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thingsarechangingso quickly,settlersimpinging,choicesbeingmadebetweenpossiblelowlandallies,padifieldsbeingbuiltwhichdon'twork,peoplerejectingtheir
ideaof religion-all thatis somethingI haveabsolutelyno
pastfor a polyanna-ish
senseof howto understand.
butwhenI thinkaboutit, all I've
(Ithasto be interesting
got areboring,depressingthoughts.)[M. Rosaldo1974]
Evidently, the concept of culturecould barely describe, let alone analyze, flux,
improvisation,andheterogeneity.Weren'tthese changes simply robbingIlongots
of their culture?What was so cultural anyway about an apparentlytransparent
brutalprocess of landgrabbingand "incorporation"into the nation-state?
77
78 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
PEOPLEWITHOUTCULTURE 79
that advises: go to India for hierarchy,New Guinea for pollution, Oceania for
adoption, Africa for unilineal descent, and so on across the globe. Conversely,
those interestedin the unilinealdescent groupshould steerclearof the Philippines
wherethey'll only be afflictedby the cognatic problem.
This imaginaryhandbookcould even advise membersof theoreticalschools
about their preferredplaces. During my graduateschool days in the 1960s, for
example, we all knew that smartstructuralanthropologistscould best find what
they were looking for either in easternIndonesiaor among Brazil's Ge-speaking
peoples whose dual organizationswere strikinglyvisible in aerialphotographsof
their villages. Ethnoscientists,on the other hand, prosperedmost in the Philippines or in the highlandsof Chiapas,Mexico, where people seemed to care about
nothingso much as namingplants.
The fact that differentplaces are differentdoes not derive simply from stereotypes about what's typical of India, New Guinea, or anywhereelse. Nor are
these differencesmerely an artifactof the territorialclaims of differentschools of
metropolitantheory. There really is something-call it a sizable grainof truthto informalprofessionalperceptions.The questionis one of limits:wheredo these
typificationsyield insight? How do they exclude certain problems from ethnographicstudy?To what extent can they be understoodas ideology?
The problemjust raised brings to mind the story told by a noted Spanish
philologist about his German colleague who rejected most of his Galician linguistic informantsbecause they did not speak the "pure" dialect of Gallego-Portugues. Ratherlike touristswho seek out the exotic and call it typically Galician,
the philologist found that only a tiny minorityof the region's inhabitantsspoke
their "true" dialect. In his view, the speech of most Galicianshad been linguistically "corrupted"by Castilian, leaving them withoutan authenticlanguageand
culture.
Whatconcernsme in the following areprecisely the culturalphenomenathat
escape analysisbecause they fail to conformwith standardexpectationsaboutthe
typicalandthe authentic.Cultureareascontainzones, indeedarelaced with pockets and eruptions,where anthropologicaland other typificationsfail. Ambitious
young anthropologistswould be well advised to avoid such zones, pockets, and
eruptionsbecause they are inhabitedby "people without culture." Perhapsbecause my dissertationno longer is on the line, I will suggest in what follows that
zones of culturalinvisibility now pose compelling, as yet unresolved, issues for
culturalanalysis.
The Postcultural Top and the Precultural Bottom
Withinparticularnations, those who most nearlyresemble "ourselves" appearto be "people withoutculture." In Mexico, Indianshave cultureand "ladinos" do not. In the Philippines,hill tribesor culturalminoritieshave cultureand
lowlandersdo not. Ladinos and lowlandersare full citizens of the nation-state.
They havejobs, and are regardedas rational,not cultural.People in metropolitan
centersclassify them as civilized, in contrastwith Indiansandculturalminorities.
80 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGY
PEOPLEWITHOUTCULTURE 81
like Mexican ladinos, lowland Filipinos appearto have been assimilated into a
system that "we" understandbecause it is "our" own advancedcapitalism. Evidentlylowlandersaretransparentto "us" becauseof theircolonial heritage.First
they were evangelized under the Spaniards,and then they were educated under
the Americans.Like "us," they have undergonean educationalprocess that has
disciplinedthem and made them fit to live in a city, work in a factory, serve in a
penitentiary,or undergoconfinementin an asylum.
Immigration as Cultural Stripping Away
If a social hierarchy'stop and bottom appearto be zones of "zero degree"
culture, so too is the zone of immigration,or the site where individuals move
between two nationalspaces. Ideally, that is, from the dominantsociety's point
of view, immigrantsare strippedof their formercultures, enabling them to become Americancitizens, transparent,just like you and me, "people withoutculture." In ethnographicterms, so-called acculturationis probablybetterdescribed
as deculturation,or the productionof postculturalcitizens.
The myth of immigrationas a cultural strippingaway recently appeared,
amongotherplaces, in a New YorkTimesstoryaboutso-called illegal aliens. Published shortlyafterCongresspassed the new immigrationbill, the story begins by
depictingremarkablediversity among the undocumented:
Theirstoriesareas diverseas America.Someenteredthiscountryswimmingnaked
throughtheRioGrande,otherswithticketsaboardjet liners.Theyarelaborers,classical pianists,secretaries,dishwashers,restaurant
owners,high school students.
[Reinhold1986:1
A]
The writergoes on, however, to celebratethe essential unity underlyingthis apparentculturaldiversity:
Theycome fromalmosteveryconceivablecountry-Mexico,El Salvador,Japan,
Vietnam,Korea,Haiti,Ethiopia,Iran,Poland,New Zealand.Forall theircultural
differences,theyhaveshareda semi-secretlife in theirchosenland,forminga kind
of shadoweconomyandculturein whichanydaycouldendin arrestanddeportation.
[Reinhold1986:1A]
In the writer'sview, the sharedexperience of living the "same" secret lives has
been the brew in the GreatAmericanMelting Pot. As a resocializing medium, it
has producedhomogenizationand createda new group of "people without culture." Verbally, at least, the undocumentedhave been assimilatedinto the mainstream.
Apparently,images of "illegal aliens" have been manufacturedfor the consumptionof North American readers who at once see themselves as culturally
transparentand feel threatenedby differences of class and culture. Indeed, metropolitanportraitsof Mexican ladinos, Filipino Negritos, Filipino lowlanders,
andthe vast arrayof immigrantsto the UnitedStates strangelyresemblethe North
Americansportrayedin FrancesFitzgerald'sCities on a Hill. Her book describes
82 CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
subculturesthathave found ways to live out a numberof versions of the "Americandream."'For all theirdifferences, they shareutopianfantasiesof makingnew
beginningsand living in a world withoutprecedents.
The retirementvillage of Sun City, for example, appearsextraordinary,not
because its local melting pot has succeeded in amalgamatingdiversity, but rather
becauseof its residents'past and presenthomogeneity:
SunCitiansarea remarkably
thosewho live in
homogeneous
group;in particular,
SunCityproperoccupya far narrower
bandon the spectrumof Americansociety
than economics would dictate . . . the men are by and large retired professionals. .... Most of the women were housewives .... Most Sun Citians are Protestants. ... Politically, they are conservative and vote Republican. [Fitzgerald
1986:218]
"It's what you are now thatmatters." Later, in a differentcontext, her husbandsaid
much the same thing, addingthatthe colonels refusedto be called "Colonel." [Fitzgerald 1986:219]
PEOPLEWITHOUTCULTURE 83
84 CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
earthcleanandwe will see if we do notputup the housetomorrow.Raiseup the
houseposts.Go andget somepeople.Go andget somerattanthatwe can use for
tyingit together.Also, get somegrassfortheroof.
Reading this text today, I find myself puzzled about Tukbaw's conception of
cross-culturalunderstanding.His narrativecontains multiple commands, but he
clearly did not think (as, at the time, I imagined)that I was like an Ilongot child
who was learningthe meaningof words by following adult commands(tuydek).
His words are spoken more man to man than man to child. In fact, the task he
imaginesthat we are aboutto begin, tying knots on houses, is a skill so difficult
to achieve that Ilongots regardit as one of the primaryindicationsthat a boy has
achieved the status of adult manhood. Tukbaw's other early texts similarly describesuch otheradultactivities as visiting, fishing, hunting, and drinking.
Just how Ilongots "put themselves in somebody else's shoes," or "see
things from the native point of view," or whethersuch terms for cross-cultural
understandingeven make sense to them remainsunclearto me. They do not suppose, for example, thatthey can know what is in anotherperson's heart. Insofar
as I graspit, theirnotion is thatthey achieve cross-culturalunderstandingby successfully following anotherperson's directions(by knowing how, as the philosopherssay, ratherthanby knowing that). Surely, however, reinfantilizationdoes
not begin to describeIlongot notions of cross-culturalunderstanding.
Unassimilable Cultures
Perhapswe should returnto the New YorkTimes story and listen for a moment to the "illegal aliens," poised as they are on the brinkof North American
citizenship. Resocialized by their shared secret lives, they supposedly have alreadybecome "people withoutculture." It is temptingto assume thatmonopoly
capitalisminexorablycommodifies people, turningthem into so many rational
decision-makingindividuals. Yet a certain irresistiblesomething about the "illegal aliens" bubblesover the rim of the melting pot:
[LanThietLu, fromNorthVietnam]:"I feel I belonghere.I wantto belonghere,
especiallybecauseI don'thavemycountryanymore."
he hasnotdecided
[Shunsuke
Kurakata,
Japan,playingwitha symphonyorchestra]:
if he will seekAmericancitizenship."I justdon'tknowyet," he said. "It's notall
realyet."
[Mexican,MarcelinoCastro]:He haslearneda passableversionof Englishandexhibitsa certainfatalismabouthis life. "Ni modo,"he says,roughly"whatcouldI
do?" when describinghis troubles .... Now he wants to starthis own business and
citizen.Healreadyownstwocolortelevisionsetsanda cordless
becomeanAmerican
telephoneandis a ferventDallasCowboysfan. [Reinhold1986:10B]
PEOPLEWITHOUTCULTURE 85
The writerhimself manifests a significantfactor (or barrier)in this contradictoryprocess, for he cannotresist indulginghis prejudices:his Vietnameseappears inscrutable, his Japanese successful, and his Mexican fatalistic-"ni
modo." In response to the writer's stereotypes, the undocumentedboth comply
and deviate, bobbing and weaving between assimilationand resistance. The Vietnamesewoman feels she belongs here, but notes that she has no choice because
her native countryhas vanished;the Japanesemusicianfinds possible citizenship
so unrealthat he can't decide whetheror not even to apply; the Mexican has a
cordless telephone and roots for the Dallas Cowboys, but speaks only passable
English, spiced with "ni modo." The writer'sprejudiceand the resistanceof the
undocumentedcombine to muddy the clear waters of compliance and assimilation.
Border Zones
The complex case of the undocumentedsuggests the need for a notion of the
border,conceived as a zone between stable places. The site of the implosion of
the ThirdWorldinto the first, the borderhas been portrayed,amongotherplaces,
in the populartelevision series, Miami Vice. Much as the right so often, at least
in recentyears, masqueradesas the left, Miami Vice disguises itself as affirmative
actionheaven, with blacks, Latinos, and whites all playing cops and robbers,vibrantlypolicing and traffickingdrugstogether. Yet the 1984-86 seasons involve
a play of racial dominationmore subtle than the Lone Ranger and Tonto. The
blackcop Tubbsconsistentlyacts overly emotional(irrational)andhas to be cared
for by his white partnerCrockett.During the 1986-87 season, Tubbs often nurtureshis slightly crazedpartnerin a displacedversion of the relationshipbetween
a nannyand her master.
Stereotypic Latino figures-flamboyant, slimy, lazy, cowardly-pervade
the episodes, as Americanviewing audiencesreinforceor learnformsof prejudice
that probablywill prove useful during the coming decade. Official pronouncementsaboutthe "Decade of the Hispanic" barelyconceal diffuse anxieties about
the impendingimpactof demographicprojectionsfor Latinosin the UnitedStates.
Strangelyenough, a frontpage story from the San Jose MercuryNews suggests thatlife underadvancedcapitalismat times almost imitatestelevision art:
A massivecocaine-selling
ringuncoveredin FosterCitylast weekwas a modelof
Colombian-run
commonin Southern
California
butonlyresophisticated
operations
centlysurfacingon sucha largescalein theBayArea.
Somebelievethiswholesalingof cocaine,alreadyfirmlyestablishedin Southern
California,is movingnorth.
In a typicalscenario,some inconspicuous,very middle-class-looking
peopleoftenunarmed
women-move intoa comfortable
andrent
middle-aged
neighborhood
a condominium
by puttingdowna heftydeposit.
But inside the condos they are guardinghuge amountsof cocaine. [Bailey
1986:1B]
86 CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
White zoot suits, high tension mood music, and carefully chosen pastels (especially duringthe 1984-86 seasons) may make the blood run faster, but socially
invisible Colombians,perhapsliving next door, striketerrorin suburbansouls.
Not unlike "illegal aliens," Colombian cocaine peddlers cannot be containedwithin the dominantsociety's vision of citizenship and assimilation. Evidently, drabreality at once has been informedby, and appearsmore threatening
than, television fantasy:
to thestereotype
Contrary
depictedin televisionshowslike "MiamiVice," thesuspectsin manycasesdrivenewbutnotflashycarsandrefrainfromdisplaysof weaponry,exoticorotherwise.[Bailey1986:6B]
The immigrantswho most appearto fit right in-Foster City's cocaine trafficker's-are in fact the most alien.
The story involves a play of spatial stereotypes, the South is invading the
North,Los Angeles is infiltratingthe Bay Area, andLatinococaine traffickersare
infesting middle-class neighborhoods.This racial nightmareof the imagination
has a venerablegenealogy, most recently invoked by Ronald Reagan when he
spoke aboutNicaragua'sproximityto south Texas; it gave the new immigration
bill a boost; it assisted California's overwhelmingpassage of the English-only
initiative;it informsMiami Vice.
Just as Ilongots have a distinctive conception of cross-culturalunderstanding, andthe undocumenteddescribetheir "assimilation" in peculiartones, so too
Latinozoot suitersenjoy an alternativeview of their own culturalflamboyance.
Take, for example, a representativepassage from Jose Montoya's "El Louie,"
an early 1970s evocation of a "pachuco" from the late 1950s:
En Sanjoyou'd see him
sportinga darktopcoat
playing in his fantasy
the role of Bogart, Cagney
or Raft.
AnLouiewouldcomethrough-
People have often interpretedthis poem with too much solemnity. PerhapsEl
Louie inhabitsthe drabworld of the lumpenproletariat,but he's also a ludic figure, playing the role, the cat role, just plain playing. He seeks out incongruity,
unlikelyjuxtapositions:Cagney, El CharroNegro; Bogart, Cruz Diablo. "Postmoder" before its time, the poem celebratespolyphonyin its polyglot text, and
heterogeneityin making Anglo, Chicano, and Mexican elements move together
in the dance of life. It epitomizes the borderas a culturallydistinctive space.
PEOPLE
WITHOUT
CULTURE 87
References Cited
Bailey, Brandon
1986 SophisticatedCocaine Rings Moving Into the Bay Area. The San Jose Mercury
News, October26:1B, 6B.
Clifford, James
1983 Power and Dialogue in Ethnography:Marcel Griaule's Initiation.In Observers
Observed:Essays on EthnographicFieldwork.George W. Stocking, Jr., ed. Pp. 121156. Madison:Universityof Wisconsin Press.
Fitzgerald,Frances
1986 Cities on a Hill: A Journey through ContemporaryAmerican Cultures. New
York:Simon and Schuster.
Montoya,Jos6
1972 El Louie. In LiteratureChicana, Texto y Contexto. Antonia Castaieda et al.,
eds. Pp. 173-176. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
Reinhold,Robert
1986 Illegal Aliens Hoping to Claim TheirDreams. The New YorkTimes, November
3:1, 10.
Rosaldo, Michelle
1974 Field Journal.MS.
1982 The Things We Do with Words:Ilongot Speech Acts and Speech Act Theory in
Philosophy. Languageand Society 11:203-237.
Rosaldo, Renato
1976 The Story of Tukbaw:They Listen as He Orates. In The BiographicalProcess:
Studiesin the HistoryandPsychology of Religion. FrankReynoldsandDonaldCapp,
eds. Pp. 121-151. The Hague:Mouton.
1978 The Rhetoricof Control:Ilongots Viewed as NaturalBanditsand Wild Indians.
In The ReversibleWorld:Symbolic Inversionin Art and Society. BarbaraBabcock,
ed. Pp. 240-257. Ithaca:Cornell University Press.
1982 Utter Savages of Scientific Value. In Politics and History in Band Societies.
EleanorLeacock and RichardLee, eds. Pp. 309-325. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press.