Connecticut slaves petition for freedom (1779).

To the Honbl General Assembly of the State of Connecticut to be held at

Hartford on the Second Thursday of Instant May [1779] -- The Petition of
the Negroes in the Towns of Stratford and Fairfield in the County of
Fairfield Who are held in a State of Slavery humbly sheweth -That many of your Petitioners, were (as they verily believe) most unjustly
torn, from the Bosoms of their dear Parents, and Friends, and without any
Crime, by them committed, doomed, and bound down, to perpetual Slavery;
and as if the Perpetrators of this horrid Wickedness were Conscious (that
we poor Ignorant Africans, upon the least Glimmering Light, derived from a
Knowledge of the Sense and Practice of civilized Nations), should Convince
them of their Sin. They have added another dreadful Evil of holding us in
gross Ignorance, so as to render Our Subjection more easy and tolerable.
May it please your Honours, we are most grievously affected, under the
Consideration of the flagrant Injustice; Your Honours who are nobly
contending, in the Cause of Liberty, whose Conduct excites the Admiration,
and Reverence, of all the great Empires of the World, will not resent our
thus freely animadverting, on this detestable Practice; altho our Skins are
different in Colour, from those who we serve, yet Reason & Revelation join
to declare, that we are the Creatures of that God who made of one Blood,
and Kindred, all the Nations of the Earth; we perceive by our own
Reflection, that we are endowed, with the same Faculties, with our Masters,
and there is nothing, that leads us to a Belief, or Suspicion, that we are any
more obliged to serve them, than they us, and the more we Consider of this
Matter, the more we are Convinced, of our Right (by the Law's of Nature
and by the whole Tenor, of the Christian Religion, so far as we have been
taught) to be free; we have Endeavoured rightly to understand, what is our
Right, and what is our Duty, and can never be convinced, that we were
made to be Slaves Altho God almighty, may justly lay this. And more upon
us, yet we deserve it not, from the hands of Men. We are impatient under
the grievous Yoke, but our Reason teaches us, that it is not best for us, to
use violent measures, to cast it off; we are also Convinced, that we are
unable to extricate ourselves, from our abject State; but we think we may
with the greatest Propriety, look up to your Honours, (who are the fathers of
the People) for Relief. And we not only groan under our own Burden, but
with Concern & Horror, look forward & Contemplate, the miserable
Condition, of our Children, who are training up, and kept in Preparation, for
a like State of Bondage, and Servitude. We beg leave to submit to your
Honours serious Consideration, whether it is Consistent with the Present
Claims, of the united States to hold so many Thousands, of the Race of
Adam, our Common Father, in perpetual Slavery. Can human Nature
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endure the Shocking Idea? Can your Honours any longer Suffer, this great
Evil to prevail, under your Government? We entreat your Honours, let no
Considerations of Publick Inconvenience, deter your Honours, from
interposing in Behalf of your Petitioners; who ask for nothing, but what we
are fully persuaded, is ours to Claim. we beseech your Honours, to weigh
this Matter, in the Scale of Justice, and in your great Wisdom and Goodness,
apply such Remedy, as the Evil does require; and let your Petitioners.
Rejoice with your Honours, in the Participation, with your Honours, of that
inestimable Blessing,
Freedom and your Humble Petitioners, as in Duty bound, shall Ever pray
&c. dated in Fairfield the 11th Day of May AD 1779 -prime a Negro Man Servant to Mr. Saml Surges of Fairfield Prince his X
mark Servant of Capt Stephen Jennings of Fairfield in Behalf of Themselves
and the other Petitioners Signed in Presence of Jonth Surges
"FELIX" (UNKNOWN) SLAVE PETITION FOR FREEDOM (JANUARY 6,
1773)1
Province of the Massachusetts Bay To His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson,
Esq; Governor; To The Honorable His Majesty s Council, and To the
Honorable House of Representatives in General Court assembled at Boston,
the 6th Day of January, 1773.
The humble PETITION of many Slaves, living in the Town of Boston, and
other Towns in the Province is this, namely That your Excellency and
Honors, and the Honorable the Representatives would be pleased to take
their unhappy State and Condition under your wise and just Consideration.
We desire to bless God, who loves Mankind, who sent his Son to die for their
Salvation, and who is no respecter of Persons; that he hath lately put it into
the Hearts of Multitudes on both Sides of the Water, to bear our Burthens,
some of whom are Men of great Note and Influence; who have pleaded our
Cause with Arguments which we hope will have their weight with this
Honorable Court.
We presume not to dictate to your Excellency and Honors, being willing to
rest our Cause on your Humanity and justice; yet would beg Leave to say a
Word or two on the Subject. Although some of the Negroes are vicious, (who
doubtless may be punished and restrained by the same Laws which are in
Force against other of the Kings Subjects) there are many others of a quite
different Character, and who, if made free, would soon be able as well as
willing to bear a Part in the Public Charges; many of them of good natural
Parts, are discreet, sober, honest, and industrious; and may it not be said of
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many, that they are virtuous and religious, although their Condition is in
itself so unfriendly to Religion, and every moral Virtue except Patience. How
many of that Number have there been, and now are in this Province, who
have had every Day of their Lives embittered with this most intolerable
Reflection, That, let their Behaviour be what it will, neither they, nor their
Children to all Generations, shall ever be able to do, or to possess and enjoy
any Thing, no, not even Life itself, but in a Manner as the Beasts that
perish.
We have no Property. We have no Wives. No Children. We have no City. No
Country. But we have a Father in Heaven, and we are determined, as far as
his Grace shall enable us, and as far as our degraded contemptuous Life will
admit, to keep all his Commandments: Especially will we be obedient to our
Masters, so long as God in his sovereign Providence shall suffer us to be
holden in Bondage.
It would be impudent, if not presumptuous in us, to suggest to your
Excellency and Honors any Law or Laws proper to be made, in relation to
our unhappy State, which, although our greatest Unhappiness, is not our
Fault; and this gives us great Encouragement to pray and hope for such
Relief as is consistent with your Wisdom, justice, and Goodness.
We think Ourselves very happy, that we may thus address the Great and
General Court of this Province, which great and good Court is to us, the
best judge, under God, of what is wise, just and good.
We humbly beg Leave to add but this one Thing more: We pray for such
Relief only, which by no Possibility can ever be productive of the least
Wrong or Injury to our Masters; but to us will be as Life from the dead.
Signed,
FELIX
PETER BESTES AND OTHER SLAVES PETITION FOR FREEDOM
(APRIL 20,1773)2
Sir,
The efforts made by the legislative of this province in their last sessions to
free themselves from slavery, gave us, who are in that deplorable state, a
high degree of satisfaction. We expect great things from men who have
made such a noble stand against the designs of their fellow-men to enslave
them. We cannot but wish and hope Sir, that you will have the same grand
object, we mean civil and religious liberty, in view in your next session. The
divine spirit of freedom, seems to fire every humane breast on this
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continent, except such as are bribed to assist in executing the execrable

plan.
WE are very sensible that it would be highly detrimental to our present
masters, if we were allowed to demand all that of right belongs to us for
past services; this we disclaim. Even the Spaniards, who have not those
sublime ideas of freedom that English men have, are conscious that they
have no right to all the service of their fellow-men, we mean the Africans,
whom they have purchased with their money; therefore they allow them one
day in a week to work for them-selve[s], to enable them to earn money to
purchase the residue of their time, which they have a right to demand in
such portions as they are able to pay for (a due appraizment of their
services being first made, which always stands at the purchase money). We
do not pretend to dictate to you Sir, or to the honorable Assembly, of which
you are a member: We acknowledge our obligations to you for what you
have already done, but as the people of this province seem to be actuated
by the principles of equity and justice, we cannot but expect your house will
again take our deplorable case into serious consideration, and give us that
ample relief which, as men, we have a natural right to.
BUT since the wise and righteous governor of the universe, has permitted
our fellow men to make us slaves, we bow in submission to him, and
determine to behave in such a manner, as that we may have reason to
expect the divine approbation of, and assistance in, our peaceable and
lawful attempts to gain our freedom.
WE are willing to submit to such regulations and laws, as may be made
relative to us, until we leave the province, which we determine to do as soon
as we can from our joynt labours procure money to transport ourselves to
some part of the coast of Africa, where we propose a settlement. We are
very desirous that you should have instructions relative to us, from your
town, therefore we pray you to communicate this letter to them, and ask
this favor for us.
In behalf of our fellow slaves in this province, And by order of their
Committee.
PETER BESTES
SAMBO FREEMAN
FELIX HOLBROOK
CHESTER JOIE
"PETITION OF A GRATE NUMBER OF BLACKES" TO THOMAS GAGE
(MAY 25, 1774)3
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The Petition of a Grate Number of Blackes of this Province who by divine

permission are held in a state of Slavery within the bowels of a free and
christian Country
Humbly Shewing
That your Petitioners apprehind we have in common with all other men a
naturel right to our freedoms without Being depriv'd of them by our fellow
men as we are a freeborn Pepel and have never forfeited this Blessing by
aney compact or agreement whatever. But we were unjustly dragged by the
cruel hand of power from our dearest frinds and sum of us stolen from the
bosoms of our tender Parents and from a Populous Pleasant and plentiful
country and Brought hither to be made slaves for Life in a Christian land.
Thus are we deprived of every thing that hath a tendency to make life even
tolerable, the endearing ties of husband and wife we are strangers to for we
are no longer man and wife then our masters or mestreses thinkes proper
marred or on marred. Our children are also taken from us by force and sent
maney miles from us wear we seldom or ever see them again there to be
made slaves of for Life which surnames is vere short by Reson of Being
dragged from their mothers Breest[.] Thus our Lives are imbittered to us on
these accounts [.] By our deplorable situation we are rendered incapable of
shewing our obedience to Almighty God[.] [H]ow can a slave perform the
duties of a husband to a wife or parent to his child [?] How can a husband
leave master and work and cleave to his wife[?] How can the wife submit
themselves to there husbands in all things[?] How can the child obey thear
parents in all things[?] ...
How can the master be said to Beare my Borden when he Beares me down
whith the Have chanes of slavery and operson [oppression] against my will
and how can we fulfill our parte of duty to him whilst in this condition [?] [A]
nd as we cannot searve our God as we ought whilst in this situation Nither
can we reap an equal benefet from the laws of the Land which doth not
justifl but condemns Slavery or if there had bin aney Law to hold us in
Bondege we are Humbely of the Opinon ther never was aney to inslave our
children for life when Born in a free Countrey. We therefor Bage your
Excellency and Honours will give this its deu weight and consideration and
that you will accordingly cause an act of the legislative to be pessed that we
may obtain our Natural right our freedoms and our children be set at lebety
[liberty].
"PETITION OF A GREAT NUMBER OF NEGROES" TO THE
MASSACHUSETTS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES (JANUARY 13,
1777)4
To the Honorable Council and House of Representatives for the State of
Massachusetts-Bay in General Court assembled January 13th[,] 1777.
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The Petition of a great number of Negroes who are detained in a state of

Slavery in the Bowels of a free and Christian Country Humbly Shewing:
That your Petitioners apprehend that they have, in common with all other
Men, a natural and unalienable right to that freedom, which the great
Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all Mankind, and which
they have never forfeited by any compact or agreement whateverBut they
were unjustly dragged, by the cruel hand of Power, from their dearest
friends, and some of them even torn from the embraces of their tender
Parents, from a populous, pleasant and plentiful Countryand in Violation
of the Laws of Nature and of Nation and in defiance of all the tender
feelings of humanity, brought hither to be sold like Beasts of Burden, and
like them condemned to slavery for LifeAmong a People professing the
mild Religion of JesusA People not insensible of the sweets of rational
freedomNor without spirit to resent the unjust endeavors of others to
reduce them to a State of Bondage and Subjection.
Your Honors need not to be informed that a Life of Slavery, like that of your
petitioners, deprived of every social privilege, of every thing requisite to
render Life even tolerable, is far worse than Non-ExistenceIn imitation of
the laudable example of the good People of these States, your Petitioners
have long and patiently waited the event of Petition after Petition by them
presented to the legislative Body of this State, and can not but with grief
reflect that their success has been but too similar.
They can not but express their astonishment, that it has never been
considered, that every principle from which America has acted in the course
of her unhappy difficulties with Great-Britain, pleads stronger than a
thousand arguments in favor of your Petitioners.
They therefore humbly beseech your Honors, to give this Petition its due
weight and consideration, and cause an Act of the Legislature to be passed,
whereby they may be restored to the enjoyment of that freedom which is
the natural right of all Menand their Children (who were born in this Land
of Liberty) may not be held as Slaves after they arrive at the age of twenty
one years.
So may the Inhabitants of this State (no longer chargeable with the
inconsistency of acting, themselves, the pan which they condemn and
oppose in others) be prospered in their present glorious struggles for
liberty; and have those blessings secured to them by Heaven, of which
benevolent minds can not wish to deprive their fellow Men.
And your Petitioners, as in Duty Bound shall ever pray.

Abigail Adams to John Adams

Braintree March 31, 1776
I wish you would ever write me a Letter half as long as I write you; and tell
me if you may where your Fleet are gone? What sort of Defence Virginia can
make against our common Enemy? Whether it is so situated as to make an
able Defence? Are not the Gentery Lords and the common people vassals,
are they not like the uncivilized Natives Brittain represents us to be? I hope
their Riffel Men who have shewen themselves very savage and even Blood
thirsty; are not a specimen of the Generality of the people.
I am willing to allow the Colony great merrit for having produced a
Washington but they have been shamefully duped by a Dunmore.
I have sometimes been ready to think that the passion for Liberty cannot be
Eaquelly Strong in the Breasts of those who have been accustomed to
deprive their fellow Creatures of theirs. Of this I am certain that it is not
founded upon that generous and christian principal of doing to others as we
would that others should do unto us.
Do not you want to see Boston; I am fearfull of the small pox, or I should
have been in before this time. I got Mr. Crane to go to our House and see
what state it was in. I find it has been occupied by one of the Doctors of a
Regiment, very dirty, but no other damage has been done to it. The few
things which were left in it are all gone. Cranch [Crane?] has the key which
he never deliverd up. I have wrote to him for it and am determined to get it
cleand as soon as possible and shut it up. I look upon it a new acquisition of
property, a property which one month ago I did not value at a single
Shilling, and could with pleasure have seen it in flames.
The Town in General is left in a better state than we expected, more oweing
to a percipitate flight than any Regard to the inhabitants, tho some
individuals discoverd a sense of honour and justice and have left the rent of
the Houses in which they were, for the owners and the furniture unhurt, or
if damaged sufficent to make it good.
Others have committed abominable Ravages. The Mansion House of your
President [John Hancock] is safe and the furniture unhurt whilst both the
House and Furniture of the Solisiter General [Samuel Quincy] have fallen a
prey to their own merciless party. Surely the very Fiends feel a Reverential
awe for Virtue and patriotism, whilst they Detest the paricide and traitor.
I feel very differently at the approach of spring to what I did a month ago.
We knew not then whether we could plant or sow with safety, whether when
we had toild we could reap the fruits of our own industery, whether we
7

could rest in our own Cottages, or whether we should not be driven from
the sea coasts to seek shelter in the wilderness, but now we feel as if we
might sit under our own vine and eat the good of the land.
I feel a gaieti de Coar to which before I was a stranger. I think the Sun looks
brighter, the Birds sing more melodiously, and Nature puts on a more
chearfull countanance. We feel a temporary peace, and the poor fugitives
are returning to their deserted habitations.
Tho we felicitate ourselves, we sympathize with those who are trembling
least the Lot of Boston should be theirs. But they cannot be in similar
circumstances unless pusilanimity and cowardise should take possession of
them. They have time and warning given them to see the Evil and shun it.-I
long to hear that you have declared an independancy-and by the way in the
new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I
desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and
favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power
into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they
could. If perticuliar care and attention is not paid to the Laidies we are
determined to foment a Rebelion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any
Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established
as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give
up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of
Friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless
to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of Sense in all Ages
abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your Sex. Regard
us then as Beings placed by providence under your protection and in
immitation of the Supreem Being make use of that power only for our
happiness.
April 5
Not having an opportunity of sending this I shall add a few lines more; tho
not with a heart so gay. I have been attending the sick chamber of our
Neighbour Trot whose affliction I most sensibly feel but cannot discribe,
striped of two lovely children in one week. Gorge the Eldest died on
wednesday and Billy the youngest on fryday, with the Canker fever, a terible
disorder so much like the thr[o]at distemper, that it differs but little from it.
Betsy Cranch has been very bad, but upon the recovery. Becky Peck they do
not expect will live out the day. Many grown person[s] are now sick with it,
in this [street?] 5. It rages much in other Towns. The Mumps too are very
frequent. Isaac is now confined with it. Our own little flock are yet well. My
Heart trembles with anxiety for them. God preserve them.
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I want to hear much oftener from you than I do. March 8 was the last date
of any that I have yet had. - You inquire of whether I am making Salt peter. I
have not yet attempted it, but after Soap making believe I shall make the
experiment. I find as much as I can do to manufacture cloathing for my
family which would else be Naked. I know of but one person in this part of
the Town who has made any, that is Mr. Tertias Bass as he is calld who has
got very near an hundred weight which has been found to be very good. I
have heard of some others in the other parishes. Mr. Reed of Weymouth has
been applied to, to go to Andover to the mills which are now at work, and
has gone. I have lately seen a small Manuscrip de[s]cribing the proportions
for the various sorts of powder, fit for cannon, small arms and pistols. If it
would be of any Service your way I will get it transcribed and send it to you.
- Every one of your Friend[s] send their Regards, and all the little ones. Your
Brothers youngest child lies bad with convulsion fitts. Adieu. I need not say
how much I am Your ever faithfull Friend.
Butterfield, L.H., editor. Adams Family Correspondence, vol.1: pp. 369-371.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,
1963-1993.

Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren

Braintree April 27 1776
I set myself down to comply with my Friends request, who I think
seem's rather low spiritted.
I did write last week, but not meeting with an early conveyance I
thought the Letter of But little importance and tos'd it away. I acknowledg
my Thanks due to my Friend for the entertainment she so kindly afforded
me in the Characters drawn in her Last Letter, and if coveting my
Neighbours Goods was not prohibited by the Sacred Law, I should be most
certainly tempted to envy her the happy talant she { 397 } possesses above
the rest of her Sex, by adorning with her pen even trivial occurances, as
well as dignifying the most important. Cannot you communicate some of
those Graces to your Friend and suffer her to pass them upon the World for
her own that she may feel a little more upon an Eaquality with you?Tis
true I often receive large packages from P[hiladelphi]a. They contain as I
said before more News papers than Letters, tho they are not forgotton. It
would be hard indeed if absence had not some alleviations.
I dare say he writes to no one unless to Portia oftner than to your
Friend, because I know there is no one besides in whom he has an eaquel
confidence. His Letters to me have been generally short, but he pleads in
Excuse the critical state of affairs and the Multiplicity of avocations and
says further that he has been very Busy, and writ near ten Sheets of paper,
about some affairs which he does not chuse to Mention for fear of accident.
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He is very sausy to me in return for a List of Female Grievances which I

transmitted to him. I think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress.
I thought it was very probable our wise Statesmen would erect a New
Goverment and form a new code of Laws. I ventured to speak a word in
behalf of our Sex, who are rather hardly dealt with by the Laws of England
which gives such unlimitted power to the Husband to use his wife Ill.
I requested that our Legislators would consider our case and as all Men
of Delicacy and Sentiment are averse to Excercising the power they
possess, yet as there is a natural propensity in Humane Nature to
domination, I thought the most generous plan was to put it out of the power
of the Arbitary and tyranick to injure us with impunity by Establishing some
Laws in our favour upon just and Liberal principals.
I believe I even threatned fomenting a Rebellion in case we were not
considerd, and assured him we would not hold ourselves bound by any Laws
in which we had neither a voice, nor representation.
In return he tells me he cannot but Laugh at My Extrodonary Code of
Laws. That he had heard their Struggle had loosned the bands of
Goverment, that children and apprentices were dissabedient, that Schools
and Colledges were grown turbulant, that Indians slighted their Guardians,
and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But my Letter was the first
intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest
were grown discontented. This is rather too coarse a complement, he adds,
but that I am so sausy he wont blot it out.
So I have help'd the Sex abundantly, but I will tell him I have
only { 398 } been making trial of the Disintresstedness of his Virtue, and
when weigh'd in the balance have found it wanting.
It would be bad policy to grant us greater power say they since under
all the disadvantages we Labour we have the assendancy over their Hearts
And charm by accepting, by submitting sway.
I wonder Apollo and the Muses could not have indulged me with a
poetical Genious. I have always been a votary to her charms but never could
assend Parnassus myself.
I am very sorry to hear of the indisposition of your Friend. I am affraid it
will hasten his return, and I do not think he can be spaired.
Though certain pains attend the cares of State
A Good Man owes his Country to be great
Should act abroad the high distinguishd part
or shew at least the purpose of his heart.
Good Night my Friend. You will be so good as to remember me to our
worthy Friend Mrs. We1 when you see her and write soon to your
Portia

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