine n contradicie cu teoria potrivit creia o firm nou poate

penetra o pia destul de matur dac i numai dac beneficiaz de
costuri de intrare reduse. (Witham, 2010:137)
Ekelund,
Hebert
i
Jollison
(2006)
consider
comportamentul religios ca fiind raional, care se manifest ca
oricare alt conduit economic. Producia de bunuri i servicii i
confer Bisericii un statut de juctor al pieei religioase, deciziile
fiind luate n conformitate cu relaia dintre cererea i oferta pentru
acestea.
Ceea ce difereniaz magia de religie rezid ntr-o
interpretare economic a sacrificiului. Spiritul i actul de sacrificiu se
bazeaz pe ipoteza unui acord contractual ntre oameni i puterile
superioare n care ei cred. Aceast ipotez este o caracteristic
definitorie a religiei i componenta care ridic religia deasupra
nivelului primitiv al magiei. (Newberg, A., DAquili, E., Rause, V.,
2002:137)
Dac privim fenomenul religios prin lentila interpretrii
economice, e interesant de observat coninutul i tendinele unei aanumite piee a religiei sau piee religioase. Din aceast perspectiv
scientist, religia presupune un comportament raional al indivizilor,
care poate fi privit n termeni de cerere i ofert pentru o serie de
confesiuni religioase. Aceasta, ca oricare alt pia, se constituie din
inter-relaia i reacia dintre cererea i oferta de bunuri i servicii
religioase, ideal a se petrece ntr-un spaiu guvernat de ordine,
justiie i coeren instituional. Cteva exemple ar putea constitui
elemente care s zugrveasc un scenariu plauzibil fa de
problematica enunat. Spre exemplu, n Japonia, dup adoptarea
noii constituii din 1946, care eluda monopolul religios al
intoismului, a aprut un fenomen extrem de dinamic n noul context
al libertii religioase, tradus n peste 2000 de grupuri religioase
distincte. n Statele Unite ale Americii, s-a constat c mai mult de
trei sferturi din donaii provin de la doar 20% dintre credincioi. De
260
aici i pn la a contextualiza c cei nstrii, dar care frecventeaz

mult mai rar serviciile religioase dect cei cu venituri modeste,
particip ns n cea mai mare parte la finanarea bisericilor, e o cale
destul de scurt. Cu alte cuvinte, costul de oportunitate al fiecrui
grup i dicteaz alegerea, fiecare contribuind cu ceea ce este ieftin
pentru sine i din abunden. Compromisurile derulate ntre resursa
timp i bani exprim modul cum oamenii i aloc resursele limitate.
ns, interpretarea unor comportamente prin apelul la diverse
concepte i generalizri economice capt contur doar printr-o
asemenea analiz.
Ipoteza general care st la baza unei asemenea teorii care
s explice religia prin intermediul economiei este destul de simpl,
pentru c este vorba de o convenie menit s uureze modelarea
unei tendine sau a unor comportamente umane (spre exemplu,
Vernon Smith). Economia a migrat n sfera unei pseudo-tiine care
mut centrul de greutate ctre eviden i pozitivism excesiv. Din
aceast cauz, pentru a cpta prestigiu i valoare universal,
economia i-a construit arhitectura epistemologic, noional i
conceptual, pe cteva ipoteze simple, considerate general valabile.
De exemplu, fiecare individ, dei diferit, este perfect raional, caut
s i maximizeze utilitatea sau satisfacia, calculeaz permanent
dac beneficiile posibile depesc n valoare costurile, are un set de
preferine stabile i este capabil s le compare cu altele i aleag n
consecin. Nicio urm n tot acest sistem de presupoziii de
referina fa de impactul factorilor sociali, culturali i religioi,
interni sau externi, care l influeneaz decisiv pe homo economicus
pe tot parcursul vieii sale.
Cu toate acestea, economia religiei, n buna tradiie a
pozitivismului tiinific i a mainstreamului economic, arat c
indivizii raionali reacioneaz i i aleg credina religioas dat n
termeni de costuri i beneficii ateptate. Rolul jucat de sistemul de
preferine sau gusturi, raritate, alegeri raionale, costuri de
261
oportunitate, costuri de tranzacie, oportunism economic,

comportament birocratic, competiie spaial, diferenierea
produsului, este decisiv n luarea deciziilor privind un bun rar,
credina religioas. Un bun rar presupune un sacrificiu la care
recurge un consumator dat. Deciziile de maximizare a rezultatelor pe
care acetia le iau permit cooperarea social, funcie de interaciunile
stabilite anterior. n aceast optic, alte condiii rmnnd constante,
dac un ofertant produce un bun i/sau serviciu necesar membrilor
unei comuniti la un pre inferior fa de concuren, atunci
cumprtorii l vor alege necondiionat. Dac acelai bun i/sau
serviciu va costa dublu, atunci cererea pentru acesta se va reduce
semnificativ. Ekelund, Hebert i Jollison (2006) arat c cererea
pentru un bun religios nu depinde doar de micarea preului, existnd
i o serie de ali factori care o influeneaz decisiv, precum nivelul
veniturilor i al educaiei, stabilitatea instituional, calitatea
informaiei, gradul de toleran fa de risc i rafinamentul tiinific.
Atunci cnd exist o alternativ viabil i, deci, mobilul de a judeca
n termeni de costuri i beneficii suplimentare ateptate, alegerea
unui produs i/sau servicii religioase este raional i fr dubiu,
demonstrnd c aciunea a vizat maximizarea efectului resimit i c
a fost motivat de stimulente exogene. De asemenea, eficiena
economic face posibil comparaia dintre beneficii i costuri din
perspectiva consumatorului, n virtutea valorilor atribuite de ctre
acesta, fapt care influeneaz perspectiva fenomenologic. Bunurile
religioase, n contextul libertii confesionale consimite prin lege i,
pe cale de consecin, a existenei a numeroase micri religioase (a
se vedea piaa religioas extreme de diversificat din Statele Unite
ale Americii sau cele peste 2000 de secte religioase aprute n
Japonia dup eliminarea intoismului ca religie de stat), pot prezenta
o elasticitate ridicat a cererii. Cu ct exist mai multe bunuri
substituibile, cu att cererea devine mai elastic pentru un asemenea
bun de ncredere.
262
De asemenea, orice bun i serviciu religioase incapsuleaz

aprioric un grad sporit de ncredere dat. Aceast ncredere este
ntreinut i de credibilitatea ofertantului. Un bun religios nu poate
fi evaluat dup consumurile intermediare, dat fiind c acesta
cuprinde o promisiune care nu poate fi validat (i nici empiric
verificat) sau nu n cursul vieii prezente. De aceea, principiile
coordonatoare care gestioneaz i echilibreaz viaa ofer o viziune
raional i coerent. Cu toate acestea, niciun credincios nu consum
un produs religios dect dac ader de bunvoie la o comunitate
religioas care s-i permit trirea, experimentarea i evaluarea
beneficiilor acestuia. Indivizii acioneaz raional la fel ca n situaia
unui club i a unei firme religioase.
Teoria cererii i a ofertei ne arat c indivizii aleg raional
dintr-un set de alternative n baza analizei costurilor i beneficiilor
ateptate. Cererea pentru un bun i/sau serviciu religios depinde de o
serie de factori precum numrul de consumatori, modificarea
gusturilor i preferinelor solicitanilor, modificarea veniturilor i
schimbarea preului unui bun substituibil. Oferta, pe de alt parte,
depinde de costuri, dar i de capacitatea de a modifica percepiile
fixe ale consumatorilor individuali prin apelul la noile micri
religioase inovative n termeni de produse, servicii, efort, promisiuni
i certitudini.
Se consider c dac exist libertate religioas concret,
deci o pia a religiei concurenial, deoarece vnztorii coopereaz
cu cumprtorii, atunci se creeaz noi oportuniti i apar micri
religioase dinamice. n aceast direcie, trebuie evideniat i rolul
acumulrii capitalului uman, n interiorul cruia cel religios joac un
rol important.
ntr-o anumit msur, serviciile oferite de religiile
organizate (instituii formate) sunt pur private din punct de vedere al
naturii lor. Religia poate s furnizeze consolare unei persoane care
i-a pierdut pe cineva drag. Poate s ofere pace interioar cuiva
copleit de probleme personale. Poate s ofere vindecare de natur
263
psihic (i uneori fizic) bolnavilor... De asemenea, acumularea de

capital religios, la fel ca acumularea de capital uman (educaie),
ofer nalte beneficii personalizate precum efectele externalitilor
asupra societii n ansamblu su. (Ekelund, Hebert, Jollison,
2006:54)
Att cunoaterea tradiiilor i a dogmelor religioase (capital
individual), ct i a conexitilor (reele sociale) avantajoase
resimite n interiorul unei religii (capital social), produc o acumulare
permanent de aptitudini, comportamente i conduite specifice unei
religii sau alta, care fac alegerea mai facil, cu efecte de maximizare.
(Witham, 2010:12)
Modelul menajului (gospodriei)
Modelul menajului este un sistem dinamic, n care se aplic
calculul raional n termeni de cost-beneficii i se consum ceea ce
se produce, adic ritualuri, simboluri, tradiii i cunotine. Laurence
Iannaccone arat c oamenii se comport altfel dect credeau Azzi i
Ehrenberg (1975) atunci cnd vine vorba de via religioas. Acetia
din urm considerau c o credin n nemurire sau n viaa de apoi
reprezint acumulri de capital religios i ofer auspiciile pentru ca
oamenii s investeasc timp, cunotine i resurse pentru consumul
final al acesteia. Iannaccone crede c oamenii nu investesc, gndesc
i acioneaz avnd ca perspectiv doar scopul final al nemuririi, ci,
mai mult, sunt influenai de dorina de a-i maximiza satisfacia i
de a reduce costurile, elemente devenite eseniale pentru
comportamentul la nivel de gospodrie (menaj). Dei localizarea
unui menaj poate diferi din punct de vedere cultural, ceea ce permite
existena unor filtre specifice, date de resurse limitate i
constrngeri, procesul descris funcioneaz omogen i
nediscriminatoriu. (Witham, 2010:40).
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Riscul asociat unui output sperat (viaa etern) este ridicat

n funcie de tipicul unei religii. Fie c vorbim de monoteisme sau
nu, riscul nu poate fi complet izolat. Nu exist religii al cror risc
asociat sau nesiguran s fie nule. Indiferent de religia abordat,
riscul asociat despre care vorbim exist n grade diferite de
constrngere. Posibilitatea motenirii unei forme de nemurire sau nu,
fie c acestea se cheam rencarnare, somn de veci, extincie, iad, rai,
purgatoriu, e nesigur. Posibilitatea de a obine ceea ce doreti, adic
maximizarea efectului, depinde de alegerea i asumarea religiei,
precum i a preceptelor i a comportamentelor implicate.
Iadul reprezenta un risc major asumat, iar pentru a-l ocoli
un credincios trebuia s svreasc o serie de aciuni etice, pozitive
i bune care s-l fereasc. Evidenierea doctrinei iadului a nsemnat
un pas important spre respectarea i aplicarea contractului social.
ntlnim reguli i principii despre drepturile de proprietate n Biblie,
n Coran, care nu sunt respectate imperativ. Contiina fiecruia
dicteaz obligativitatea respectrii acestor precepte religioase scrise
fa de problematica drepturilor de proprietate. Ordinea social, n
absena aplicrii acestor elemente directoare, precum i a
constrngerilor temporale ale legilor, poate fi stimulat prin apelul la
aceste consecine ultime. Astfel, culturile care nglobeaz esena
consecinelor ultime (Rai, iad) prezint reguli de cooperare
superioare, drepturi de proprietate mai eficiente, comportamentele
rezultate fiind mai morale, mai productive i mai ndreptate spre
realizarea binelui. (Witham, 2010:68-69)
Instituia formal a religiei ofer o serie de bunuri, n
proporii covritoare imateriale, iar cererea pentru acestea se
rezum, de fapt, la cea pentru sigurana i asigurarea mntuirii i
ctigrii vieii eterne. De aceea, ofertanii (bisericile) trebuie s
ofere un produs sau serviciu care s nglobeze aceast caracteristic
i s rspund eficient cererii agregate sau individuale. Cum
produsele difer n funcie de apartenena la o dogm religioas, tot
aa se particularizeaz i cererea pentru bunuri i servicii religioase
265
care reprezint de fapt cererea pentru o form particular de religie,

difereniat n funcie de natura intrinsec a aspectului luat de
atitudinile de mntuire. (Ekelund, Hebert, Jollison, 2006:50).
Modelul clubului religios

Modelul unui club religios se identific cel mai bine cu
cel al unei secte/denominaiuni care produce bunuri i servicii
specifice pentru un grup sau colectivitate selectate i reduse ca
dimensiuni. O asemenea structur ofer un mix de produse la un
anumit pre stabilit. Cu ct preul pentru a avea acces este mai mare,
determinat de costuri ridicate, fie ele legate de o anumit conduit
personal, moral i de complexitatea ritualurilor, cu att crete i
tacheta nlat mpotriva comportamentelor pasagerilor
clandestini (free riders), comportamente prin care un individ
ncearc s beneficieze de avantajele unei apartenene religioase, pe
care le poate extrage din acel mediu fr s plteasc costul de
procurare al acestor avantaje. Cu ct acest pre de intrare este mai
sczut, influenat de costuri iniiale nesemnificative, cu att aceste
comportamente inoportune vor fi atrase mai mult, iar jungla
Hobessian apare n peisaj. Larry Withman (2010) consider c
rezistena unei secte religioase se ntemeiaz pe fora de transmitere
a valorilor ncredere i loialitate. De asemenea, bunstarea social e
considerat un bun al unei astfel de structuri religioase, generat de
comuniunea sinergic a credincioilor intra-club. Iudaismul ultraortodox i instituiade educaie islamic Madrassa sunt exemple din
(post)modernism ale conceptului de club religios. (Witham,
2010:78) Economistul Daniel L. Chen arat, plecnd de la un studiu
de caz pe Indonezia, c n timp de criz a aprut o recrudescen a
fenomenului religios n rndul populaiei. Acest fapt l-a determinat
s afirme c religia este un ofertant de ncredere al unei asigurri
266
depline n faa neputinei i neajunsurilor lumii materiale, o

perspectiv compatibil cu teoria bunurilor de club (Buchanan 1965;
Iannaccone 1992; Berman 2000; Scotchmer 2002), idee care
postuleaz existena bunurilor publice locale, cum ar fi asigurarea
reciproc i altruismul intra-grup, care sunt excluse pentru nonmembrii. (Chen, D.L., Club Goods and Group Identity: Evidence
from Islamic Resurgence during the Indonesian Financial Crisis,
JPE, 2010, vol. 118, no. 2, p. 303).
Dup ce clubulreligios, ca micare marginal, capt
coeziune, for i vizibilitate, atunci poate s evolueze spre conceptul
de firm religioas, o nou surs de bunuri i servicii religioase
pentru consumul public final. Azi, multe confesiuni religioase sunt
structurate instituional potrivit acestei poziii (ortodoxie, catolicism,
protestantism, neoprotestantism, Islam, budism etc.) pentru a urmri
obinerea de profit. Ca orice alt tip de firme, i cea religioas dispune
de o structur organizaional piramidal, n frunte cu preotul i la
baz cu enoriaii (credincioii).
Spre exemplu, Biserica catolic medieval urma modelul M
al unei corporaii. Dac prelum ideile lui Damian Thomson, Papa
este un CEO, nu un preedinte, i, ca atare, are dou prioriti. Prima
este s se asigure c personalul i serviciile purtnd eticheta de
catolice sunt ceea ce spun c sunt... Cealalt prioritate a [lui] este
de a mbunti calitatea celui mai important serviciu al Bisericii,
liturghia Euharistiei. (Thompson, 2005) Curiile i cardinalii
reprezint directorii avnd diverse funcii, inclusiv cea financiar cu
rolul de colectare a veniturilor. n aval exist o reea dispersat
geografic care i cuprinde pe episcopii locali, preoii de mir, clugrii
diferitelor ordine care vnd produse i servicii religioase.
n plus, pentru ca trecerea la statutul de firm s aib loc,
trebuie s produc bunuri care s rivalizeze cu alte competitorilor.
Cu ct inputurile firmei sunt mai eficient, inovativ i productiv
utilizate, cu att outputul (bunuri i servicii mistice) devine mai
267
atrgtor i mai de ncredere pentru indivizi. Se creeaz stimulentele

necesare unei viei sub nsemnul preceptelor i valorilor religioase.
Oamenii ateapt s primeasc soluii pentru a-i gsi linitea
sufleteasc i a depi problemele vieii cotidiene, pentru a obine o
perspectiv teleologic asupra vieii mai convingtoare i pentru a
primi certitutudini dincolo de perisabilitatea existenei de aici i
acum (bunuri de mntuire, de exemplu garania obinerii vieii eterne
cu costuri rezonabile n viaa aceasta). Cu alte cuvinte, aa cum
aprecia i Iannaccone, instituiile religioase sau firmele religioase au
menirea s existe pentru a reduce ct mai mult posibil riscul fraudei
i a dezinformrilor. (Iannaccone, L.R., Introduction to the
Economics of Religion, JEL, septembrie 1998, 36, p. 1491)
Houston Smith crede c religia nu este mai puin complicat
dect funcionarea unui guvern sau tiina medical. Este motivul
pentru care, prin urmare, harul, nzestrarea i cunoaterea sporit
ntru tainele sfinte a celor aflai n vrful piramidei (ierarhi
bisericeti, papi, preoi, imami, pastori etc.) s le determine pe unele
persoane ca, n materie de spirit, s se situeze peste media general a
celor mai puin iniiai. Sfaturile i nvturile acestor cunosctori,
experi sau mistagogi vor fi solicitate i urmate cu luare aminte. n
plus, latura instituional a religiei atrage dup sine apariia i
adaptarea structurilor administrative i de conducere, ale cror
decizii vor cntri decisiv. (Smith, 1991:92-93)
Francisc de Assisi a renunat la orice fel de avere, la fel ca
grupul redus al celor care l urmau. Costurile de intrare n acest ordin
erau extrem de ridicate, poate pentru a elimina comportamentele
pasagerilor clandestini (free riders): srcie, expunere la
intemperii, stigmat social i devotament exclusiv. Cei care au rmas
cu Francisc au primit un beneficiu exclusiv, sau un bun al clubului,
anume experiena religioas de a tri ca Iisus Hristos i o reea
social mic, sau o plas de siguran, aa cum au fost. De la
nceput, franciscanii au evoluat dup arhitectura modelului
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clubului. n timp au evoluat n cel al firmei. Franciscanii au

devenit una dintre cele mai puternice i bogate comuniti din
Europa medieval. Problema n cele din urm a devenit att de
exploziv n secolul al XIV-lea, nct Roma i ordinul franciscan, ca
dou firme concurente, s-au angajat ntr-o lupt pentru cota de pia
religioas, care a inclus excomunicri, exiluri, vaste transferuri de
proprietate i execuii. (Witham, 2010:75)
Un alt exemplu vine din Budism. Hinduismul era considerat
ceea ce nelegem azi prin religie de stat, iar Budismul doar micare
marginal. La nceput, a aprut un grup redus de iluminai celibatari,
elitist (sangha) care urmeaz nvturile lui Buddha i
experimenteaz un stil de via extrem de auster i un cod de reguli
rigide i exclusiviste. Acest cod de reguli oferea stabilitate i ordine
n interior. Cu ct aceste clauze contractuale sau niveluri de loialitate
(devotament) sunt mai greu de atins, cu att comportamentul de
aderare la o anumit religie exprim o ncredere i o verosimilitate
mai ridicate. Astfel, cu toate aceste constrngeri rigide i greu de
respectat, aprea un demers raional din partea credincioilor care
evidenia beneficii materiale superioare nivelului costurilor realizate.
mpreun primesc un lca unde aleg s triasc i s se roage, ceea
ce am numi noi a fi o mnstire. Traiul dificil pentru supravieuire
nsemna munc asidu i grea. Principalul scop al acestui mod de
via retras i srac era unul mult mai nalt, atingerea nirvanei, care
presupunea o serie de valori superioare i aplicarea de
comportamente morale, juste i etice. Rezultatul l-a constituit
Vinaya, elementul determinant al acestui club iniial, un set de
principii monastice riguroase pentru reglementarea fiecrei aciuni
umane svrite. Dei budismul era o minoritate ntr-o lume
dominat de alt religie veche, hinduismul, ceea ce a permis
rezistena i, ulterior, extraordinara sa evoluie, i nu prognozata
extincie, rezid n explicaia dat de teoria clubului economic.
Acumularea masiv i extrem de rapid de capital religios, spre
269
deosebire de hinduism, precum i costurile de intrare extrem de

ridicate care i-au pstrat eficiena i rezistena, pot constitui
explicaii plauzibile dintr-un punct de vedere economic. (Witham,
2010:76-77) Dup moartea lui Buddha, gradual, sangha a nceput s
ofere bunuri i servicii diverilor consumatori, iniiind procedura de
transformare ntr-un sistem mai larg i mai puin exclusivist, firma.
Pentru a rezista pe pia, o firm precum ceea ce a devenit Budismul
trebuia s ofere bunuri i servicii de calitate, s le vnd, s obin
venituri de la credincioi i s foloseasc tehnici ca diviziunea
muncii, specializare, diversificarea portofoliului de bunuri i servicii,
stabilirea preului. Acest proces dinamic demonstreaz c volumul
de convertiri i renunri n cadrul micrilor religioase de intensitate
i mrime mici, care ncearc s menin standarde i constrngeri
ridicate pentru a elimina comportamentele pasagerilor clandestini
(free riders), este mult mai ridicat dect n cazul denominaiunilor de
dimensiuni mari i cu costuri de intrare reduse. (Witham, 2010:79)
Apoi mpratul Asoka, pentru a purifica piaa religioas de
erezii, adopt Budismul ca religie de stat n locul hinduismului. nsp
budismul rmnea o religie exclusiv/exclusivist, mbriat doar
de ptura social nalt. Se consider c nu este suficient s existe
ofert dac cererea este cvasi-inexistent. De aceea, gradul, budismul
elitist se nnoiete, aprnd unele forme hibride, mult mai populare i
mai pe nelesul populaiei mai puin emancipate. Aa apare
budismul Mahayana. Monopolul budismului Theravada i al
sistemului hindus al Brahmanismului este concurat de competitori
care au impus costuri de intrare mai sczute i tachete calitative
mult mai facil de atins pentru cei din comunitile non-elitelor. Spre
exemplu, rolul jucat de deitile Bodhisatva. Aceast nou apariie
va determina hinduismul s inoveze produse religioase pentru a
putea rezista pe pia. Concreteea acestui fapt a fost dat de
recrudescena devoiunii hinduse evideniate de rolul jucat de o serie
de povestiri (Bhagavad Gita) care promiteau mntuire etern dac
270
credincioii urmau un comportament i practici evalvioase n fiecare

zi. (Witham, 2010:85-86)
n aceeai optic, nceputul micrii cretine s-a realizat sub
umbrela unui aa-numit club religios al crui comportament era
tipic raional. Costul de intrare era extrem de ridicat. Nesupunerea n
faa zeilor romani se pedepsea desori cu moartea. Problema freeriders nici nu putea fi invocat. Religiile considerate eficiente, ai
cror membri sunt perfect raionali, pot beneficia de pe urma
stigmatului social, sacrificiului de sine i a altor restricii
comportamentale aparent bizare. Aceste costuri de intrare i
selecteaz pe indivizii a cror participare oricum ar fi sczut, n
acelai timp conducnd la creterea participrii la serviciile
religioase n rndul celor care se altur acelor micri religioase.
(Iannaccone, L. R., Sacrifice and Stigma: Reducing Free-Riding in
Cults, Communes, and Other Collectives, JPE, 1992, 100 (2), p. 271272.)
Modelul firmei religioase

Modelul firmei religioase se poate exemplifica foarte bine
analiznd modelul Bisericii Catolice din Evul Mediu. nc din
secolul al XI-lea, papii i Curia au desvrit o structur religioas
monopolist, cu o structur de conducere piramidal solid i cu o
lege canonic care a depit mult sfera strict bisericeasc, dominndo pe cea civil din societate. Biserica se implica i n producerea de
bunuri publice, administrarea justiiei, n aplicarea unor drepturi de
proprietate, n alegerea regilor i a aristocrailor. Externalitile de
reea apreau pe msur ce numrul de credincioi cretea. Dei
problema pasagerilor clandestini (free riders) nu putea fi evitat n
cazul unei Biserici att de puternice, cu timpul aceasta devine un
mare atu: creterea numrului de noi credincioi nsemna o plaj
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extrem de larg pentru consumul de bunuri i servicii, deci venituri

suplimentare importante.
Pentru a satisface preferine destul de diversificate i, deci,
pentru a avea o ofert adaptativ de bunuri i servicii, Biserica
Catolic a dezvoltat o arhitectur a unei adevrate industrii integrate
pe vertical. Riscul ridicat al nivelului srciei i incertitudinea de
supravieuire au fcut posibile o serie de norme i reglementri
privind penitena, iertarea i mntuirea. Atunci cnd era vorba despre
religie, sracii ofereau mai mult timp pentru serviciile religioase, iar
bogaii mai mult avere. S-a constat c se donau mai muli bani
pentru construcia de catedrale atunci cnd aprea iminena unei
epidemii de cium sau cataclisme naturale. (Kraus, 1979:129)
Problema concurenei aproape c nu a contat vreme de
cteva secole. Monopolul Bisericii catolice a nsemnat costuri
ridicate i o lovitur grea pentru ceea ce numim suveranitatea
consumatorului. Pentru a pstra nealterat bazinul de credincioi,
micrile eretice (spre exemplu, Gnosticii, Catarii, Waldensienii) au
fost concurate de Biserica Catolic prin apariia ordinelor clugrilor
Dominicani i Franciscani care trebuiau s pun n micare aciuni
caritabile pentru cei sraci i npstuii i a aplicrii diferitelor
moduri de coerciie mai mult sau mai puin violente.
De asemenea, dei purta stigmatul teoriei economice a
monopolului ineficient i purttor al unui grad redus de inovare,
Biserica Catolic a reuit ca n secolele al XI-lea i al XII-lea s
aduc n prim plan un set nou de doctrine religioase care s faciliteze
mntuirea ntr-o form mai sistematic i raional (Purgatoriu,
diferenierea dintre pcatele de iertat i cele de neiertat, mrturisirea
tainic i expunerea pcatelor spre iertare, rolul indulgenelor,
filantropia). De asemenea, Biserica catolic era liber s practice
discriminarea prin pre, manipulnd att calitatea bunurilor i
serviciilor religioase, ct i preul total al acestora. n prim faz,
aceast diversificare a ofertei a avut un impact deosebit n sensul
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scderii costurilor asociate comiterii de pcate, ns, cu timpul, a

creat oportuniti mai mari n sensul unei conduite de extragere de
rente, prin creterea costurilor de mntuire pentru membrii bisericii.
n Evul mediu, Biserica catolic reprezenta o imens surs de
tezaurizare, putnd finana diferite activiti mai mult sau mai puin
productive. Atunci cnd a interzis dobnda, Biserica Catolic a
transmis un semnal nou, i anume, necesitatea de a nlocui vechea
paradigm medieval a acumulrii de mari datorii de consum cu
cultul filantropiei (caritii), care presupunea acordarea de
mprumuturi fr remunerare ulterioar.
ns, n acest sens, doctrina interzicerii dobnzii cpta
valene oportuniste: cmtarul era iertat de pcate doar dac pltea
dobnda perceput debitorului, funcie de averea sa i nu de valoarea
efectiv a mprumutului dat. De asemenea, valoarea indulgenelor a
finanat Cruciadele la care a participat Papa Gregoriu VIII, nct
pcatele celor impozitai erau surs bneasc important pentru
aceste campanii. Tot n Evul Mediu, aceleai indulgene erau
stabilite de ctre bulele papale proporional cu averea pctoilor.
Mai mult, fii i nepoii ereticilor plteau sume mari de bani Bisericii
Catolice pentru pcatele prinilor lor. O alt oportunitate pentru
apariia comportamentului de rent-seeking era legat de instituia
cstoriei. Astfel, familia dinastic sau endogamia erau regula n
Evul Mediu i nu numai, cstoriile ntre rude (relaii consanguine),
pentru a nu dilua averea familiei, erau acceptate de Biseric dac se
pltea o tax special pentru aceast excepie. (Ekelund, Hebert,
Jollison, 2006:109-115, 118)
Celibatul prelailor catolici instituit nc din secolul al XIlea avea, de asemenea, un mobil economic. Prin aceast
constrngere, se dorea ca averea corpului de preoi s rmn
concentrat i la dispoziia Bisericii Catolice, s nu se dilueze n
cazul n care acetia ar fi avut urmai, iar acetia ar fi motenit apoi
bunurile prinilor. Abstinena sexual a preoilor catolici era vzut
ca un nalt grad de ncredere i calitate ncorporate n ceea ce acetia
273
propovduiau. Prin urmare, celibatul poate fi considerat un tip de

garanie pentru credincioi i pentru cererea potenial de bunuri i
servicii religioase catolice, sugernd astfel c produsul este unul
autentic. (Ekelund, Hebert, Jollison, 2006:149) Cu toate acestea,
trebuie s evideniem faptul c atunci cnd aceste oportuniti
imorale i cinice sporesc posibilitile de a procura bogie celui care
le promoveaz, acionnd prin politica de discriminare prin pre,
acestea nu sunt niciodat pe deplin exploatate, deoarece exploatarea
complet ar restrnge volumul de consumatori ai monopolului.
(Peltzman, S., Toward a More General Theory of Regulation, JLE,
1976, vol. 19(2), pp. 211-240)
Concluzii
Ekelund,
Hebert
i
Jollison
(2006)
consider
comportamentul religios ca fiind unul raional, care se manifest ca
oricare alt conduit economic. Producia de bunuri i servicii i
confer Bisericii un statut de juctor al pieei religioase, deciziile
fiind luate n conformitate cu relaia dintre cererea i oferta pentru
acestea.
Dac privim fenomenul religios prin lentila interpretrii
economice, e interesant de observat coninutul i tendinele unei aanumite piee a religiei. Din aceast perspectiv scientist, religia
presupune un comportament raional al indivizilor, care poate fi
privit n termeni de cerere i ofert pentru o serie de confesiuni
religioase. Aceasta, ca oricare alt pia, se constituie din interrelaia i reacia dintre cererea i oferta de bunuri i servicii
religioase, ideal a se petrece ntr-un spaiu guvernat de ordine,
justiie i coeren instituional.
Modelul unui club religios se identific cel mai bine cu
cel al unei secte/denominaiuni care produce bunuri i servicii
specifice pentru un grup sau colectivitate selectate i reduse ca
274
dimensiuni. O asemenea structur ofer un mix de produse la un

anumit pre stabilit. Cu ct preul pentru a avea acces este mai mare,
determinat de costuri ridicate, fie ele legate de o anumit conduit
personal, moral i de complexitatea ritualurilor, cu att crete i
tacheta nlat mpotriva comportamentelor pasagerilor
clandestini (free riders), comportamente prin care un individ
ncearc s beneficieze de avantajele unei apartenene religioase, pe
care le poate extrage din acel mediu fr s plteasc costul de
procurare al acestor avantaje. Cu ct acest pre de intrare este mai
sczut, influenat de costuri iniiale nesemnificative, cu att aceste
comportamente inoportune vor fi atrase mai mult, iar jungla
Hobessian apare n peisaj. n aceeai optic, nceputul micrii
cretine s-a realizat sub umbrela unui aa-numit club religios al
crui comportament era tipic raional. Costul de intrare era extrem de
ridicat. Nesupunerea n faa zeilor romani se pedepsea desori cu
moartea. Problema free-riders nici nu putea fi invocat. Religiile
considerate eficiente, ai cror membri sunt perfect raionali, pot
beneficia de pe urma stigmatului social, sacrificiului de sine i a altor
restricii comportamentale aparent bizare. Aceste costuri de intrare i
selecteaz pe indivizii a cror participare oricum ar fi sczut, n
acelai timp conducnd la creterea participrii la serviciile
religioase n rndul celor care se altur acelor micri religioase.
Bibliografie
Chen, Daniel L. (2010), Club Goods and Group Identity: Evidence
from Islamic Resurgence during the Indonesian Financial Crisis,
Journal of Political Economy, vol. 118, no. 2.
Easterly, W., Levine, R. (1997), Africas Growth Tragedy: Policies
and Ethnic Divisions, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 112,
no. 4.
275
Ekelund, Robert Jr.; Hebert, Robert; Jollison, Robert (2006), The

Marketplace of Christianity, Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press.
Iannaccone, Laurence R. (1998), Introduction to the Economics of
Religion, Journal of Economic Literature 36, September.
Newberg, Andrew, DAquili, Eugene, Rause, Vince (2002), Why
God Wont Go Away: Brain Science and the Biology of Belief, New
York: Ballantine Books.
Peltzman, Sam (1976), Toward a More General Theory of
Regulation, Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 19(2), University of
Chicago Press.
Rupasingha, A., Chilton, J. B. (2009), Religious Adherence and
County Economic Growth in the US, Journal of Economic
Behavior & Organization, vol. 72, no. 1.
Smith, Houston (1991), The Worlds Religions, San Francisco:
HarperSanFrancisco.
Thompson, Damian (2005), The Spectator, 3rd June,
http://www.spectator.co.uk/article_archive.php?id=6201&issue=200
5-06-04.
Voas, D., Olson D.V.A., Crockett A. (2002), Religious Pluralism
and Participation: Why Previous Research is Wrong, American
Sociological Review, vol. 67, no. 2.
Witham, Larry (2010), Marketplace of the Gods. How economics
explains religion, New York: Oxford University Press.
276
DIE EUROPISCHE JUGENDSTILLANDSCHAFT

UND ANSTZE ZU IHRER VERMARKTUNG
Peter SCHUBERT
Foundation Klosterneuburg, Vienna
Jugendstil was the last trend of style that comprised the entire continent and
lasted only 25 years - a period of time, in which other styles have not
reached even a small part of Europe. The Jugendstil has been again
acknowledged in the last twenty years, after decades of neglecting and
disdain. The reasons may be diverse: the works are characterized by vast
creativity and variety, but also by a superior unity. Noticeable is also the
powerful influence of regional motifs, which can be perceived on a
superregional level in that time because of the political and social
entanglement. Because of the popularity of the Jugendstil and its forms
many travel agencies acknowledged it as a holiday destination. Jugendstil
cities all over Europe became active: Barcelona had its own guides,
Brussels, Nancy or Borgo San Lorenzo had their own maps, Vienna or Paris
offered guided city tours. On a superregional level the Rseau Art Nouveau
Network has emerged, that comprises various activities linked to Jugendstil.
Also the cultural cluster Danube and the Danube cities Arge organize
exhibitions on this style. But still there is no superregional promotion
carried out in this geographical market. But the absence of the
superregional promotion offers the chance to break new ground and to
achieve a partnership between these regions and between science and
economics.
Key Words: Jugendstil landscape, promotion approaches, superregional
level, network
1 Die europische Jugendstillandschaft

Der Jugendstil ist eine Kunstrichtung, die nicht zuletzt auch
durch eine Reihe von Phnomenen auffllt und durch diese
Besonderheiten auch einen ganz eigenen Charme entwickelt hat: Bei
einer Wirksamkeit von knapp 25 Jahren umfasste der Jugendstil ganz
277
Europa wofr andere Stilrichtungen Jahrzehnte und Jahrhunderte

bentigt hatten. Und der Jugendstil umfasste nicht nur einen Zweig
der Knste oder des Kunsthandwerkes, sondern er beabsichtigte das
ganze Leben zu gestalten. Es gab nicht nur eine Architektur, die die
Fassade eines Hauses prgte, sondern auch eine Innenarchitektur fr
die Mbel und entsprechendes Design fr Stoffe, Besteck oder
Geschirr. In den Bcherregalen des Jugendstils standen im Jugendstil
gestaltete Bcher, die von Frauen in Reformkleidung des Jugendstils
und geschmckt mit Jugendstilschmuck gelesen wurden so wollte
es zumindest die Idealvorstellung, die allerdings nur selten in dieser
Ausformung wirklich zum Tragen kam.
Allerdings und dies wird meist viel zuwenig beachtet haben
wir es in Europa nicht mit einem einheitlichen Stil zu tun, sondern
mit einer Vielzahl von Stilrichtungen, die eine europische
Stillandschaft bilden, die im Wesentlichen von lokalen Einflssen
geprgt wurden. Wobei diese lokalen Einflsse aus zwei Richtungen
wirksam wurden: Einerseits wurden immer wieder Motive,
Gestaltungsmomente und Aspekte aus der Volkskunst bernommen
und andererseits wirkten die politischen Verhltnisse der Zeit um
1900 ganz massiv in die Ausprgung des Jugendstils hinein. Dass
sich trotzdem ein einheitlicher Stil aus dieser Vielfalt ergab, macht
sicher ein weiteres Phnomen des Jugendstils aus und knnte
gleichzeitig ein knstlerisches Vorbild fr das heutige politische
Europa sein.
Lassen Sie mich das eben Behauptete ein wenig ausfhren:
Wir haben einen floralen Jugendstil, der sporadisch in ganz Europa
auftritt, doch in der reinen Form selten dominant ist. Die Bewegtheit
hingegen und die Schwingungen, die den floralen Formen eigen
sind, die begleiten dagegen den Jugendstil ber weite Strecken als
ein wichtiges Merkmal.
Wir sprechen von einem franzsisch-belgischen Jugendstil,
der sich bereits im Elsass zum Monumentalen hin ndert ein aus
der Politik des Wilhelminischen Deutschen Reiches sich ergebender
Aspekt.
278
Unter Aufnahme von lokalen folkloristischen Motiven

erscheint die franzsische Richtung nochmals im Norden Europas,
wobei dort Finnland wiederum eine eigene Stilrichtung entwickelte.
Gnzlich anders dagegen der Jugendstil Barcelonas, der
zwar vom Schwung her ganz vom Jugendstil geprgt ist, in manchen
Motiven und von der Buntheit her einen Ungarn an den Stil seiner
Heimat erinnern wird und einen sterreicher an die Bauwerke
Friedensreich-Hundertwassers, oder manchmal auch an den
Historismus.
Deutschlands Westen ist stark von Frankreich geprgt
allerdings mit quasi importierten Sonderformen auf Darmstadts
Mathildenhhe und einer anderen in Bad Nauheims Bderbezirk.
Bayern hingegen wird von einem Barock-Jugendstil geprgt, der
dann ber Mnchens Architekturschulen sehr stark nach Sdtirol und
nach Bulgarien ausstrahlt.
In Italien sind die verschiedenen Richtungen vertreten, ohne
einen besonderen Schwerpunkt zu bilden, der florale Stil findet sich
genauso wie die franzsische Richtung oder auch Wiens
Secessionismus.
Der von Wien ausgehende Scessionismus ist wiederum eine
abstraktere und strker geometrische Sonderform des Jugendstils:
Natrlich ist er in Wien stark vertreten, aber relativ schwach im
Umland Niedersterreich, wo wiederum die floralen Formen
hufiger Bercksichtigung finden. Wesentlich strker dagegen ist die
Secession in Obersterreich. In der Tschechischen Republik werden
die Formen der Secession wieder strker mit volkskundlichen
Motiven vermischt, wie auch in der Slowakei. Relativ stark ist der
Einfluss der Secession in Kroatien vertreten, wo in Zagreb ganze
Huser aus Wien ausdrcklich zitiert werden. Dies ist klar politisch
bedingt, als Protest gegen die Zugehrigkeit zur ungarischen
Reichshlfte.
In Ungarn hatte sich unter der gide von dn Lechner
eine eigene Form des Jugendstils entwickelt, der auf der Suche nach
einer nationalen Kunstrichtung entstanden war und verschiedene
279
hnlichkeiten mit dem floralen Jugendstil und den katalonischen

Formen aufwies. Diese nationale Komponente sollte in der Folge
auch und gerade in jenen Jahrzehnten, als der Jugendstil im ganzen
brigen Europa aus verschiedenen Grnden verachtet wurde zu
einer wesentlich greren Akzeptanz des Jugendstils in Ungarn
fhren.
Diese Vermischung von Politik und Kunst, von Nationalitt
und Kreativitt fhrte rund um Ungarn entlang der Grenzen der
ungarischen Hlfte des Habsburgerreiches vor 1918 zu einer
Bruchzone, zu einer Vermischungszone der Stilrichtungen. Wobei
und dies ist auffallend und eine Besonderheit nicht ein Mischstil
entsteht, sondern die verschiedenen Ausprgungen hart
nebeneinander stehen. Dieses Nebeneinander kann auf wenigen
hundert Metern stattfinden wie etwa in der damaligen ungarischen
Krnungsstadt Pressburg / Bratislava wo die ungarische blaue
Kirche und das secessionistische Korpskommando nur wenig
voneinander entfernt sind..
Auffallend ist dabei, dass im Westen Ungarns meist eine
klare Grenzziehung erfolgt und eine solche Vermischungszone nur
an wenigen Punkten erfolgt, whrend sie im Osten und vor allem im
Sdosten Ungarns eine breite Zone einnimmt und dabei auch noch
Hhepunkte der unterschiedlichen Stilrichtungen umfasst: In Szeged
gehrt das Rek-Haus zu den berhmtesten Jugendstilbauten
Ungarns ist aber eindeutig in der floralen Stilrichtung und nicht im
ungarischen Stil gehalten. Das Ungar-Mayer-Haus in der gleichen
Stadt zieht in die belgisch-franzsische Richtung, das Deutsch-Haus
hingegen ist ganz im ungarischen Stil. Das Rathaus der nahen Stadt
Kiskunfelegyhaza hingegen ist genauso berhmt wie das Rek-Haus,
aber als Musterbeispiel fr den ungarischen Stil.
hnliche Beispiele lassen sich aus der Euroregion DonauKris-Mures-Tisa fast berall finden: Im ungarischen Szeged und im
rumnischen Timisoara genauso wie im serbischen Subotica. Diese
drei Stdte sind typische Beispiele dafr, dass auf engem Raum
verschiedene Formen nebeneinander existieren knnen. Wobei ich
280
berzeugt bin, dass der Reichtum dieser Region an Jugendstilbauten

speziell in den Ortschaften noch gar nicht wirklich erforscht und
erfasst ist: Als ich vor 12 Jahren erstmals Rumnien bereiste, war ich
ziemlich berrascht, was sich in den Drfern an den Bauernhusern
an Dekor erhalten hatte, was in sterreich lngst den Um- und
Ausbauten zum Opfer gefallen wre. Und gerade dieser uerst
gefhrdete architektonische Schatz msste dringend erfasst und
zumindest als Dokumentation fr die Nachwelt erhalten bleiben.
Halten wir als Fazit des ersten Abschnittes meiner
Ausfhrungen fest, dass diese Euroregion hier ein einzigartiges
Mischgebiet der Jugendstilformen darstellt, und damit als mglicher
Faktor fr den Tourismus verwertbar erscheint, da der Jugendstil
zwar eine erste Hype hinter sich hat, aber seit den 1960er Jahren fr
jede Generation eine neue schwrmerische Renaissance erlebt und so
immer noch als enormer Anziehungspunkt gelten kann.
Der Vollstndigkeit wre noch anzufhren, dass sich in
Rumnien entsprechend der Grenzziehungen vor 1918
Secessionismus und ungarische Stilrichtung in den damals zur
Donaumonarchie gehrenden Gebieten verstrkt finden, whrend im
ursprnglichen Knigreich der Zeit vor 1914 der autochtone NeoBrancoveanu-Stil
einem
starken
franzsischen
Einfluss
gegenbersteht. Bulgarien stark von Wien und Mnchen geprgt
brachte dagegen den Neo-Byzantinismus als eigenen Beitrag in die
Landkarte des europischen Jugendstils ein.
2 Touristischer Faktor Jugendstil
Ein Beispiel: Wien hat eindeutig viele Anziehungspunkte aber
einer ist immer noch die Zeit des Jugendstils, sonst gbe es nicht die
Autobustouren zu Wiens Jugendstilbauten und die zahlreiche, immer
die gleichen Gebude darstellende, Fhrerliteratur. Eine umfassende
Dokumentation zum Thema Jugendstil fehlt brigens noch.
Wien ist aber gleichzeitig auch ein gutes Beispiel dafr,
dass man die Hoffnungen auf den touristischen Anziehungspunkt
Jugendstil nicht beliebig steigern darf: Das Leopold-Museum mit der
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weltgrten Schiele-Sammlung und einer bedeutenden Sammlung

von Kunstwerken um 1900 und zahlreichen publikumswirksamen
Sonderausstellungen hat die beachtliche Anzahl von rund 400.000
Besuchern pro Jahr aber das sind gleichzeitig nicht einmal ein
Drittel der Besucher von Schloss Schnbrunn!
Aber was wird mit dem Thema Jugendstil Touristen in
Europa berhaupt angeboten?
Zunchst einmal tatschlich gefhrte Reisen durch Reisebros,
wobei diese grtenteils einen Schwerpunkt zum Thema Jugendstil
haben, meist aber auch andere Sehenswrdigkeiten zeigen. Solche
konkreten Reiseangebote gibt es etwa fr Brssel, Nancy, Riga, Prag
und Wien.
Reicher ist eindeutig das Angebot an Fhrungen fr alle
die bereits vor Ort sind, ob Einheimische oder Touristen. Zu den
oben genannten Reisezielen treten noch ganz unterschiedliche Orte
wie Bad Kissingen und Bad Nauheim, Dresden, Budapest, Alesund
und fr uns etwas exotisch Tiflis wo Fhrungen in englischer
Sprache zum Preis zwischen 10 und 40 Euro, je nach Teilnehmerzahl
angeboten werden. Wobei es auch sonst noch Besonderheiten gibt:
Brssel etwa bietet alle zwei Jahre an den Oktober-Wochenenden
eine Jugendstil-Biennale an mit Fhrungen zu Privatwohnungen im
Jugendstil. Und kann damit immerhin 35.000 Besucher aktivieren.
Darmstadt zeigt bei Fhrungen zwar die Mathildenhhe als
Akropolis des Jugendstils leider aber nicht die brigen
Jugendstilbauten der Stadt.
Andere Stdte setzen auf Jugendstil-Wege, die auf
speziellen Karten eingetragen sind oder auch in der Landschaft
gekennzeichnet sind, wie etwa Mannheim, Leipzig oder Greiz in
Deutschland und Borgo San Lorenzo in der Toskana.
Und dann gibt es den umfangreichen Bereich der Literatur,
beginnend mit der touristischen Fhrerliteratur, ber Bildbnde bis
hin zur Fachliteratur fr Architekten oder Kunsthistoriker. Die Zahl
ist gro, die Preisunterschiede und die Qualitt auch und speziell
jene Stdte oder Landschaften, die touristisch entsprechend
282
erschlossen sind und viel besucht werden, finden auch Verlage, die
solche Werke in mehreren Sprachen publizieren: Ob fr Barcelona
oder Prag, Paris oder Wien und Budapest liegt Literatur in
verschiedenen Sprachen vor, fr andere Stdte bleibt dann meist nur
die Landessprache, wie etwa Ulm oder Rijeka, Salzburg oder Triest.
Wobei die beiden letzteren Beispiele dafr sind, dass sie
zwar von zahlreichen Touristen besucht werden, der Jugendstil
zumindest bisher aber kaum eine Rolle fr den Besuch spielte,
bzw. nicht in der Werbung Bercksichtigung fand. Und die
Bewerbung durch und mit dem Jugendstil spielt bei vielen der
erwhnten Stdte eine ganz besonders wichtige Rolle. Zumindest
wenn man im Internet surft und Reisebeschreibungen oder Prospekte
liest. In der Praxis sind die Beweggrnde eine Stadt zu besuchen,
wahrscheinlich ganz anders gewichtet: Blttert man in Prospekten
oder Reisefhrern ber Barcelona, dominiert Gaudi und der
Modernisme; sitzt man mit einer Reisegruppe zusammen, erfhrt
man, dass ein Gutteil einfach den FC Barcelona in seinem
Heimstadion erleben mchte
In den letzten Jahren und Jahrzehnten haben sich
wissenschaftliche Einrichtungen wie etwa Museen immer wieder zu
Kooperationen zusammengefunden. Auch auf dem Sektor des
Jugendstils,
wo
sich
europaweit
die
global
player
zusammengeschlossen haben. Wichtige Veranstaltungen wie
Ausstellungen oder Forschungsvorhaben wurden so international
bekannter und dadurch gefrdert. Auf diesem Sektor ist natrlich
herausragend das europische Jugendstil-Netzwerk zu nennen, aber
gerade in den letzten Jahren hat sich auch der Donau-Kultur-Cluster
oder die Arge-Donaulnder auf diesem Sektor bewhrt.
Weitaus geringer sind touristische Zusammenschlsse
berregionaler Art auf der Basis des Jugendstils. Dies hat meiner
Meinung nach meist nur indirekt mit dem Jugendstil zu tun, sondern
viel mehr mit touristischen Strukturen. Indirekt, weil die
Wertschtzung des Jugendstils sehr stark differiert und noch nicht
berall durchgedrungen ist und daher das Potential des Jugendstils
283
unterschiedlich eingeschtzt wird. Mit den touristischen Strukturen

deshalb, weil fast nie bei berregionalen Kooperationen wirklich das
partnerschaftliche Prinzip zum Tragen kommt, sondern tatschlich
meist das Gesetz des Strkeren wirksam wird und damit ist jeder
Tourismusverantwortlicher gezwungen, unbedingt auf alle eigenen
Strken zu setzen.
Eine der wenigen berregionalen Kooperationen mit
Jugendstil-Tourismus ist etwa die Henry van de Velde-Route.
Sachsen und Thringen haben fr ihr Teilstck dieser Route einen
gemeinsamen Prospekt mit Bauten, Museen und verschiedenen
Angeboten entwickelt.
3 Ideen fr ein gemeinsames touristisches Projekt
Ich bin kein Touristiker und ich bin kein Absolvent einer
Wirtschaftsuniversitt. Ich bin studierter Historiker, habe 60 Bcher
geschrieben und Museen und Ausstellungen gestaltet oder
mitgestaltet und kam ber die Kunstgeschichte und das Fotografieren
zum Jugendstil. Gleichzeitig war ich fnf Jahre Chefredakteur eines
Tourismusmagazins und zuletzt 18 Jahre Pressesprecher eines
kulturtouristischen Reisezieles. Ich habe dort binnen zweier Jahren
die Steigerung von 30.000 auf 120.000 Touristen pro Jahr miterlebt
und auch wieder das Absinken dieser Ziffern. Die Einladung zu
diesem Vortrag nahm ich gerne an ich kann und will Ihnen hier
kein Konzept zur touristisch optimalen Nutzung des Jugendstils in
Ihrer Region vorlegen aber ich glaube, ich habe aus meine Praxis
ein paar sinnvolle Ideen dazu und aus meiner Erfahrung auch ein
paar Warnungen.
Ich bin der festen berzeugung, dass ein solches Projekt nur
gelingen kann, wenn es komplett partnerschaftlich aufgebaut ist: Die
Partnerschaft muss sich dabei sowohl auf eine gleichwertige
Bercksichtigung der verschiedenen regionalen Teilgebiete
erstrecken, als auch auf einen partnerschaftlichen Umgang aller
daran Beteiligten. Und die Partnerschaft muss soweit gehen, dass es
keine Dominanz einer Disziplin gibt und auch die Bezahlung der
284
einzelnen Bereiche nicht zu sehr auseinanderklafft: Es kann nicht

angehen, dass Tourismusmanager Managergehlter beziehen und das
Kommando inne haben und Kunsthistoriker und Journalisten nur als
Erfllungsgehilfen gesehen wurden und entsprechend finanziell
abgespeist werden oder auch umgekehrt.
Ich meine, dass dieses Projekt eine umfangreiche Arbeit
von Gleichberechtigten darstellt: Es muss eine entsprechende
wissenschaftliche Dokumentation in verschiedenen Sprachen erstellt
werden wie sie gerade fr Temesvar erschienen ist. Aber so eine
Dokumentation muss fr alle Stdte wie auch fr die kleinen Orte in
Regionen zusammengefasst entstehen. Dabei knnten durchaus
Studenten/Studentinnen
Chancen
erhalten,
sich
sowohl
wissenschaftlich zu beweisen als auch Geld zu verdienen.
Die Dokumentationen mssen dann unter Nutzung der
verschiedenen Medien publiziert werden als Bcher, Prospekte,
Landkarten, aber auch APPs fr Handys und Stichworte bei
Wikipedia und hnlichen Einrichtungen. Dafr sind Texte und Bilder
und
Computerkenntnisse gefragt eine weitere unbedingt
notwendige Personengruppe.
Die Schaffung dieser Unterlagen bietet in mehrfacher
Hinsicht die Basis fr eine touristische Nutzung: Als Infomaterial fr
Journalisten, die ber diese Mglichkeiten berichten sollen, als
direktes Infomaterial fr die Touristen, die bereit sind, selbst auf
Entdeckungsreise zu gehen und schlielich und dies ist ein
wichtiger Faktor zur Hebung des Selbstbewusstseins der
Bevlkerung und zur Steigerung der Wertschtzung der
Jugendstilbauten durch die Bevlkerung. Denn nur so kann ein
Schutz der Bauten erfolgen auch wenn Fachleute fr manche
Teilgebiete heute bereits von einem Denkmalverlust von 60%
ausgehen.
Das bedeutet gleichzeitig aber auch, dass ein solches
Projekt in zweierlei Hinsicht europische Dimension erreicht:
Erstens durch den Ansatz zur Erhaltung der Denkmalsubstanz und
zweitens als Bestandteil eines Lernprozesses: Wem nmlich die
285
Augen fr den Wert des Jugendstils geffnet sind, der erkennt diesen
Wert nicht nur in Szeged oder Timisoara sondern berall. Mit dieser
doppelten europischen Dimension ist es auch durchaus
gerechtfertigt, internationale Untersttzung zu fordern.
Erst nach Schaffung dieser Grundlage, kann man sich auch den
touristischen Anforderungen stellen: Definition von Zielgruppen,
Schaffung von Angeboten etc.
Wobei es einige Binsenwahrheiten zu bercksichtigen gibt,
die zwar allgemein bekannt sein mgen, trotzdem aber immer wieder
vernachlssigt werden. Wie etwa: Besucherzahlen allein sind noch
nicht die Garantie fr wirtschaftlichen Erfolg denn die meisten
Zahlen bringen Busreisegruppen, die pro Kopf relativ geringe Erlse
bringen. Oder: Das Kulturprogramm allein ist zuwenig das Umfeld
von der Gastronomie ber Verkehrssituation bis Sicherheit, von der
Hotellerie bis zur Umwelt, Sportangebote und Wellness muss fr
einen Erfolg genauso passen. Und auch und gerade dabei gilt auf
allen Ebenen: Jede Kette ist nur so stark wie sein schwchstes Glied:
Die beste Aufbereitung und die besten Angebote scheitern an
schlecht motivierten oder schlecht ausgebildeten Fremdenfhrern
Abschlieend lassen Sie mich noch vier Tipps aus meiner
Erfahrung anbringen:
1)
Organisieren Sie eine fundierte Medienarbeit mit
engagierten Mitarbeitern. Geben Sie dieses Instrument auf gar
keinen Fall aus der Hand. Gut und von Fachleuten informierte und
betreute Journalisten, denen man fundiertes Informationsmaterial mit
Fakten und Histrchen und brauchbare Fotos zur Verfgung gestellt
hat, bringen mehr wesentlich als teure Werbekampagnen.
2)
Ntzen Sie jede Mglichkeit der Vernetzung denn gerade
als so groes Projekt haben Sie die Mglichkeit, Einrichtungen und
Institutionen des Tourismusbereiches genauso zu ntzen, wie die des
Kulturbereiches. Und eine Ausstellung in einem Museum oder Fotos
286
in einer Galerie knnen entsprechend gentzt und untersttzt eine

optimale Bewerbung um wenig Aufwand sein.
3)
Vergessen Sie nicht auf kleine Schritte: berlegen Sie,
welche Gruppen kurzfristig ansprechbar wren. In sterreich sind
dies etwa Seniorenvereine, genauso wie andere lokale
Organisationen, Vereine und Firmen, die immer wieder in der Nhe
Reiseziele fr ihre Mitglieder und Mitarbeiter bentigen. Die
brauchen oft speziell auf sie abgestimmte Angebote; sie
anzusprechen, kann mhsam sein. Aber einige 10.000 Besucher pro
Saison kann dies durchaus bringen und in den folgenden Jahren
kann dies bei entsprechender Qualitt ein Selbstlufer werden.
4)
berlegen Sie, welche Kombinationen mglich sind:
Donaureisende mit dem Schiff machen mit dem Bus Ausflge in die
Puszta. Warum nicht auch zum Jugendstil? Wo sind Radwege oder
Reitwege mit Verleihmglichkeit machbar? Wo knnte man
Kutschenfahrten oder Oldtimerfahrten zu Jugendstilzielen
organisieren? Welche knstlerischen Techniken des Jugendstils sind
in touristischen Workshops verwertbar? Knnte man zum Jugendstil
Kulinarik, Weinverkostung, Fotokurse, Restaurierkurse oder
Kochkurse, Lesungen oder Konzerte oder was auch immer anbieten?
Der Kreativitt ist erst eine Grenze gesetzt, wenn sich niemand
dafr interessiert!
Abschlieend mchte ich mich fr Ihre Aufmerksamkeit
bedanken und sowohl dieser Veranstaltung als auch und vor allem
Ihren Zielen Erfolg wnschen.
287
LES NOUVEAUX COURANTS EUROPENS

ET LE STYLE ART NOUVEAU
SCESSION TIMIOARA
Sorina ERBNESCU
Facult dEconomie et de Gestion des Affaires
Universit de lOuest de Timioara
The city of Timioara is located to the Southwest of Romania, in the Banat
region. Secession architecture of Timioara can be followed through the
history of its urban development in the late19th century until the1930s.Its
Secession architecture concerns industrial, commercial or public objectives
as well as residential palaces or cultural, educational and religious
buildings.
In the architecture of Banat zone two Secession trends have emerged. Under
the functionalist influence of Vienna, many buildings have applied a more
sober geometric decoration. Other buildings have used more luxurious and
curvilinear elements with symbolic or purely decorative values. Some
buildings have mixed elements taken from the Romanian and Hungarian
traditional arts, creating an original Secession architecture, also
encountered in other cities from Central and Western Romania. The symbols
used in the Secession architecture of Timioara were drawn from the
European repertoire: floral, zoomorphic, anthropomorphic and
mythological motifs, plants, the anchor, the peacock, the nave of a ship,
antique feminine characters, caryatids, the cornucopia, the tree of life etc.
Key words: symbolism, expressionism, Art nouveau, Secession,architecture,
semiotics, urban planning
1. Introduction
Le XIXe sicle a t, pour la culture europenne et
internationale, in sicle des rvolutions dans tous les plans de lactivit
humaine : social, national et culturel.
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Ces renouvellements radicaux taient dus la modernisation

et la consolidation des tats et des identits nationales, ainsi quau
dveloppement conomique, industriel et commercial qui a men la
cristallisation des nouvelles idologies qui avaient pris contour la fin
du XIXe sicle et ont continu se dvelopper pendant le sicle
suivant. Les transformations fondamentales dans les domaines
conomique, politique, social et culturel, en opposition avec les
rgimes vtustes, concentrs sur la conservation des formes vieillies
qui freinaient le changement et lvolution, sont dfinies par le terme
gnrique de modernisation.
En Europe, lexplosion dmographique, lessor conomique
d la rvolution industrielle et aux rformes au niveau social et
politique, lurbanisation et le dveloppement de la culture de masse,
par linitiation damples actions dalphabtisation et par lducation
publique ont constitu les prmisses de la cration dune culture
continentale base sur une idologie de plus en plus librale et sur les
ides dmocratiques.
Pendant le sicle suivant, la modernisation sest amplifie et
sest rpandue dans les conditions de laffirmation du processus de
mondialisation et de globalisation, qui a permis les liaisons, les
changes et les transferts de ressources naturelles et financires , de
produits et de savoir faire lchelle plantaire. Des changements
profonds se produisent maintenant dans le mode de vie traditionnel,
spcifique pour les communauts isoles par les attitudes
conservatrices et les tendances nationalistes identitaires, ainsi que
dans le niveau de vie des populations. Ceuxci entranent la
transformation des fonctions traditionnelles de ltat, louverture des
frontires et linfluence rciproque des mentalits, des comportements
et des cultures.
Le dveloppement explosif et spectaculaire de la science a eu
un rle dfinitoire pour la reconfiguration conomique, sociale et
culturelle europenne dans les domaines de la physique, la chimie, la
biologie, lastrophysique, la technologie, la psychologie,
lanthropologie, . Car la science emmne galement lespoir des
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peuples dans un avenir meilleur pour lhumanit par la cration dune

socit idale qui serve au bien tre et au confort de ses citoyens.
Les nouvelles thories scientifiques du dbut du XXe sicle
mettent en cause les postulats positivistes et volutionnistes. Sigmund
Freud et Carl Gustav Jung (autour de 1904) relvent le rle de
linconscient dans la formation et la manifestation de la personnalit
humaine, qui est gre, en principal, par les instincts et non pas par la
raison, ainsi quil tait affirm avant eux. Alfred Einstein renverse les
bases newtoniennes de la physique par la thorie de la relativit
(1905). Celle-ci a entran le changement des approches ontologiques
et pistmologiques. Selon la vision pragmatique de William James la
vrit nest plus unique, donne et immuable, mais elle est cre par
laction de lhomme et cest ainsi que toute ide, qui peut tre mise en
uvre et tre opratoire, devient vraie. La relation entre lespace et le
temps, aussi bien que leur relation avec la libert individuelle, sont
reformuls en psychologie et mtaphysique, engendrant de nouvelles
perspectives, en opposition avec le matrialisme mcaniciste, sur la
ralit. Le moteur de lvolution de la vie est, pour Henri Bergson, la
force cratrice de llan vital, et la mthode de connatre de lessence
de lexistence et de la ralit immdiate cest lintuition. Friedrich
Nietzsche propose, son tour, les sens et le bons sens (common sense)
comme moyens de comprendre le monde, en repoussant lexistence
dune structure objective de la ralit. Fortement ancr dans les ides
philosophiques du XIXe sicle, le matrialisme dialectique et
historique sincarne dans la vision marxiste lniniste sur lvolution
de la socit centre sur lhomme et lgalit des valeurs.
Les nouvelles thories, lintuitionnisme de Bergson, la
phnomnologie dEdmund Husserl ou lexistentialisme de Martin
Heidegger et, plus tard, celui de Jean-Paul Sartre influenceront
fondamentalement le dveloppement de la philosophie, la littrature,
les beaux arts et les sciences du XXe sicle.
Ludwig Wittgenstein dveloppe une nouvelle mthode
dinvestigation et une nouvelle conception sur le langage. En
opposition avec la logique classique, Wittgenstein a fond ses
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thories sur lanalyse des capacits et de lessence du langage et de

la pense dans la description scientifique du monde, quil comprend
comme la totalit des faits et des objets prsents, alors que la somme
infinie des affirmations lmentaires, indpendantes logiquement les
unes des autres, ne serait que la copie du monde existant
(Abbildtheorie). Les conclusions de son analyse sont, donc, les
consquences logiques des faits. La logique a, selon lui, un caractre
tautologique et, donc, ninforme pas sur la ralit qui sexprime
seulement travers les symboles. Sa thorie contrevient
labsolutisation de la parole, en considrant que la valeur des mots
est donne par la mesure dans laquelle ceux-ci accomplissent la
fonction dinstruments de la communication.
Les dveloppements multiples de la socit moderne ont t
propices la rvolution et la floraison de la littrature et des arts qui
se libralisent et se diversifient partir de la fin du XIXe et au dbut
du XXe sicle. Le contexte historique du dbut du XXe sicle, les
changements et les rformes de la socit internationale et
europenne qui se confrontait avec de nouveaux problmes et
ralits ont engendr de nouvelles approches philosophiques et
attitudes culturelles qui se sont refltes dans la recherche de formes
adquates, innovatrices, dexpression, tant dans la littrature que les
beaux arts.
Les crations culturelles ne sadressent plus des lites de
connaisseurs et/ou crateurs mais deviennent accessibles des
publics de plus en plus larges grce au dveloppement de la presse et
de limprimerie, aux salons et aux expositions, lducation des
masses par lorganisation des systmes denseignement public. La
dmocratisation de laccs la culture a t aussi due aux nouvelles
formes dexpression artistique, telles la photographie, le cinma, la
radio, les affiches publicitaires et la presse.
Les grandes villes europennes du monde, Paris, Berlin,
Vienne, Londres, New York , deviennent des ples du
dveloppement et de la manifestation des ides incarnes dans les
diffrents courants culturels littraires et/ou artistiques et des
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centres pour leur diffusion, par la stimulation de leur circulation dans

tout lespace europen et, dici, dans celui international, en
dmontrant lunit et lhomognit, en diversit, de lesprit
europen.
La modernisation de la vie conomique et sociale,
scientifique et technologique en Europe a men lmergence de
nouvelles idologies, dont quelques unes mme divergentes ce qui
conduira de tragiques conflits pendant les Deux Guerres Mondiales
et la division du monde europen aprs la Deuxime Guerre , qui
ont t refltes dans la manifestation successive, parfois mme
concomitante, des nouveaux courants littraires et/ou artistiques.
La modernit ou le modernisme est, avant tout, un tat
desprit, celui de la rvolte, qui se manifeste par des gestes
dindpendance, de dlivrance et de libralisation, de dtachement de
sous lemprise des principes, des modles, des canons et des normes.
Lesthtique de la modernit problmatise un tat de crise, qui se
traduit par lopposition la tradition et lautorit, par lexploration
avec linconnu, extrieur et intrieur, du soi, et, en mme temps, par
le retour vers la nature et la rintgration du microcosme lhomme
au macrocosme lunivers. Lhomme devient la mesure et le
centre de tous les crations spirituelles. Il manifeste ainsi, ses
capacits cratrices qui reprsentent son impulsion et sa raison
existentielle, et, de cette "adhsion complte de lindividu aux
ncessits de sa nature" sont nes sa rvolte et son aspiration vers la
perfection et lauto-perfectionnement. (TZARA, 1948 : p.24).
En ce qui concerne le terme d"avant-garde", il a t utilis
avec le sens de renouvellement, de rforme et de rbellion ds la
Renaissance. Ce sens de rvolte, de recherches novatrices et
dexpriences intellectuelles et dexpression artistique, a volu le
long des sicles. L"avant-garde" dfinit aujourdhui dune manire
courante , en tant que terme gnrique, ces "courants et
groupements littraires et artistiques, surgis au dbut du XX e sicle,
qui essayer de briser les canons de lart traditionnel, acadmique, et
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dimposer avec ostension la nouveaut, en recourant des formules

audacieuses, quelquefois excentriques." (DEXI, 2007: p. 172).
Ce nouveau mouvement culturel, qui a trouv son ferment
dans la mtamorphose de la socit de la fin du XIX e et du dbut du
XXe sicle, a inclus tous les domaines de la cration spirituelle
beaux-arts, littrature, architecture, peinture, sculpture, musique,
danse et nouveaux arts, dont le cinma et les affiches publicitaires.
Dans une union de pense et daction, les crateurs se dtachent et
sinsurgent contre le traditionalisme acadmique et conservateur,
maniriste et renferm dans des formes vtustes, qui ntait plus
capable dexprimer les aspirations de lesprit dynamique et novateur
du nouveau monde se trouvant dans leffervescence et lmulation
des changements.
Le modernisme a formul de nouvelles approches de la
condition de la cration littraire et artistique et a pos la
question de la rupture des frontires entre la littrature, les arts, la
philosophie, la, religion et la science.
Par leur unit en ce qui concerne la dmarche le
changement, la recherche de nouvelles formes dexpression et
linnovation ces idologies rformatrices, regroupes sous les
termes gnriques de "modernisme" ou d"avant-garde" (la
Roumanie a retenu le deuxime), se sont manifestes dans le cadre
des courants culturels europens de la fin du XIXe et du dbut du
XXe sicle: limpressionnisme, le symbolisme, le parnasse, le
cubisme, lexpressionnisme, le futurisme, le dadasme et le
surralisme.
Les recherches novatrices dans le domaine de la littrature
se sont manifestes comme il sensuit:
-en prose: le roman historique, psychologique et
philosophique (Marcel Proust, James Joyce, Aldous Huxley), le
roman existentialiste (Franz Kafka, Albert Camus, William Faulkner,
continus par Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir);
-en posie: le symbolisme (Charles Baudelaire, Paul
Verlaine, Arthur Rimbaud, Jules Laforgue, Lautramont, Emile
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Verhaeren) et le parnasse (potes franais: Thophile Gautier,

Thodore de Banville, Charles Leconte de Lisle, Jos-Maria de
Hrdia, Sully Prudhomme, Franois Coppe, Catulle Mends;
potes anglais: Austin Dobson, Edmund Gosse, Andrew Lang;
potes allemands: August Graf von Platen, Stefan George et alii;
potes ibriques: Ruben Dario; la "nouvelle cole dAthnes",
reprsente par Kostis Palamas).
Du point de vue de sa potique, le symbolisme veut accder
aux essences, qui sont ineffables et indicibles mais qui subsistent
dans les trs fonds suggestifs des symboles, des mtaphores, des
analogies et des harmonies imitatives.
Le symbolisme a dcouvert un nouveau point de vue
potique et cette subtilit de la perspective cratrice lui a permis de
se substituer lancien rgime logique et rationnel, n avec lge
classique, en ralisant ainsi la rvolution potique du monde
moderne. (MICHAUD, 1951: p.10). Il faut retenir du symbolisme,
tout comme de lexpressionnisme qui lui a suivi, le dsir
dindividualiser par la perspective, par lmotion potique aussi bien
que les formes dexpression, et de produire lessentiel et lunique
dans luvre absolue qui reste ouverte une infinit
dinterprtations qui la rendent ainsi prenne au-del des poques, de
lambiance sociale et culturelle. Cest pourquoi le symbolisme et
lexpressionnisme se sont manifests initialement dans la posie qui
cultivait lineffable et la suggestion, la musicalit, les analogies et les
correspondances, labstrait et le retour la nature.
Pourtant, il faut reconnatre que les critiques avaient raison
quand ils reprochaient aux symbolistes, et surtout aux Parnassiens,
dutiliser dune manire trop dlibre le symbole et lornement
potique, une "lucidit" qui enlevait la posie cette essentialisation
et sublimation donnes par le "mouvement naturel de la pense
alogique". (RAYMOND, 1940 : p.103).
Toutefois, cest justement cette dlibration dans la
symbolisation qui mne vers le dtail purement pictural dans cette
tendance vers lesthtique polyphonique o les ornements
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sentrelacent aux symboles dans une symphonie rveuse et

intellectualise la fois. Cest la recherche de la beaut pure,
laquelle est atteinte soit par une frnsie de formes et de couleurs soit
par la sobrit des lments gomtriques et essentialiss. Ces
picturalit et profusion ornementales sont sauves, finalement, de
manirisme ce quon reproche aux Parnassiens par la musicalit
("De la musique avant toute chose/ /Prends lloquence et tordslui son cou" disait Verlaine dans son "Art potique"). Car la
musique cest lharmonie qui projette lauditeur, le lecteur ou le
contemplateur dans le mtaphysique et devient un "instrument pour
suggrer labsolu" (CLINESCU, 1982 : p.687), jouant, donc, un
rle catalyseur dans la cration par le regroupement dans sa sphre
notionnelle de l"motion, suggestion, posie, musique et la
mthode mme que suit le pote." (MICHAUD, 1947 : p.8-9).
La nature est un temple enseignait Baudelaire ses
contemporains, car elle devient un symbole transcendantal des
correspondances "verticales" (AUSTIN, 1954: p.86) (ascendantes =
lvation aux monde des essences, et descendantes = la retombe
dans le matriel) et "horizontales" (= les synesthsies des sens et des
motions).
2. Aperu sur les nouveaux courants davant-garde dans
la littrature roumaine
Dans lvolution de lavant garde europenne, le
mouvement roumain a eu une contribution effective, de crateur de
tendances, en comparaison avec dautres influences de
modlisation, cest vrai telles celle dAndr Breton ou de
Marinetti. Tristan Tazara en posie, Victor Brauner en peinture et
posie, Eugne Ionesco au thtre, Brancusi en sculpture ont fray de
nouveaux chemins dans les arts, la littrature et la sculpture au
niveau international, dans la premire moiti du XXe sicle.
Dautre part, les potes roumains de lentre deux guerres,
bien quils aient abord des styles et des techniques diffrents de
295
transposition de leur imaginaire potique, se sont manifests comme

des adeptes du modernisme et des recherches innovatrices dans le
domaine littraire et culturel. En collaborant et dupliquant dans
lespace des mmes revues davant garde, ils sont devenus, tant
pour leurs contemporains que pour les gnrations ultrieures de
crateurs et dhommes de culture, des modles de modernit et
doriginalit.
La littrature et lart roumain de la fin du XIXe sicle et
dbut du XXe sicle se sont dvelopps tant par la synchronisation
avec les tendances culturelles occidentales que par la reprise et la
transfiguration, dans des crations propres et originales, du filon
dinspiration folklorique et des vnements de lhistoire nationale.
Les premires publications parues en langue roumaines la fin du
XXe sicle (Curierul romnesc, Albina romneasc 1829,
Gazeta de Transilvania 1838) ont t entreprises par des socits
et associations littraires (comme par exemple Societatea
Academic Romn din Bucureti 1867, devenue en 1879,
Academia Romn).
Du point d vue chronologique et de lorientation
thmatique, la littrature roumaine moderne a volu en deux tapes:
le mouvement des annes 1848, reprsent par les crivains Ion
Heliade Rdulescu, Vasile Alecsandri, Costache Negruzzi et la
gnration des grands classiques roumains forme de Titu
Maiorescu (critique littraire), Mihai Eminescu, George Cobuc,
Octavian Goga (posie), Ion Creang, Ioan Slavici (conteur,
romancier) Ion Luca Caragiale (dramaturge).
Dans le domaine des arts, ont eu une cration majeure les peintres
Theodor Aman, Gheorghe Ttrescu, Nicolae Grigorescu, Ion
Andreescu, tefan Luchian.
La cration de ltat national roumain (en 1859, par
lunification de la Valachie et de la Moldavie, parfaite en 1918, aprs
la Premire Guerre Mondiale avec lincorporation de la
Transylvanie) a t suivie, en plan culturel, de la diversification,
lamplification et leffervescence des formes et des techniques
296
expressives, en concordance avec les changements et les innovations

culturelles survenus dans lespace europen. Les plus connus
crateurs de la premire priode de lentre-deux-guerres ont t Ion
Barbu, Camil Petrescu, George Bacovia, Mircea Eliade, Lucian
Blaga, Alexandru Philippide.
La littrature roumaine a rendu notoires dans la culture roumaine des
auteures novatrices et de talent, telles Elena Vcrescu, la premire
femme reue lAcadmie Roumaine, Martha Bibescu, Anna de
Noailles, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu.
La confrontation entre le modernisme et le
traditionalisme a t trs mulatrice pour la littrature roumaine
dans la premire moiti du XXe sicle.
En sopposant au modernisme, le traditionalisme sest
manifest comme un courant culturel qui voulait promouvoir la
tradition (reprsentants: Garabet Ibrileanu, Nechifor Crainic i
Nae Ionescu) conserve par le monde rural et la dfense des
valeurs archaques du danger de la dgradation en contact avec les
tendances de la vie moderne. Lunivers paysan est considr comme
"lme ethnique" productrice de culture et de civilisation autochtone
et authentique. Il est rfractaire limitation de la culture
occidentale, de la civilisation industrielle capitaliste, considre
comme trangre lesprit roumain. Le traditionalisme manifeste,
en plan littraire, son aversion envers le modernisme "dcadent", vu
comme une importation culturelle qui ntait pas compltement
assimile (ide soutenue galement par le critique littraire Titu
Maiorescu dans sa thorie sur les "formes sans fond").
En ce qui concerne la thmatique, la littrature
traditionaliste exagre lillustration de "la spcificit nationale" par
la valorisation du folklore, de lunivers patriarcal du village et de la
vie la campagne, en mettant laccent sur les aspects thiques,
sociaux, en opposition avec le milieu citadin, et en considrant que
les ralisations modernes pervertissent la puret des mes.
Le courant traditionaliste sest manifest travers les
mouvements littraires suivants:
297
- Smntorismul (du verbe "semer" des graines)

cultiv par la revue "Smntorul" de Bucarest, dirige par de
George Cobuc, Alexandru Vlahu, Nicolae Iorga; dautres
crivains se sont galement affilis au courant tels Octavian Goga et
Duiliu Zamfirescu.
- Poporanismul (du mot "peuple") concentr autour de
lcrivain et critique Garabet Ibrileanu, et cultiv par la revue
culturelle "Viaa Romneasc" de Iassy. La revue apparat le mars
1906 sous la direction de Constantin Stere et Paul Bujor. partir
de 1915, Garabet Ibrileanu devient le directeur unique de la
revue. Pendant la deuxime Guerre Mondiale la revue cesse son
apparition jusquen 1920, quand elle rapparat sous la coordination
lui Ibrileanu. Aprs 1930 elle dmnage Bucarest, la direction
sera reprise par Mihail Ralea et George Clinescu. Ds 1948 est
dite la srie qui continuera paratre jusqu ce jour.
Parmi les reprsentants marquants de cette orientation
littraires nous citons les crivains Ion Agrbiceanu et Mihail
Sadoveanu. Nous rappelons galement les potes traditionalistes
Lucian Blaga, Ion Pillat, Vasile Voiculescu, les prosateurs Cezar
Petrescu et Mateiu Caragiale et les dramaturges Adrian Maniu et
Lucian Blaga.
- Gndirismul promu par la revue "Gndirea" ("la
pense") de Cluj, dirige par Cezar Petrescu; lidologue de la
revue a t Nichifor Crainic qui a impos une perspective
ethnicisante, par labsolutisation des valeurs nationales, devenues le
critre unique de la cration. Le mouvement "gndiriste" a dvelopp
un traditionalisme intense qui a volu vers lautochtone, le
primitivisme rural et lorthodoxie.
Parmi les collaborateurs les plus importants de la revue lon
peut citer: Gib I. Mihescu, Cezar Petrescu, T. Arghezi, L. Blaga,
Mateiu Caragiale, Ion Pillat, Tudor Vianu, Vasile Voiculescu.
La tendance moderniste roumaine soutenait les ides
suivantes: leuropanisation et llimination du dcalage entre la
culture roumaine et celle europenne, la synchronisation (la thorie
298
de limitation) de la littrature nationale avec la littrature de

lEurope, la promotion des jeunes crivains, le passage dune
littrature thmatique rurale une culture dinspiration urbaine,
cultiver la prose psychologique et dides, lvolution de la posie de
lpique au lyrique et au symbolisme.
Les courants roumains davant-garde sont ns sous
linfluence des courants littraires et artistiques similaires
internationaux, comme une raction contre le lyrisme excessif et le
sentimentalisme sirupeux des crations romantiques, contre la
prciosit recherche et la calophilie, parfois mme devenues
programmatiques jusquau clich, des improvisations prtentieuses
dans les madrigaux et les romances sucres. (DENSUIANU, 1981 :
p.155).
Les dbuts du modernisme se sont manifests dans la
littrature roumaine par le courant symboliste.
Les potes symbolistes roumains, comme tefan Petic ou
Dimitrie Anghel, ont suivi de prs lart potique symboliste
europen. Dautres, tels Ion Minulescu, Alexandru Macedonski ou
George Bacovia, ont cultiv dans leurs pomes lhumour ct de
la musicalit de la versification: Le symbolisme roumain se trouve
mi chemin entre le ludique et le communicatif. (DUDA, 2002 :
p.24).
Il y a aussi quelques potes qui ont men les expriences
symbolistes plus loin, en donnant naissance des crations
profondment originales, qui ne peuvent pas tre circonscrites un
certain courant littraire, et qui ont marqu la littrature roumaine:
Alexandru Macedonski, Tudor Arghezi, Lucian Blaga et Ion
Barbu. Macedonski disait, par exemple, que "lart de la posie cest
lart de la musique", car les paroles acquirent, travers lacte
potique, des nuances subtiles comme les sons dune harmonie
musicale.
Alexandru Macedonski est le premier pote roumain
affili au modernisme, par son esprit rebelle, sa vocation polmique
et la culture dun nouveau style en posie. Il dclarait dune manire
299
programmatique le triomphe de la conscience sur la posie, en

initiant "la querelle" entre le pote et la posie, en soulevant le
problme de la dissociation du rve par rapport la ralit et se
laissant en proie au drame de la dsillusion, de la dmystification et
de lchance de la lucidit dans les chimres. Pote de la transition
du romantisme au symbolisme, il sublime galement dans son
univers potique des lments classicistes et parnassiens.
Macedonski a reprsent une phase doctrinaire, thorique et
exprientielle (il est linitiateur du vers libre et le thoricien de la
musique du vers) pour le symbolisme roumain). Inspir de la
potique symboliste, Macedonski tablissait des rapports
analogiques, de "correspondance" entre les objets concrets de la
connaissance et limaginaire potique. Sa posie a une logique et un
langage propre et son domaine est reprsent par limagination qui
transcende la raison. En maniant artistiquement la suggestion et le
symbole, qui deviennent des moyens dexpression par
lintermdiaire des images et, dici, se muent en gnrateurs dides,
le po7te incite le lecteur devenir son collaborateur pour parfaire
ensemble lintuition de lineffable et la reconstitution des essences
universelles.
Un nouveau courant, qui aspirait leuropanisme culturel
en opposition avec lorientation traditionaliste, a pris contour autour
des annes 1920, grce aux thories du critique Eugen Lovinescu
qui soutenait la ncessit de la synchronisation du monde roumain
avec la modernit occidentale.
Eugen Lovinescu publie ses thories sur le modernisme
dans la revue "Sburtorul" ("le Sylphe" et les diffuse dans le cadre
du cnacle ponyme. La publication apparat Bucarest entre 1919
1920 et, par la suite, entre 1926 1927. Le cnacle "Sburtorul" a eu
une existence plus longue, entre 1919 et 1947.
Eugen Lovinescu se prononait pour lintellectualisation de
la posie, pour la densification lyrique, la suppression de la logique
et de la discursivit, ce qui entrane la ncessit de la lecture rpte
afin de pourvoir avoir lintuition du mouvement sinueux de
300
limaginaire. Dans lesprit du modernisme europen, il demande aux

jeunes crateurs de devenir les inventeurs de nouveaux types de
production du texte, dans leffort datteindre lidal, la perfection.
La revue "Sburtorul" et le cnacle ponyme sont devenus
les principales tribunes de promotion et diffusion du modernisme
dans la littrature roumaine. Lobjectif du groupement de
"Sburtorul" concernant lactivit de soutien au bnfice des jeunes
crateurs a t atteint par le lancement de nouveaux noms, tels Ion
Barbu, Camil Petrescu, Ilarie Voronca, George Clinescu,
Pompiliu Constantinescu, Tudor Arghezi, Lucian Blaga, qui se
sont avrs des crivains qui allaient marquer dans la littrature
roumaine un tournant dcisif vers la modernit.
Lavant garde roumaine a eu comme point de dpart le
non-conformisme du courant dadaste initi Zrich par Tristan
Tzara. En exprimant son mpris pour un monde incapable darrter
la mdiocrit, la barbarie et le crime, les dadastes cultivaient la
lanti littrature, lanti musique, lanti peinture, an frisant le seuil de
labsurde.
Le modernisme roumain a volu travers le courant
davant garde promu par des revues telles "Urmuz", "Alge"
"Integral", "Unu", "Punct", "75 H.P." et "Contimporanul", et a
t illustr, parmi dautres crateurs, par des noms de rfrence pour
la culture europenne, tels Tristan Tzara minitiateur et le
thoricien de la potique dadaste et Eugne Ionesco le crateur
du "thtre de labsurde".
Dada est n de la volont dclare datteindre un absolu
moral par la rvolte et le rejet des valeurs mdiocres du status quo.
Les pomes de jeunesse de Tristan Tzara avaient des
influences symbolistes, imbriques brillamment avec des lments
repris de la lyrique autochtone. En continuant lavant garde
programmatique et "pragmatique" de Urmuz, la formule dadaste de
cration a rvolutionn la culture europenne par lanarchisme de
son laboratoire dcriture, qui se proposait de faire clater les
frontires de la logique et, en frisant le paroxysme du dsquilibre,
301
datteindre les essences, insouponnables pour un texte discursif.

Nihiliste et en faisant des gestes rebelles qui devenaient plus chargs
de sens que luvre elle mme, le dadasme affirmait, pour autant,
certains valeurs ternelles, telles lexistence et le bonheur de vivre et
de crer.
Lexpressionnisme a t rceptionn en Roumanie pour sa
dimension spirituelle. Les auteurs expressionnistes roumains
sintressaient aux rapports de lhomme moderne avec le cosmos,
linfini, la nature et la transcendance, et la cration vue comme un
moyen de sauvegarde de lhumanit. Le courant a donn la
littrature roumaine un crateur, Lucian Blaga, qui rivalise, du point
de vue du gnie potique et de loriginalit, avec Paul Claudel. Les
deux crivains ont eu une dmarche expressionniste, en particulier
dans leur dramaturgie, en sattachant lessentialisation potique et
une symbolique qui placent leur uvre sous le signe de la
polyphonie smantique, en rclamant lapport corrobor en ce qui
concerne la re-cration du sens de lauteur aussi bien que de son
interlocuteur, car "un pome est un mystre dont le lecteur doit
chercher la clef", comme le disait aussi Mallarm18. Connu comme
pote hermtique, ayant pouss labstrait potique au-del mme du
symbolisme, Mallarm accordait une importance majeure la
fonction potique du langage quil considrait comme un mdiateur
entre le monde rel et celui idal (dans le sens platonicien), et
affirmait que "nommer un objet, c'est supprimer les trois quarts de la
jouissance qui est faite de deviner peu peu; le suggrer, voil le
rve."19 Le rve, ou la rverie, est un deuxime tat, second, de
connaissance, au niveau de lintuition potique (dans le sens de
Blaga plus loin), laquelle, dcoulant de l"imaginaire collectif"
(selon Jung) permet le retour la source, aux ides (Platon), aux
18
Source/Sursa: http://www.evene.fr/celebre/biographie/stephanemallarme-1168.php?citations. Consult le 02 avril 2013.

19
http://www.evene.fr/celebre/biographie/stephane-mallarme1168.php?citations. Consult le 02.04.2013.
302
monades (Leibniz). Cette connaissance du monde des ides, qui se

laisse rvl par lintuition potique travers les "signifiants"
(Saussure) qui sont les symboles , a t aussi postule par un autre
pote (et mathmaticien) roumain, Ion Barbu, qui considrait que
lacte potique tait un "jeu second".
Pour Blaga il y a deux types de connaissance: celle
"paradisiaque", rationnelle et celle "lucifrienne", intuitive. Mais le
monde ne se laisse pas connatre cause des "freins transcendants".
Cest pourquoi, le pote, qui est dou de capacit intuitive, peut
connatre en enlevant une partie du voile cachant les secrets du
monde, sans en puisant, pour autant, le "mystre": "Je ne foule pas
pied la corole de merveilles du monde." (cest le titre mme dun
des pomes-art potique de Blaga).
Lcrivain roumain considrait que le pote, en tant que
crateur, tait investi de cette aspiration de "nisus formativus", une
sorte d"apptit" de remodeler le monde, cest--dire de le recrer
travers son lvation intuitive vers le transcendent. son tour,
Paul Claudel considrait que lacte crateur tait une co(n)naissance
du monde des essences (compltons nous). Cest pourquoi Claudel
a conceptualis les mots "pome" et "pote" en les crivant "pome"
et "pote" (le trma servant ici daccent renforateur connotation de
position centrale), pour mettre en vidence la qualit de leurs
"signifis" (dans le sens saussurien les crateurs) de "centres"
initiateurs et, en mme temps, de vhicules pendant les recherches,
toujours renouveles, de beaut et de connaissance.
Dans ses commentaires sur le "nouveau style" Blaga
dfinissait lexpressionnisme comme une "mutation du dtail
lessentiel, du concret labstrait, de limmdiat au transcendant, du
donn au problme, du mot au silence"; ctait "la projection de
lme intrieure" aspirant sidentifier dune manire naturelle au
rythme de la matire, par le silence n de lharmonisation aux
"bruissements" cosmiques. (FANACHE, 2003 : p.10).
Lessentialisation et les correspondances entre le micro et le
macrocosme sont spcifiques pour lexpressionnisme: "// dans
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lexpressionnisme, la valeur positive cest labsolu. // On tend vers

le typique, vers le gnral, par le retouche de lindividuel et mme
par sa suppression. // Toutes les fois quune uvre dart prsente
une chose de telle manire que la force, la tension intrieure de cette
prsentation transcende la chose, en trahissant des relations avec le
cosmique, avec labsolu, avec lillimit, nous avons affaire un
produit expressionniste." (BLAGA, 2003 : pp. 77, 230).
Bien qu la premire vue "la Roumanie noffrait pas un
terrain propre au mouvement expressionniste" (CLEYNENSERGHIEV, 1997: p.395) cause dune civilisation plutt paysanne
quindustrialise, o le rle de la bourgeoisie tait beaucoup plus
rduit quen Allemagne ou en Autriche, "la pntration des thories,
des uvres et des procds expressionnistes a t favorise par trois
lments: dabord, une importante minorit allemande qui vivait
dans trois rgions de Roumanie (la Transylvanie, le Banat et la
Bukovine); ensuite, malgr lnorme influence de la France, les
tudes des jeunes intellectuels de toutes les rgions dans les
universits allemandes et autrichiennes; enfin, le nombre et lactivit
des thtres tant Bucarest quen province. //Les revues
roumaines, trs rapidement, vont sintresser lexpressionnisme.
Parmi celles-ci deux sont trs importantes: Contimporanul et
Gndirea. Elles reproduisent des textes thoriques, des pices, des
rcits, des posies, mais aussi des commentaires consacrs
linfluence de lexpressionnisme sur les arts: les arts plastiques,
notamment la peinture, sur le thtre." (CLEYNEN-SERGHIEV,
1997: p.396).
Bucarest, quon appelait entre les deux guerres "le Petit
Paris", tait une mtropole cosmopolite, o les intellectuels avaient
une disponibilit et une curiosit "toujours en veil", ce qui avait
favoris une pntration plus rapide quen France des ides
expressionnistes. (CLEYNEN-SERGHIEV, 1997: p.398).
"En quelle mesure la rupture produite par lavant garde a
t fconde, dans le plan artistique (par la dislocation des structures
traditionnelles, menacs par lacadmisme meurtrier) le dmontre
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pleinement le dveloppement de la littrature europenne dans la

dernire moiti du sicle . ct des prcurseurs notoires, tels
Macedonski et Urmuz, nous avons offert lavant garde
europenne des promoteurs actifs tels Tristan Tzara, Ilarie Voronca,
Benjamin Fondane, Eugen Ionesco, Claude Sernet, Isidore Isou et
dans les arts plastiques Marcel Iancu, Victor Brauner et alii. Il faut
leur rajouter Ion Vinea, trop peu connu en dehors de nos frontires,
bien que beaucoup de ceux cits plus haut lui doivent normment.
Comme ils doivent, directement ou indirectement, Macedonski,
linitiateur des recherches novatrices. Les germes roumains de
lavant garde europens mritent toute lattention car, il ne faut
pas oublier que le champagne qui allait exploser avec tant de bruit
Zrich, en 1916, tait fait du mot qui bouillonnait chez nous, en
automne 1922, quand Ion Vinea, Tristan Tzara i Marcel Iancu
ditaient la revue le Symbole."
(SCARLAT, 1984).
De ce mouvement novateur et exprientiel du dbut du XX e
sicle ont dcoul les courants roumains davant garde: le
surralisme et le constructivisme.
Dans la littrature roumaine, le surralisme sest manifest
pendant la priode dentre les deux Guerres jusqu la fin des annes
40, quand les crivains ont t forc dy renoncer sous la pression
politique. Les premires manifestations du surralisme en Roumanie,
survenues entre 1924 1937, ne se dlimitaient pas prcisment du
dadasme. Il sagit des auteurs regroups autour de la revue
"Urmuz" dirige par Geo Bogza et "Alge" (Algues), dite par
Gherasim Luca. Leurs crations appartenaient plutt un courant
plus large, lavant-gardisme, dont le but dclar tait la libert de
lexpression humaine.
Le surralisme poursuivait, par son programme, la
pntration de lart dans le plan du subconscient, du rve, du dlire,
dans les espaces abyssaux qui chappent au contrle de la conscience
humaine. Parmi les reprsentants du surralisme europen nous
rappelons le pote Andr Breton et les peintres Salvador Dali et
305
Victor Brauner; parmi les crivains roumains lon peut mentionner

Aurel Baranga, Ion Vinea, et, en partie, Tudor Arghezi. Un auteur
surraliste intressant, qui a jou galement le rle du chroniqueur
du mouvement avant-gardiste en Roumanie, a t Saa Pan.
Tout en proclalant la capacit de suggestion de
lautomatisme de la communication qui laisse les sens la bonne
volont des mots, la posie surraliste de Barbu Fundoianu (connu
nous le pseudonime de Benjamin Fondane) prsente un univers
dsacralis et dmystifi. Traditionaliste il a rvolutionn le pastel
traditionnel mais rejetant tout modle ou orientation artistique,
Barbu Fundoianu appartenait, pourtant, la grande famille du
modernisme, par son esprit non conformiste et disident, aussi bien
que par la singularit de sa posie.
Les crateurs de la deuxime vague du surralisme en
Roumanie ont essay de sauver le mouvement, comme Andr Breton
le faisait en France. Cest pourquoi le groupement surraliste
roumain a t considr par lexgte franais Sarane Alexandrian
comme "le groupe le plus exubrant, le plus audacieux et, mme, le
plus dlirant du surralisme international". Les thmes prfrs des
surralistes roumains taient lautomatisme psychique pur", la
suprmatie du rve et le hasard objectif.
Influenc par la posie dAndr Brton, Saa Pan est attir
par le surralisme. Lacte potique devient pour lui une rverie
demi veille, qui cre une autre ralit, plus personnelle et plus
vraie, dans laquelle les images sassocient dans une succession
autonome, travers un pacte avec la sensibilit du pote, pour
engendrer un univers mirifique et hallucinant, qui est en communion
avec le macrocosme. La posie devient une sorte de "secrtaire" du
subconscient et les fantmes de cette surralit ne sont autre chose
que des expressions du soi potique. La synthse potique rve
ralit de Saa Pan ne choque pas, nagresse pas, sa rverie tant
plutt mlancolique, romantique, avec un lger soupon de baroque.
Par ailleurs, lon peut mentionner aussi que le surralisme
roumain a t suivi par lonirisme, phnomne culturel qui sest
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manifest dans autour des annes 70, reprsent par Leonid Dimov,
Dumitru epeneag et, plus tard, par Corin Braga.
Le constructivisme roumain est reprsent, en particulier,
par le groupement dcrivains qui publiaient dans les pages de la
revue "Contimporanul" dirige par Ion Vinea. Les noms des autres
revues affilies au mouvement constructiviste taient: Integral",
"Punct" i "75 H.P.". Parmi les crivains constructivistes les plus
importants lon peut mentionner Tudor Arghezi, Ion Barbu, Camil
Petrescu, Marcel Iancu, Ilarie Voronca, mais aussi des peintres et
sculpteurs, dont Victor Brauner et Constantin Brncui. Les
constructivistes soulignaient la ncessit dune correspondance entre
lart et lesprit de la technique moderne, car les nouvelles formes de
a cration humaine remodelaient et compltaient la nature.
Le nouvel art, citadin par excellence, des constructivistes
tait anti impressionniste, rpudiait le subjectivisme et lirrationnel,
en proposant la "dlittraturisation" de la posie, voire la
dcomposition. Par la rduction au maximum du frisson affectif lon
atteignait le gomtrisme de la vision et lessentialisation du
contenu.
La posie de Ion Vinea autoexamine avec lucidit les
saisissements du subconscient potique, en oscillant, par la censure
de lmotion lyrique, entre lirrel et le matriel, entre le nant et
lpiphanique, et en se fixant dans le prsent, qui este celui de la
cration. Vivre ce moment cre un sentiment paroxystique et la
combustion du soi potique dvore et mne lextinction, la fois,
de lauteur et du pome.
La revue "75 H.P." (1924), dirige par Ilarie Voronca,
second par Victor Brauner, proposait galement des solutions en
vue du renouvellement du langage potique. Le manifeste potique
du groupement se basait sur le radicalisme de la nouveaut dans la
versification, par laquelle les strophes senchanaient dans des
rythmes "parodiques, dans lesquels la deuxime [strophe notre
note] cest la premire inverse [et notre note], renverse, elle
marque la rupture." Exprimentale et davant garde, lcriture des
307
auteurs de "75 H.P." est sinueuse, dissonante et proclame la

libration de la tutelle du rel, de la grammaire et de la logique, en
rejetant le sentimentalisme traditionnel et prfrant les mots
saugrenus et insolites, capables dengendrer, dans leur rupture davec
la syntaxe, des mcanismes images. Dans cette posie peinture, le
mot devient "lexpression du dsenchanement du rel par
limaginaire". (GRIGORESCU, 2003: p.706).
Figure originale dans le paysage culturel roumain, la posie
de Ion Barbu (mathmaticien et pote) ralise la conjonction de la
science avec la posie, en utilisant un langage bivalent, scientifique
et lyrique, la fois. Hermtique, dans la ligne de Mallarm, lacte
potique barbien est une action de connaissance, au-del des
apparences, des essences de lunivers, travers une tension
intellectuelle intense. clectique, le pote qui "consume le chant" (G.
Clinescu) manie avec une main de matre les mythes et les
symboles, qui deviennent des supports mtaphoriques, dans un rituel
de "sublimation de la vie", en projetant le soi potique dans
"lemprisonnement du temps".
Lacte potique invite la contemplation extatique, qui
permet la noce avec les sens du monde. Le pome, du vcu mais qui
ne se confond pas, pour autant, avec la vie relle, est par un effet de
miroir platonicien, une image de limage, en offrant au lecteur une
ralit sublime, qui soffre la comprhension paralogique, dans un
" second jeu", "plus pur", des significations, un univers du possible,
de la perfection, car le macrocosme se rpte dans le microcosme.
Considr le parent de la sculpture moderne et de
labstractisation en sculpture, Constantin Brancusi a rvolutionn la
culture europenne et internationale par llgance et la vibration de
ses crations. Non figuratives et essentialises, ses sculptures
(lOiseau mirifique est la traduction textuelle en roumain,
louvrage tant connu dans le monde sous lappellation de "Oiseau
dans l'espace" , la Porte du baiser, la Table du silence, la Colonne
de lInfini, la Sagesse de la terre, Mademoiselle Pogany )
fascinent aujourdhui encore par llgance des formes, loriginalit
308
et lharmonie des matriaux, et la combinaison indite de la

simplicit de lart populaire roumain avec le raffinement intellectuel
de lavant garde parisienne et europenne.
Pendant la priode de lentre-deux-guerres, bien que la
Roumanie ait t rompue du reste de lEurope par le rgime
communiste, sa culture, par ses crateurs vivant en exile Eugen
Ionesco, Mircea Eliade, George Enescu, Emil Cioran, Vintil Horia,
Virgil Gheorghiu,
le chef dorchestre Sergiu Celibidache et beaucoup dautres , na
jamais cess de continuer contribuer lenrichissement du
patrimoine culturel universel.
Ce panorama des tendances culturelles littraires et
artistiques du dbut du XXe sicle, qui sera continu dans les
chapitres suivants par la prsentation de larchitecture Art Nouveau
Scession, conclut sur lexistence dun tat mental collectif qui sest
traduit par des mouvements amples, qui ont t initis sur le
continent europen et ont gagn par la suite larne internationale. Il
sagit dun tat desprit gnral, celui du renouvellement,
dinnovation et de dtachement par rapport aux coles et les canons
culturels qui avaient domin le XIXe sicle.
Cest pourquoi nous avons repris le syntagme utilis par
Lucian Blaga et avons dsign cette aspiration, devenue opratoire
par les plus nombreux et diversifis arts potiques, manifestes
artistiques, techniques et formes dexpression de lhistoire de la
culture universelle, par le terme gnrique de "Nouveau Style".
3. Considrations gnrales sur le courant Art Nouveau
Aux confins des XIXe et XXe sicles, sous lempire des
changements et nouveaux souffles qui traversaient la vie culturelle
europenne et internationale, un phnomne architectural et
artistique venait galement de natre. Il sagit du courant Art
Nouveau, qui conqurait rapidement les grandes villes europennes
Paris, Nancy, Bruxelles, Glasgow, Barcelone, Vienne, Munich,
309
Darmstadt et se rependait jusquen Russie, Finlande, Italie, au

Japon et aux Etats-Unis. Le nouveau courant proposait une nouvelle
dmarche esthtique et sociale de lhabitation, en abordant avec
audace de nouvelles technologies rvolutionnaires, dans une rupture
dlibre avec le pass et ses canons. Le nouveau courant essaie,
avec beaucoup dimagination, de nouveaux matriaux, des
combinaisons et mlanges insolites de matriaux, en exploitant leurs
effets novateurs: maux, fer peint, brique, terre cuite, vitraux, pte de
verre .
Ce style se caractrise par :
des formes organiques et la reprsentation de thmes
comme les poissons, les oiseaux et la vgtation;
des compositions florales stylises;
une abondance de courbes;
une forte relation entre le texte et limage;
une absence de perspective et, avec elle, une absence de
temps.
Les affiches de lArt Nouveau Scession emploient un
mlange des langages graphiques tirs de lillustration, de la
dcoration et de la typographie. Une claire rpartition du texte et de
limage avait pour exigence finale la lisibilit du texte. Le texte est
autonome, parfois inscrit dans un cartouche, mais toujours en
correspondance avec les lments dcoratifs. Il sagit daffiches pour
des expositions, des pices de thtre, des livres, mais rarement
encore pour la publicit de produits industriels.
Les sources du courant Art Nouveau remontent au
mouvement Arts & Crafts, celui prraphalite, aux motifs
dcoratifs gothiques, limpressionnisme, au symbolisme et aux arts
de lOrient, notamment lestampe japonaise qui influencera
profondment lart dcoratif moderne.
Par la naissance du style "Coup de fouet" en Belgique, dont
le pre a t larchitecte Victor Horta, un nouveau rapport entre la
forme, la fonction et lesthtique, entre lornement et lobjet, tait
310
tabli. Le nouveau style propose une synthse entre ce qui est cr

par la main de lhomme et les formes naturelles. Il ne sagit plus
dune application des ornements sur la surface de lobjet mais dune
conception esthtique dcorative des parties structurales de
lobjet mme.
Le nouveau courant s'est enrichi par lapport des formes
orientales, d lintervention de larchitecte Paul Hankar, alors que
Henri Van de Velde, thoricien des concepts rvolutionnaires sur les
nouvelles formes soutenait le renouvellement des arts en leur
intgrant les technologies modernes. Les artistes se prononcent pour
la libert dexpression et la varit de formes artistiques, dans un
dcloisonnement qui supprime les barrires classiques entre les arts
majeurs (arts plastiques: sculpture, peinture) et mineurs (arts
appliqus: dcoration, artisanat). Par lattention accorde aux objets
usuels et leur esthtisation, une nouvelle forme dexpression
artistique prend contour: le dessin industriel (design).
Le nouveau courant est n en Belgique sous le nom de
Style coup de fouet ou Ligne belge, mais son centre
international a t en France: Paris, grce larchitecture et aux
objets dcoratifs mobilier de Hector Guimard, et Nancy, grce
aux objets dcoratifs en verre de Emile Gall, qui y a fond l"Ecole
de Nancy". Il sera connu galement comme Art Nouveau en
France, Jugendstil en Allemagne, Secession en Autriche, Stile
Floreale ou Stile Liberty en Italie, Modern Style en Grande
Bretagne, Glasgow Style en Ecosse, Modernisimo ou Arte
Joven en Espagne, Siro Uma au Japon, Stil Kalevala en
Finlande, NieuweKunst aux Pays Bas, Mir Iskustvo en Russie.
Par son ct fonctionnel utilitaire, le nouveau courant se
manifeste aussi dans les arts graphiques les affiches et les
ornements typographiques qui initient la publicit et le concept de
marketing. Les sources dinspiration sont trs varies, en privilgiant
lart japonais, avec sa profusion de couleurs et ses formes sinueuses
et harmonieuses, mais aussi avec sa spiritualit, son symbolisme et
311
sa capacit de suggestion due une forte relation entre le texte et

limage.
La ligne "coup de fouet" est lance, sinueuse et
asymtrique dune manire imprvisible. Son imptuosit et le jeu de
contrastes et de plans cre un effet dynamique qui transpose en art le
mouvement de la vie. Art Nouveau puise ses thmes et ses registres
dornements et de symboles dans le rpertoire europen; il sagit
dlments phytomorphes, zoomorphes, anthropomorphes: feuilles
dacanthe, doliviers, de lauriers, les palmettes, la rose, , lglantine,
la tulipe, la pivoine, la marguerites, le tournesol, le nnuphar et le
lotus, le pavot, liris, le gui, la fleur de marronnier, de chardon, la
vigne, lpi de bl, le lis, lorchide, le chrysanthme, larbre de vie,
la corne dabondance, la vigne, les paons entre des branches et des
fleurs, curs, rubans et nuds de ruban, la verge, les treillages, les
torsades, le cygne, lhippocampe, labeille et la ruche, la libellule, la
grenouille, le papillon, le hibou, le lion, laigle, le serpent, la mduse,
lanneau, lancre, la nef dun navire ; il y a ensuite les figures
gomtriques telles le cercle, le carr, le point et la ligne, le
bouton, associs des sarments et des vrilles, disposs dans un
rythme polyphonique en cartouches, frises, encadrements et
panneaux. Cest une profusion dondulations, dentrecroisement de
tiges, de surfaces ronceuses, noueuses ou mouchetes qui sassocient
pour voquer la fcondit et les pulsions de la vie.
Bien sr, la prsence de la femme est un autre thme de
prdilection de lArt Nouveau: nymphes, caryatides, muses et autres
personnages mythologiques ou figures de femmes valeur
symbolique (la tisseuse, la semeuse ) ; les ondulations du corps et
de la chevelure fminins renvoient lharmonie et au principe vital.
Parmi les principaux crateurs de lArt Nouveau lon peut
citer: Jules Cheret, Auguste Daum et Antonin Daum, mile Gall,
Hector Guimard, Ren Lalique, Louis Majorelle, Alfons Mucha,
Paul Poiret, Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, Vincent Van Gogh, Antonio
Gaudi, Victor Horta, Gustav Klimt, Charles Rennie Mackintosh,
Louis Comfort Tiffany et alii.
312
En architecture, lArt Nouveau vise, tout dabord, la

nouvelle habitation moderne, la villa, voire une belle maison
individuelle, destine servir de foyer pour une famille bourgeoise.
Larchitecture veut tmoigner de limportance, de la richesse et de
lidentit de son propritaire par loriginalit des formes en
mouvement, lasymtrie harmonieuse et imptueuse des lignes et de
la dcoration qui nest plus figurative mais suggestive. Lindite
impression de naturel sexprime par un lien presque organique entre
lexpression, la forme et lornement avec le concours des matriaux
indits dont lusage est aussi novateur: pierre comme moule et non
taille, boiserie des fentres distribue en branchage . Le
dynamisme de la construction et de sa dcoration est accentu par
lalternance des formes, notamment courbes, la rupture des plans et
des rythmes des ouvertures et la recherche de la dissymtrie.
En ce qui concerne les matriaux utiliss, lon peut
mentionner le stuc, la pierre monolithe pour la partie basse de la
maison , la brique apparente, le palanon, les mtaux pour la
ferronnerie, le bois et le verre.
Le nouveau courant architectural des annes 1900 a suivi
deux directions majeures:
a. le style floral, caractris par une abondance de lignes
courbes, dynamiques et asymtriques qui imitent tantt
les ondulations en "coup de fouet" des sarments, des vrilles
et des rejetons de vgtaux qui ondoient et sentrelacent en
poussant, tantt les ondoiements des oiseaux aux cous ou
queues allongs gracieusement, tels les cygnes et les paons,
dans une harmonie de formes et, souvent, de couleurs, le
tout avec des valeurs symboliques; on retrouve ce style
dans les difices dresss entre 1900 - 1908;
b. le style gomtrique, identifiable par les formes
rgulires, linaires, symtriques, stylises et abstraites, qui
caractrisent les btiments levs entre 1908 1914, sous
313
linfluence du style Scession fonctionnaliste cultiv par

Otto Wagner Vienne.
Les deux directions sont fondes sur les principes de base
du style Scession: la fusion de la structure, de la forme et de
lornement qui se compltent et sont dans une relation
dinterdpendance.
Le style floral a t cultiv dans lespace franco belge et
celui catalan, o larchitecture de Antonio Gaudi, fortement
enracine dans llment organique, dans le style nogothique mais
aussi dans les traditions autochtones mauresques, a reprsent un
pont entre les courants qui ont t fondus dans une cration originale,
moderne, allant au-del de la simple dcoration, vers le symbole.
Le style gomtrique, aux accents constructivistes, prsent
surtout dans lespace cossais et anglais, a t abord par le crateur
Charles Rennie Mackintosch. Celui-ci a suivi lquilibre entre les
formes rectangulaires des volumes et les jeux graphiques subtils de
lenchanement des formes carres, des couleurs et des matriaux.
Ce style, considr comme une deuxime tape artistique
dans lvolution du courant Art Nouveau peut tre rencontr surtout
en Allemagne (Jugendstil) et en Autriche (Sezession) dans les
ouvrages des architectes Otto Wagner, Josef Maria Olbrich et Josef
Hoffman.
4. Le courant Art Nouveau en Roumanie
A la fin du XIXe sicle, le style architectural Art Nouveau
roumain a eu les mmes prmices fondamentales quailleurs, en
Europe et dans le monde, en sinspirant galement de larchitecture
populaire roumaine, des mtiers artisans autochtones et de
larchitecture mdivale et renaissance.
Ce courant novateur se remarquait, en Roumanie galement,
par lusage de nouveaux matriaux tels le fer forg industriel
bourguignon, les vitraux, la cramique maille et colore.
314
Bucarest, limaginaire personnel et la crativit des

architectes et des artistes appartenant au nouveau courant ont
engendr une architecture originale, vibrant de couleurs, de lignes
audacieuses et harmonieusement esthtiques.
Le courant Art Nouveau roumain, dinspiration autochtone,
connu sous le nom de style "Arta 1900" ("Art 1900") roumain
ou "Stilul Neoromnesc" ("Style Noroumain"), "Stilul Ion
Mincu" ("Style Ion Mincu") , est caractris par le syncrtisme
des styles, par une relle "varit en unit". Sa contribution modeste
au patrimoine de lArt Nouveau consiste dans le rajout dlments
repris au style architectural "brncovenesc", qui porte le nom de
Constantin Brncoveanu (1688-1714), prince rgnant de la
Principaut roumaine de Valachie.
Il sagit dune architecture inspire de la renaissance
occidentale, avec des structures claires, rationalistes, dynamises par
une exubrance dcorative puise dans lart traditionnel roumain, ce
qui a valu ce style le nom de "baroque brancovan".
Le "Style brancovan" du XVIIe sicle, ainsi que le "Style
Noroumain" du dbut du XXe sicle, prsente, galement, des
accents orientaux dans les formes et les ornements: des frises
murales dcores de fleurs et de feuilles, de mdaillons et de boutons
en cramique maille, en couleurs vives, darches en forme
daccolade, de cartouches et de motifs en relief.
Initi autour de 1886 par larchitecte Ioan Mincu avec la
Maison Lahovary de Bucarest, le "Style noroumain" a connu trois
phases de son dveloppement. Le style a t canonis en 1906,
loccasion de lExposition Jubilaire Royale, qui a montr aux publics
les pavillons majestueux projets par larchitecte Mincu et a marqu
le dbut de la priode de maturit du style. Vers la fin des annes
1920-1930, le "Style noroumain" a volu vers une synthse "de
formes Art Dco et dinspiration mditerranenne, ayant pour
rsultat des dessins extrmement intressants." 20 Le style a t
20
Source /Sursa: Valentin Mandache:
315
remplac, au lendemain des annes 1947, aprs linstauration du

rgime communiste, qui a impos ses propres canons architecturaux.
Le "Style noroumain" a continu, pourtant, dinfluencer
larchitecture roumaine, par certaines formes vernaculaires et motifs
ornementaux quon peut trouver, par exemple, sur la faade de
certains difices de la priode daprs-guerre.
On retrouve des difices Art Nouveau dans les villes de
Transylvanie, dans louest de Roumanie Oradea, Timioara, Arad,
Cluj, Trgu Mure, Miercurea Ciuc, Baia Mare, du centre-sud du
pays dans la capitale Bucarest et la petite ville Sinaia, connue pour
ses villas, et, surtout, par le Palais de "Pele"21 de la famille royale
roumaine, Constana, port la mer Noire (dans lest de Roumanie)
renomme entre les deux guerres pour son Casino, un joyaux
architectural construit sur le modle des autres casinos europens Art
Nouveau aux environs des annes 1904,22 etc. Les ouvrages
architecturaux dresss dans le style Art Nouveau sont les crations
des meilleurs architectes roumains de lpoque, tels Ion Mincu,
Cristofi et Grigore Cerchez, Odon Lechner, Nicolae Ghica Budeti,
Petre Antonescu, Giulio Magni, Constantin Iotzu, Statie Ciortan,
Alexandru Svulescu ou Anghel Saligny, le dernier tant un
ingnieur du btiment visionnaire, un spcialiste dans la construction
des ponts mtalliques et reprsentant de lcole roumaine appele
"larchitecture des ingnieurs", un promoteur du "nouveau style" en
Roumanie. On lui doit un clbre pont mtallique sur le Danube,
dont la construction avait t commence, en 1905, par Gustave
http://casedeepoca.wordpress.com/category/stil-neoromanesc/;
http://historo.wordpress.com/2008/12/14/the-neo-romanianarchitectural-style-a-brief-guide-on-its-origins-and-features.
Consult le 12.04.2013
21
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CqhAUZHBvps. Consult le
12.04.2013
22
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-C6Zt2rQYzI. Consult le
12.04.2013
316
Eiffel qui avait t remplac, suite des disputes avec

ladministration royale de lpoque, par le jeune ingnieur Anghel
Saligny. En effet, les ingnieurs roumains sont trs apprcis pour
leur esprit novateur. Par exemple, la conception de la structure
mtallique de la Tour Eiffel est due un autre ingnieur roumain,
Gheorghe Pnculescu qui avait travaill avec Gustave Eiffel.
5. Les nouveaux courants culturels dans la rgion du
Banat
5.1. En Littrature
Dans le Banat ont toujours coexist plusieurs cultures,
appartenant ses habitants qui y vivaient ensemble depuis des
sicles: des Roumains, Magyars, Serbes, Allemands, Bulgares et
Juifs.
Parmi les crivains les plus importants, au dbut du XX e
sicle, en Transylvanie et dans le Banat, lon peut citer: Ady Endre,
Adam Mller Gutenbrunn, Frany Zoltn et Robert Reiter,
Aurel Buteanu, Milo Crnjanski, Branko Radicevici, Meliusz
Jozsef.
Robert Reiter (connu, partir de 1949, sous le
pseudonyme littraire de Franz Liebhard) a t, initialement, un
pote de langue hongroise lequel, suite "une option culturelle" a
continu crire en allemand. Il avait de nombreuses amitis
littraires avec des personnalits culturelles de son temps, telles les
crivains hongrois Mihly Babits et Ern Osvt qui lavaient invit
de publier dans la revue "Nyugat" ("lOuest" ou plutt "lOccident"),
lun des plus importants magazines littraires hongrois du XX e
sicle. Ayant fait des tudes lUniversit de Budapest, il a t lun
des proches du cercle des intellectuels regroups autour de Lajos
Kassk, pote, romancier, peintre, essayiste, traducteur, diteur et
thoricien du mouvement de lavant-garde hongroise, ayant cultiv
dans ses uvres des lments emprunts aux courants culturels
317
europens du dbut du XXe sicle: lexpressionnisme, le futurisme et

le dadasme.
Robert Reiter a eu des collaborations avec dautres revues
europennes importantes de lEurope Centrale ("Der Sturm",
"Viena", "Ma", "Budapesta") et a traduit en allemand les plus belles
ballades roumaines : "Mioria" et "Meterul Manole". Son alliance
avec Franyo Zoltan et Aurel Buteanu a t extrmement importante
pour la ville culturelle de Timioara au dbut du XX e sicle, grce,
notamment, aux traductions et aux articles et aux ouvrages publis
dans la revue trilingue "Banatul" ("le Banat") et dans la revue de
gauche "Vrerea" ("la Volont").
Dailleurs, Lajos Kassk et dautres intellectuels de son
groupe, tels lcrivain Tams Aladr ou le peintre souabe Hans
Mattis Teutsch, ont eu de nombreux contacts avec lavant-garde
roumaine, dont les reprsentants taient regroups autour de la revue
"Contimporanul" ("le Contemporain", de Bucarest), tels Marcel
Iancu et Ion Vinea. A cause de leurs sympathies pour le
communisme, les crivains radicaux hongrois, dont Lajos Kassk,
avaient t exils par le rgime de Horthy et ils staient refugis
Vienne, o ils ont fond la revue - "activiste" - "Ma"
("Aujourdhui"). Le critique roumain Ovidiu S. Crohmlniceanu
disait quel les principes du groupe "Ma" ntaient pas trangers
"soutenus dans lart par le mouvement Der Sturm. Ils sont propres
lesthtique expressionniste [...] mais ce qui lui confre une note
particulire ces justement le rle capital quil tait appel jouer
[...]" par son "acte constructif". (CROHMLNICEANU, 1971:
p.110).
Le critique littraire banatais, Cornel Ungureanu parle
mme (UNGUREANU, 2005) dune "filire de Timioara" qui
faisait la mdiation avec la revue "Ma". Les personnages-cl de cette
filire taient lcrivain et homme politique Aurel Buteanu, Robert
Reiter (quil considre comme tant un "pote anarchique et
expressionniste et un traducteur"), le peintre tchcoslovaque Julius
Podlipny, le pote et dramaturge Endre Kroly et le reporter et
318
"rvolutionnaire de profession", Rodion Markovits. Aurel Buteanu

a galement t un illustre homme politique et de culture, directeur
du Thtre National de Cluj-Napoca (Transylvanie).
Ecrivain, journaliste et avocat, laustro-hongrois Rodion
Markovits, a contribu au dveloppement de la littrature et de la
presse magyare de Transylvanie et de Banat ainsi quaux changes
culturels entre les communauts magyare, roumaine et juive de
Banat. Il a galement affili aux groupes "Ma" et "Erdlyi Helikon"
(Communaut des crivains magyars de Banat).
Endre Kroly a dbut, en 1910, avec une posie publie
dans la revue "Temesvri Hrlap" et a suivi son parcours littraire
ct de la gnration de la revue "Nyugat". Il a aussi dit, avec
dautres intellectuels magyars, en 1919, la revue "bredj" ("Rvilletoi"), portant le sous-titre: "Revue de la dignit humaine et de la
libert", et a t membre de la "Socit Littraire Arany Jnos" de
Timioara, de la " Erdlyi Helikon ", et de la socit "Kemny
Zsigmond" de Trgu Mure. Son nom est aussi li deux autres
revues : "Szemle" ("Revue", 1920), et "Fajank" (revue dhumour,
1924). Il a publi aussi des chroniques pertinentes concernant les
uvres des peintres de Timioara.
Avant la guerre les crivains modernistes magyars tait
regroups autour de la revue "Nyugat" (dite Oradea). Le pote le
plus reprsentatif du groupe tait Ady Endre, dont lcriture se
faisait remarque p fig.1
ar la vhmence du verbe et lampleur cosmique de
lexpression. Ecrivain et journaliste hongrois, n dans le comt de
Slaj (en Transylvanie), il a crit une posie symboliste influence
par le style de Baudelaire et Verlaine.
Le numro 46 (mai 1924) de la revue roumaine
"Contimporanul" souvrait par un article appel, "Manifestul activist
ctre tinerime" (le "Manifeste activiste lintention des jeunes") et
ddiait une page entire (la 12e) "la nouvelle posie magyare", avec
une prface crite par un auteur anonyme intitule "O micare
modern n exil" ("Un mouvement moderne en exil"). Nous en citons
319
un extrait: "Maintenant la posie se modifie parce que les potes

sont les sismographes de lpoque. Une nouvelle priode, une
novelle fondation, une nouvelle langue naissent du constructivisme
collectif. La premire anthologie du groupe Ma ctait lhomme se
trouvant toujours en qute et rong dangoisse. Ma deuxime,
rcemment parue, cest limage de lhomme nouveau qui sest
retrouv soi-mme." (CERNAT, 2006).
Cornel Ungureanu note dans son tude limportance du
mouvement dont Lajos Kassk avait tait le chef de file :
"Aujourdhui [...] le parcours de Kassk Paris est compar celui
de Brncui" (UNGUREANU, 2005 : p. 102-103).
Adam Mller Gutenbrunn, romancier et homme de lettres
souabe, a exerc une influence importante surtout sur le monde du
thtre dans la Vienne de la fin du XXe sicle. Il a dcrit dans ses
uvres littraires la beaut, les traditions, les coutumes et les mtiers
du village banatais au XXe sicle.
Frany Zoltn a t un crivain de formation
encyclopdique, a une contribution majeure dans la popularisation de
la littrature roumaine travers ses traductions en langue hongroise
et allemande. On lui doit, par exemple, la publication des traductions
des pomes de Mihai Eminescu et Lucian Blaga dans les revues
"Tuz", "Jovo", "Kultura" et "Genius".
Ami proche de Robert Reiter, Franyo Zoltan, Aurel Buteanu et,
mme de Ernst Toller, crivain dorigine allemande, auteur de pices
de thtres expressionnistes, qui a t exil dAllemagne aprs
lavnement du parti nazi au pouvoir, Ion Stoia-Udrea, pote,
historien, traducteur, diteur et journaliste banatais a t, avant tout,
un fondateur de revues littraires, parmi lesquelles "Vrerea" ("la
Volont") et de socits culturelles, un mulateur efficace de
Timioara, devenue une ville moderne et cosmopolite. En tant
qucrivain, il appartient au courant "expressionniste de gauche", et
"// a stimul, par des actions prcises, qui ntaient pas dpourvues
desprit critique, la sortie de la littrature banataise du
provincialisme. Li Virgil Birou [crivain] et Romul Ladea
320
[Romulus Ladea, sculpteur, considr comme le fondateur de facto

de lcole roumaine de sculpture moderne notre note] par une
amiti mmorable, il a dfini, ct de ceux-ci, un temps de
lmancipation de la culture de Banat."23
A la revue "Vrerea" a aussi collabor Meliusz Jozsef,
lequel a cultiv une posie aux tonalits de ballades et aux accents
expressionnistes.
Les intellectuels de Timioara ont eu des relations troites
avec les crivains serbes, parmi lesquels: Milo Crnjanski, pote et
diplomate appartenant au courant expressionniste serbe et Branko
Radicevici, qui este considr, en dpit de sa courte priode
cratrice, comme le fondateur de la posie lyrique moderne en
Serbie.
5.2. Quelques considrations sur larchitecture Scession
Timioara et sur son symbolisme
Les difices Scession des villes roumaines de Transylvanie
et de Banat, dont Timioara, ont suivi les modles architecturaux de
Vienne et de Budapest (lEmpire Austro-hongrois), tout en laissant la
main libre linspiration dautres sources, notamment autochtones.
Cest pourquoi nous avons prfr le nom de Scession celui dArt
Nouveau.
Le style Scession de Timioara, de provenance
autrichienne et budapestoise, a subi aussi les influences des styles
Renaissance, baroque et clectique. En ce qui concerne le nombre et
la prsence des ouvrages Scession Timioara, nous avons identifi
un trajet de 4 heures pied qui relie les quartiers historiques en
traversant le centre de lancienne cit.
Pour la rorganisation et le ramnagement de la cit,
ladministration impriale de Timioara a appliqu le systme
23
Source : http://www.crispedia.ro/Ion_Stoia-Udrea.
321
urbanistique viennois, le "Ringstrassenstil": le centre urbain est

partag entre les institutions administratives, culturelles et religieuses
"RechtundKultur" (mairie, thtre, opra, glises ), dont les
siges devaient tre reprsentatifs par leur esthtique et allure, en vue
dexprimer le pouvoir imprial. La ville sest dveloppe autour de
ce centre, duquel partaient et vers lequel convergeaient les rues, les
ponts jets sur le canal de la Bega et les alles reliant les grands axes
de la cit, voire les principaux quartiers citadins.
En fonction des activits dployes dans ces nouveaux
quartiers, ont t dresss des difices qui portaient une empreinte
personnelle, car les solutions techniques et compositionnelles, le
volume, les matriaux utiliss et les ornements utiliss taient censs
suggrer leurs destination et fonctionnalit: des immeubles destins
lhabitation unifamiliale ou collective (de rapport), ayant, dhabitude,
au rez-de-chausse des espaces pour les services commerciaux ou
administratives, des btiments commerciaux, administratifs et
juridiques, pour les services publics et bancaires, pour
lenseignement et la culture, des difices religieux et industriels.
(MARIAN, 2011 : pp.50-51).
Les immeubles polyfonctionnels ou ayant autre destination
que celle de simples habitations devaient, donc, attirer lattention par
des lments architecturaux et ornements suggestifs, symboliques:
des loggias, terrasses ou bow-window en saillie, surplombant les
rues, les faades accentues par des frontons, des attiques aux formes
courbes, linaires ou gomtriques, des coins marqus par des tours,
flches et coupoles, arches trilobs, en forme de fer de cheval ou de
cur renvers, des fentres trigmines, des accs mis en vidence
par des dcorations et encadrements dans le plan de la faade, des
ornements valeur symbolique (emblmes, armoiries, formes
statuaires) ou simplement dcorative curvilignes et exubrants ou
sobres et gomtriques appliqus sur la faade, sur les toits, sur ou
au-dessus des portails, sur les lments dintrieur escaliers,
meubles, vitres. (DUDA, 2002 : p.59).
322
Par exemple, un immeuble, connu sous le nom de

"Mercur", du quartier Fabric (le nom du quartier indique lui-mme
quil sagit dun ancien quartier commercial et industriel), est
identifiable par la statue dHerms Trismgiste ou Mercure sur le
toit, doublement ail, au casque et aux pieds, portant le caduce.
Cest le symbole du ngoce, suggrant quil sagissait dun difice
plac dans une zone destination commerciale. La faade a t orne
avec des motifs floraux, des palmettes, des boutons et des bustes
fminins rle dcoratif, qui contribuent la cration dune
impression de dynamisme, grce au mouvement et lenchainement
de ces ornements divers, se trouvant, pourtant, dans un tat
dquilibre qui confre de lharmonie lensemble architectural:
fig.1
Parmi ses ornements figurent discrtement les branches

doliviers, un symbole significations multiples: cest, avant tout, le
symbole biblique du pardon et de la rconciliation, renvoyant la
paix apporte la rgion par loccupation impriale austrohongroise; il signifie aussi la solidit car de son bois taient faits la
massue d'Hercule et le pieu avec lequel Ulysse avait terrass le
Cyclope, suggrant ainsi la puissance de lEmpire; il renferme en
mme temps la stabilit et la rcompense gratifiant les vainqueurs en
signe de reconnaissance de leur courage et de leur vaillance, vu que
323
la couronne dolivier tait devenue le symbole des Jeux olympiques

dAthnes; cest galement un symbole de fidlit, car le lit d'Ulysse
et Pnlope tait en bois d'olivier et il avait t gard intact par
Pnlope durant les vingt ans d'absence de son mari gar sur les
mers de la Grce 24; ce sont autant de significations qui indiquent la
force de lEmpire Austro-hongrois, la rcompense de ses assujettis
auxquels ladministration impriale assurait la scurit, le bientre et
labondance, aussi bien que la fidlit et la reconnaissance de ceux-ci
vis--vis de lautorit austro-hongroise. Les motifs floraux
dominants sont reprsents par deux types de fleurs : une fleur cinq
ptales, se rapprochant de la la rosace et, peut-tre du tournesol, et
une autre quatre ptales, suggrant le trfle quatre feuilles. La
rose, trs prsente dans larchitecture Scession et dans les arts
dcoratifs Art Nouveau, est associe aux cultes dAphrodite,
dAdonis, dEros et de Dionysos, suggrant la beaut, lamour et la
vie. (EVESSEV, 1994, p.187). Cest aussi un motif dcoratif
traditionnel roumain, prsent sur les coffres dotaux, sur les
frontispices des maisons et sur la boiserie, tant investi avec un rle
de protection; stylise, la rose apparat aussi sur les fichus des
femmes et les serviettes qui couvrent le gteau de bl et de mas que
lon distribue la mmoire des morts, signifiant le bientre absolu.
(ISTRTESCU-TRGOVITE, 2003: Plana VI). Le tournesol
renvoie au soleil, Hlios, et est associ aux rejetons, aux vrilles et
aux sarments, suggrant lharmonie.
Limmeuble suivant fait partie dun ensemble ddifices
construits dans le mme style Scession autour de la Place Trajan
(Piaa Traian), situe au cur du quartier historique Fabric, lest de
la ville. Chacun de ces difices Scession a une structure originale,
tant par la structure de la construction que par les ornements utiliss.
Lun dentre eux, tant destin aux activits de pharmacie, connu
sous le nom de la "Pharmacie Kovacs" (ou la Maison Ngele,
24
http://www.olivierdeprovence.com/odpcefr/symboles.php.Consult le 10.04.2013.
324
daprs le nom de son premier propritaire), affiche au sommet le

bton dEsculape :
fig.2
Encastre dans la faade angulaire, la porte est encadre de

deux jeunes femmes, en tenue grecque antique, qui tendent dans
leurs mains des pots avece des potions et pommades
pharmaceutiques. Elles peuvent tre, en effet, deux des filles
dEsculape dEsculape (Hygieia lhygine, Iaso mdicine, Aceso
la gurison, Aglaa la sant et Panaceea le remde universel),
auxquelles on attribue, donc, la dcouverte des proprits de
gurison des plantes et qui assistaient leur pre dans le traitement des
malades25:
25
http://www.crestinortodox.ro/religie/ceremonialul-culegeriiburuienilor-leac-antichitate-69680.html. Consult le
14.04.2013.
325
fig.3
Un autre immeuble voisin, le "Palais de la Comtesse

Mirbach", avoue galement ses proccupations commerciales par
un dessin plac trs visiblement sur la partie suprieure du
frontispice, reprsentant, sous une forme trs stylise, le caduce
dHerms Trismgiste. Car, le Palais na pas t la rsidence de la
comtesse mais une maison de rapport.
Cest, en fait, un signe abstrait: une ligne courbe concave
surmonte dun cercle (ou dune sphre ?), qui se retrouve au-dessus
de la tte du dieu gyptien Toth, assimil par lAntiquit grecque au
dieu Herms Trismgiste, protecteur des voyageurs et des
commerants. Toth tait le dieu de la lune, connu comme lcrivain
et le conseiller des dieux, tant aussi appel "le cur et la langue de
Ra" (dieu du soleil). Cest pourquoi lon peut aussi penser que le
signe reprsente un croissant horizontal de lune surmont par un
soleil; dailleurs, le soleil et la lune figurent sur lemblme du
quartier et de la ville de Timioara. On attribuait Toth linvention
de lcriture et la conception des livres sacrs; il tait aussi le dieu de
326
larithmtique, de lloquence, de la science et de la sagesse. 26 "Les

Livres de Toth", crits sur de tables en meraude taient considres
comme un symbole du pouvoir que les pharaons avaient obtenu des
dieux. On disait que ces ouvrages renfermaient les secrets du pouvoir
absolu et quils pouvaient offrir des pouvoirs considrables ceux
qui le dtenaient. (KAMUI, 2012). Toutes ces qualits avaient t
transmues chez le dieu grec Herms Trismgiste, qui tait
considr, lui-aussi, lauteur de certaines inventions, dont la lyre
(symbole qui figure galement sur le frontispice de ldifice, audessus mme de lentre), de lalphabet, des mesures du volume ;
il tait le dieu de la connaissance (astronomie, astrologie,
gographie, lgislation, et on lui attribuait la Table dmeraude
(Tabula Smaragdina) sur laquelle a t fonde lalchimie 27:
fig.4
Le mme motif stylis est rpt par dautres dcorations

appliques sur la faade, ct des bustes fminins aux couronnes de
26
http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thot. Consult le 20.04.2013.

http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alchimie#Simboluri. Consult le
24.04.2013.
27
327
fleurs (pareilles des tournesols, symboles solaires de lharmonie et

du retour vers le centre dans le sens de Mircea Eliade), des branches
horizontales dolivier et des mdaillons reprsentant une coquille
entoure de palmes. La coquille, lment dcoratif repris de la
Renaissance et du baroque, tait dans lAntiquit le symbole de
lAmour (coquille de Vnus), et lon considrait quelle protgeait
du mauvais sort et des maladies28:
fig.5
Quant aux palmes, cest un symbole de la victoire, tant

l'origine du mot "laurat"; la couronne de laurier est aussi un
hommage accord aux chefs de guerre victorieux, voire les victoires
de lempereur Habsbourg.
28
http://www.saint-jacques.info/coquille.html. Consult le
10.04.2013.
328
Le quatrime difice, appel le "Palais Stphanie" (Palatul

tefania) ou la "Maison aux singes", se devant le Palais de la
Comtesse Mirbach, dont il complte le symbolisme. Ldifice,
conu pour devenir galement une maison de rapport, devant servir,
par les fonds obtenus des loyers, lentretien de lAsile de la ville,
abritait galement le Club des Citoyens et un restaurant, fameux
lpoque. Larchitecture de cette maison mise plutt sur la sobrit
des lignes, en comparaison avec son voisin qui coqute avec le
nobaroque. Il combine les formes gomtriques avec des ttes de
guerriers et des ornements plus styliss, rappelant larbre de vie,
symbole de la "colonne vertbrale qui soutient le corps humain, le
temple de lme" (CHEVALIER, GHEERBRANT, 2009 : p.94), un
motif trs frquent dans lart traditionnel roumain qui a inspir
Constantin Brncui pour sa sculpture "la Colonne de linfini". En
extrapolant sa signification, le motif symbolise le bien tre et
labondance. Dans la partie suprieure de la faade il y a toute une
range de douze statues, reprsentants des animaux bipdes,
ressemblant des gorilles et des ours, tenant dans les mains des
tables. Quant leur symbolique, lon pense de nouveau Herms
Trismgiste, en honneur duquel les Grecs anciens dressaient des
statues, appeles "hermes", le long des rues et ct des portes des
maisons, car la figure du dieu avait t associe un ancien
"damon" protecteur qui habitait dans une pierre. Les statues dresses
sur ldifice de la Place Trajan renvoient ces "hermes", leurs
figures animalires rappellent toujours Herms Trismgiste qui tait
le protecteur des animaux sacrifis et qui tait souvent associ avec
Pan et les tables des mains de ces statues voquent Tabula
Smaragdina.29
29
Dicionar de mitologie greac i roman-litera H (Dictionnaire de

mythologie grecque et romaine la lettre H : notre trad.),
http://www.scritube.com/literaturaromana/gramatica/DICTIONAR-DE-MITOLOGIE-GREACA412216155.php. Consult le 16.04.2013.
329
fig.6
Lide de force impriale, mais aussi celle de

protection et de scurit garanties aux habitants de
Timioara par ladministration austro - hongroise, est
renforce par un hallebardier en armure autrichienne
hiss sur le toit, portant un bouclier aux armoiries du
quartier Fabric et de la ville de Timioara : on y retrouve
aussi linscription qui atteste le statut de ville royale libre
obtenu par Timioara en 1781 : "Sigilium liber et
regiaecivitatis Tiemesvariensis":
fig.7
330
Conclusion
Les itinraires architecturaux Scession traversent la ville de
Timioara sur ses grands axes et se constituent comme un
tmoignage historique et culturel qui a valu la ville lappellation,
dont elle est fire encore, de la "Petite Vienne".
Timioara a toujours t un fervent promoteur des
innovations technologiques et culturelles. Par exemple, la ville a t,
en 1884, la premire ville dEurope ayant eu lclairage lectrique
des rues, la premire ville de Roumanie ayant utilis le tramway
lectrique, a dit le premier journal de Roumanie et le premier
journal allemand de lEurope du sud-est. Elle est la seule ville
dEurope qui a trois thtres dEtat en trois langues diffrentes:
roumain, allemand et hongrois. Cultivant le multiculturalisme, le
multi confessionnalisme, le dialogue interculturel, la tolrance, le
respect des droits lexpression et la libert de la pense, et
louverture vers la nouveaut et linnovation, Timioara a t
linitiatrice, en Roumanie, de la Rvolution anticommuniste de 1989,
devenant la premire ville libre de Roumanie. Et sa marche sur des
voies pionnires continue, car la porte ouverte dans la tour se
trouvant sur lemblme de la ville symbolise son engagement dans la
voie du progrs, de la libert et du respect des diffrences et du
dialogue interculturel: "Dans cette rgion// lintolrance et
linertie nont constitu une solution ni pour la dfense ni pour une
conomie florissante //. Il a t dmontr dans le temps que le rle
de mur de protection et de gardien de la frontire a t moins utile
que le rle de porte ouverte." (KONSCHITZKY, 2005 : p.18).
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334
AUTOUR DU LANGAGE SPCIALIS EN LANGUE

TRANGRE
Sorina ERBNESCU
Facult dEconomie et de Gestion des Affaires
Universit de lOuest de Timioara
Humanity travels to the infinite path of its evolution through its major
qualities, the reflection (in Pascal's sense) from which the creation is
originated - and the communication, an interaction and exchange among its
members.
Indeed, the human mind knows the universe and comprises, at the same time,
itself by appropriating the names of surrounding things, the connections
between the name and the defined thing, interactions between names and
their intimacy with the things which are called by words.
Language theory (as an instrument of communication) is based, like that of
knowledge (an operating instrument led by reflection), on three areas:
conceptual, formal and social imagination and all the phenomena of
language are constituted in a structure of volumes, which is infinite and
simultaneously on all three coordinates. It is only the position, the view of
the analyst, which can highlight, preferably, one or other of these plans or
one or other of the interfered plans systems.
In his capacity as depositary and as transmitter of experience and
knowledge, natural language is constituted in a codified system of elements
containing common structures to all languages which allow the translation
and communication between individuals who have been trained in natural
and specific socio-cultural environments. Although the specialized language
uses natural language, it is not enough for a common user of natural
language, unskilled, to decode the specialized language. Specialized
languages are semi-autonomous semiotic systems which are used in order to
communicate in specialized contexts. The difficulty of speaking in a foreign
specialized language and of translating specialized texts from one language
to another is even greater when the target language has drawn words in the
source language by repeating them as they were in their original language
and then adapting them phonetically, according to its own specificity.
Key words: specialized foreign language, communication, natural
335
language, interdisciplinarity, linguistic and communicative competence
Introduction
"Converser avec autrui, par l'intermdiaire de mots, de

regards, ou d'autres symboles, signifie avoir plus ou
moins de comprhension ou de communion avec lui,
avoir des rfrences communes et partager ses ides et
sentiments. Si on utilise le terme sympathie dans cette
acception () on doit garder l'esprit qu'il dnote le
partage de tout tat mental qui peut tre communiqu, et
n'a pas la connotation spcifique de piti ou autre
motion sensible qu'il traduit de faon commune
dans le langage courant."
(C.H. Cooley, 1922 : p.136).
Lhumanit parcourt linfini chemin de son volution
grce ses qualits majeures: la rflexion (dans le sens
pascalien) - do dcoule la cration -, et la communication,
linteraction et les changes entre ses membres. En effet, lesprit
humain connat lunivers et sauto comprend en mme temps, en
sappropriant les noms des choses environnantes, les liaisons
entre le nom et la chose dfinie, les interactions entre les noms, et
leurs rapports intimes avec les choses dnommes:
Intelligere, Inlire, Lire / .../ Comprendre, saisir en
mme temps, runir par la prise. Comme on dit que le feu
prend, ou que le ciment prend, ou quun lac se prend en
hiver, ou quune ide prend dans le public, cest ainsi que
les choses se comprennent et que nous les comprenons.
(CLAUDEL 1915: p. 133).
La thorie du langage (instrument de la communication) est
base, tout comme celle de la connaissance (instrument opratoire
dirig par la rflexion), sur les trois axes: conceptuel - formel,
imaginaire et social, et tous les phnomnes de langage se
336
constituent dans une structure de volume, infinie et simultane sur

toutes les trois cordonnes. C'est seulement la position, le point de
vue de l'analyste, qui met en vidence, de prfrence, l'un ou l'autre
des plans ou l'un ou l'autre des systmes d'interfrence de ces plans.
Les langages spcialiss en langue trangre doivent, dun
ct, leur "simplicit" aux langages scientifiques, ce qui permet la
facilit de comprhension - si lon en dtient la cl du code (matrise
connotative du domaine scientifique respectif) -, dautre ct, leur
"complexit" due lacquisition et lexercice de la langue
trangre en question, aussi bien quau progrs scientifique des
domaines concerns.
Pour une meilleure illustration du phnomne
communicationnel en langue trangre spcialise, nous allons
passer brivement en revue quelques repres de la thorie du
langage, avec insistance sur sa fonction dnominative, de
codification et de communication.
1. Considrations sur la thorie du langage et sa fonction
dnominative
Les modles gnraux constituent lhritage intellectuel et
psychique de lhumanit et ils organisent et grent tous les domaines
de la connaissance. Si la facult de parler nest pas inne pour
chaque individu (il y a aussi des personnes qui naissent avec des
carences ou des dficiences du parler), la capacit dapprendre le
langage est commune tous les tres humains.
Lide dun langage commun lhumanit entire tait dj
prsente dans lAncien Testament. Lexemple classique est celui de
la Tour de Babel o tout le monde se servait dune mme langue et
des mmes mots (Gense, XI, 1). Les hommes avaient pch par
arrogance, ils avaient jet un dfi la divinit par leur tour trop
haute, ils en ont t punis et leur langage a t clat, devenant ainsi
337
une source dincomprhension, voire une absence de

communication.
Dans sa qualit de dpositaire et de transmetteur
dexprience et de connaissance, le langage naturel se constitue dans
un systme codifi dlments, contenant notamment des structures
communes toutes les langues, ce qui permet la traduction et la
communication entre les individus qui ont t forms dans des
milieux naturels et socio-culturels spcifiques.
Adam Schaff analyse le langage comme instrument
communicationnel et conclut qu'une pense conceptuelle ne serait
pas possible sans un systme dfini de signes et sans un corpus de
rgles smantiques et syntaxiques. Pourtant, la facult de parler n'est
pas inne un individu, comme cest le cas de la facult d'apprendre
parler. En tant que dpositaire et transmetteur d'exprience, le
langage se constitue dans une sorte de pratique condense qui
pntre dans notre connaissance. (SCHAFF 1974 : 230). Le
langage possde, donc, des lments communs toutes les langues,
ce qui permet la traduction et la communication entre des individus
qui ont t forms dans des environnements naturels et sociaux
spcifiques. Schaff appelle ces lments des universelles
linguistiques. (SCHAFF 1974 : 231). Cependant, les langues n'ont
pas un caractre immuable, elles sont, au contraire, dynamiques.
Cette ide, celle de lexistence de certaines structures
smantiques "constantes" - Greimas les appellent mme des
"constantes de sens" - est aussi soutenue par Patrick Charaudeau qui
insiste, pourtant, sur le fait que le signe linguistique nexiste que
dans le cadre du discours, ayant une qualit rfrentielle double: la
capacit de dsigner, celle grce laquelle le signe exprime "//
une certaine portion du monde physique, y inclut celle qui sappelle,
dune manire conventionnelle, mot abstrait", et la fonctionnalit qui
est "la valeur dutilisation du signe". On aboutit ainsi une
connaissance mta culturelle des signes lie la pratique sociale.
(CHARAUDEAU 1994 : 26).
338
Le mot est compar par Ferdinand de Saussure "une

sphre de Magdeburg". Il est form de signifiants (forme) et de
signifis (contenu) entre lesquels il y a un rapport de motivation: la
quantit, lordre dans une succession, etc. Pierce, affirme, au
contraire, quentre ces deux structures il ny a pas de relation
motivationnelle, notamment dans le cas des symboles
mathmatiques, chimiques... . Mais la motivation peut apparatre
dans le cas du processus de symbolisation, cest--dire alors que sa
signification habituelle est redouble dune information dun autre
type que celle purement rfrentielle, dnotative.
Octave Mannoni insiste sur lautocration du langage
pendant lacte communicationnel. Il enlve la barrire nette instaure
par Ferdinand de Saussure entre le signifi et le signifiant et affirme
que le langage naturel sarticule pendant les "conversations usuelles
de la vie". Mannoni observe quen dpit de la "polysmie
universelle" et de lchange permanent entre les signifies et les
signifiants, les interlocuteurs russissent pendant lacte
communicationnel viter, pourtant, lquivoque au niveau des
signifis. Le linguiste franais accorde, pourtant, trop dautonomie
aux phnomnes langagiers, ide continue par Tzvetan Todorov qui
affirme, lui aussi, limportance dune constante rfrentielle situe au
niveau du langage naturel et laquelle se manifeste pendant lacte
communicationnel.
Les smanticiens et les thoriciens de la communication
arrivent ainsi, chacun par des voies spcifiques son domaine de
recherche, la conclusion que le dveloppement des langages
naturels dpend dune constante, "la communicabilit" qui nat
pendant les changes sociaux, mais aussi de certains sens codifis
qui se produisent pendant lutilisation dans le cadre dun groupe plus
restreint (peuple, groupe ethnique, communaut scientifique,
artistique).
Le philosophe Merleau-Ponty observe que les mots qui
forment les langage naturel ont un attribut "coextensif" et lance
lide, reprise ensuite par dautres thoriciens de la communication,
339
celle du dveloppement du langage naturel par lapport de chaque

tre pensant qui est re-crateur de sens, ce qui mne la conclusion
que le langage dpend d'une constante, la communicabilit, qui se
dveloppe pendant les changes sociaux.
Quant au langage crit, celui-ci rajoute le signe iconique, la
lettre, la "constante de sens/luniverselle linguistique" et
linteraction signifiant-signifi. Le critique littraire roumain Criu
Dasclu observe un comportement cohrent du texte (langage naturel
exprim par crit) qui est dtermin par certains facteurs de natures
diffrentes. Il sagit de certaines "causes" situes au-del des
circonstances concrtes dans lesquelles se produit la communication
textuelle, indiffremment du texte; autrement dit nous avons affaire
"laltrite du texte", des sens nouveaux que le texte auto-engendre
au cours de la lecture.
Les langages naturels nont pas de caractre immuable,
quils sont, au contraire, vifs et dynamiques mais ils naissent, se
dveloppent, voluent ou meurent, et ils prsentent un niveau
dnotatif (les rfrences et leurs significations usuelles) et un niveau
connotatif (les significations mtaphoriques et symboliques, aussi
bien que les "prsuppositions" et/ou "implicatures non
conversationnelles" - dceles et analyses par les smioticiens et les
thoriciens de la pragmatique -, et/ou ou "laltrit du texte"
reconnue par les thoriciens littraires). En effet, on dit, en gnral,
que les aspects nonvriconditionnels du sens ne tiennent pas du
domaine de la smantique mais de la pragmatique. La frontire entre
les deux disciplines reste, nanmoins, trs sensible et difficile
tablir. On peut ainsi identifier, ct du sens vriconditionnel dune
phrase, un sens implicite, avec tous ses sous-entendus aussi bien
quavec toutes les prsuppositions (que Ducrot appelle "limplicite
du sens littral"), comte tenu du fait que les prsuppositions sont
dclenches par linteraction des structures linguistiques et non pas
par lutilisation dans les contextes, alors que les implicatures sont
lies aux rgles qui grent les communications (conversationnelles)
("les maximes conversationnelles" selon Grice).
340
En conclusion, pour quun discours soit compris par le

destinataire il faut que celui-ci connaisse les codes explicites aussi
bien quimplicites utiliss par lmetteur dans son message.
"Une langue donne est donc constitue par un ensemble
diversifi de sous-codes que le locuteur emploie en fonction
de ses modalits dialectales et qu'il slectionne en fonction de
ses besoins d'expression et selon les caractristiques de
chaque situation de communication. Cependant, au-del de
cette diversit foisonnante, toute langue possde un ensemble
d'units et de rgles que tous ses locuteurs connaissent. Cet
ensemble de rgles, d'units et de restrictions qui font partie
des connaissances de la majorit des locuteurs d'une langue
constitue ce qu'on appelle la langue commune ou gnrale
"(CABR 1998 : 115 in CALBERG-CHALLOT, M. 2007 2008, p.74 ).
2. Les langages de spcialit ou spcialiss
En ce qui concerne les langages de spcialit, son
appellation-mme suscite des interprtations diffrentes: langue
spcialise, langue de spcialit, langage scientifique, langage
technique, vocabulaire spcialis, vocabulaire scientifique et
technique, jargon des mtiers etc. Cette varit de dnominations
sexplique par la complexit du phnomne. Nous constatons
pourtant, que la tendance dappauvrir le sens du terme est due
lignorance de cette composante essentielle quest la communication.
Certains thoriciens et linguistes considrent quon ne peut
pas parler dune "langue de spcialit" en soi car il sagit, en fait,
seulement de lusage "dune terminologie, dune syntaxe et dune
organisation discursive", censes rendre la communication, dans
341
notre cas dans le domaine des affaires, claire et prcise, dpourvue

de toute possibilit dambigit.30
Cest que, dans les langages scientifiques, les mots et les
expressions, voire "les termes scientifiques", sont crs
arbitrairement, souvent force danalogies dues limagination de
leurs inventeurs), partir des mots pris dans le langage courant des
langues naturelles (par exemple le mot "mouse" en anglais, devenu
"souris" en franais ; autre exemple: "assiette de l'impt" qui
correspond "tax base" en anglais).
Les termes de spcialits sont, une fois crs et diffuss,
monosmiques et, par consquent, ils sont comprhensibles,
dhabitude, pour les personnes spcialises dans le domaine
scientifique respectif.
Par exemple, seul un spcialiste dans le droit du commerce et
des assurances saura ce que cest quun "avenant" = "terme utilis
particulirement dans le langage du droit des assurances pour
dsigner une convention crite qui est l'accessoire du contrat
principal dont l'effet est de modifier les conditions ou les modalits
des engagements qui figurent sur la convention initiale. On peut
trouver l'usage de ce mot dans d'autres contrats. Ainsi la convention
annexe dans laquelle les parties modifient le prix initial, la dure ou
l'objet de la location peut- tre dnomme avenant au bail".31
Nous avons retenu lappellation de "langage spcialis" (ou
"langage de spcialit") en lui prfrant ceux de "langue de
spcialit" ou "langue spcialise" pour viter toute sparation entre
la "langue commune", voire langue standard (ou langue naturelle) et
30
http://www.initerm.net/post/2007/10/24/Un-point-de-vue-sur-les-langues-despecialite; consult le 20.09.2013.

31
http://www.dictionnaire-juridique.com/definition/avenant.php;
consult
le
19.09.2013.)
342
le langage appartenant un certain domaine scientifique, artistique,

etc.
Il faut, galement, tenir compte de lvolution scientifique
et technologique dans les domaines concerns, ce qui oblige les
locuteurs des langages spcialises une permanente mise jour de
leurs connaissances dans le domaine respectif. Seule cette
ractualisation leur permet de pouvoir matriser le code linguistique
et raliser, selon les circonstances, le codage ou dcodage dun
discours (parl ou crit) en langage spcialis.
Nous allons citer quelques dfinitions formules par
certains thoriciens pour le "langage spcialis" (notre appellation):
"Expression gnrique pour designer les langues utilises
dans des situations de communication (orales ou crites)
qui impliquent la transmission dune information relevant
dun champ dexprience particulier." (GALISSON et
COSTE 1976 : 511).
"La notion de langue spcialise est [plus] pragmatique :
cest une langue naturelle considre en tant que vecteur de
connaissances spcialises." (LERAT 1995 : 20). // "Une
langue spcialise ne se rduit pas une terminologie : elle
utilise des dnominations spcialises (les termes), y
compris des symboles non linguistiques, dans des noncs
mobilisant les ressources ordinaires d'une langue donne.
On peut donc la dfinir comme l'usage d'une langue
naturelle pour rendre compte techniquement de
connaissances spcialises." (LERAT 1995 : 21).
"On appelle langue de spcialit un sous-systme
linguistique tel quil rassemble les spcificits linguistiques
dun domaine particulier. En fait, la terminologie,
l'origine de ce concept, se satisfait trs gnralement de
relever les notions et les termes considrs comme propres
343
ce domaine. Sous cet angle, il y a donc abus parler de

langue de spcialit, et vocabulaire spcialis convient
mieux." (DUBOIS et al. 2001 : 40).
"La linguistique descriptive [] condamne les dsignations
de langue technique et scientifique qui sont galement
impropres. Il convient plutt de parler de vocabulaires,
s'agissant d'emplois particuliers du franais et de ses
varits qui font appel, pour la prononciation, la
morphologie et la syntaxe, au fonds de la langue commune,
caractre partir duquel notre analyse tablit des rapports
fonctionnels mais non hirarchiss." (QUEMADA 1978 :
1153 in CALBERG-CHALLOT, M. 2007 -2008 : 85).
"Au sens propre il n'existe pas de langue du droit en soi
mais seulement, l'intrieur de la langue franaise, un
vocabulaire du droit, et sans doute quelques tours
syntaxiques spcifiques". (MOUNIN 1979 : 13 in
CALBERG-CHALLOT, M. 2007 -2008 : 75).
Un langage spcialis se dfinit, donc, par rapport la
langue commune, naturelle, avec laquelle il est dans une relation
indissoluble, car le premier dcoule de la deuxime ("toute langue de
spcialit est une simple variante de la langue gnrale.") (CABR
1998 : 119).
Cest que le langage de spcialit est moins gnral et,
donc, spcifique une communaut plus restreinte, forme de
personnes qui ont des connaissances spcialises dans des domaines
prcis. La diffrence entre la langue commune et le langage de
spcialit est due plutt au niveau et la frquence de lusage, au
rapport en gnral immotiv entre le signifiant et le signifi, et
labsence de symbolisation : // les langues de spcialit sont des
codes de type linguistique, diffrencis de la langue commune,
344
constitus de rgles et dunits spcifiques". (CABR 1998 : 118121).

Il faut galement se mfier de lappauvrissement du
concept en considrant le langage de spcialit comme un simple
vocabulaire restreint, confin un seul domaine, en le
dcontextualisant, en lui enlevant ses valences communicationnelles.
Car un langage de spcialit peut utiliser des moyens extralinguistiques tels les images, les sons, les gestes et mme
lhabillement (par exemple dans un contexte daffaires), le
parfum/larme, etc.). Il serait, donc, inappropri de dfinir les
langages de spcialit selon des critres uniquement linguistiques,
leur ct pragmatique tant fondamental. (CABR 1998 : 119).
Pourtant, si le langage spcialis utilise la langue naturelle,
cela ne suffit pas pour quun utilisateur commun de la langue
naturelle, non spcialise, puisse dcoder le langage de spcialit.
Les langages de spcialit reprsentent des systmes smiotiques
semi-autonomes, utiliss pour communiquer dans des contextes
spcialiss. (CABR 1998 : 119).
En effet, le locuteur du langage spcialis doit tre
familiaris avec les codes spcifiques pour le domaine dactivit
dans le cadre duquel ou au sujet duquel il veut raliser une
information ou, mme plus, une communication, sinon la
comprhension des langages spcialiss lui restera inaccessible. De
mme, si un utilisateur peut aborder un certain langage spcialis
cela ne lui assurera pas laccs tous les langages spcialiss dans
une langue commune (naturelle). Par exemple, un utilisateur du
langage spcialis de la chimie organique ne pourra pas,
implicitement, manier galement le langage spcialis en
mathmatiques ou en droit commercial. Pourtant, tous les locuteurs
dun langage spcialis sexpriment dans une mme langue, celle
naturelle. Cest pourquoi ils pourront sentendre tous dans le cadre
dune conversation usuelle, et participer des changes quotidiens
non spcialiss.
345
Mais les barrires entre les langages spcialiss

commencent seffondre dans un rythme de plus en plus alerte. A
lpoque actuelle, grce lexplosion informationnelle et, par cela
mme, la vulgarisation (voire la large diffusion dans un langage
moins spcialis plus explicatif et, donc, plus accessible des
publics non avertis), la comprhension des langages spcialiss
devient possible un nombre croissant de locuteurs qui parlent une
langue commune.
Si lon considre que la "langue gnrale" dsigne la langue
naturelle dans son intgralit, comprenant la "langue commune" et
les "langues de spcialit "
(DUBOIS et al. 2001 : 440), les
langages spcialiss seraient des "des sous-ensembles,
fondamentalement pragmatiques, de la langue dans son sens
global." (CABR 1998 : 119) et "// sont en relation dinclusion
par rapport la langue gnrale et en relation dintersection avec la
langue commune." (CABR 1998 : 126). Dans ce cas, il faut mettre
jour une autre caractristique du langage spcialis, qui tient de
linterdisciplinarit, du fait que certains termes, appartenant
initialement un langage spcialis, spcifique pour un domaine
scientifique, artistique, etc., peuvent tre adopts et utiliss dans
dautres domaines, galement spcialiss.
Par exemple, le mot "anamnse" employ initialement dans
le domaine mdical qui est utilis galement en psychologie,
sociologie, etc. : "ensemble des renseignements fournis au mdecin
par le malade ou par son entourage sur l'histoire d'une maladie ou
les circonstances qui l'ont prcde."32
Il faut galement remarquer que tant la langue commune
que les langages de spcialit se caractrisent par une permabilit et
une mobilit qui permettent le transfert de termes entre les diffrents
domaines dactivit mais aussi entre ceux-ci et la langue commune.
32
http://www.larousse.fr/dictionnaires/francais/anamn%C3%A8se/3248; consult le
20.09.2103.
346
Dhabitude, les termes spcialiss subissent une modification de

signification lorsquils sont utiliss dans la langue commune. Lon
assiste, dans ce cas, un "tirement de sens" (MEYER et
MACKINTISH 2000 : 199) suite auquel les termes deviennent plus
gnraux.
Par exemple le mot "conclusion" qui, en langu commune,
standard, signifie le rsum, la synthse prsents la fin dun texte
(parl ou crit), dans la correspondance daffaires il reprsente la
synthse du texte plus la formule de clture de la lettre (par
exemple : Dans lattente de votre dcision, que nous esprons
positive, nous vous prions dagrer, Madame, Monsieur,
lexpression de notre respectueuse considration.)
Les choses se compliquent encore dans le cas des langages
spcialiss en langue trangre o les locuteurs doivent avoir, par
surcrot, des comptences linguistiques dans la langue trangre
concerne, correspondant un niveau situ entre A2+ ou B1 (selon
le CECRL : le Cadre europen commun de rfrence pour les
langues) au minimum, pour pouvoir communiquer dans un contexte
professionnel.
A lpoque actuelle, le phnomne de globalisation influe
sur la prservation de la "puret" des langues par les emprunts
massifs de termes tels quels de langlais amricain.
Par exemple, le terme "cloud computing" (lequel est
gnralement utilis tel quel dans toutes les langues), tant largement
prfr aux termes autochtones, adapts dans diffrentes langues sur
son modle : "comunicare n cercuri" (en roumain) ou
"infonuagique" (en franais).
La difficult de sexprimer en langue trangre spcialise
et de traduire des textes spcialiss dune langue en autre est encore
plus grande, quand la langue cible a puis des termes dans la langue
source en les reprenant tels quils taient dans leur langue dorigine
mais en les adaptant phontiquement selon sa propre spcificit.
Cest le cas de nombreux termes du franais spcialis (par exemple,
347
du franais conomique) qui ont t repris par le roumain avec une

sonorit et une graphie la roumaine. Dans ce cas il y a une vritable
difficult dans leur utilisation par des personnes qui ne connaissent
pas leur sens scientifique, vu que le mot nexiste pas dans la langue
commune (le roumain).
Par exemple :
- "assiette dimpt" (en franais) = "asiet de impunere" (en
roumain)
"somme forfaitaire"(en franais) = "sum forfetar"(en
roumain)
En guise de conclusion
Les emplois observer pendant les transactions daffaires,
mme sils semblent, parfois, avoir une expression sophistique,
doivent tre accompagns, en dehors de la connaissance du langage
spcialis des affaires dans la langue de linterlocuteur, de la fine
psycho-sociologie de linteraction communicationnelle qui y joue un
rle essentiel.
En effet, la "psychologie ngociationnelle" de Commons est
oriente vers la comprhension des "processus mentaux" qui
conduisent la formation d'anticipations, ce qui est reli au concept
de "futurit" ("futurity") (BIDDLE 1990b : pp.3-4). Ce phnomne
anticipatif, qui prend en compte le fait que les transactions sont
orientes vers le futur, a, en effet, un ct psychologique. Un aspect
de la "psychologie ngociationnelle" traite, donc, des anticipations
que forme l'individu propos du comportement des autres individus
participant la ngociation. Il s'agit, en particulier, d'identifier les
"hypothses habituelles" auxquelles rpond l'action des individus et
des groupes. Dans le cadre des transactions, les individus se mettent
la place des autres, et il s'agit, alors, de comprendre leurs
"motivations", leurs "philosophies sociales" (COMMONS 1934 :
p.683), pour trouver le mot juste et anticiper leurs attentes.
Mais Adam Smith avait bien compris quune impartialit
parfaite pendant la communication, ainsi que la transparence des
348
arguments de la ngociation, nest quutopique (SMITH 1966 :

p.224). Il faut tenir compte du fait que les choses et les vnements
ont une signification toujours dans le contexte d'une interaction (il
n'existe pas de "monde pur" indpendant du contexte), et que les
significations changent constamment pendant les processus
interprtatifs qui sont permanents et toujours renouvelables.
Ceci dit, il convient davoir certaines directions suivre
pendant largumentation ngociatrice, tout en tenant compte des
implicatures (prsuppositions) inhrentes la communication.
Lors des ngociations, pour obtenir un effet positif qui
conduise la conclusion dune affaire avantageuse, il faut respecter
le principe des trois "Oui". Celui-ci qui exige quon obtienne trois
fois lacquiescement de la part du partenaire pour tre sr dune
issue victorieuse de la transaction et pour avoir une continuit dans
les affaires avec un certain client. Dans ces conditions il faut savoir,
par exemple, comment grer les propos de ngation au cours de
largumentation, et faire de telle manire que chaque ngation
devienne une assertion, quelle reoive une tournure affirmative.
Les atouts majeurs dont dispose un locuteur du langage
daffaires en langue trangre, pendant un tte--tte avec son
partenaire de ngociation, ressortent avec plus de prgnance si lon
compare, par exemple, une traduction faite par un tre humain une
traduction automatise.
La traduction ralise par une personne est fonde sur la
comprhension des langages naturels (le cas chant le franais) du
langage spcialis et des codes non-lexicaux utiliss pendant la
communication (gestes, mimique, vtements, etc.), alors que la
traduction automatise est base sur la simple mmorisation de
certaines structures basiques grammaticales et dun lexique exhaustif
(standard aussi bien que spcialis, par domaines tels lconomie, le
droit, etc.).
Exemples : texte en roumain :
"Locatorul prezint i garanteaz, c, pn la aceast dat,
coninutul extrasului din Registrul Fondului Funciar
349
menionat mai sus, cu nr. [], din [] este adevrat i corect,

i c statutul legal al Proprietii nu s-a schimbat n niciun fel
ntre data emiterii i data semnrii Acordului."
- Traduction humaine de la langue source - langlais - en franais:
"Le Bailleur prsente et se porte garant que le contenu de
lextrait du Registre Foncier mentionn ci-dessus, no. [], du
[] est, jusqu cette date, vrai et correct, et que le statut lgal
de la Proprit na chang de quelle que sorte que ce ft entre
la date de lmission et la date de la signature de lAccord."
- Traduction de la langue source - langlais - en franais, ralise par
le logiciel de traduction automatise de Google:
"Le bailleur reprsente et des garanties ces le contenu de
l'extrait mentionn ci-dessus du nr d'enregistrement de terre.
[] a dat [] ont lieu, en date de cette date vraie et corrigent,
et cela le statut juridique de la proprit n'a pas chang
quelqu'entre la date de l'tablissement et la date de la
signature de l'accord."
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352
LIDERI I LEADERSHIP. NTRE VIZIUNE,

STRATEGIE I ABILITI.
LEADERSHIP SITUAIONAL
Niculina VRGOLICI
Departement of Administration Sciences, Faculty of
Letters, University of Bucharest
Sebastian CHIRIMBU
Centre of Research and European Studies AEPEEC/
Although management and leadership do not define the same concept, these
terms are used, often interchangeably. Moreover, in recent times, there is a
tendency that all managers to be considered or to be called leaders. In
theory, the leadership is considered to be a function of management, and it
can be one of the explanations for which any manager has the quality of
leadership. At the opposite pole, there are leaders who do not occupy any
position of management, so called informal leaders. The reality has proven
that managers should be interested in becoming leaders, relying less on
formal naming and function in a management position. Leadership is the
ability to turn the vision into reality, the leader being the architect who
manages to transform what was merely a projection matrix blurred glimpse
of the future of the Organization, in a palpable reality. A leader can be the
manager, while a manager is not always a leader. If the management is
carrying out specific activities under the aegis of a formal authority,
leadership is more than just power and authority. The leadership adds
vision, boldness and a substantial amount of unique, personal qualities,
stimulating the process of leadership.
Key words: leadership, leaders, management, manager, organization,
human resources, communication
353
Noiunea de lider este utilizat frecvent de ctre experi n

management i resurse umane, de ctre profesori i studeni, de orice
angajat al unei firme de consultan, de specialiti n domeniul
comunicrii sau nespecialiti care doresc s dea o not pretenioas
unui speech sau unei comunicri scrise. Cu alte cuvinte, toat lumea
a auzit sau pronunat, cel puin o dat, cuvntul lider, i asta pentru
c are o semnificaie clar, de regsit n orice domeniu: aceea de a
conduce, de a fi n frunte. Studiul leadershipului a relevat i aspecte
mai profunde ale conceptului, iar teoreticienii sau profesionitii cu
statut de lider au formulat definiii i percepii aupra sa.
Prezentarea conceptelor teoretice
Un lider poate fi i manager, n timp ce un manager nu este
ntotdeuna un lider. Transformrile care au afectat planul social i
economic, n ultimele decenii ale secolului nostru, au fcut loc unei
exprimri mai creative a procesului de conducere, prin intermediul
leadershipului. Ceea ce unete cele dou concepte, dar le i separ n
acelai timp, este stilul de conducere, n primul rnd, urmat de modul
de relaionare cu subordonaii i abordarea sarcinilor. Se poate spune
c activitatea de conducere este att tiin ct i art, iar succesul
unei activiti depinde de ct de bine se mpletesc cele dou.
Managementul vizeaz activiti administrative i de afaceri,
planificare, implementare, monitorizare i atingerea unor rezultate,
toate desfsurate sub egida unei autoriti formale. Leadersipul este
mai mult dect autoritate i putere. Leadershipul adaug viziune,
ndrzneal, efort propriu i o sum de caliti unice, personale,
dinamiznd procesul de conducere.
Prin prisma poziiei ocupate, managerul ia decizii, d
indicaii, aplic sanciuni sau motiveaz. El se ocup de partea
administrativ, executiv, care vizeaz mult organizare, control,
implicit i activiti birocratice. Autoritatea lui este impus prin
funcie i nu totdeauna este preferatul grupului pe care l reprezint.
354
Adesea ales informal, liderul este reprezentantul grupului din care

face parte i purttorul su de opinie. El ncurajeaz lucrul n echip
i libera exprimare a adepilor si. Tot el deleag, coordoneaz,
ascult i soluioneaz probleme. Dac vorbim de ablitile sale de
comunicare, acestea se concretizeaz n prezentarea clar a opiniilor,
verbalizare i scriere eficient, i nu n ultimul rnd, ascultare activ.
Aproximativ aceeai poziie fa de ct de deschis, simplu i concis
trebuie s fie un lider, are i D. Nicolae (2011) care l citeaz pe
Andrei Gou, directorul unei companii romneti de consultan n
domeniul dezvoltrii organizaionale (Ascendis) , ntr-un interviu
pentru o revist de specialitate. El spune c nu trebuie s faci
lucruri sofisticate pentru a fi lider i nu trebuie s fie ca n
comunicare unde e mai uor s comunici alambicat i stufos dect
simplu i clar". 33
Dei managementul i leadershipul nu definesc acelai
lucru, termenii se folosesc adesea interschimbabil. Mai mult, n
ultima vreme, exist tendina ca toi managerii s se considere sau s
fie numii lideri. n teorie, leadershipul este considerat a fi o funcie
a managementului, iar aceasta poate fi una dintre explicaiile pentru
care nu orice manager are i calitatea de lider. La polul opus, exist
lideri care nu ocup nicio funcie de management, liderii informali.
Realitatea a dovedit c managerii ar trebui s fie interesai n a
deveni i lideri, bazndu-se mai puin pe funcie i pe numirea
formala ntr-un post de conducere. Managerii care nu sunt i lideri
sunt expui eecului, aa cum sugereaz i Leonard Sayles (1999).
Dac un manager reueste influenarea subordonailor n sensul
realizrii obiectivelor organizaiei, fr a face uz de autoritatea
formal, atunci el demonstreaz caliti de lider. n sprijinul acestei
ipoteze vine i Peter Druker care, n prefaa crii lui Warren Bennis,
33
Surs online: http://www.cariereonline.ro/articol/ce-ne-face-lideriexceptionali (accesat 05.10.2013)
355
Leaders, (2003) spune c orice manager care este n stare s

conduc, nu s in prelegeri, care tie s vorbeasc cu oamenii i
s relaioneze are datoria de a ncerca i rolul de lider". Warren
Bennis face i el diferena ntre manager i lider spunnd c a fi
manager nseamn a conduce, a avea responsabilitate, a realiza, n
timp ce a fi lider nseamn a influena i a ghida n aciune, direcie,
sens i opinii. Astfel, continu el, distincia este crucial: managerii
sunt cei care fac lucurile bine, iar liderii sunt cei care fac ceea ce e
bine" (2003:20). Liderii sunt cei care creaz periculos, dau natere la
idei, politici i metodologii noi, asumandu-i riscuri, nu doar
abordnd abil fondul deja existent.
Organizaia modern ntre leadership i management
funcional
Potrivit lui John P. Kotter (1990:91), organizaiile sunt
ameninate cu dispariia, dac nu au leadershipulul i managementul
funcionale. n opinia sa, managerii trebuie s tie s conduc, dar
i s inspire. Dac un manager este angajat de ctre organizaie i
investit cu autoritate formal n scopul de a-i conduce pe ceilali
ctre ndeplinirea obiectivelor, liderul este cel care i insufleete i i
inspir n munca lor. Aadar, leadershipul se ocup cu schimbarea,
motivarea psihologic i influenarea, n timp ce managementul
rspunde de partea executiv i scriptic. Deii liderii nu posed
puterea formal, adepii lor le ofer aceast putere prin
comportamentul i dedicarea lor. n cazul managerilor, subordonaii
i ndeplinesc sarcinile sub presiunea puterii formale a acestora. De
aici, dar nu numai, reiese c principala diferen dintre management
i leadership este convingerea c angajaii urmeaz voluntar liderii,
devenind adepi ai acestora, fr obligaii, ci pentru c aa doresc,
lucru care nu se ntmpl ntotdeauna n relaia cu managerii.
Profitabilitatea i eficiena activitilor unei organizaii este
condiionat de existena unui management puternic, a unei mini de
fier conductoare. n acelai timp, organizaia are nevoie i de
356
abilitatea de a face fa schimbrii, de strategii potrivite, de viziune,

atribute specifice leadershipul. Dac managementul nseamn a
merge pe un drum sigur, cu consecine favorabile i profitabile
pentru organizaie, leadershipul nseamn a cuta i gsi drumul cu
cele mai mari anse de reuit. Dei sunt dou sisteme de aciune
distincte, managementul i leadershipul sunt complementare. Nu
exist o formul procentual de combinare a celor dou sisteme, de
aceea echilibrarea lor ntr-un rezultat perfect reprezint o adevarat
provocare. Acest tablou este plastic exprimat i de ctre Stephen R.
Covey (1994: 86-87) care spune c managementul este eficiena n
urcuul pe scara succesului, iar leadershipul determin sprijinirea
scrii pe zidul potrivit".
Pentru c liderul este cel care anticipeaz, face planuri i
dezvolt strategii, lui i este asociat mai degrab planul imaginativ,
anticipativ i cognitiv, iar managerului, planul acional. Pe scheletul
realizat de lider, managerul pune crmid peste cramid i astfel,
mpreun ating un scop comun, cel al organizaiei. Nici unul nu
poate ntreprinde ceva complet fr ajutorul celuilalt i
suprapunerea eficient a celor dou sisteme poate deveni o premis
major a succesului, ntr-un mediu de afaceri din ce n ce mai
complex i mai schimbtor", declar John P. Kotter (2008:38).
Trsturi ale managerilor i liderilor
O alt abordare a diferenei dintre manager i lider propune
i Olga Dezso (2012), directorul executiv al unei firme mari de
consultan managerial, din Romnia, ntr-unul dintre interviurile
acordate unei reviste de specialitate. Ea este de prere c managerii
de elit privesc n interiorul companiei, n timp ce marii lideri i
concentreaz interesul spre exterior, spre posibiliti de deschidere,
spre viitor". Tot ea difereniaz ntre modul de formare a celor dou
caractere spunnd c adevraii manageri nu sunt mini-directori
care ateapt s li se ncredineze conducerea, a a cum marii lideri
nu sunt doar manageri care au ctigat un plus de rafinament. n
357
esen, aciunile unui manager i ale unui lider sunt cu totul

diferite Dac firmele vor amesteca cele dou roluri, ateptndu-se
ca toi managerii s fie lideri, sau vor considera liderul doar ca
pe o form mai avansat de manager, atunci rolul de
catalizator va fi subestimat, neles i jucat n mod nefericit".
Cu siguran nu toi managerii se definesc prin aceleai
abiliti i capaciti, aa cum nu toi liderii impart aceleai atuuri,
ns Max Lindsberg (2003) a ncercat gruparea i reprezentarea n
oglind a celor mai des ntlnite trsturi ale managerilor i liderilor,
privite din perspectiva viziunii, a motivaiei i a elanului. Viziune:
Managerul face lucrurile cum trebuie-Liderul face ceea ce trebuie,
Managerul se concentreaz asupra prezentului, asupra rezultatelor pe
termen scurt i asupra direciei generale de aciune-Liderul se
concentreaz asupra viitorului, pe rezultatele pe termen lung i
asupra orizonturilor, Managerul caut ordinea-Liderul se bucur de
schimbare, Managerul limiteaz riscurile-Liderul i asum riscuri,
Managerul apeleaz mai mult la raiune dect la emoie-Liderul
apeleaz la emotie, dar i la raiune. Motivaie: Managerul folosete
controlul-Liderul se bazeaz pe ncredere, Managerul structureaz
echipa i o organizeaz-Liderul atrage oamenii i i ndreapt ctre o
nou direcie, Managerul aplic stimulente-Liderul inspir,
Managerul apeleaz la abordarea oficial-Liderul apeleaz la o
cauz comun, Managerul pune accentul pe structur, tactic,
sisteme-Liderul pune accentul pe valorile eseniale, pe filozofia
comun i binele comun. Elan: Managerul se orienteaz spre
eficien-Liderul se centreaz pe eficien, Managerul ntreab
cum, cand?-Liderul ntreab ce, de ce?, Managerul
administreaz-Liderul inoveaz, Managerul optimizeaz ntr-un
cadru rigid-Liderul eludeaz regulile i politicile sau le schimb,
Managerul exercit autoritatea conferit de poziie-Liderul folosete
influena personal. Astfel, cu ajutorul modelului lui Lindsberg
regsim o imagine mai clar a paralelei dintre manager i lider ca
reprezentani ai managementului, respectiv leadershipului.
358
Stiluri de conducere i modele de leadership

Stilul de conducere reprezint modalitatea prin care un
conductor i exercit rolul n cadrul organizaiei. O definiie
cuprinztoare a stilului va nota aspecte referitoare la comportament,
atitudini, motivaie i situaia dat. Particularitile mediului
organizaiei decid asupra stilului de conducere, iar determinante n
acest sens sunt trsturile personale ale conductorului,
caracteristicile celor ce-l urmeaz, culura i structura organizaiei,
viziunea i strategia. Stilul este o caracteristic important a
strategiei de conducere, iar un lider bun i poate juca rolul n stiluri
diferite, reiese din analiza lui Mielu Zlate (2004: 31-75 i 94-147) cu
care suntem ntru totul de acord.
Tipologia stilurilor de conducere este complex.
Recunoscute n ntreaga literatur de specialitate drept repere, cele
trei stiluri de conducere identificate n 1938, de ctre Kurt Lewin, iar
mai trziu confirmate de R. Lippit i R. K. White, referitoare la
modul de manifestare a autoritii manageriale, sunt: stilul
autocratic, democratic i permisiv. Stilul autocratic sau autocrat este
reprezentativ pentru conductorul care determin activitatea
grupului, traseaz sarcini i cile de realizare ale acestora. Dei
genereaz tensiuni, frustrri i chiar agresivitate, stilul este eficient
pe termen scurt. Conductorul autoritar i domin subalterni, fr a
le asculta prerile. Dac deine tehnica necesar, experiena i
informaiile necesare privind soluionarea problemelor se poate numi
un lider de succes. Acest stil de conducere este folosit rar, doar cnd
situaia o cere. O echip pasiv, nenchegat sau nou format are
nevoie de coordonare continu i presiune din partea liderului pentru
a-i rezolva sarcinile. Stilul democratic sau democrat este specific
conductorului care discut problemele cu echipa sa i admite unul
sau mai muli dintre subordonai n procesul de adoptere al
deciziilor. Cu toate acestea, decizia final aparine conductorului.
Comportamentul consultativ al conductorului (stilul democratic-
359
consultativ) va genera respectul echipei sale, chiar dac uneori el mai

face aprecieri obiective i realiste asupra activitii celorlali. De la
acest tip de lider nu se ateapt s le tie pe toate, pentru asta el are
subordonai bine pregtii pe care i las s participle, alturi de el, n
mod egal, la luarea deciziilor (stilul democratic-participativ).
Abordarea acestui stil permite angajailor s simt c fac parte dintro echip, asigur interdependena membrilor grupului i stabilirea
unor relaii de bun colaborare ntr-un climat plcut. Stilul permisiv
sau laisser-faire este ntlnit n cazul conductorilor care las
subordonailor libertatea de decizie i aciune. Stilul este caracterizat
prin activitatea de delegare, ns responsabilitatea privind hotrrile
finale sunt asumate de conductor. Un alt motiv pentru care
conductorul deleag este acela ca are subordonai capabili,
informai, n care are ncredere. n plus, un conductor bun nu se
teme de delegare, ci o folosete n interesul grupului, dar i al
imaginii sale. Dei favorizeaz instalarea unei atmosfere destinse,
prost aplicat, stilul poate genera ineficien, din cauza slabei angajri
n munc. Acest stil este folosit atunci cnd membrii echipei au
pregtirea necesar pentru rezolvarea problemelor. Aadar, un lider
bun tie s aplice toate cele trei stiluri sau cobinaii ale acestora, n
funcie de situaie, pentru a atinge succesul. Atunci cnd se impune
luarea unei decizii de urgen, iar informaia i expertiza sunt
deinute de o conductor, stilul autoritar poate fi potrivit.
Dimpotriv, cnd fluxul organizaional funcioneaz n cadrul
echipei, fiecare tie ce are de fcut, stilul democratic se poate dovedi
mai eficient.
Clasificarea ce are drept criteriu atitudinea fa de
responsabilitate, adaug cteva elemente noi tabloului stilurilor de
conducere, aducnd n prim plan trsturile de carcter ale
conductorilor, aa cum arat cei trei autori romni Ileana Ursu, Dan
Stegroiu i Ioan Rus (1978: 141-142): stilul repulsiv caracterizeaz
un conductor ce prezint complexe de inferioritate, din care cauz
evit responsabilitatea, promovarea, ia decizii puin eficiente n
360
situaii deosebite; stilul dominant ar descrie un conductor dinamic,

activ, ferm, cu ncredere n forele proprii, comportament orientat
spre dobndirea puterii. Acest conductor este eficient n situaiile
extreme, ns genereaz tensiune i conflict n relaiile de munc.
Evit s-i recunoasc greeala n caz de eec; stilul indiferent este
propriu unui conductor dezinteresat de evoluia sa n ierarhie, dei
este un ef bun. Este echilibrat, realist, capabil s creeze un climat
pozitiv de munc, iar subalternii sunt considerai de pe poziii de
egalitate.
Derulnd firul istoric, la nceput, cnd abia se punea
problema distinciei ntre manager i lider, cei mai multi autori erau
de acord ca un lider este o persoana cu trasturi deosebite, nascut cu
instincte i carism de conductor. Teoria marelui conductor, a
Marelui Om in leadership, nu a rezistat, fiind contrazis de realitate.
La fel, teoria conducerii carismatice se ncadreaz n categoria
teroriilor personologice i se concentreaz n jurul liderilor cu har,
nascui pentru a conduce. Carisma este o calitate care te ajut n
leadership, dar, din pcate nu se poate nvaa sau antrena. Liderul
carismatic este aceala pe care oamenii l urmeaz orbete, este
persoana care atrage atenia i i concentreaz pe toi n jurul su. A
fi carismatic, ns, este un lucru relativ. Ceea ce unuia i se pare a fi
carism, altuia sau mai multora le poate prea ncredere excesiv de
sine sau chiar arogan. Mai mult, o organizaie cu un lider
charismatic prezint riscul de a se destrma odat cu retragerea
liderului. n sprijinul acestei abordri, Gou A. spune c prefer
leadershipul colectiv celui concentrat n jurul unui lider carismatic.
Justificarea pe care o aduce este dublat de experiena sa, iar
conform acesteia liderul carismatic poate intra n istorie, n timp ce
leadershipul colectiv ajut compania s nu devin istorie.
Este cert faptul ca nu exist o prescripie pentru succes
atunci cand vine vorba de conducerea unei organizaii. La fel, n
cazul stilurilor de conducere, nu se poate indica unul singur care s fi
dat roade n toate situaiile i n orice tip de organizaie. Aa cum
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calitile ateptate de la un manager variaz de la caz la caz, n

funcie de organizaie, nivel i aa mai departe, i stilul su de
conducere trebuie s fie adecvat situaiei n care este pus. Astfel,
odat cu diferenierea ntre deciziile luate de conductori, n situaii
distincte, au luat natere i teoriile situaionale. Aceast evoluie a
dus la inmulirea i diversificarea stilurilor de conducere, implicit la
controverse pe marginea lor. n ciuda acestora, majoritatea
specialitilor indica abordarea situaional a leadershipului ca
metod eficient de conducere. Modelul situaional reuete s mute
centrul de greutate de pe trsturile liderului pe modul n care el tie
s i le exercite n relaie cu angajaii, n situaii diferite. Mai detaliat
abordat, leadershipul situaional are trei coordinate: comportamentul
fa de sarcin, prin indicaiile pe care le da, comportamentul fa de
relaii, prin suportul emoional conferit i gradul de receptivitate fa
de sarcin al celor condui. Aadar, abordarea situaional se
concentreaz pe diverse combinaii de comportamente, n funcie de
sarcina i de relaiile specifice unei situaii. Teoretic, cnd o decizie
este necesar, un bun lider nu se limiteaz la a-i nscrie decizia ntrun anumit model, ci caut soluia cea mai bun. n practic, ns
lucrurile nu sunt att de simple. Printre factorii care afecteaz
deciziile situaionale se numr motivaia i abilitile subalternilor,
dar i relaia dintre acetia i liderul lor. Stresul, starea de spirit
general a echipei, o serie de decizii ale superiorilor sau
regulamentele pot influena, de asemenea, comportamentul
situaional al liderilor.
Leadershipul situaional
Leadershipul situaional a avut muli adepi i o serie de
specialiti care au conturat modele de urmat. Modelul TannenbaumSchmidt (1958) ilustreaz teoria numit de ctre autorii si (J.
Tannenbaum i L.A.Schmidt) continuumul stilurilor de conducere.
Modelul este unul unidimensional i folosete drept criteriu
autoritatea liderului, n raport cu libertatea subordonailor,
362
focalizndu-se pe rolul subordonailor n aceast relaie i mai puin

pe lider (1973: 26-40). Din model reiese c frecvena participrii
subordonailor la procesul decizional difer mult ntre o organizaie
cu stil de conducere orientat spre lider, unde participarea lor este
nesemnificativ i o alta, cu stil de conducere orientat spre oameni,
unde participarea lor este major. Modelul iniial arat cum stilul de
conducere este influenat de elemente ce in de lider, i anume,
personalitate, cunotine, experien, dar i de elemente care in de
subordonai, adic, trsturile de personalitate i ateptrile lor n
relaia cu liderul. Ulterior, autorii mbuntesc modelul, adaugnd i
elemente care in de mediul extern organizaiei. n modelul iniial,
ilustrat mai jos (Figura 1), exista apte trepte care reflect nivelul n
scdere al autoritii liderului versus nivelul crescand al libertii
subordonailor:
Figura 1 - Modelul Tannenbaum Schmidt
363
Atunci cnd un lider se decide s aplice principiul TannenbaumSchmidt este important s-i aminteasc c indiferent de ct
libertate las subordonailor, prin delegare, el i asum
responsabilitatea pentru orice problem ivit. Delegarea liberttii de
asumare a deciziilor de ctre o echip nu absolv liderul de
responsabilitate. De aceea, acest tip de delegare necesit un
conductor matur. Dac totul merge bine, echipa va obine creditul,
dac lucrurile iau, ns, o ntorstur proast, liderul trebuie s i
asume vina, fiind responsabil, n ultim instan, pentru judecarea
greit a datelor i neanticiparea riscurilor.
Modelul Hersey-Blanchard (1999) reprezentativ pentru teoria
situaional, demonstreaz c un lider bun i alege stilul n funcie
de maturitatea profesional i psihologic a subordonailor, iar asta
pentru c orice ar ntreprinde un lider, eficiena aciunilor sale va
depinde de aciunile subordonailor si. Un lider bun i ncurajaz
oamenii s se exprime, s aib opinii i iniiativ. Mai mult, conform
celor demonstrate de Paul Hersey, autor al crii "Leaderul
Situaional" mpreun cu Kenneth Blanchard, unul dintre autorii
best-seller-ului "Manager la minut", un lider de succes tie sa-i
adapteze stilul de lidership n funcie de situaie i de maturitatea
oamenilor pe care i conduce pentru a obine rezultatul scontat.
Aplicnd aceast teorie, liderul ar trebui s tie cnd s-i focalizeze
atenia asupra sarcinilor, i cnd ar fi potrivit s se axeze pe relaiile
sale cu oamenii pe care i reprezint. Modelul Hersey- Blanchard al
leadersipului situaional (Figura 2) scoate la lumin patru stiluri:
(S1) Stilul directiv (Telling), prin care lierul transmite clar
oamenilor si ce trebuie i cum s fac. Acest stil de leadership este
potrivit unui grup nou format, spre exemplu, care, pn la
acomodarea cu mediul si membrii echipei, are nevoie de indicaii
exacte n realizarea unei sarcini. Orientarea spre relaii este slab,
iar cea spre sarcin este puternic.
364
(S2) Stilul tutorial (Selling), prin care liderul furnizeaz indicaii

asupra a ceea ce trebuie fcut, dar ntr-o comunicare mai ampl cu
oamanii si. Atenia este nc centrat pe sarcin, se face simit i
grija fat de relaia inter-uman. Acest stil de leadership este potrivit
unei echipe care incepe s-i nchege relaiile inter-umane.
Orientarea spre relaii este la un nivel nalt, iar cea spre sarcin
este la fel.
(S3) Stilul participativ (Participating), prin care liderul lucreaza
cu echipa sa, fiind concentrat mai mult pe relaia cu acetia, dect
asupra sarcinii, n sine. n aceast faz, liderul ncepe s discute cu
echipa i despre deciziile pe care le va lua. Nivelul de maturitate i
competen la echipei este unul ridicat, iar liderul are acum ncredere
n puterea echipei sale de a duce sarcina la bun sfrit, pe cont
propriu. Acest stil de leadership se aplic, cu success, unei echipe
unde relaiile umane i profesionale sunt bine definite ntre membrii
si. Orientarea spre relaii este la un nivel nalt, iar cea spre sarcin
la un nivel sczut.
(S4) Stilul de delegare (Delegating), prin care liderul transfer
echipei sale cea mai mare parte a rspunderii ndeplinirii sarcinii. n
aceast faz, liderii doar monitorizeaza statusul sarcinii, fiind foarte
puin implicai n realizarea ei. Echipa a atins maturitatea deplin
acum, iar centrarea ateniei liderului pe relaiile cu oamenii si nu
mai este necesar. Acest stil de leadership este ntlnit n cazul
echiplor de success, cu vechime i rezultate deja dovedite.
Orientarea spre relaii este slab, iar cea spre sarcin la fel.
365
Nivel nalt
Relaii/Implicare
Nivel sczut
3. Stilul
participativ
relaii - nivel
nalt
sarcin - nivel
sczut
4. Stilul de
delegare
relaii - nivel
sczut
sarcin - nivel
sczut
Nivel sczut
Nivel nalt
2. Stilul
tutorial
relaii - nivel
nalt
sarcin - nivel
nalt
1. Stilul
directiv
relaii - nivel
sczut
sarcin nivel nalt
Sarcin/Abiliti
Figura 2 Modelul Hersey-Blanchard

Aplicarea oricruia dintre stilurile de leadership de mai sus
este n strns legtur cu maturitatea persoanei sau echipei asupra
creia se exercit, aa cum sunt de prere Hersey i Blanchard n
teoria maturitii subordonailor. Maturitatea este evaluat att din
punct de vedere profesional, ct i psihologic. n timp ce maturitatea
profesional se refer la abilitile tehnice relevante pentru munca
desfurat, nivelul de cunotine, capacitatea de a-i stabili eluri
profesionale i de a le ndeplini, maturitatea psihologic vizeaz
ncrederea n sine, capacitatea de a-i asuma responsabiliti i de a
administra independent sarcini n organizaie. Legat de aceast
relaie, n cadrul modelului Hersey-Blanchard, Herbert Strunz i
Monique Dorsch (2001:145) apreciaz c liderul ar trebui s se
concentreze mai mult pe relaii i mai puin pe sarcini, odata cu
creterea nivelului maturitii angajailor.
366
Concluzii
Nu trebuie s fii teoretician de meserie s poi observa i
exprima opinii n legtur cu fenomenul de leadership, mai ales daca
situaiile prin care ai trecut i confirm percepiile. Totui,
managementul i leadershipul sunt dou sisteme de aciune distincte,
dar complementare (Bratanov, Chirimbu 2012:47) . Nu exist o
formul procentual de combinare a celor dou sisteme, de aceea
echilibrarea lor ntr-un rezultat perfect reprezint o adevarat
provocare. Fostul juctor de fotbal, americanul Joe Namath, nscut
n 1943, el nsui un adevart lider, i exprim opinia clar, simplu i
original, n legtur cu acest fenomen, iar citatul su a devenit
faimos i a rmas n istorie: pentru a fi lider trebuie s ai puterea
de a face oamenii s te urmeze, i nimeni nu te va urma daca nu tii
ncotro te ndrepi".
Liderii excepionali sau vizionari reuesc s transpun
viziunile n realitate, iar asta presupune construirea unei strategii.
Managerii sunt cei care vor construi planul dup care viziunea v
cpta form. Cum ambele activiti au nevoie de suportul
subordonaiilor, fiecare dintre cei doi conductori trebuie s tie cum
s-i angreneze n proiect, prin activiti caracteristice funciilor pe
care le ndeplinesc.
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Vlsceanu, M., 2003: Organizaii i comportament organizaional,
Ed. Polirom, Iai
Zlate, M.2004: Leadership i management, Ed. Polirom, Iai
Zlate, M.,2004:Tratat de psihologie organizational managerial, Ed.
Polirom, Iai
368
SECTORUL SERVICIILOR N CADRUL

ECONOMIILOR MODERNE
Ctlina VLAD ALEXANDRU
Pariza Manea Natalia MANEA PARIZA
Academia de Studii Economice, Institutul de Studii Doctorale
Universitatea Spiru Haret,
Facultatea de Marketing i Afaceri Economice Internaionale
Services sector is a part of modern economies and significantly contributes

to the development of national economies, serving business units,
institutions, communities and individuals. Spectacular ascension of services
is based on technological progress, labors social division and increased
demand of services from the companies. The evolution of services activities
in the modern economies is strongly motivated by the percentage and
services contribution to The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) achieving, by
the sector employment and placement in the international trade.
Key words: services, modern economy, technological progress, services
society
Introducere
n prezent, sectorul serviciilor este parte integrant a economiilor
moderne i contribuie considerabil la dezvoltarea economiilor
naionale, deservind uniti economice, instituii, colectiviti i
persoane fizice. Ascensiunea spectaculoas a serviciilor are la baz
progresul tehnologic, diviziunea social a muncii i creterea cererii
pentru servicii din partea firmelor. Astfel, rile dezvoltate se
369
plaseaz astzi n era informaional post-industrial, caracterizat n

principal de o producie i un consum masiv de servicii (Ioncic et
al, 2011), aceste activiti fiind recunoscute pentru rolul deinut n
procesul de dezvoltare i bunstare social (Elche&Gonzlez, 2008).
Evoluia activitilor de servicii n cadrul economiilor
moderne este argumentat puternic de ponderea serviciilor i
contribuia acestora la crearea Produsului Intern Brut (PIB), de
ocuparea forei de munc n servicii, precum i de locul deinut de
sectorul serviciilor n cadrul schimburilor internaionale.
Serviciile pe plan mondial, privire de ansamblu
Dac lum exemplul rilor dezvoltate economic, precum:
SUA, Marea Britanie, Danemarca, Belgia, Olanda, etc., literatura de
specialitate atribuie serviciilor o pondere de 70% i 75% n ocuparea
populaiei i n crearea Produsului Intern Brut. La polul opus,
participarea schimburilor invizibile la comerul mondial este relativ
mai modest, oprindu-se la valoarea de 30%.
n ceea ce privete Romnia, este cunoscut faptul c
sectorul serviciilor a fost grav neglijat n perioada comunist, care a
promovat un model de dezvoltare predominant industrial-agrar. ara
noastr a realizat un progres lent n sensul conturrii unei structuri
macroeconomice moderne, abia dup anul 2003 sectorul serviciilor
ajungnd sa ocupe primul loc n privina ponderii n PIB (valoarea
adugat brut), ct i n populaia ocupat. Mergnd pe firul
evolutiv al sectorului serviciilor n ara noastr, sunt cunoscute
urmtoarele valori: la nivelul anului 1990 serviciile deineau o
pondere de 27,5% n populaia ocupat n angajri i 26,5% in
crearea produsului intern brut. Aa cum am precizat i mai sus, dup
anul 1990 sectorul serviciilor a cunoscut o cretere chiar dac
fluctuant n ara noastr, astfel: ncepnd cu anul 2000, ocup
primul loc n crearea Produsului Intern Brut, cu o pondere de 48,4%,
din anul 2003 nregistreaz locul nti i n angajri n populaia
ocupat, ponderea fiind de 35,7%. La nivelul anului 2010, serviciile
370
ocup locul nti in crearea Produsului Intern Brut i n populaia

ocupat, ns valorile sunt ceva mai mici fa de nivelul anului 2000,
respectiv: 47,5% n PIB i 41,2% n populaia ocupat (Anuarul
Statistic al Romniei, 2011).
Cu un exerciiu de imaginaie nu foarte greu, apreciem i
pentru viitor c dezvoltarea economic este susinut cu precdere de
evoluia activitilor de servicii, att pentru rile cu o economie
dezvoltat, ct i pentru cele cu o economie aflat n tranziie.
Experiena rilor dezvoltate ne demonstreaz faptul c sectorul
serviciilor reprezint att o premis a dezvoltrii economice, ct i
un rezultat al acesteia.
Literatura de specialitate prezint uneori dimensiunile
serviciilor, concretizate n: aspecte tangibile (structur fizic,
echipamentele folosite, personalul, instrumentele de comunicare);
fiabilitate (capacitatea de a presta serviciul promis); rspuns (voina
de a ajuta clientul i de a presta serviciul promis); competen
(abilitatea i cunotinele necesare prestrii serviciului); curtoazie
(gentilee, respect, consideraie, cordialitate); credibilitate (ncredere,
atenie, onestitate); siguran (pericole, riscuri, dubii); acces
(uurina contactului); comunicare (informarea clientului, folosirea
unui limbaj accesibil); inteligena clientului (perceperea dorinelor
lui) (Zamfir, 2011, p. 69).
Concluzionnd, vom trece n revist cteva repere n ceea
ce privete implicaiile sectorului serviciilor asupra nivelului de
dezvoltare a economiei, respectiv: gradul de ocupare a forei de
munc, observndu-se o teriarizare a forei de munc i a
categoriilor profesionale (Gadrey, 1992, p. 11); participarea
serviciilor la crearea Produsului Intern Brut, unele state cunoscnd o
schimbare a ponderii altor sectoare de activitate n favoarea
serviciilor, realizndu-se o servicizare a Produsului Intern Brut i a
ramurilor economiei naionale (Gadrey, 1992); mrimea investiiilor
angajate n servicii, care pn nu demult cunoteau un ritm sporadic,
pe cnd n prezent acestea depesc de cele mai multe ori celelalte
tipuri de investiii.
371
Argumente referitoare la fenomenul de expansiune a

afacerilor cu servicii
ncercnd o explicaie a fenomenului de expansiune a
afacerilor cu servicii, literatura de specialitate reunete numeroase
puncte de vedere i o multitudine de factori determinani. Dup unii
autori, o categorie de factori determinai ar fi: urbanizarea, acest
fenomen fiind urmat de o cretere a consumului de servicii;
productivitatea sczut a muncii: explicat de faptul c n multe ri
productivitatea relativ a serviciilor (raportul ntre ponderea
serviciilor n PIB i cea n populaia ocupat), cunoate valori
ridicate, cretere susinut de extinderea progresului tehnic i n
ramurile de servicii; nzestrarea cu factori: se refer la ieftinirea
forei de munc n rile aflate n curs de dezvoltare i implicit i a
serviciilor (Bhagwati,1987); rolul statului: reflectat n implementrea
unor programe de bunstare (n domeniul ocrotirii sntii,
educaiei, etc.) n rile dezvoltate i conturat sub forma unor
instituii guvernamentale n rile aflate n curs de dezvoltare,
conducnd la crearea a numeroase ocupaii n sectorul serviciilor.
Un studiu al Consiliului Economic Canadian apreciaz ca
prim factor determinant al expansiunii afacerilor cu servicii:
creterea cererii pentru servicii, alturi de: progresul
tehnologic, creterea complexitii sarcinilor, care impune
specializarea ntreprinderilor;
liberalizarea comerului i dezvoltarea comerului exterior,
conducnd spre noi oportuniti pentru afacerile cu servicii;
creterea cererii de servicii industrializate ca o consecint a
creterii nivelului de trai, sectoarele implicate fiind:
alimentaia, agrementul, odihna, serviciile personale;
creterea cererii de servicii publice, firmele contientiznd
importana protejrii i investirii n capitalul uman.
Prerea altor autori n ceea ce privete factorii care au
determinat expansiunea afacerilor cu servicii, reunete:
372
creterea continu a cererii pentru servicii ca o consecin

a creterii veniturilor populaiei, realizndu-se cheltuieli din
ce n ce mai mari pentru servicii;
intensificarea procesului de externalizare a serviciilor, acest
fenomen fiind datorat: concentrrii asupra activitilor de
baz ca urmare a intensificrii concurenei; reducerii
costurilor totale prin solicitarea firmelor prestatoare de
servicii; necesitaii utilizrii unor cunotine specializate n
rezolvarea unor probleme; accesului la resurse
suplimentare,
precum:
aptitudini,
tehnologii,
management,valorificarea capitalului;
dezvoltarea tehnologic i impactul acesteia asupra
productivitii serviciilor, sczut, comparativ cu alte
sectoare ale economiei, deoarece serviciile sunt mai puin
dependente de noile tehnologii;
apariia societii de servicii neleas ca o nou societate,
marcat de o revoluie a serviciilor, care reprezint liantul
ntre societatea industrial i noua societate n dezvoltare.
Concluzii
Dezvoltarea sectorului teriar este un proces dinamic n continu

evoluie. Ca o consecin a progreselor rapide n procesele de
industrializare, sectorul teriar ndeplinete o funcie economic i
social de importan major, funcie care odat ndeplinit
determin mbuntirea calitii vieii (Babucea, Rabontu, 2011).
Dezvoltarea serviciilor reprezint pe de-o parte o consecin
direct a progresului tehnic din acest sector, iar pe de alt parte, ns,
este de neconceput progresul tehnic din sectoarele primar i
secundar, fr o dezvoltare susinut n cercetare, telecomunicaii,
nvmnt, informatic, sistem bancar, etc., tocmai ca efect al
receptivitii fa de evoluia tehnologic (Zamfir, 2011, p. 61).
Dezvoltarea sectorului serviciilor este extrem de necesar
pentru dezvoltarea economiei romneti n ansamblul su.
373
Referine bibliografice:
Ioncic et al, (2011), Services specialization (a possible index) and
its connection with competitiveness: the case of Romania, The
Service Industrial Journal, vol. 30, nos. 11-12, SeptemberOctober 2010, 2023-2044
Elche, D.M., Gonzles, A., (2008), Influence of innovation on
performance: Analysis of Spanish service firms, The Service
Industries Journal, 28 (10), 1483-1499
Zamfir, A., (2011), Managementul serviciilor, Editura ASE,
Bucureti, pag. 71-72
Gadrey, J., (1992), L'Economie des services, Editions la Decouverte,
Paris
Bhagwati, J., (1987), International Trade in Services and its
Relevance for Economic Development, n: Orio Giarini (ed.), The
Emerging Service Economy, Pergamon Press, Oxford
Babucea, A.G., Rabontu, C.I., Serviciile de pia i rolul lor n
determinarea calitii vieii populaiei din Romnia, Analele
Universitii Constantin Brncui , Seria Economie,
nr. 2/2011
xxx
Institutul
Naional
de
Statistic,
2011,
http://www.insse.ro/cms/rw/pages/index.ro.do
374
NOTES
375
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1

From Management Culture to Cultural Management. Conference

Dear guests, colleagues and students,

Foundation in Vienna and Prof. Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG, PhD.,

Assoc. Prof. Valentin Partenie MUNTEANU, PhD

Assoc. Prof. Diana SALA, PhD, Faculty of Economics and Business

Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iai

Viorica BANCIU, PhD, is a reader in Didactic and Foreign

University, Bucharest, Romania, and mentor-trainer in Management

adaptation (in the field of Philology) from the West University of

Ioanna FOKOU is currently teaching at the

Natalia MANEA PARIZEA is currently teaching at the Spiru Haret

Management and Marketing; Competitiveness culture; Industrial

language and civilization; French for business; professional

Notes on Contributors ................................................

Cristian BDOIU ......................................................

Maja BLDEA ............................................................

Viorica BANCIU .........................................................

Alexandru BURDA .....................................................

Sebastian CHIRIMBU ................................................

tefana-Oana CIORTEA-NEAMIU ......................

Sanda Ligia CRISTEA ...............................................

Corina DRAGOMIRESCU ........................................

Ioanna FOKOU ...........................................................

tefan IMRE ...............................................................

Isabel LAZR .............................................................

Ileana PINTILIE TELEAG ....................................

Sorina ERBNESCU ...............................................

Sorina ERBNESCU ...............................................

Niculina VARGOLICI ................................................

Ctlina VLAD ALEXANDRU .................................

CULTURAL TOURISM TIMIOARAA PRACTICAL APPROACH WITH SPECIAL FOCUS

1. Art Nouveau and the cultural Tourism in Timioara

expression in architecture flourished all over Europe, and even

Fig. 2. Not quite a mature Art Nouveau, but almost a manifesto

development of the city. This development started in the 1880's

Fig. 3. The hydro-power plant of the city is at the same time an

sorts (how many are truly Secessionist monuments? How many

erbnescu,Sorina,"Aperu sur les itinraires architecturaux

address this issue on another place. The problems appear when we

Fig. 5-7. A Secessionist stove in the Iosefin neighbourhood. It is

probably, but we cannot issue an opinion about to what extent this

Fig. 8. Secessionist intarsia with inlay wood and mother-of-pearl in

(of technical nature) have been designed in Secessionist style (even

Fig. 9-10. Close to the centre of the town, in the Elisabetin

the attractiveness of Timioara's Secession, making it suitable to

Fig. 11. Highly aesthetic, but unknown

1.2. The use of Art Nouveau for cultural tourism in other

renovations and started actively promoting their Art Nouveau

long periods, or where just insufficiently or improperly used. In other

Fig. 13. Oradea (RO), the Black Eagle, a spectacular Art

encourage the tour operators to offer longer trips, 7 to 10 days,

tourism which accumulated in the meantime, we think that there

2. Practical proposals for the development of the cultural

discussion would be more complicated, but we shall keep it simple

mostly restored destinations in Romania (the cities of Sibiu and

to visit the small villages of native tribes in Zimbabwe much less

the skepticism of many locals. This skepticism towards Timioara's

stands in cultural tourism, coming from somebody who has worked

that are only possible to encounter in ethnographic museums).

Fig. 18. A Japanese visitor carefully scanning for imperfections an

choice of brands of guide books. Some of them are quite famous,

blogged and gets the chance of viral spreading. Timi oara's