Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Index
Contents
Biometrics AffAKON Lab.......................................................................................... 1
Index.......................................................................................................................... 2
***AFF***.................................................................................................................... 4
1AC.......................................................................................................................... 5
2ACSurveillance Bad.......................................................................................... 12
Surveillance BadGeneral................................................................................. 13
Surveillance BadBlackness.............................................................................. 18
Surveillance BadDiscourse Indict....................................................................20
Surveillance BadGovernmentality...................................................................21
Surveillance BadLegalism Ineffective..............................................................22
Surveillance BadNeoliberalism........................................................................25
2ACBiometrics Bad............................................................................................. 27
Biometrics BadGeneral................................................................................... 28
Biometrics BadBlackness................................................................................33
Biometrics BadEurocentrism/Securitization....................................................36
2ACIslamophobia............................................................................................... 37
IslamophobiaGeneral...................................................................................... 38
IslamophobiaDetachment Link........................................................................41
IslamophobiaIslamophobia Indict.................................................................42
IslamophobiaKhwaly Indict..............................................................................43
IslamophobiaOrientalism Indict....................................................................44
IslamophobiaOtherization............................................................................... 45
IslamophobiaPatriotism Link...........................................................................48
IslamophobiaStereotypes Bad.........................................................................49
IslamophobiaTravel Narratives Link.................................................................50
IslamophobiaUniversalism Bad.......................................................................51
2ACQueerness.................................................................................................... 52
QueernessSurveillance....................................................................................53
QueernessWalter Jenkins................................................................................. 55
2ACGender......................................................................................................... 56
GenderGeneral................................................................................................ 57
GenderMale Gaze............................................................................................ 59
2ACIntersectionality........................................................................................... 62
IntersectionalityGeneral.................................................................................. 63
IntersectionalityBlackness/Gender..................................................................65
2ACHuman Rights.............................................................................................. 67
Human RightsDiscourse/Epistemology Indict..................................................68
2ACT................................................................................................................... 69
AT TSurveillance.............................................................................................. 70
2ACK.................................................................................................................. 71
AT KFoucault................................................................................................... 72
***NEG***................................................................................................................. 77
Case...................................................................................................................... 78
Biometrics GoodBlackness..............................................................................79
Biometrics GoodTerrorism...............................................................................83
State GoodGender.......................................................................................... 90
Impacts/Framing.................................................................................................... 91
Bioterror............................................................................................................. 92
ExtinctionBostrom........................................................................................... 94
Nuclear Terrorism............................................................................................... 98
Pragmatism Good............................................................................................. 100
Black Nihilism K................................................................................................... 102
1NC.................................................................................................................. 103
K Links................................................................................................................. 106
LinkPanopticon.............................................................................................. 107
LinkNeolib..................................................................................................... 109
***AFF***
1AC
Civil society thrives on the ability to render black(end) bodies
abject biometric authentification has been central to that
process only focusing on the history of surveillance can we
rethink the ways bodies are mapped on the biometric
borders
Browne 09 [Dr. Simone Browne; Digital Epidermalization: Race, Identity and Biometrics, 138-139
bodily surveillance is not a new phenomenon. He has illutrated how the
pseudo-science of criminal anthropometry claimed that body shapes,
especially the head, could spontaneously reveal the unlawful proclivities
of the person (2001: 291). It is worth noting here that the statistical knowledge of
anthropometry (Li et al. 2004: 173) is still being invoked in biometric technology R&D .
David Lyon suggests that
As Li et al. suggest, the difference of Races is obvious, and it is the core field of research of anthropology. Anthropometry is a key technique to find out this difference and abstract the
regulation from this difference (2004: 173). As the theoretical basis from which to develop a facial computational model that could qualify difference to allow for identity authentification,
Li et al. claim: as a result of using the statistical information of the Mongolian Races feature, our method is suitable to be used in the north of China (2004: 178). Claims such as these
demonstrate that some
disciplinary practices of the slave pass system. In the plantation system, mobility and its restriction for enslaved Africans, served as an exercise of power. Given this, mobility needed to
be tightly regulated by slave owners in order for the owners to maintain control: By 1845 there were many laws on the Statute books of Georgia concerning the duties of patrols ... Every
member of the patrol was required to arrest all slaves found outside their masters domain without a pass, or who was not in company with some white person. He was empowered to
whip such slave with twenty lashes. [Georgia Narratives] (Work Projects Administration 1941a: 322) The pattie-rollers was something else. I heard folks say they would beat the daylights
body was made site of political and economic maneuver through the use of hot irons to sear the flesh. The brand, often the crest of the sovereign, was a stamp of commodity, a signifier
of bondage and of the relation of the body to its said owner. For the Dutch West India Company, these marks of identification were used to identify those who were enslaved,
distinguishing them from those enslaved by the English, the French or other slaveholding entities (Hartman 2007). Enslaved persons were marked with numbers and letters that
with this
permanent marking on the flesh, one could hardly escape the identity
given to them as commodity, strictly in an economic sense . These markings
form the earliest imprint of mass state and corporate tracking of people
through registration tied to bodily identification . Slave branding, operated
in the plantation system as a practice of punishment, accounting and of
making the already hyper-visible body legible . Branding, as a means of knowing the body, was a pre-emptive practice
marking one as recognizable outside of the plantation site, whether outside through escape or other means. Surveillance practices such as
those mentioned above point to the longer history of boundary
maintenance occurring at the site of the body. Current biometric
technologies and slave branding are not one and the same; however, when
we think of our contemporary moment where suspect citizens, trusted
identified them as being part of a particular ships cargo. This practice also worked as a system of identification that enabled surveillance. So
The origin of fingerprinting (1916), written just prior to his death, looks back over his career as an imperial administrator
and his contribution to the development of fingerprinting in colonial India. He includes the following descrip- tion of the genesis moment in 1858 when he demanded a local
contractor, Rajyadhar Konai, sign an agreement augmented with his hand print: I was only wishing to frighten Konai out of all thought of repudiating his signature hereafter. He, of
course, had never dreamt of such an attestation, but fell in readily enough. I dabbed his palm and fingers over with the home-made oil-ink used for my official seal, and pressed the
whole hand on the back of the contract, and we studied it together, with a good deal of chaff about palmistry, comparing his palm with mine on another impression . . . One of
these contracts I gave to Sir Francis (then Mr.) Galton...The very possibility of such a sanction (to use a technical expression) to the use of a finger-print did not dawn upon me till
Here, Herschel
marks off his contribution as being that of an experimenting amateur
capable of sanctioning useful knowledge. Upon being appointed
Magistrate for the Hoogley District in 1877, he oversaw the Department
of Registration, the courts and the jails and was quick to make use of
fingerprinting, especially to combat fraud in pension claims, but also
the hiring of prisoners and the faking of deaths. In 1877, Social
Identities 597 Herschel wrote to the Inspector of Jails and the RegistrarGeneral, and his comments on fingerprinting for criminal administration
are striking: Here is the means of verifying the identity of everyman in jail with the man sentenced by the court, at any moment day or night. Call the number up
after long experience, and even then it became no more than a personal conviction for many years more. (Herschel, 1916, p. 9)
and make him sign. If it is he, it is he; if not, he is exposed on the spot. Is No. 1302 really dead, and is that his corpse or a sham one? The corpse has two fingers that will answer
that question at once. Is this man brought into jail the real Simon Pure sentenced by the magistrate? The sign- manual . . . is there to testify. (Herschel, 1916, p. 24)
Africans from the territories of the Royal Niger Company, and Basques. In Finger Prints (1892) he notes that the differences between races are generally not larger than those
between groups within races. Students in science could not be distinguished from the lowest idiots in the London district (1892, p. 19). Jewish examples showed particular
The
impressions from Negros betray the general clumsiness of their fingers,
but their patterns are not, so far as I can find, different from those of
others . . . Still, whether it be from pure fancy on my part, or from the
way in which they were printed, or from some real particularity, the
general aspect of the Negro print strikes me as characteris- tic . . . they
give an idea of greater simplicity, due to causes that I have not yet
succeeded in submitting to the test of measurement. (Galton, 1892, pp. 195196) Though
he could find no trace of temperament or race in the arches, loops or
whorls of the papillary ridges, Galton was sure that such traces would
eventually be found. As late as 1903, he embarked on massive drive to collect new samples, but, again, without success. Paul Rabinows essay,
whorled patterns, and Galton held out hope that very remote populations might in disappointed to note that there were no specifically Negro patterns:
Galtons Regret concludes a section on the polymaths efforts with fingerprints and race by saying that his regret remains (Rabinow, 1992, p. 115; see also Cohen, 1994, pp.
343347). However, as Simon Cole has recently shown,
was pushed further by Galtons contemporaries and his students. Writing in 1920, Ethel M. Elderton noted that until the end of his life Galton clung
onto the hope that a quantitative measurement applicable to any type would be found. Eldertons own research suggested that there was at least some evidence for arguing that
inheritance could be found in fingerprints (Elderton, 1920). Even earlier, the Zoologist Harris Hawthorne Wilder envisaged the systematic use of fingerprints, palm and sole prints
for the official identification of Chinese, negroes, and other races, the features of which, at least to the Caucasian eye, offer hardly sufficient individuality to be at all times
trustworthy (Wilder, 1902, pp. 439440; see also Cole, 2007, p. 247). With Inez Whipple, Wilder went on to develop an evolutionary hierarchy which separated European and Asian
fingerprint patterns. More recently, in 1982, Lin, Liu, Osterburg and Nicol provided hereditary evidence of fingerprint similarities in samples of twins. In both the colonial context of
its birth and in its uses in criminal investigation especially in the Western World, fingerprinting offered a seemingly value free, a-cultural, and purely scientific method of individual
identity verification. But the haunting presence of race has always threatened to reappear in the loops, arches and whorls. And, outside of the laboratory fingerprinting offered a
subjecting
female bodies to observation has long been a practice in the United States .
their injuries, in the same way as white women. Laura Hyun Yi Kang's piece in this volume, about the history of anti-trafficking, highlights how
She examines the surveillance of the "differentially stratified mobilities" of women across borders, noting that the surveillance and scrutiny of women immigrating to the United States
bespeaks founding imperialist racialist narratives in the United States. Focusing on trafficking in the League of Nations, Kang asserts that women were simultaneously hailed as objects
and subjects of surveillance. The women were, on one one hand, seen as involved in the policing of other women, but on the other hand, at the borders of the nation where they were
imagined to be trafficked, they were placed under greater surveillance which resulted in racialized sexist scrutiny. As Lisa Jean Moore and Paisley Curcah (this volume) show in their
gender) is intimately tied to the rise of statehood, as states gain the power to govern in part by collecting knowledge about their citizenry (Bowker and Star 1999, 110). Thus, in the
words of the communication theorist Armand Mattelart, "measurement, computing, and recording have been the recurrent traits of the long process of construction of the modem mode
biometrics is the idea that the body will reveal the truth about the
subject despite the subjects claim. So the idea that I might say my name is Rob Ford, but my bodywhether its my DNA, my fingerprint, my iris scan, or some other piece or
part of my body will reveal my true identity . So with the concept of digital
epidermalization, Im suggesting here that biometrics research and development
continues to rely on certain practices of what Im calling prototypical
whiteness, as well as prototypical maleness, prototypical able-bodied-ness, prototypical
youthness, as well. This speaks to the ways in which biometric information technologies are
sometimes inscribed in racializing schemas that see certain bodies privileged, or at least whiteness
might be privileged or lightness in some of these enroll measurements
and enrollment processes. So Im going to look here at a few findings in research and
development coming out of the biometric industry to kind of make sense of this for you all in the audience
because I think that these research and development publications tell us a lot about industry concerns and
specifications and they also tell us a lot about who these technologies, or what kind of bodies these
technologies, are designed to suit best. And so one such study examined how facial recognition technology could be employed
in a multi-ethnic environment to classify facial features by race and also by genderyes thats Will Smith right there. So a technology like this could
be applied, for example, in shopping malls, casinos, amusement parks, or
something like the photo-tagging application that might be used in Facebook or so. So the authors of the study
found that, when they programmed the gender classification system
generically for all ethnicities, the system was inclined to classify
Africans as males and mongoloids as females. So the racial nomenclature of
mongoloid is seemingly archaic, I know, but not uncommon in some of the R
Simply put,
and D coming out of this industry. With this gender classification system,
Black women were read as male most of the time and Asian
men were read as female most of the time with this particular study. In this way it
mirrored earlier pseudoscientific racist and sexist discourse that sought to
define racial categories and gender categories in order to regulate these
artificial boundaries that can never be fully maintained . Think here of the Black woman as surrogate
man or the feminized Asian man. Interestingly, in this particular study, the gender classifier was made ethnicity
specific for the category African and they found that images of the African female would be classified as females 82% of the time and
what happened here is that
while that same African classifier would find images of Asian females 95% of the time and for what they call Caucasoid females 96% of the time. This is a study that came out around
2010. These kind of languages of Caucasoid, Mongoloid as well. So meaning that
or manicurists, often have unmeasurable fingerprints. Think of message therapists too, or people that have heavy hand-washing n their job like nurses or people in the healthcare
sexual behaviour, a person may not follow a straight path in the most literal sense as well, inviting surveillance regardless of the legality of the behaviour as s/he attempts to cruise,
a happy ending (1999, 132). But the storys beginning the impetus for surveillance is shaped by previous stories, and the necessarily incomplete nature of surveillance encourages
the surveillers to draw on previous experiences and assumptions to complete the story. The comments Norris and Armstrong make about narrative highlight the fact that those who
surveil and act on surveillance must fill in the epistemological gaps provided by surveillance, which only provides, often quite literally, part of the picture"
2ACSurveillance Bad
Surveillance BadGeneral
Mass surveillance stems from Otherizationthey stifle the
ability to rebel against problematic systems
Lockton 05 (Vance, Master of Science in the Faculty of Graduate Studies, The Technological Assault on
Anonymity, The University of British Columbia, October 2009)
surveillance breeds control. This is the core of each of the ethical issues surrounding its use.
Surveillance, it will be shown, can create public discomfort; this is because the public (rightly)
does not trust the motives of those exerting this control over them. If
each government agency, corporation and individual that chose to install
a surveillance system were trusted not to abuse the information being
gathered, there would be no discomfort. Similarly, surveillance can be used to
control and silence public dissent. Henry David Thoreau wrote "All men
recognize the right of revolution: that is, the right to refuse allegiance to,
and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are
great and unendurable." [Thoreau, 1849] The ability to revolt against an
unjust controller is a necessity, but unbounded surveillance makes
resistance very difficult. There is almost no question that during the
1960's American Civil Rights movement, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover used
every surveillance ability within his power to harass activists , unionists
and peaceniks [Parenti, 2003]; it is interesting to consider whether or not this movement could have been as effective had Hoover had access to all of today's
surveillance tools. As surveillance technologies increase in power and functionality,
so does the potential for abuse. If any organization is allowed to gather
limitless information about their opponents, they will become a nearly unresistible force; mass surveillance allows this to happen. Marginalized
groups in any society are a natural target for information gathering.
People are frightened of the unknown; thus, minorities [people of color]
are frequently singled out for higher levels of observation . David Lyon notes that this is
actually the way that many new surveillance technologies are introduced
to society; they begin by being focused on society's weakest, most
marginalized groups, and then through 'function creep' make their way
into the mainstream. [Lyon, 1994] This is a very oppressive practice, however. When any
group is singled out for scrutiny, they will inevitably be found to be in
violation of some set of societal norms. Should this group, though, be
unaware of (due to cultural differences), unable to achieve (i.e. the
homeless), or simply un-accepting of the norms, increased surveillance
will only serve to highlight the differences between this group and the
majority, and slow acceptance of the group into general society. Care must
be taken not to unintentionally develop a system of total surveillance; as
tools combine, we form a 'soft cage.' This may be a worse scenario than
the classic Big Brother. Against Big Brother the masses can rebel, but the
'soft cage' is mundane, decentralized, even convenient - and frighteningly
thorough. [Parenti, 2003]
While it may not always be intentional,
of the latter, with presiding judge Thomas Griesa agreeing that "there Can hardly be a more compelling case" for demonstration of harm. The Bureau, argued Griesa, "embarked on a
series of actions with the express purpose of harming the SWP by causing internal mistrust and strife, by weakening its alliances with other groups, by hampering its scheduled activities
the Militant Labor Forum. The short-term impact of that event was limited when DeBerry was immediately able to post bond and return for his scheduled speech, but agents then
proceeded to exploit DeBerry's later conviction for non-support, providing information about his personal problems to cooperative media contacts to generate negative publicity about
Due to this letter and a follow-up anonymous missive suggesting that his exit from the SWP would not result in any significant "brain-drain,' Boutelle angrily discussed the attacks at
become a globalized lingua franca of security planning. Of the abundant potential candidates, it is perhaps the gated Alphaville development, So Paulo, that most closely resembles the
financial heart in 1992 and 1993 a so-called Ring of Steel was created to foment a technologically delineated securitized zone predicated on monitoring and restricting access (Coaffee
particularly following the PIRA bombing of February 1996, a fortified Iron Collar (Coaffee 2009) was developed. This was designed along similar security principles as the Ring of Steel
for analogous reasons of reassurance and resilience. Increasingly this Ring of Steel model is applied internationally as a component of the global war on terror. In New York a ring of
steel for Lower Manhattan is currently being developed comprising the strategic deployment of hundreds of cameras, many with an array of functionality which extends to the detection
of radioactive material. This security systemofficially called the Lower Manhattan Security Initiativeaims to throw a surveillance cloak over the area so that terrorists can be tracked,
monitored and ultimately deterred (Coaffee 2009).
has published extensively in these areas, was recently elected a director of the Surveillance Studies Network and,
during 2015, was part of a small team of co-investigators awarded an ESRC Large Grant on Human Rights and
Information Technology in the Era of Big Data. Jon Coaffee is Professor in Urban Geography based in the Centre for
Interdisciplinary Methodologies (CIM) with associate status in PAIS. His research focuses upon the interplay of
physical and socio-political aspects of urban resilience and he has also published widely, especially on the impact of
terrorism and other security concerns on the functioning of urban areas., b. Urban spaces of surveillance, Routledge
Handbook of Surveillance Studies April/27/2012)
The rise and application of urban surveillance cameras is not only connected to
the goals of direct enforcement. More diffuse, abstract and symbolic applicationssuch as the
removal of fear or enticement to use particular spaces or reside in
formerly dangerous parts of the cityare also common. Of central
importance is the embedding of surveillance cameras within urban
regeneration projects. In the 1990s, the response of urban authorities to
perceived insecurity was dramatic, especially in North America, and in particular Los Angeles (LA). LA
assumed a theoretical primacy within urban studies with strong academic
emphasis on its militarization, portraying the city as an urban laboratory
for anti-crime and surveillance measures. This reflected a process of fortress
urbanism where, stimulated by middle-class paranoia and the desire to
protect pockets of economic vibrancy, a profusion of security features
had become immersed within the urban landscape (see also Arteaga Botello and Wilson, this volume). As Mike
Davis noted in City of Quartz in cities like Los Angeles on the hard edge of postmodernity , one
observes an unprecedented tendency to merge urban design, architecture and the police apparatus into a single comprehensive security effort (1990: 203). Here, the
boundaries between the two traditional methods of crime preventionlaw
enforcement and fortificationhave become blurred. Defensible space and
technological surveillance, once used at a micro-level, were being rolled
out across the city. In Ecologies of Fear (1998), Davis further extrapolated current social, economic and political trends to create a vision for the future city (in
the year 2019), technologically and physically segmented into zones of protection
and surveillance, incorporating high-security financial districts and gated
communities. In this vision economic disparities created a spatial
apartheid, an urban landscape of cages covered by a scanscape of
omnipresent surveillance. In the 1990s, despite Fortress LA becoming a powerful symbol of the post-modern city, many critics argued that Davis
had portrayed a partial and dystopian image of the city; one shackled with terror, fear and anxiety and under the constant gaze of surveillance cameras. That said, the
broad trend of parachuting accommodation for the affluent into the
formerly dangerous spaces and the attendant shepherding of intensified
urban surveillance regimes into specific urban geographies has
undoubtedly spread internationally (see Arteaga Botello, this volume). There are many reasons for this, operating simultaneously at
the macro-market and micro-social levels.
Surveillance BadBlackness
America uses programs to surveil the black community in order
to keep them oppressed in the current system.
Cyril 15 (Malkia Amala Cyril, 15, Founder and executive director of the Center for Media Justice and cofounder of the Media Action Grassroots Network, April 2015, Black Americas State of Surveillance, The
Progressive, http://www.progressive.org/news/2015/03/188074/black-americas-statesurveillance#sthash.aMyFDruE.dpuf)
the FBI
came knocking at our door, demanding that my mother testify in a secret
trial proceeding against other former Panthers or face arrest. My mother, unable to walk,
refused. The detectives told my mother as they left that they would be watching her. They didnt get to
do that. My mother died just two weeks later. My mother was not the only black person to come under
the watchful eye of American law enforcement for perceived and actual
dissidence. Nor is dissidence always a requirement for being subject to spying. Files obtained during a break-in at an FBI office in 1971
revealed that African Americans, J. Edger Hoovers largest target group, didnt have
to be perceived as dissident to warrant surveillance. They just had to be
black. As I write this, the same philosophy is driving the increasing adoption and use of surveillance
technologies by local law enforcement agencies across the United States.
Today, media reporting on government surveillance is laser-focused on the
revelations by Edward Snowden that millions of Americans were being
spied on by the NSA. Yet my mothers visit from the FBI reminds me that, from the slave pass system to laws that
deputized white civilians as enforcers of Jim Crow, black people and other people of color have
lived for centuries with surveillance practices aimed at maintaining a
racial hierarchy. Its time for journalists to tell a new story that does not start the
clock when privileged classes learn they are targets of surveillance . We need to
understand that data has historically been overused to repress dissidence, monitor
perceived criminality, and perpetually maintain an impoverished
underclass. In an era of big data, the Internet has increased the speed and secrecy of data collection. Thanks to new surveillance technologies, law enforcement
agencies are now able to collect massive amounts of indiscriminate data. Yet legal protections and policies have not caught up to this technological advance. Concerned
advocates see mass surveillance as the problem and protecting privacy as
the goal. Targeted surveillance is an obvious answer it may be discriminatory, but it helps
protect the privacy perceived as an earned privilege of the inherently
innocent. The trouble is, targeted surveillance frequently includes the indiscriminate collection of the private
data of people targeted by race but not involved in any crime . For targeted communities, there
is little to no expectation of privacy from government or corporate surveillance. Instead, we are watched, either as criminals or as consumers.
We do not expect policies to protect us. Instead, weve birthed a complex and coded culturefrom jazz to spoken dialectsin
Ten years ago, on Martin Luther King Jr.s birthday, my mother, a former Black Panther, died from complications of sickle cell anemia. Weeks before she died,
order to navigate a world in which spying, from AT&T and Walmart to public benefits programs and beat cops on the block, is as much a part of our built environment as the streets
covered in our blood. In a recent address,
2015 will be one of the most significant years in the history of this organization. It will be the year of technology, in which we literally will give to every member of this department
reducing discrimination, predictive policing is a face of what author Michelle Alexander calls the New Jim Crowa de facto system of separate and unequal application of laws, police
practices, conviction rates, sentencing terms, and conditions of confinement that operate more as a system of social control by racial hierarchy than as crime prevention or punishment.
In New York City, the predictive policing approach in use is Broken Windows. This approach to policing places an undue focus on quality of life crimeslike selling loose cigarettes, the
kind of offense for which Eric Garner was choked to death. Without oversight, accountability, transparency, or rights, predictive policing is just high-tech racial profilingindiscriminate
data collection that drives discriminatory policing practices.
Predictive
policing doesnt just lead to racial and religious profilingit relies on it.
with gang databases knows, its almost impossible to get off a federal or state database, even when the data collected is incorrect or no longer true.
Just as
stop and frisk legitimized an initial, unwarranted contact between police and people of color, almost 90 percent of whom turn out to be innocent of any crime, suspicious activities
reporting and the dragnet approach of fusion centers target communities of color. One review of such reports collected in Los Angeles shows approximately 75 percent were of people of
color. This is the future of policing in America, and it should terrify you as much as it terrifies me. Unfortunately, it probably doesnt, because my life is at far greater risk than the lives of
Muslims living in the United States. According to FBI training materials uncovered by Wired in 2011, the bureau taught agents to treat mainstream Muslims as supporters of terrorism,
to view charitable donations by Muslims as a funding mechanism for combat, and to view Islam itself as a Death Star that must be destroyed if terrorism is to be contained. From
New York City to Chicago and beyond, local law enforcement agencies have expanded unlawful and covert racial and religious profiling against Muslims not suspected of any crime.
There is no national security reason to profile all Muslims. At the same time, almost 450,000 migrants are in detention facilities throughout the United States, including survivors of
torture, asylum seekers, families with small children, and the elderly. Undocumented migrant communities enjoy few legal protections, and are therefore subject to brutal policing
practices, including illegal surveillance practices. According to the Sentencing Project, of the more than 2 million people incarcerated in the United States, more than 60 percent are
held in slavery in 1850, on the eve of the Civil War. Lest some misinterpret that statistic as evidence of greater criminality, a 2012 study confirms that black defendants are at least 30
attacks, so did scholarship on surveillance, but it did not have the stability or coherence typically associated with well-established academic fields, such as having a dedicated journal,
regular conferences, or academic degree programs. One of the first moves made by this rapidly maturing field was to correct the mistake of media and other commentators who
perceived a simple cause-and-effect relationship between the 9/11 attacks and the unveiling of state surveillance programs and systems. Surveillance studies scholars drew attention
instead to the intensification or surge of already present but largely hidden forms of systematic monitoring, tracking, analysis, and control by police and other state agents (Ball and
Webster 2003; Lyon 2003; Wood et al. 2003). By the time of the terrorist bombings in London on 7 July 2005 the field was honed to analyze the surveillance failures and police responses
with depth and sensitivity.
Surveillance BadGovernmentality
Reactionary measures taken through the lenses of
governmentality will lead to a dystopian society in which every
last bit of data is stored and easily accessible recent trends
point toward this dystopia.
Parenti 03(Christian, Has a PhD in sociology (co-supervised in geography) from the London School of
Economics and is a professor in the Global Liberal Studies Program at New York University. His latest book, Tropic of
Chaos: Climate Change and the New Geography of Violence (2011), explores how climate change is already causing
violence as it interacts with the legacies of economic neoliberalism and cold-war militarism. The book involved
several years of travel and research in conflict zones of the Global South., The Soft Cage: Surveillance in America
from Slavery to the War on Terror, September/2/2003)
9/11 was only fuel to a fire already raging out of control. The states
drive to tag, monitor, and criminalize, and the medias compulsion to
summon fear at every turn, are matched or surpassed only by the
aggressive proliferation of commercially based identification, registration,
and tracking. This privatized regime of observation and discipline is
crystallized in the inexorable slide toward a cashless cyber- society in
which every transaction is recorded and correlated to a subjects location
in time and space. In Europe, microchip-integrated smart cardsthe next logical step toward
electronic moneyare fast replacing all other types of credit and debt
cards. Unlike most ATM or credit cards used in the US, smart cards not only deposit information
but also record and store datathat is, they build and hold their own
records. In the UK, the Boots Pharmacy Advantage Card has more than 10 million users. The Netherlands, Belgium, and France are awash in smart cards, and 70 million
Germans carry them for health insurance identification purposes.7 And if we are to credit Moores Law, which
holds that computer processing capacity doubles every eighteenth
months, the power of smart cards could grow exponentially. What does this mean? According to
one journalist: Experts predict that, over the next decade, consumers will carry two
or three smart cards: a work card with access to the companys canteen,
computer network and car park; a leisure card with gym club membership
and lunch money; a banking card with details about your mortgage
payments and social security status.... The small plastic card in your
wallet will probably know a lot more about you and your particular habits
than youd tell your best friend, from the last purchase you made to what
you got in your final exams.8 Add to this the next generation of wireless
telecommunications gearsouped- up cell phones, web-enabled Palm
Pilots, onboard navigation and GPS gear for automobiles. Then imagine
their interface with the countless rules, dictums, and prohibitions of
overbearing state and corporate governance and one begins to see the
contours of something rather unpleasant, a world that is nominally free
but actually subject to a soft tyranny of omniscient and interlocking
regimes of control: work rules overlapping with the criminal law;
overlapping with official moralism; overlapping with the concerns of the
security-conscious home; overlapping with notions of correct political
policies; and then all of this overlapping with problematic assumptions
about who is dangerous and who deserves privilege.
In many ways,
Indeed, one of the most crucial insights brought to light by such a gender
inflected analysis is the way in which designations of criminality in cases
of rape are highly contingent upon shifting and unstable cultural norms.
What makes rape distinguishable from many other serious crimes is its
constitutive reliance upon ideas of normal sexuality in which the line
between criminal and non-criminal behaviour emerges as critical and yet
far from easy to draw (Gavey 2005; MacKinnon 1983). That the contours of this line are historically, culturally and temporally variable is compounded by
its contingence upon a particular hegemonic construction of womans sexuality, the boundaries of which are largely
defined and negotiated through the medium of rape myths . Decades of
feminist research on rape has attested to this particular difficulty with a
view to exposing both how and why a womans real experience of sexual
violation can be reconstituted as just sex by police, lawyers, judges, and
juries. Gavey shows how this constituting process takes hold, tracing the ways in which discourses of heterosex are produced, how they set up the boundaries of womens
passive, acquiescing (a)sexuality, and mens forthright, urgent pursuit of sexual release, which in turn provide the frame or scaffolding for a rape culture (Gavey 2005, 3). Within this
process, rape myths function less as consciously-held views of cognitively deliberative subjects and more as culturally prevalent tropes and images upon which people, including those
involved in criminal justice operations, tend to drawoften unconsciouslywhile exercising judgment or engaging in decision-making. Rape myths are an integral part of the scaffolding
professor law and legal studies at the University of Queen Mary in London,
Contesting the Dominant Paradigm: Feminist Critiques of Liberal Legalism, 2013,
https://kar.kent.ac.uk/35679/1/Ashgate%20Companion%20Hunter%20chapter.pdf)
interpretations of sexual harassment prohibitions have reintroduced notions of sexual morality, chastity, and the cultural idealization of pure, modest Indian womanhood, with women
claimants not conforming to these norms being denied protection (2005: 3940). Sally Sheldon (1999) analyses laws gendered constructions of masculine and feminine reproductivity,
demonstrating how UK foetal protection legislation, judicial endorsement of foetal protection policies, and legislation providing different degrees of civil liability of women and men for
also contrasts the legal construction of the heterosexual male body with that of the gay male body which, in its obvious susceptibility to invasion and its consequent dangerousness to
other bodies in the context of HIV/AIDS becomes feminized (1999: 140), and notes also the differential racial and class constructions of potentially dangerous mothers.
Surveillance BadNeoliberalism
Surveillance is rooted in neoliberalism empirical data proves.
Fussey and Coaffee 12(Pete & Jon, Dr Fussey is professor of sociology at the University of Essex.
He is a criminologist specializing in a number of areas including surveillance and society, terrorism and counterterrorism, critical studies of resilience, major-event security, organized crime and urban sociology. Professor Fussey
has published extensively in these areas, was recently elected a director of the Surveillance Studies Network and,
during 2015, was part of a small team of co-investigators awarded an ESRC Large Grant on Human Rights and
Information Technology in the Era of Big Data. Jon Coaffee is Professor in Urban Geography based in the Centre for
Interdisciplinary Methodologies (CIM) with associate status in PAIS. His research focuses upon the interplay of
physical and socio-political aspects of urban resilience and he has also published widely, especially on the impact of
terrorism and other security concerns on the functioning of urban areas., b. Urban spaces of surveillance, Routledge
Handbook of Surveillance Studies April/27/2012)
The neo-liberal
relaxation of planning laws and expansion of out-of-town shopping had
stimulated a decline in traditional town centre spaces of consumption.
Crucial to this process was the role of the state in providing funding and
limiting regulation. Thus whilst camera networks were expanding they were
also normalized as an expected feature of public space. Other specific legislative and policy climates
also drove the dissemination of urban surveillance cameras, particularly in relation to residential spaces. In the UK, amid the exorbitant amount
of crime and disorder-related legislation introduced during the former
Labour governments last term in office (19972010), one has arguably
had greatest influence on the expansion of surveillance cameras in
England and Wales: Section 17 of the Crime and Disorder Act, 1998. This
provision placed a statutory duty on local government agencies in England
and Wales to foreground crime and disorder issues as part of their daily
operations. The effect of this Act was to require all local government
agencies to incorporate security concerns into their core business
wherever possible. The impact was felt particularly strongly amongst local
authority housing agencies. In such times of uncertainty, old orthodoxies
prevailed. When confronted with new and daunting tasks, planners appeared to find succor in long-standing (yet highly contested) staples of administrative
The penetration of surveillance cameras into British towns and cities was not entirely due to the fear of crime or terrorism.
criminologyrational choice-informed models that sought to reduce the opportunities for offending and increase capable guardianship or the observation of a specific geography as a
during 2015, was part of a small team of co-investigators awarded an ESRC Large Grant on Human Rights and
Information Technology in the Era of Big Data. Jon Coaffee is Professor in Urban Geography based in the Centre for
Interdisciplinary Methodologies (CIM) with associate status in PAIS. His research focuses upon the interplay of
physical and socio-political aspects of urban resilience and he has also published widely, especially on the impact of
terrorism and other security concerns on the functioning of urban areas., b. Urban spaces of surveillance, Routledge
Handbook of Surveillance Studies April/27/2012)
From an
administrative practice-oriented perspective, surveillance cameras are
portrayed as a rational evidence-based response to crime and disorder
problems. By contrast, critical sociological conceptualizations present a
wider range of explanations. These include: theorizations of surveillance
cameras as a coercive tool of a malign state, commercial or other
interests; as an exemplar of embedded disciplinary technologies; as part
of a wider shift towards societies of control; and as a component of a
converging surveillant assemblage; and notions of technological
perfection and hypercontrol. Although these accounts have much to say about the functionality of surveillance cameras once
Whilst there is broad consensus that rapid expansion of camera surveillance occurred around this time, there is less agreement over why this took place.
operational, less attention has been placed on the way those interests may be mediated and transmitted through the processes of installing cameras in the first instance. Among those
2ACBiometrics Bad
Biometrics BadGeneral
Biometrics are historically racializedtheyre used to justify
surveillance of the Other
Nakamura 09 (Lisa, Professor in the Department of American Cultures and the Department of Screen
Arts and Cultures at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. I co-facilitate the FemTechNet Project, a network of
educators, activists, librarians, and researchers interested in digital feminist pedagogy, and am Coordinator of
Digital Studies at the University of Michigan., Interfaces of Identity: Oriental Traitors and Telematic Profiling in 24,
Duke University Press/Camera Obscura 70, Volume 24, Number 1, NA/NA/2009)
passengers in London Underground stations, private sector microphoneequipped cameras in Shoreditch (Hackney) and the development of
behaviour analytics. Most recently, the UK has also become an importer of urban surveillance strategies. Among other notable examples is the
recent application of gunshot sensor technology (essentially microphones attenuated to the specific frequency ranges of gunshot sounds and linked to GPS technologies in order to help
In examining state attempts--with an orientalist and imperial gazeto render terrorist bodies"
both pathological and animalisticHall illustrates that biotechnologies are deployed to
turn these bodies inside out and make them transparent in ways that
intensify systemic forms of violence already inflicted on marginalized
communities. In her discussion of full-body scanners in U.S. airports, Hall looks at the centering of the
notion that white, middle-class, able-bodied, heterosexual passengers
should not have their bodily privacy invaded by TSA officials. Race issues
are indeed often at the forefront in the marketing of the technologies--for
instance, companies aiming to get state institutions to invest in
identification technologies claim biometrics will circumvent persistent
forms of racial profiling. Biometric technologies render the body in binary code, and industry manufacturers of these technologies claim this code
reveals nothing about race, gender, class, or sexuality, instead representing bodies as anesthetized strands of ones and zeroes. However, it is increasingly
clear that biometric technologies are in fact a high-tech form of racial and
gender profiling that efficiently and quickly sorts people using criteria that
often explicitly include race and gender. For example, in order to verify the identity of a particular individual, it
would be faster to scan the individual against a smaller group of people
with like characteristics, rather than against an entire database . For many biometric
technologies, "like characteristics" include race and gender identities . Reifying race
and gender in this way through their biometric categorization only serves
to intensify existing forms of biological racialism and sexism, in which race
and gender are imagined as stable biological properties that can be
reliably read off the body.
of social sorting are ubiquitous and far-reaching in modern societies, having gradually come to occupy a role at the heart of modern bureaucratiic governance that is all the more potent
2000), in particular
are perhaps more visible and better documented. For example, in ethnic
profiling by the police, street-level law enforcement is informed by
presumptions about the individual likelihood of guilt according to visible
ethnicity or race; this has been called categorical suspicion (Marx 1988). Immigration rules, although there is considerable scope
in their operation for individual discretion, are more formal, definin[es]g who must be interrogated at the
border, and who is forbidden to enter under any circumstances. Medicine
is also in the business of classifying and categorizing: the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual (DSM) of the American Psychiatric Association, for example, is a
compendium of classifications (diagnoses) and their rewards and penalties, which range from
treatments that may transform upset and disordered lives for the better,
to involuntary institutional confinement and intrusive interventions .
Policing practices and immigration rules also involve rewards, for those
who are lightly policed or ignored, or who may be admitted as of right .
Penalties and benefits are, in fact, inseparable in practical processes of
categorization and classification; they may also encourage the
internalization of external categorization, as argued by the labelling or social reaction perspective in the sociology of
deviance (Jenkins 2008: 9599).
, it is not surprising that the other thing that watchers can do in order
to compensate for the qualitative information deficit that is endemic to
surveillancedespite, or perhaps even because of, the quantitative
information glut generated by IT-based surveillance is to index and
interpret what little they have in the light of other , apparently objective,
factual sources of information. Some of this information is a product of
modern communication systems: computers sending e-mails can be
identified, phone calls can be traced, passports are now electronically
registered, and vehicle registrations are readable by CCTV. In addition, modern states have
Even this
sponsored and developed an array of techniques for fixing the fluidity of identification and registering it within the archives and projects of government (Caplan and Torpey 2001).
Biometrics BadBlackness
Biometric ordering has an inherent white gaze that seeks to
map truth unto bodies. Whiteness sets the barometer within
biometric regimes through dialectics of recognition
Browne 09 (Digital Epidermalization: Race, Identity and Biometrics Simone Browne, University of Texas at
Austin, Texas, USA Critical Sociology 36(1) 131-150 2009)
may have poorer circulation than younger users. Construction workers and artisans are more likely to have highly worn fingerprints, to the point where ridges are nearly nonexistent.
Users of Pacific Rim/Asian descent may have faint fingerprint ridges especially female users. (2002: 367, emphasis mine). Could these systems be calibrated to allow for cutaneous
This same logic of prototypical whiteness is seemingly present in earlier models of iris-scan technology that were based on 8-bit grayscale image capture, allowing for 256 shades of gray
but leaving very dark irises clustered at one end of the spectrum (Nanavati et al. 2002: 37).7 The distribution of this spectrums 256 shades of gray is made possible only through the
unambiguous black-white binary; the contrapuntal extremes that anchor the spectrum leaving the dark matter clustered at one end. Such epidermal thinking is present in other research
on facial recognition technology where the facial feature quantities (spacing between eyes, turn up of the eyes, thickness of mouth etc.) are classified; it is suggested that systems can
search for faces with a certain feature, if the degree of the feature quantity is designated (Lao and Kawade 2004: 346). Here, the possibilities for digital epidermalization are revealed.
Biometrics and access control is rooted in the culture of slavecatching empirical data proves.
Browne 12 (Simone, Completed her PhD in 2007. She began her faculty position in the Department of
Sociology at the University of Texas at Austin in 2007. She researches and teaches in the areas of Surveillance,
Social Media, Social Network Sites, and Black Diaspora Studies. She is a member of the Executive Board of HASTAC,
Everybodys got a little light under the sun: Black Luminosity and the Visual Culture of Surveillance., Taylor &
Francis Online, July/4/2012, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2011.644573)
It was not only Patriots who seized upon their slaves. British Loyalists also
contributed to this atmosphere, however many black men, women and children outwitted this terror. Slaver Valentine Nutter placed a
notice in the 12 May 1783 edition of the New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury offering an award of five guineas for a negro man named Jack described as around 23 years of age.
Notably, this ad drew detailed attention to Jacks skin as a means of identification, describing him as having scars on his left arm and a small scar on his nose. Perhaps Jack evaded
capture as the following September Nutter left for Port Roseway, Nova Scotia aboard the ship LAbondance with Silvia, a woman described in The Book of Negroes as a 30-year-old
Cato Ramsay a Negro, reported to the British Lines, in consequence of the Proclamations of Sir William Howe, and Sir Henry Clinton, late Commanders in Chief in America; and that the
said Negro has hereby his Excellency Sir Guy Carletons Permission to go to Nova Scotia, or wherever else he may think proper. By the Order of Brigadier General Birch Those who made
use of such certification to embark on the ships to Canada as well as England and Germany, had their names listed in the inventory that is The Book of Negroes. After General Birch
departed New York in 1783, similar certification was issued by General Thomas Musgrave to close to 300 blacks who were eligible for evacuation.
Biometrics BadEurocentrism/Securitization
Biometrics are justified through securitization and racism
they reflect Western values
Kajevic 06 (Belhira, Support to Sudanese counterpart on provision of essential services to refugees in
regard to education, healthcare and livelihood opportunities -Focal point for child protection; established BID Panel
and served as its coordinator -Developed basic steering documents on unit level and supervised all case
management within the unit -indentified training need and organised trainings and workshops, Biometrics: A New
Mean of Surveillance and Migration Control, Malmo University, June/02/2006)
The European Union is at the crossroads with territorial and population surveillance. The grouping of people, how are the real Europeans, the real tourists, the real consumers is a way of
problem? A real problem what we are unable to deal with in another way?
2ACIslamophobia
IslamophobiaGeneral
Anti-Arab discourse dominates the public spherechallenging
it is key
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
anti-Arab racism is not confined to the political right also is worth analysis.
Racism, as writers from Elizabeth Cook-Lynn to bell hooks have illustrated, is never limited to particular social or
discursive movements, nor is it ever rooted in consistent sites of cultural
or linguistic production. Any comprehensive survey of popular opinion in
the United States over the past decade (a time frame that purposely straddles 9/11) will demonstrate
that the blatant anti-Arab racism of the political right is, using a vocabulary appropriate to specific
political agendas, reinscribed continually in the discourse , or at least the ethos, of mainstream and
progressive media. For instance, leftist liberal publications such as Dissent, Tikkun, and MoveOn.org have
been guilty of expressing racist attitudes either in the form of support for
Palestinian dispossession or by totalizing all Arabs and Muslims as
potential terrorists; or the racism arrives subtly by precluding Arabs from
speaking on their own behalf. A similar guilt is shared by mainstream
(supposedly liberal) publications such as the New York Times, Newsweek, Los Angeles Times, and Slate.com, which, given their corporate
My second observation that
obligations, cannot realistically be expected to attack anti-Arab racism when it is so fundamental to the interests of American capitalism (and to the survival of the publications). Of major
we cannot seriously
interrogate racism by attributing it solely to one political ideology without
analyzing how the racism is interpolated through a multitude of
discourses at the benefit of various ideologies.
concern to this essay is the recognition that, in keeping with the seminal work of Louis Althusser and Terry Eagleton,
syncretism is a
feature
of anti-Arab racism. We can best understand that syncretism by examining it in the context of some theoretical propositions about racism and the recent
globalization of American society. According to the tenets of contemporary literary theoryor, critical theory, depending on ones tastes various sorts of
fragmentation paradoxically define an increasingly globalized community:
cultural, geopolitical, intellectual, religious, and so forth . That is to say, analysis cannot be so easily
compartmentalized into universalistic paradigms because the globalized marketplace has precluded
isolationist worldviews even while it nurtures a wide range of economic
and political inequality. Racism , itself continually in transit, needs to be
contemplated in the framework of this reality. To examine the societal
underpinnings of anti-Arab racism, then, is to acknowledge immediately that
we have decompartmentalized a seemingly concrete institution. (The terms attitude or
mentality might work in place of institution, but I prefer institution because it demands the recognition of discursive and originary factors.)
does this racism function morally, the major question I have thus far ignored? Kwame Anthony Appiah
offers some insight into this question by highlighting what he considers
racisms two primary moral types, extrinsic and intrinsic racism. Extrinsic
racists, Appiah writes, make moral distinctions between members of different races
because they believe that the racial essence entails certain morally
relevant qualities (1992, 13). Extrinsic racists believe that people of different
backgrounds acquire certain inborn characteristics that warrant appropriate treatment (or mistreatment)
Arabs, for instance, are born terroristic and therefore need to be treated
accordingly, with either wariness or force. Intrinsic racists, on the other hand, differentiate
morally between members of different races, because they believe that
each race has a different moral status, quite independent of the moral
characteristics entailed by its racial essence (14). Intrinsic racists, then, are similar to pluralists
as they are defined by David Hollinger; they approach various interactions based on the moral status
they assign their own group in opposition to those they imagine of others.
Appiahs categories, first of all, are neither mutually exclusive nor
comprehensive. They do, however, permit us to identify some of the moral
underpinnings of anti-Arab racism, which in many ways is similar to a range of better known racialist dogmas spanning nineteenthcentury cultural anthropology to twentieth-century colonial discourse. We can say, perhaps too obviously, that anti-Arab racism is both
extrinsic and intrinsic, an acknowledgment that helps us to disengage it a bit from contemporary notions of patriotic duty or national destiny. Anti-Arab
But how, we might ask,
racism often is extrinsic, as evidenced by the inexcusable popularity of the late Rafael Patais The Arab Mind, a positivistic analysis of Arab behavior not unlike Charles Murray and
Richard Herrnsteins infamous The Bell Curve, or even Ales Hrdlickas field work in Indian Country. Intrinsic racism, however, is no less a factor, as evidenced by the moral valuations
employed by American Messianists who have invented a hierarchized moral taxonomy, with the Arab as evildoer and the Jew positioned strangely as the hero who, nevertheless, must
enough to actually work effectively to dismantle it, we need first never to apologize for it and next to comprehend it in its totality, extrinsically and intrinsically.
the unnamed but essential purveyor of the national interest. Anti-Arab racism is itself preceded by historical episodes too great to reduce to pithy interethnic dialectics. Years ago,
Amilcar Cabral noted that culture is the vigorous manifestation on the ideological or idealist plane of the physical and historical reality of the society that is dominated or to be
dominated (1994, 54). Cabrals conflation of political desire and cultural manifestation is no less true today, even across space and time, which indicates that a moral paradigm of
enlightenment indeed creates the reality of American domination of the Arab World, and, to a lesser degree, its marginalization of Arab Americans. For this reason, if no other,
and national pride. It is in this spirit that I announce openly that I am unpatriotic, a sentiment that should not in any way be confused with disdain. Rather, it speaks to my rejection of
anti-Arab racism. I similarly reject the various origins of anti-Arab racism and, in so doing, reject the American metanarrative of manifest manners. I do so with a sad but necessary
IslamophobiaDetachment Link
Detachment worsens racism
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
IslamophobiaIslamophobia Indict
Islamophobia precludes a localized analysiswe should
conceptualize racism and imperialism as an American
phenomenon
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
Islamophobia, on the other hand, has ambiguities that limit its clarity. Not all victims
of Islamophobia are Muslim, and while fear of Muslims, as the words suffix implies,
certainly inspires hatred of them in some cases, we must take much more
into account historically in order to accurately delineate a context for the
hatred. Islamophobia, while a useful descriptor for specific phenomena such as the dispensationalist (Christian Zionist) demonization of Islam as a faith,
is necessarily a transnational utterance and precludes, albeit unintentionally, a localized
analysis of discrete interethnic encounters. For instance, while Indonesians and Palestinians are both largely Sunni
Muslim communities, their geopolitical and interpersonal encounters with the United States and other Western powers are remarkably dissimilar; insofar as those encounters contributed
IslamophobiaKhwaly Indict
Khwalys methodology is bad
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
Carol Khawly (2004) of the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee [ADC] writes, The
horrific terrorist attacks of September 11 have had a severe impact on our
nations traditional openness to immigrants and non-immigrants.
Immediately after the attacks, the Arab-American community and those
immigrants from the Arab or Muslim worlds experienced an
unprecedented backlash in the form of hate crimes, discrimination and various civil liberties violations. . . . The [American]
government also instituted a series of discriminatory policies and
administrative measures, which targeted specific immigrant communities
in the United States, mainly the ArabAmerican and South Asian communities. (Khawly 2004, 42) Khawlys report is
useful materially, but poorly conceived methodologically. While acts of
discrimination against Arabs and South Asians (among others)
undoubtedly increased after 9/11, we fail to identify the scope of the
problem by employing public relations gambits that assess discrimination
solely in the context of the event that induced it. A better approach will
question the nations traditional openness to immigrants and nonimmigrants and the purportedly unprecedented backlash Khawly condemns.
About the effects of 9/11 on Arab Americans,
IslamophobiaOrientalism Indict
Orientalism cant describe the lived experiences of Arab
Americans
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
In examining a multivalent bigotry toward Arabs and the role of Arab Americans in the proliferation of that bigotry, my wariness about the term Orientalism is pragmatic whereas my
partial inspiration a corresponding tradition, that of garrison settlement, slavery, and Messianic fervor, a tradition that has evolved into detectable features of modern Americana that,
unlike immigrant histories, do in some way affect Middle Eastern Arabs. This corresponding tradition has inspired the premillennialist overtones so evident in American foreign policy.
IslamophobiaOtherization
America has always demonized the Otheritll be used to
justify bad foreign policies
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
The vigilantly
synthetic American consciousness would, in its present form, be impossible without the
by now tired strategy of demonizing the Otherin this case Arabs, all of
whom, according to the totalized pronoun usage common in the United States,
are terrorists. On the other hand, the painstakingly manufactured images of an
innately terroristic Arab world would be impossible without the
dialogically opposed images of all-American communities, which
increasingly are being defined according to attitude and behavior rather than simply by
ethnicity (although the whiteness underlying this imagery has, by no means,
dissipated). Where, then, do Arab Americans fit in this transglobal dialectic?
Simply stated, nowhere. For this reason, Arab Americans are the exemplars of globalized disaggregation. Arab American disaggregation facilitates
anti-Arab racism, for politicians invoke Arab Americans to justify draconian legislation
intended to curtail civil liberties, but simultaneously to extol the American
values that mystify imperialism in the Arab world. If we trace anti-Arab racism to the settlement of the New
World, however, we are confronted with more than disaggregation and unstable dialectics. We are in the presence of tradition.
This particular tradition has survived over 500 years and regenerates
itself despite repeated predictions of its extinction because racism has
always been fundamental to the survival of the American polity. The
United States has advanced to the stage at which anti-Arab racism most
expediently facilitates the invention and fulfillment of a corporatized
national interest. It bears mention that George W. Bush would not have won reelection
in 2004 without the existence of anti-Arab racism, and that his opponent, John Kerry, attempted vigorously to
The Arab American community fits into these complicated equations with more immediacy than foreign Arabs and non-Arab Americans.
compete by manufacturing his own version of anti-Arab racism vis--vis the issues of civil liberties, foreign policy, and Israels settlement of the occupied territories. That Bushs
anti-Arab racism rarely was mentioned and Kerrys virtually unseen underscores the fact that it is prevalent to the degree
of normalcy today in American society. Indeed, the interests of United States corporations in the Arab world contribute
significantly to the globalized economic models that render most sectors of the American left and right complicit in the dissemination of anti-Arab racism
Since 9/11, patriotism in the United States has been defined in the public
sphere as acquiescence to geopolitical interests masquerading as moral
imperatives. In turn, most Americans who would consider themselves patriotic
formulate the mores of their national identification in opposition to the
sanctified mirage of Arab barbarity. The Arab is an ethnic icon
manufactured painstakingly in the United States since the nineteenth century, an icon that was
expedited into political eminence after 9/11. The Arab thus exists both
consciously and unconsciously in the philosophical contradictions evident
the media
treatment of Arabs in the United States has gone beyond Orientalism and
Islamophobia, and we preclude ourselves from understanding that
treatment sufficiently unless we examine how racism alternately informs
and inspires it. (Beyond also expresses a hope that American society will supersede its negative mentalities, no matter what we name them.) Such an approach
intends to name a longstanding phenomenon, anti-Arab racism, and situate it in analyzable frameworks that traverse disciplinary constraints . I am not arguing,
then, for the elimination of Orientalism or Islamophobia, but for their
subsumation into discussions that consciously explore how racism, with its
multiple sociohistorical connotations, influences Arab America and the
development of an Arab American critical apparatus. Because of my methodology and rather narrow focus, I
for this essay, because to some degree the preposition beyond, which can be read forthrightly as advocating replacement, is both descriptive and accusative:
will forego polemical assertions as well as systematic presentation of the unfortunate wealth of examples of anti-Arab racism in various American media. I will assume that the scholarly,
multiethnic audience I am addressing is aware of the attitude I call anti-Arab racism and is able to detect it regularly without my guidance. Instead, I would like to give analysis to this
racism and explore what it tells us about the United States, why it is so easily reinvented and marketed as responsible, and, most important, how we might effectively name it. I privilege
anti-Arab racism for the simple reason that it is so infrequently named in both
academic discourse and popular culture. And, despite the obvious existence of a bigotry against Arabs in the United States
the naming of
based on historical circumstance and geopolitical necessity, it is not as easy as it appears to apply the term anti-Arab racism to the phenomenon because of other historical
circumstances: the inscription of the term Orientalism into scholarly and activist vocabularies and the popularity of Islamophobia as a descriptor for bigotry against Arabs and Muslims in
Britain and the United States. Orientalism is used to describe the study in the West of the Orient, particularly the Arab World, a field whose most famous scholar, Bernard Lewis, still
argues that the term should be considered descriptive of intellectual pursuit rather than prejudicial. The late Edward Said, of course, interrogated the term in his book of the same name
this definition is deemed too positivistic, we can define Islamophobia as the systematic marginalization by non-Muslims of Muslim individuals or communities based on Islamic practices,
Anti-Arab racism, for example, is fundamental to American race relations. Seven years before
9/11, Ronald Stockton surveyed archetypes of the Arab image in cartoons and other examples of popular culture and concluded that an exceptional
proportion of all hostile or derogatory images targeted at Arabs are
derived from or are parallel to classical images of Blacks and Jews,
modified to fit contemporary circumstances (1994, 121). Based on Stocktons argument that anti-Arab racism is
derivative, it would be foolish to conceptualize anti-Arab racism as a byproduct
of 9/11. A more responsible conceptualization will locate anti-Arab racism
within a heterogeneous and multitemporal complex of historical factors,
although it is clear that 9/11 stratified preexisting attitudes about Arabs (both
positive and negative), thereby transforming Arab Americans into discursive tropes invoked
to justify various political agendas. For leftist liberals and multiculturalists, 9/11 provided an opportunity to refer to violence against
Arabs (and those identified mistakenly as Arab) in order to argue for inclusiveness and tolerance and later to argue for the less admirable cause of electing Democratic presidential
In Wisconsin, a so-called battleground state inundated with campaign ads, the most
egregious case of anti-Arab racism arose in a television spot for
Republican Senate candidate Tim Michels (who subsequently lost to the anti-racist Russ Feingold). The
commercial depicted a generic Arab, with the requisite snarl topped by a
mustache, standing on a hill in a wooded area, fishing a rocket propeller
from a duffel bag and aiming it at some sort of nuclear plant. Meanwhile,
the ominous voiceover warns viewers about the dangers of terrorism and
the threat they will pose if we do not strengthen the provisions of the
PATRIOT Act that allow for unwarranted searches, intensive surveillance,
and indefinite detention. I mention this commercial not simply because of its blatant (albeit cartoonish) anti-Arab racism, but because in it
Michels focused specifically on Arab Americans, not overseas Arabs, by
invoking the PATRIOT Act and depicting what is supposed to be an Arab
American attacking, for no discernible reason, an apparently important
facility. The Arab American, in other words, will endanger real Americans because his congenital
barbarity compels him to irrational violence. Furthermore, the totalized pronoun
they is exclusionary and imbues American-ness with assumed criteria of
whiteness and Christianity for which Arabs do not qualify, even if they are
residents or citizens of the United States (the stock terrorist in the ad obviously is a resident or citizen of the United States, because if he is
One particular example illuminates my first observation.
not, Michelss support of the controversial provisions of the PATRIOT Act would be meaningless). The commercial also involves a physical performance that is worth analysis. It would be
devoid of both moral and rhetorical force without the audiences recognition that the protagonist is Arab; the recognition is even more persuasive if the protagonist is identified as Arab
the means by
which a nonspecific audience recognizes the generic protagonist as Arab is
particularly noteworthy, for it flirts, to some degree, with biological
determinism, if not advocating it directly. Certain physical characteristics are associated
iconically with an invented Arab ethnicity and its constituents innate
behavioral pathology (in this case, terrorism). The generic terrorist can
thus be identified as Arab without being named.
American, an ethnic positioning that reinforces an inside but alien binary essential to the dissemination of contemporary anti-Arab racism. Yet
IslamophobiaPatriotism Link
Patriotism is used as a mask for Anti-Arab violence
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
versatility. At the very least, anti-Arab racism is common, and in its commonplaces we
are faced with the totality of all that is fundamentally American.
IslamophobiaStereotypes Bad
Stereotyping hurts Arabs
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
Anti-Arab racism sometimes has the ability to reduce Arabs to tropes that
are invoked to rationalize or mystify various political agendas. In todays globalized
marketplace (of both finances and ideas), Arabs often hold an irresistible appeal to those wishing
to disguise their own interests as pragmatism or construe them as
universally beneficial. This situation has produced contradictory narratives that
cannot be comprehended without simultaneously considering the scope
and function of anti-Arab racism. If, for instance, a company stands to profit from
the occupation of Iraq, that company likely will support the occupation
and rationalize the support as commonsensical or altruistic. In so doing, it will either
directly or obliquely foster anti-Arab racism. If the same company, however, stands to
profit from normalized American relations with the dictatorial Saudi royal
family (which is the case with Boeing, Halliburton, Bechtel, ExxonMobil,
and numerous other corporations), then that company likely will
romanticize or favorably stereotype Arabs and correspondingly rationalize
such portrayals as commonsensical or altruistic. This favorable
stereotyping also fosters anti-Arab racism either directly or obliquely
Anti-Arab racism, like all sociopolitical phenomena, is also unique, having developed its
discrete qualities based on what Hilton Obenzinger (1999) calls a Holy Land mania in the nineteenth century,
inspired by the travelogues of Protestant missionaries and writers such as Mark Twain, John Lloyd Stephens, William M. Thompson, and George Sandys. Travel
narratives to the Arab world have long been tainted by stereotypes
inscribed methodologically into supposedly neutral anecdotes of
discovery, methodologies still apparent in travel narratives by Geraldine
Brooks, Judith Miller, David Pryce-Jones, Jean Sasson, and , infamously, Norma
Khouri, the con artist whose tale of an honor killing in Jordan enthralled Western readers until journalist Rana Husseini discovered that Khouris bestselling Honor Lost was a
hoax. These stereotypes, in the nineteenth century and today, merely fulfill the stereotyped expectations
of American readers, indicating that the audiences role in the travel
narrative is as crucial as the foreign topographies transmitted to the
audience by a mythically curious adventurer. Historically, this adventurer writes
his audiences expectations onto the places he is discovering on the
audiences behalf. As Steve Clark notes, Travel reference is to do with worldcoherence: the book projects a world,
and it is the ethics of inhabiting that alternative domain that are primarily
at stake (1999, 2);
IslamophobiaUniversalism Bad
Universalist ethics are bad
Salaita 06 (Steven George Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blackburg, Beyond
Orientalism and Islamophobia: 9/11, Anti-Arab Racism, and the Mythos of National Pride, The New Centennial
Review, Volume 6, Number 2, Fall 2006)
Despite their
belief in the social grounding of ideas, many intellectuals are not willing to
abandon the notion of a human subject capable of knowing, acting upon
and changing reality. But innocence and objectivity do not necessarily
have to be our enabling fictions. The more we work with an awareness of
our embeddedness in historical processes, the more possible it becomes
to take carefully reasoned oppositional positions . . . (1998, 66). In a slightly different framework, Satya P.
Mohanty suggests that we need to be wary of those overly abstract universalist visions
of morality or social justice which focus on only the most general features
that the various social groups (or individuals) have in common and
exclude consideration of relevant particularities, relevant contextual
information (1997, 235). Loomba and Mohanty both theorize the possibility of meaningful social
critique despite the deterritorialization of meaning wrought by Western
postmodernism and poststructuralism, a possibility both authors believe to be viable if
advocates of meaningful social critique engage the totality of historical
movements rather than enabling notions of disinterestedness or
objectivity.
Ania Loomba has made some useful comments on the probity of comprehensive historical analysis. In Colonialism/Postcolonialism, she writes,
2ACQueerness
QueernessSurveillance
The queer body is particularly susceptible to surveillance
Conrad 09 (Kathryn Conrad, Nothing to Hide Nothing to Fear: Discriminatory Surveillance and Queer
Visibility in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Ashgate Research Companion to Queer Theory, ed. Noreen Giffney
and Michael ORourke. Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2009.)
The significance of surveillance resonates with the history and politics of queer people,
queer theory, and queer methodologies, since surveillance is part of a
system of power that, among other things, shapes subjectivity , as Michel Foucault (1979)
has argued, and normalises, as Michael Warner (2000) has argued . Surveillance
has been engaged, for instance, to monitor people with HIV and AIDS, to
police the spaces in which dissident sexual behaviour occurs, and to
expose the non-normative private sexual practices of those who have fought publicly against gay marriage.
Surveillance also intersects with visibility/exposure, simultaneously a goal
of the minority-rights activism that has included queer sexualities as well
as a fear of many who find themselves outside of the sexual mainstream."
"
good moral character know where they are going and proceeded to their
destination without signs of deviation (1999, 144). This phrasing resonates with
the notion of queer, particularly insofar as queer invokes a path that is not straight, in several senses of the word. When seeking to engage in queer
sexual behaviour, a person may not follow a straight path in the most literal sense as well, inviting surveillance regardless of the legality of the behaviour as s/he attempts to cruise,
a happy ending (1999, 132). But the storys beginning the impetus for surveillance is shaped by previous stories, and the necessarily incomplete nature of surveillance encourages
the surveillers to draw on previous experiences and assumptions to complete the story. The comments Norris and Armstrong make about narrative highlight the fact that those who
surveil and act on surveillance must fill in the epistemological gaps provided by surveillance, which only provides, often quite literally, part of the picture"
Belfast gay newsletters like Gay Star and Upstart regularly ran
articles warning men who had sex with men about police surveillance
activities and informing them of their rights when arrested. Decriminalisation was, in other
words, not the end to the problems facing men who had sex with men: according to an Autumn 1996 article in Upstart, t here was a significant
increase in murders of gay men, even if they participate in it: the push toward privatisation
has been the norm (2000, 167-8). A celebration of the normality of gay citizens has meant
the marginalisation of any public discussion of a public sexual culture ; from
approximately one per year in the 1970s and 80s to a startling four per year in the 1990s. Police surveillance was focused on
men who had sex with men, in other words, not on violent gay-bashing.
For this reason, surveillance is a potentially charged issue in the gay
community. Violence remains a risk as the gay community becomes even
more visible, both through sanctioned channels (e.g., Pride parades, which garner enthusiastic onlookers and some protest in Northern Ireland; the recent legalisation
Northern Ireland. 9
of civil partnerships for lesbians and gays; and the recent legalisation of adoption by lesbian and gay couples) and illicit channels (e.g., public sex and the subsequent publicity of
arrests). The out gay community in particular has a vexed relationship with the illicit practice of cottaging: although some out gay men participate in cottaging and other public sexual
activity, it is also the site wherein men who might not be part of the gay community have sex with other men men who often have access to less information and fewer resources
about sex, and who may either chose to identify themselves sexually in ways that do not fit the normal heterosexual/homosexual binary, or who engage in such activities through lack
of access to more socially-acceptable channels. These men are a group whose practices we might aptly term queer: sexually dissident and, intentionally or not, challenging the
unspoken assumptions on which the current sexual culture is based. As Michael Warner notes, the gay community in the United States, particularly in New York, has not been eager to
articulate and support a public sexual culture instead, it has been abandoned, along with those who participate in it. Visibility, it seems, comes at a price"
QueernessWalter Jenkins
The internalization of the US public reaction to Walter Jenkins
arrest is indicative of a larger problem with modern
relationships between the queer community and surveillance
by the state
Conrad 09 (Kathryn Conrad, Nothing to Hide Nothing to Fear: Discriminatory Surveillance and Queer
Visibility in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Ashgate Research Companion to Queer Theory, ed. Noreen Giffney
and Michael ORourke. Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2009.)
2ACGender
GenderGeneral
Surveillance and space is gendered
Koskela 00 (Hille, professor of human geography and surveillance studies, The gaze without eyes: videosurveillance and the changing nature of urban space, sage journals,
http://phg.sagepub.com/content/24/2/243.full.pdf, mew)
the places where surveillance most often occurs are, as mentioned above,
the shopping malls and the shopping areas of city centres and, likewise, areas of public
transport (such as underground stations, railway stations and busy bus stops). The people who usually negotiate
and decide upon surveillance are the management: managers of shopping malls, leading politicians, city
mayors, etc. Furthermore, the people who maintain surveillance are the police and private
guards. From this it is possible to draw some conclusions about the gender
structure of surveillance. Women spend more time shopping than men, and
everyday purchases are mostly bought by women (Reeves, 1996: 138). The majority of
the users of public transport are women (Hill, 1996; Kaartokallio, 1997). Thus women quite often
occupy the typical places of surveillance. By contrast, those in charge of
deciding on surveillance are usually men. More importantly, those who maintain
surveillance (the police and guards) are also mostly men. Thus, at the simplest level,
surveillance is, indeed, gendered: most of the people behind the cameras
are men and most of the people under surveillance are women. However, there are other,
In public and semi-public space,
more complicated features, of this gender structure. In the world of surveillance the masculine culture of technology (Wajcman, 1991) is reproduced in the masculine interiors of
monitoring rooms as well as in the recruitment of guards for their physical strength and for their tall, muscular appearance rather than suitable schooling or their ability to cope with
understand the ways in which the power-space of surveillance is gendered, we need to specify the dimensions of the visual of the gaze
someone is looking through it. Similarly, a cameras location gives no indication of where the people behind the camera are situated. There is no personal contact between the security
personnel and the public. One does not know whether anyone is looking and, if so, who that person is or how far away he or she is. One does not even know whether that person is
above or below. Surveillance cameras have been considered as being literally above (Fyfe and Bannister, 1998): they survey from above the crowd, from up there. But quite often this
is not the case. The camera seems to be looking at people from above but the monitoring room may be, for example, in the basement of a shopping mall where premises are cheaper
(Koskela, 1995).
This makes it very difficult to ask for help through the agency of the
Surveillance is gendered
Koskela, 02 (Hille, professor of human geography and surveillance studies Video Surveillance, Gender,
and the Safety of Public Urban Space: "Peeping Tom" Goes High Tech?, Urban Geography,
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.2747/0272-3638.23.3.257, mew)
often not considered to be serious enough to be interrupted by the overseers. Hence, as Sheila Brown (1998, p. 218) writes, CCTV cannot change the general intimidation, verbal
harassment, staring, and drunken rowdiness amongst groups of men which constrains womens movement most strongly.
GenderMale Gaze
The gaze genders the nature of surveillance because of the
power relationships between the surveiller and the surveilled,
leading to sexual objectification and harassment
Koskela 00 (Hille, professor of human geography and surveillance studies, The gaze without eyes: videosurveillance and the changing nature of urban space, sage journals,
http://phg.sagepub.com/content/24/2/243.full.pdf, mew)
of urban space Although there is not a great deal of published research on the gendered aspects of surveillance, the points made here can be supported by empirical evidence. It has
been shown that there is public concern about the potential Peeping Tom element (Honess and Charman, 1992: 9), that women are worried about possible voyeurism (Trench, 1997:
In addition, there is
anecdotal evidence of the camera abuse. Hillier (1996: 99100) describes the case of Burswood Casino in Australia, where
the security camera operators had videotaped women in toilets and artists
changing rooms, zooming in on the exposed parts of their bodies and
editing the video sequences on to one tape that was shown at local house
parties. In like manner, in the summer of 1997 it was discovered that Swedish conscript
solders had been entertaining themselves by monitoring topless women
on a beach near their navy base, taping the women and printing pictures
of them to hang on the barrack walls (Helsingin Sanomat, 17 December 1997). The cameras used were of extremely high quality
and, hence, the pictures were quite explicit. These cases (the latter now being investigated as a crime) are glaring examples of the
possibility of the masculinization and militarization of space, of the
gendering of surveillance and of the abuse of control. Furthermore,
surveillance does not replace or erase other forms of embodiment: women
still encounter sexual harassment and objectifying attitudes in their face149; Brown, 1998: 218), and that cameras positioned in places of an intimate nature irritate women (Koskela, 2000).
Similarly, Moore's contribution to this volume examines the increasing reliance on a genre of institutional photographyphotographs of battered women--by police in cases involving
battery, under a system of white supremacy. Moore shows that women of color (particularly dark-skinned women) are not revealed through the mechanism of photography, especially
subjecting
female bodies to observation has long been a practice in the United States .
their injuries, in the same way as white women. Laura Hyun Yi Kang's piece in this volume, about the history of anti-trafficking, highlights how
She examines the surveillance of the "differentially stratified mobilities" of women across borders, noting that the surveillance and scrutiny of women immigrating to the United States
bespeaks founding imperialist racialist narratives in the United States. Focusing on trafficking in the League of Nations, Kang asserts that women were simultaneously hailed as objects
and subjects of surveillance. The women were, on one one hand, seen as involved in the policing of other women, but on the other hand, at the borders of the nation where they were
imagined to be trafficked, they were placed under greater surveillance which resulted in racialized sexist scrutiny. As Lisa Jean Moore and Paisley Curcah (this volume) show in their
gender) is intimately tied to the rise of statehood, as states gain the power to govern in part by collecting knowledge about their citizenry (Bowker and Star 1999, 110). Thus, in the
words of the communication theorist Armand Mattelart, "measurement, computing, and recording have been the recurrent traits of the long process of construction of the modem mode
2ACIntersectionality
IntersectionalityGeneral
Traditional identity politics fail to note the differences in
groups, which renders women of color invisible
Crenshaw 91 (Kimberle, Professor of civil rights and critical race theory at UCLA, 7/1991, Mapping the
Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/1229039.pdf, mew)
IntersectionalityBlackness/Gender
The aff cant solve for women of colorit only includes them in
established structures; re-centering structures around the
issue of intersectionality is key
Crenshaw 91 (Kimberle, Professor of civil rights and critical race theory at UCLA, 1991, Demarginalizing
the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and
Antiracist Politics, http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?
handle=hein.journals/uchclf1989&div=10&g_sent=1&collection=journals, mew)
This focus on the most privileged group members marginalizes those who
are multiply-burdened and obscures claims that cannot be understood as
resulting from discrete sources of discrimination. I suggest further that
this focus on otherwise-privileged group members creates a distorted
analysis of racism and sexism because the operative conceptions of race
and sex become grounded in experience that actually represent only a
subset of a much more complex phenomenon. After examining the
doctrinal manifestations of this single-axis framework, I will discuss how it
contributes to the marginalization of Black women in feminist theory and
in antiracist politics I argue that Black women are sometimes excluded
from feminist theory and antiracist policy discourse because both are
predicated on a discrete set of experiences that often does not accurately
reflect the interaction of race and gender. These problems of exclusion
cannot be solved simply by including Black women within an already
established analytical structure. Because the intersectional experience is
greater than the sum of racism and sexism, any analysis that does not
take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the
particular manner in which Black women are subordinated. Thus, for
feminist theory and antiracist policy discourse to embrace the experiences
and concerns of Black women, the entire framework that has been used as
a basis for translating "women's experience" or "the Black experience"
into concrete policy demands must be rethought and recast.
2ACHuman Rights
Liberation theologians are among the few who have dared to under- line,
from the left, the deficiencies of the liberal human rights movement. The
most glaring of these deficiencies emerges from intimate acquaintance
with the suffering of the poor in countries that are signatory to all modern
human rights agreements. When children living in poverty die of measles,
gastroenteritis, and malnutrition, and yet no party is judged guilty of a
human rights violation, liberation theology finds fault with the entire
notion of human rights as defined within liberal democracies . Thus, even before judgment is
rendered, the "observe" part of the formula reveals atrocious conditions as atrocious. The "judge" part of the equation is nonetheless important even if it is, in a Sense, pre-judged. We
cataclysms of nature that wreak havoc in the lives Of the Latin American poor:
This rising gap between states propensity to join the international human
rights regime and to bring their human rights practice into compliance
with that regime challenges the efficacy of international law and questions
the authenticity of states legal commitments to protect the lives of their
citizens. There are many examples. Guatemala ratified its first global human rights treaty
protecting women against discrimination in 1982, a period in which the
government was reported to practice extensive political imprisonment,
execution, and political murder and detention for political views . By 1992, the
government had ratified all six of the most important human right s
treaties
(reviewed in table 1), extending its commitments to protect all citizens from violations of civil, political, economic,
cultural rights
; to insure freedom from torture and protection for racial minorities and children.
social
and
. By 1994,
protecting human rights. In that same year, Amnesty International reported that repression had become
extreme, systematic, and populationwide (Amnesty International 1994).3 What good are international human rights
treaties if they do not improve human rights practices?
2ACT
AT TSurveillance
We meet- Categorization is part of surveillance
Jenkins 12 (Richard Jenkins, Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Sheffield, Print Pg 284Sorting out whos
who, 2012)
2ACK
AT KFoucault
Panopticism cannot accurately describe the current political
systeminstead, we must analyze the way that simulation has
evolved and overtaken panopticism
Bogard 09 (William Bogard, Whitman College, Simulation and Post-Panopticism, Routledge Handbook of
Surveillance Studies, 2012)
control is a force that channels flows and if or how they cross the
systems boundaries. Panoptic architecture, Benthams famous design, represented a
genuine advance in the efficiency of flow-control technologies over earlier
ages. The elaborate system of walls and passages insured that
populations of confined individuals would move in precise and predictable
ways. But this system could not last, given the rapid exteriorization of productive forces in the twentieth century and its
acceleration after the Second World War by advances in computerization, networks and methods of statistical modeling. The technical logic that
organizes control societies, according to Deleuze, is modulation. Interiors are like
molds, rigid containers that shape their objects into a fixed and final
formin the case of discipline, this form is the modern individual . Modulation, in
the abstract,
contrast, does not work this way. In scientific terms, modulation is variable control over the characteristics of a wave. It is not applied to individuals but to oscillations, specifically, to
trends or tendential movements that have defined statistical properties (we shall return to this). One form that modulation can take is statistical control, which adjusts production
frequencies and amplitudes on the basis of small samples and standard deviations. This form of control does not depend on interiors, yet nonetheless operates as a form of enclosure.
New techniques of statistical tracking (e.g. data mining), combined with remote
control technologies, allow certain production processes to be regulated
without concentrating them behind walls or allocating them to specific
institutional spaces. Such is the case, for example, with work involving quality control, inventory, risk assessment and coordination of complex component
assembly lines. What is true for space is also true for time. In disciplinary societies,
interiorization is accompanied by rigid temporal controls. Linear time , Deleuze
(1992: 45) writes, structures production both inside disciplinary institutions for
example, the work line of the factoryand between them. When one is at
work, one is not at school, or the barracks, or at home, always being
transported from one rigid container to the next. Linear sequencing of production, in which each phase follows
its immediately preceding one, may mark an advance in control technology at the beginning of the industrial age, but it becomes a fetter in network society, which demands phasing of
the individual, an enclosure that modulates can vary its structure and the product it produces in response to changing contingencies of production, for example, those generated by the
speed and complexity of modern communications, or the rapid flux of global markets. All these changes culminate in a crisis of panoptic control grounded in its inability to regulate
temporal controls) with modulated control by models, codes and new methods of social sorting. What follows traces historical developments in simulation and their connection to postpanopticism in the sociology of Jean Baudrillard, who views these developments in terms of a shift in the representational function of sign systems in the twentieth century.
the panoptic
model of enclosure and its disciplinary logic are historically finished. The
discipline enforced by panoptic surveillance evolves into a general
system of deterrence, in which submission to a centralized gaze
becomes a general codification of experience that allows no room for
deviation from its model. In post-panoptic society, subjectivity is not
produced by surveillance in the conventional sense of hierarchical
observation, but by codes intended to reproduce the subject in advance . It is
29). Although critical of Foucaults analysis of panoptic space, which he insists reifies the concept of power, Baudrillard shares Foucaults sense that
no coincidence that Baudrillard often draws on examples of genetic engineering and cloning to illustrate the logical, technical and human horizons of simulation control. Baudrillard does
simulation entails the end of the panoptic model . At the same time, his
conception of simulation as hyperreality allows for the interpretation
that panoptic control has not disappeared altogether in the new
information order, but in fact has shifted into a higher register . Baudrillard, for example,
asserts that measures that organized the prior order of signs are reduplicated in simulation in the present order. Thus, representation does not
exactly disappear as a force in control societies, but rather becomes
simulated representation (virtual reality can be conceived in this way); power does not vanish, but
becomes simulated power, no longer instantiated and invested in the real,
but rather reproduced in codes and models. Extending this logic, the visible spaces
organized by the panopticon become the data mines and information
clouds of postdisciplinary societies, accessed not by doors, locks and keys,
but by passwords, pin numbers and decryption tools. The forces of
verification, far from succumbing to the general crisis of truth that marks the failure of the panoptic
machine, now operate more comprehensively, antecedent rather than subsequent to events. It is in this spirit of reading Baudrillard that has led Bogard (1996) to describe
postmodern control as simulated surveillance, or surveillance as modeling. If and when simulation control becomes able to
model the full range of contingencies for a predesignated range of events
and control for them, surveillance will have achieved its most
comprehensive expression. Every unfolding process that occurs within a
defined set of parameters will be pre-screened and accounted for in
assert that
advance. Such are the dreams of control society engineers who design
virtual training systems, or who develop cloning technologies and artificial
intelligence systems. It is the reality principle that is at stake in these changes, not reality itself. In control societies,
surveillance is not governed solely by the imperative to represent reality,
but to assist in the construction and application of models . What is monitored first of all is
information on the performance of the model, and not the event it models. The panopticon is a medium for
channeling flows of information and bodies. It is a concrete assemblage
consisting of lighted passageways, walls, entries and exits, and an
apparatus for recording all that passes in and out of the assemblage . It is the
dematerialization of this medium that Baudrillard claims is a hallmark of post-panoptic society. Hardt and Negri (2004) have theorized the dematerialization and growing abstraction of
A parallel
way of thinking about this development is through the language of
surveillance assemblages (cf. Haggerty and Ericson 2000). Assemblages, in Deleuze and Guattaris (1987) formulation,
are multiplicities of interconnected machines, some of which are concrete
(e.g. surveillance hardware, bioware technology), others abstract and immaterial (codes, models, statistical formulae, data). As it has
evolved in control societies, the surveillance assemblage increasingly operates as a system
of deterrence that manages the immaterial functions of networks . Of course, the
material technology of surveillance remains important networks are still
composed of interconnected computers, communication lines and
information storage devices. Currently, however, developments in network
technologies point to the progressive elimination of physical media, as
communications become wireless, as data storage becomes the function
of information clouds and as tracking of individual and population
movements no longer demands their visibility but continuous global
positioning and statistical estimation. Eventually, so the science fiction scenario goes, the external medium of surveillance will
dematerialize entirely with advances in genetic coding and engineering. Finally, Baudrillard claims that the collapse of the reality
principle in simulation reverses the causality of panoptic control, indeed
the whole causal logic of discipline insofar as it constitutes a machinery of
judgment. In the disciplinary machine, verification precedes judgment . Although it
aims to produce automatic obedience, panoptic surveillance nonetheless reacts to events it
notices, identifies and categorizes them before passing this information
on to authorities that determine its ultimate significance. In control
societies, however, judgment is far more proactive. The simulation model
structures the events production and meaning, and passes judgment in
advance. Surveillance is relegated to a secondary function and is only
there to monitor the performance of the model. It is as if the whole causal sequence of social judgment had been
media of control in post-panoptic societies, as the information network rather than industrial production becomes the dominant model for organizing society.
reversed to mirror the Queens demands for justice in Alice in Wonderland: Let the jury consider their verdict, the King said, for about the twentieth time that day. No, no! said the
Queen. Sentence first verdict afterwards. Stuff and nonsense! said Alice loudly. The idea of having the sentence first! Hold your tongue! said the Queen, turning purple. I wont!
said Alice. Off with her head! the Queen shouted at the top of her voice. Nobody moved. Who cares for you? said Alice, (she had grown to her full size by this time.) Youre nothing but
No
verification procedure is necessary to render a verdict for a judgment already made. Verification, so to speak, is complete. Reality checks that would interrupt this sequence are
entertainment. They have been commercially profitable and led to the production of lower-cost information delivery platforms that have high performance computing and graphics.
Trends point to the insertion of more instructional tools into game simulations, following the military example above.
replication of experience. From flight simulators to retinal laser technologies that produce images directly on the eye, the substitution of virtual for
real experience has been a project of simulation research and development. Haptic control is perhaps one of the more fantastic applications of simulation technology. It is a means of
flexible enclosure, in contrast to confinement, to return to the theme that began this chapter. Haptic simulation involves not just the simulation of touch, as its name might imply. Rather,
it is a technical and social program for the replication of sensibility as a whole, including the bodys proprioceptive awareness, the internal sense of its own position and movement
relative to the external world. Part of this program does involve the development of technologies that reproduce or simulate the sensation of touch, but the full project of haptics is
simulation control of the whole continuum of affective experience. The term haptics comes from the Greek for the ability to make contact with. Unlike information control that requires
a confined population, or a dispersed population under passive surveillance (such as CCTV), haptic technologies respond to the active body and supply it with tactile feedback. The
program of haptics is straightforward: simulate the bodys sense of acting in the real world. Haptic interfaces simulate the feel of objects, their texture, surface resistance, bulk, edges
and gaps. Datagloves that react with vibratory stimuli to users handling of simulated objects, for instance, are a classic example of a haptic technology. Current applications include
locomotion devices for navigating virtual worlds (updated treadmills), orthopedic equipment, touch-screen technologies, tele-operators (remotely controlled robots), diagnostic tools for
measuring or producing pressure and resistance, density, heat and other intensive parameters, and, of course, computer games that provide gamers with various kinds of vibrational or
positional feedback. In all these developments of simulation control, we have moved far beyond what the panoptic model of surveillance developed in the classical age was capable of
explaining.
***NEG***
Case
Biometrics GoodBlackness
Biometrics can be strategically used to challenge racialized
surveillance
Browne 12 (Simone, Associate Professor of sociology at the University of Texas, specializing in surveillance
and technology, Affiliated Professor in African and African Diaspora studies, 2012, Routledge Handbook of
Surveillance Studies, https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=F8nhCfrUamEC&oi=fnd&pg=PA72&dq=bell+hooks+surveillance&ots=y_cwHilZU5&sig=iyT3wYeFrSq
B3bDvjpJuMRHaSAI#v=onepage&q=bell%20hooks%20surveillance&f=false, mew)
briefly present here as it hints at both the limitations, and liberatory potential of biometrics. On 21 May 2009,
While Mohamud was in limbo in Kenya, the Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs Lawrence Cannon was quoted of
saying. "there is no tangible proof' that Mohamud is Canadian and that "all Canadians who hold passports generally
have a picture that is identical in their passport to what they claim to be. Cannon made this statement after
Mohamud submitted her fingerprints to Canadian officials in Kenya, and after an officer from the Canadian Border
Services Agency visited her place of employment in Toronto so that her co-workers could identify a photo of her. It
was later revealed that there were no fingerprints on file with the Canadian government with which to make a
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf) *edited for g-lang
need for independent organizations to test, assess, and validate the various biometric technologies. It is of critical importance that the capabilities of systems and potential ways of
applying those capabilities are appropriately matched to security and surveillance needs so that individuals expect neither too much nor too little from these emerging technological
possible. We must apply this lesson to our operational framework. If a person (including a terrorist) is coming to the United States from overseas, he they must pass through
an immigration checkpoint at the port of entry. At this checkpoint, the INS official scrutinizes the person, asks questions, and inspects the persons travel documents. The official then
in the immigration processing to rigorously evaluate the system: How well did FaceCheck do in identifying suspects?5 Moreover, while we do not have to use the system on all
closed-circuit surveillance cameras to capture images clandestinely at certain ports of entry. In this way, we can learn how well such systems work in realistic operational environments
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
(Dr. Myra Gray, Terrorism and New Biometric Technologies, Security Magazine, November 2008,
http://www.securitymagazine.com/articles/79463-terrorism-and-new-biometrics-technologies-1)
The BTF also operates and maintains the DoDs authoritative biometric database to support the National Security Strategy. A 2004 bombing in Mosul, Iraq, resulted in a need for a
system to more securely monitor and grant access to only authorized individuals. The Biometric Identification System for Access (BISA) was developed and has since been used by
analysts to issue more than 220,000 military base access cards and permanently bar more than 800 individuals from having access. This smartcard-based system has increased base
Biometrics GoodTerrorism
Security systems that rely on badges and tokens are easily
compromisedbiometric technologies are a better option
Woodward 05
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf) *edited for g-lang
Australias announcement last month that they are investing $700 million
to upgrade their biometric border clearance system takes on increased
significance after news surfaced this past week that a known terrorist was
able to slip out of Australia undetected. According to BiometricUpdate.com, the new system will include criminal watchlist
checks, biometric e-gate exit system, inspection officer scheduling and identity management to mimic their SmartGate entry. The news is more noteworthy both (1) in contrast to
detailed examples of five types of travel document fraud known to be committed by terrorists, including genuine, unaltered passports such as used by Sharouff in leaving Australia on
his brothers passport. By 1992, the book boasted it had already identified 200 people carrying forged passports provided by terrorist groups before they engage[d] in terrorist acts.
that the 9/11 terrorists had engaged in a specific terrorist travel operation. In other words, not only did the four nearly simultaneous hijackings of four commercial airplanes constitute a
Terrorists must
travel clandestinely to meet, train, plan, case targets, and gain access to
attack. To them, international travel presents great danger, because they
must surface to pass through regulated channels, present themselves to
border security officials, or attempt to circumvent inspection points. In
their travels, terrorists use evasive methods, such as altered and
counterfeit passports and visas, and immigration and identity fraud.
These can sometimes be detected. See 9/11 Commission Final Report at p. 384. Today identity
assumption remains possible where passports do not meet the
international standards requiring inclusion of a biometric, or a country
fails to implement processes to read biometrics or passports . That is
certainly not the case with Australia or the United States in regard to
passport issuance, or biometric capabilities at entry. Yet where these
same countries fail to embed biometric or passport readers into border
processes at exit, the likelihood of success for a stolen passport to be
used for purchase, check-in and departure of an international flight
increases substantially. That is what appears to have occurred in Australia. The fact that Australia is working to fix the problem swiftly, is
coordinated operation, but so did the hijackers travel. This coordinated operation was dubbed terrorist travel. The Commission stated:
commendable. Sharrouf certainly understood that clandestine travel was imperative to his success, and what the consequences of detection would be. As the atrocities of the ruthless
terrorist group ISIS invading Iraq is pushing news of genocide and civil unrest in nations such as the Ukraine, Syria, and Pakistan to the back burner, one thing remains clear: stopping the
. In an increasingly
dependent world, all nations bear some responsibility for not just knowing
who is entering any particular nation, but who is leaving as well, and
whether such travel is being conducted by terrorists . They also want to
protect themselves from these terrorists returning home unnoticed to
commit more atrocities. Governments have no excuses where todays
technologies are proven effective in highly demanding environments
already. Biometric exit is one relatively simple procedure that assures
against at least some terrorist travel, and unnecessary loss of life, in an
increasingly unstable world. The CIA had it right in 1992. Is the US going to get biometric exit done in 2014?
influx of foreign terrorists by controlling borders before these terrorists reach war-torn countries such as Iraq is essential
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
As the nation recovers from the attacks of September 11, 2001, we must
rededicate our efforts to prevent any such terrorist acts in the future .
Although terrorism can never be completely eliminated, we, as a nation,
can take additional steps to counter it. We must explore many options in this endeavor. Among them, we should examine the
use of emerging biometric technologies that can help improve public safety . While there is no easy,
foolproof technical fix to counter terrorism, the use of biometric technologies might help make
America a safer place. Biometrics refers to the use of a persons
physical characteristics or personal traits to identify, or verify the claimed
identity of, that individual. Fingerprints, faces, voices, and handwritten signatures are all examples of characteristics that have been used to
identify us in this way. Biometric-based systems provide automatic, nearly
instantaneous identification of a person by converting the biometric a fingerprint,
for exampleinto digital form and then comparing it against a computerized
database. In this way, fingerprints, faces, voices, iris and retinal images of the eye, hand geometry, and signature dynamics can now be used to identify us, or to
MIT
Technology Review named biometrics as one of the top ten emerging
technologies that will change the world. And after September 11th,
biometric technologies may prove to be one of the emerging technologies
that will help safeguard the nation. This issue paper does not advance the argument that biometrics would have prevented the
September 11th attacks. Nor does it present biometrics as a complete solution to the terrorist problem. Rather, it offers recommendations as to how biometric
technologies can be used to improve security and thereby help safeguard our communities against future
terrorist attacks. Specifically, this issue paper discusses how biometric technologies could be used to impede
terrorism in three critical areas: 1. Controlling access to sensitive facilities
at airports, 2. Preventing identity theft and fraud in the use of travel
documents, and 3. Identifying known or suspected terrorists . It further offers a proposed
authenticate our claimed identity, quickly and accurately. These biometric technologies may seem exotic, but their use is becoming increasingly common. In January 2000,
counterterrorist application that uses a type of biometric known as facial recognition to identify terrorists.
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
The U.S. government has taken positive steps to encourage the use of
biometrics. It is time to do more. The newly established Office of Homeland Security (OHS) is a logical place to coordinate these efforts.
Specifically, OHS can focus part of its efforts on using biometrics to counter
terrorism. As a first step, OHS, working with other concerned agencies like the
Department of Justice, INS, FBI, CIA, Department of State, and Department
of Transportation, should draft guidelines to explain how biometric
technologies, particularly the FaceCheck system, should be used and
implemented. This OHS coordination effort is essential for any biometrics
that would be used in conjunction with travel documents where
interoperability and technical standards are of critical importance. These
guidelines should also address a crucial aspect of any FaceCheck system
the data that are included in the watchlist database. In this regard, the
guidelines must include rigorous technical and procedural controls on the
information that goes into the watchlist database. The nations focus now
is on the war against terrorism; the focus of the watchlist database should similarly be on locating known or suspected terrorists and
deterring unknown terrorists from entering the United States. Depending on resources and constraints, the watchlist might also include certain individuals for whom there are felony
arrest warrants outstanding. Accordingly, OHS should immediately task the law enforcement and intelligence communities to provide photographs of known and suspected terrorists for
the watchlist database. The security and intelligence services of foreign states could also contribute to this effort. It would also seem advisable to expand FaceCheck so that it can be
used among other nations at their ports of entry to help identify terrorists around the globe. With an eye toward the future, OHS should work closely with the BC, INS, and DoDs ongoing
biometric initiatives to encourage the U.S. governments biometric development efforts. Priority should be placed on rigorous independent vetting and testing of biometric technologies.
(John D. Woodward, Jr., former CIA operations officer and senior policy analyst at RAND,
Biometrics: Facing Up To Terrorism, RAND Arroyo Center, 2005,
http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/issue_papers/2005/IP218.pdf)
(Christine Gorman, How Biometrics Helped to Identify the Master Terrorist, Scientific
American, May 2011, http://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-biometrics-helped-to-identify-master-terrorist/)
When the U.S. military attacked Iraq in March 2003, it brought to bear the
most advanced technology then available for identifying potential
terrorists by their physical features. The equipment measured all sorts of physical featuresfrom fingerprints to images of the iris
but it was not particularly easy to use. The apparatus weighed a hefty 50 pounds and consisted of a hardened laptop hooked up to a camera, an iris scanner and a fingerprint device.
led the development of the identity assessment tool that the military started using in Iraq. In the aftermath of Sept. 11, the U.S. Defense Department and the National Institute of
from the enhanced computer processing power. Fingerprinting was first proposed as a crime-fighting measure in the late 1800s and Paul Revere used dental records to identify the body
of a Revolutionary War hero killed at the Battle of Bunker Hill. By the late 1990s, the FBI had computerized the process of matching fingerprints, allowing results in a matter of hours. The
law enforcement agency is now in the process of adopting a new system that can return results in minutes, according to Peter Higgins, who helped the FBI automate its fingerprinting
whittled the number down to just one man, who was later arrested and
positively identified as the fugitive.
subcommittee, said to Paul McHale, assistant secretary of defense for homeland security. "Consistent with applicable law, we are aggressively using biometrics for the purposes that you
asked McHale if DoD was sharing its detainee biometrics information with the U.S. Departments of Justice, State or Homeland Security, so that detainees who might escape could be
State GoodGender
Working within institutions is keyotherwise, the political is
ceded to privileged white males
Philips 09 (Anne, Associate professor at the London school of economics and policial science in gender
studies and government, Feminism and Politics, 2009,
https://books.google.com/booksid=2vjlSnVwT1YC&pg=PA208&lpg=PA208&dq=Such+accounts+overemphasized+t
he+effectiveness+with+which+the+welfare+state+reproduces+the+capitalist+mode+of+production+through+w
omen%27s+dependence+upon+men+within+the+family.
+And+they+were+unable+to+explain+convincingly+just+why+the+state+should+need+to+reinforce+masculin
e+dominance+and+privilege.
+Zillah+Eisenstein+attempted+to+solve+the+problem+by+treating+the+state+as+the+mediator+between+th
e+dual+systems+of+patriarchy+and+capitalism.
+This+raised+another+set+of+difficulties+in+establishing+where+these+systems+began+and+ended,
+and+produced+an+analysis+that+was+overly+functionalist.
+Most+tended+to+focus+on+the+oppressive+aspects+of+the+state.+The+
%27capitalist+state27+view+was+particularly+dominant+in+British+feminism,
+reflecting+the+importance+of+class+divisions+in+British+political+life+and&source=bl&ots=6kE85Ut1O4&sig
=orWS-AnvWFK_c_49O-_CX-nrbk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CCAQ6AEwAGoVChMIp6yEkcj5xgIV2DKICh3CBwug#v=onepage&q&f=false, mew)
Impacts/Framing
Bioterror
Smallpox biological weapons are still a threat
Block 01 (Steven M. Block, professor of biological sciences and applied physics at Stanford University, The
Growing Threat of Biological Weapons, American Scientist, Vol. 89, No. 1, Jan-Feb 2001, p. 28-37,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/27857397?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents)
eliminated after a decade-long, worldwide health campaign, which was launched in 1967 under the auspices of the World Health Organization (WHO), under the direction of Donald A.
vaccine derived from the vaccinia virus. The U.S. Public Health Service recommends re-vaccination every 10 years, but since routine vaccination of the U.S. population ended nearly 25
years ago, few Americans retain immunity today. The current stocks of the vaccine are negligible. Fortunately, there has been some recent action to correct this state of affairs. As of last
September, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) have contracted for a 40-million-dose stockpile of the vaccine. The first batches of the vaccine are slated to be
In the event of a
simultaneous terrorist attack on several major cities, hundreds of millions
of doses might be required to prevent the disease from spreading . Whether terrorists
could get access to the smallpox virus is still an open question. At the end of the heroic WHO campaign frozen
stocks of the variola virus were maintained in trust by two organizations:
the CDC and Vector, the Russian State Research Center of Virology and
Biotechnology in Koltsovo, Novosibirsk, Russia. These stocks were originally scheduled to be
destroyed on December 31, 1993, but this date has been repeatedly
postponed as politicians and health officials debate the wisdom of
retaining or destroying the remaining virus, given the growing
bioweapons threat. For now, the decision has been deferred by the WHO until 2002. A concern shared by many is
whether the Russian stocks are securely held. Ken Alibek has reported
that Bio-preparat secretly prepared smallpox based bioweapons up until
at least 1992, leading one to wonder how much viable smallpox virus
might exist outside the official Koltsovo depository. If any weaponized
material or viral stocks found their way to terrorist organizations, the
consequences could be disastrous. Simply put, smallpox represents a direct threat
to the entire world.
ready by 2004. However, some public-health scientists have questioned whether such a "small" stockpile is adequate.
Beyond the smallpox scenario, what has people worried is the impact of
modern biotechnology. For better or worse, the world is in the midst of a stunning
revolution in the life sciences. Scientists have already determined the
complete genomic sequences for more than 30 microbes and even more
viruses. The DNA code for the cholera pathogen (Vibrio cholerae) was recently
published, and the genomes of more than 100 other microorganisms are
now being sequencedincluding the bacteria that cause anthrax, plague,
dysentery and typhoid. Of course, the new information is critical for answering fundamental and practical questions in biology and medicine, and will be
put to direct, practical use in a myriad of health-related applications. But what about "black biology"? Could biotechnology be used to produce a new generation of biowarfare agents
with unprecedented power to destroy? Or is this just alarmist hype? No one can say for sure, but many molecular biologists familiar with the relevant technologies seem inclined to a
pessimistic view. A key reason for pessimism is the ease with which genetic manipulations are now accomplished. Back in the summer of 1997, JASON (a group of primarily academic
scientists, which consults on technical matters for the U.S. government and its agencies) addressed the problem of next-generation bioweapons threats. The JASON study explored a
wide range of future possibilities open to genetically engineered pathogens, including some that could be achieved with the current state of the art and others that arehappilystill
The prospects are sobering. Both bacteria and viruses may now be
engineered to be qualitatively different from conventional bioweapon
agents. In terms of bioweaponry, this includes imbuing them with such
"desirable" at tributes as safer handling, increased virulence, improved
ability to target the host, greater difficulty of detection and easier
distribution. Several broad classes of unconventional pathogens were identified by JASON. These include "binary" bioweapons, which, by analogy with chemical
some way off.
weapons, are two-component systems in which each part is relatively safe to handle, but which become deadly in combination, and "designer" variations on genes, viruses and complete
these exotic possibilities seem downright superfluous given the dangers posed by the current generation of bioweapon agents. Then again, fusion-based hydrogen bombs seem
ExtinctionBostrom
Extinction is probableprefer our methodology because it
combines philosophy and mathematics
Anderson 12 (Ross Anderson, deputy director of Aeon Magazine, Were Underestimating the Risk of
Human Extinction, The Atlantic, March 2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2012/03/wereunderestimating-the-risk-of-human-extinction/253821/)
there might be a permanent global totalitarian dystopia. Once again that's related to the possibility of the development of technologies that could make it a lot easier for oppressive
regimes to weed out dissidents or to perform surveillance on their populations, so that you could have a permanently stable tyranny, rather than the ones we have seen throughout
history, which have eventually been overthrown.
we've survived
for over 100 thousand years, so it seems prima facie unlikely that any
natural existential risks would do us in here in the short term , in the next
hundred years for instance. Whereas, by contrast we are going to
introduce entirely new risk factors in this century through our
technological innovations and we don't have any track record of surviving
those. Now another way of arriving at this is to look at these particular risks from nature and to
notice that the probability of them occurring is small. For instance we can
estimate asteroid risks by looking at the distribution of craters that we
find on Earth or on the moon in order to give us an idea of how frequent
impacts of certain magnitudes are, and they seem to indicate that the risk
there is quite small. We can also study asteroids through telescopes and see if any are on a collision course with Earth, and so far we haven't found any
And why shouldn't we be as worried about natural existential risks in the short term? Bostrom: One way of making that argument is to say that
large asteroids on a collision course with Earth and we have looked at the majority of the big ones already.
Naively, one might think that this piece of evidence suggests that life is likely to evolve on most Earth-like planets. But that would be to overlook an observation selection effect. For no
matter how small the proportion of all Earth-like planets that evolve intelligent life, we will find ourselves on a planet that did. Our data point-that intelligent life arose on our planet-is
predicted equally well by the hypothesis that intelligent life is very improbable even on Earth-like planets as by the hypothesis that intelligent life is highly probable on Earth-like planets.
Well,
one principle for how to reason when there are these observation
selection effects is called the self-sampling assumption, which says
roughly that you should think of yourself as if you were a randomly
selected observer of some larger reference class of observers. This
assumption has a particular application to thinking about the future
through the doomsday argument, which attempts to show that we have
systematically underestimated the probability that the human species will
perish relatively soon. The basic idea involves comparing two different hypotheses about how long the human species will last in terms of how many total
people have existed and will come to exist. You could for instance have two hypothesis: to pick an
easy example imagine that one hypothesis is that a total of 200 billion
humans will have ever existed at the end of time, and the other
When it comes to human extinction and existential risk, there are certain controversial ways that observation selection effects might be relevant. How so? Bostrom:
hypothesis is that 200 trillion humans will have ever existed. Let's say that
initially you think that each of these hypotheses is equally likely, you then
have to take into account the self-sampling assumption and your own
birth rank, your position in the sequence of people who have lived and
who will ever live. We estimate currently that there have, to date, been
100 billion humans. Taking that into account, you then get a probability
shift in favor of the smaller hypothesis, the hypothesis that only 200
billion humans will ever have existed. That's because you have to reason
that if you are a random sample of all the people who will ever have
existed, the chance that you will come up with a birth rank of 100 billion is
much larger if there are only 200 billion in total than if there are 200
trillion in total. If there are going to be 200 billion total human beings, then as the 100 billionth of those human beings, I am somewhere in the middle, which is not
so surprising. But if there are going to be 200 trillion people eventually, then you might think that it's sort of surprising that you're among the earliest 0.05% of the people who will ever
exist. So you can see how reasoning with an observation selection effect can have these surprising and counterintuitive results. Now I want to emphasize that I'm not at all sure this kind
of argument is valid; there are some deep methodological questions about this argument that haven't been resolved, questions that I have written a lot about.
in space itself, or something like that, one might ask what we can infer from this long track record of survival. And one might think that any species anywhere will think of themselves as
having survived up to the current time because of this observation selection effect. You don't observe yourself after you've gone extinct, and so that complicates the analysis for certain
kinds of risks. A few years ago I wrote a paper together with a physicist at MIT named Max Tegmark, where we looked at particular risks like vacuum decay, which is this hypothetical
phenomena where space decays into a lower energy state, which would then cause this bubble propagating at the speed of light that would destroy all structures in its path, and would
cause a catastrophe that no observer could ever see because it would come at you at the speed of light, without warning. We were noting that it's somewhat problematic to apply our
observations to develop a probability for something like that, given this observation selection effect. But we found an indirect way of looking at evidence having to do with the formation
date of our planet, and comparing it to the formation date of other earthlike planets and then using that as a kind of indirect way of putting a bound on that kind of risk. So that's another
way in which observation selection effects become important when you're trying to estimate the odds of humanity having a long future.
the definition of an
existential risk goes beyond just extinction, in that it also includes the
permanent destruction of our potential for desirable future development.
Our permanent failure to develop the sort of technologies that would
fundamentally improve the quality of human life would count as an
existential catastrophe. I think there are vastly better ways of being than we
humans can currently reach and experience. We have fundamental
to develop advanced technology would itself constitute an existential risk. Why is that? Bostrom: Well, again I think
biological limitations, which limit the kinds of values that we can instantiate in our life---our lifespans are limited,
our cognitive abilities are limited, our emotional constitution is such that
even under very good conditions we might not be completely happy . And even at the
more mundane level, the world today contains a lot of avoidable misery and suffering and poverty and disease, and I think the world could be a lot better, both in the transhuman way,
various developments
in biotechnology and synthetic biology are quite disconcerting. We are
gaining the ability to create designer pathogens and there are these
blueprints of various disease organisms that are in the public domain--you can download the gene sequence for smallpox or the 1918 flu virus
from the Internet. So far the ordinary person will only have a digital
representation of it on their computer screen, but we're also developing
better and better DNA synthesis machines, which are machines that can
take one of these digital blueprints as an input, and then print out the
actual RNA string or DNA string. Soon they will become powerful enough
that they can actually print out these kinds of viruses. So already there
you have a kind of predictable risk, and then once you can start modifying
these organisms in certain kinds of ways, there is a whole additional
frontier of danger that you can foresee. In the longer run, I think artificial
intelligence---once it gains human and then superhuman capabilities---will present us with a major risk area.
There are also different kinds of population control that worry me, things
What technology, or potential technology, worries you the most? Bostrom: Well, I can mention a few. In the nearer term I think
something like that. If it had turned out that way then where would we be now? Presumably once that
discovery had been made civilization would have been doomed. Each time
we make one of these new discoveries we are putting our hand into a big
urn of balls and pulling up a new ball---so far we've pulled up white balls
and grey balls, but maybe next time we will pull out a black ball, a
discovery that spells disaster. At the moment we have no good way of
putting the ball back into the urn if we don't like it. Once a discovery has
been published there is no way of un-publishing it. Even with nuclear
weapons there were close calls. According to some people we came quite
close to all out nuclear war and that was only in the first few decades of
having discovered the new technology, and again it's a technology that
only a few large states had, and that requires a lot of resources to
control---individuals can't really have a nuclear arsenal.
Nuclear Terrorism
Nuclear terrorism is likely and causes extinctionsecurity
experts agree
Rhodes 09 (Richard, affiliate of the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford
University, Former visiting scholar at Harvard and MIT, and author of The Making of the Atomic Bomb which won
the Pulitzer Prize in Nonfiction, National Book Award, and National Book Critics Circle Award, Reducing the nuclear
threat: The argument for public safety , December 2009, http://www.thebulletin.org/web-edition/op-eds/reducingthe-nuclear-threat-the-argument-public-safety)
some
sort of terrorist attack, and especially an act of nuclear terrorism, could precipitate
a chain of events leading to a massive exchange of nuclear weapons
between two or more of the states that possess them. In this context, todays and tomorrows terrorist groups might assume the place allotted
during the early Cold War years to new state possessors of small nuclear arsenals who were seen as raising the risks of a catalytic
nuclear war between the superpowers started by third parties . These risks were considered
But these two nuclear worldsa non-state actor nuclear attack and a catastrophic interstate nuclear exchangeare not necessarily separable. It is just possible that
in the late 1950s and early 1960s as concerns grew about nuclear proliferation, the so-called n+1 problem. It may require a considerable amount of imagination to depict an especially
plausible situation where an act of nuclear terrorism could lead to such a massive inter-state nuclear war. For example, in the event of a terrorist nuclear attack on the United States, it
might well be wondered just how Russia and/or China could plausibly be brought into the picture, not least because they seem unlikely to be fingered as the most obvious state sponsors
or encouragers of terrorist groups. They would seem far too responsible to be involved in supporting that sort of terrorist behavior that could just as easily threaten them as well. Some
possibilities, however remote, do suggest themselves. For example, how might the United States react if it was thought or discovered that the fissile material used in the act of nuclear
terrorism had come from Russian stocks,40 and if for some reason Moscow denied any responsibility for nuclear laxity? The correct attribution of that nuclear material to a particular
country might not be a case of science fiction given the observation by Michael May et al. that while the debris resulting from a nuclear explosion would be spread over a wide area in
tiny fragments, its radioactivity makes it detectable, identifiable and collectable, and a wealth of information can be obtained from its analysis: the efficiency of the explosion, the
materials used and, most important some indication of where the nuclear material came from.41 Alternatively, if the act of nuclear terrorism came as a complete surprise, and
American officials refused to believe that a terrorist group was fully responsible (or responsible at all) suspicion would shift immediately to state possessors. Ruling out Western ally
countries like the United Kingdom and France, and probably Israel and India as well, authorities in Washington would be left with a very short list consisting of North Korea, perhaps Iran if
and/or China, or if they were confronting each other from a distance in a proxy war, as unlikely as these developments may seem at the present time. The reverse might well apply too:
should a nuclear terrorist attack occur in Russia or China during a period of heightened tension or even limited conflict with the United States, could Moscow and Beijing resist the
Washingtons early
response to a terrorist nuclear attack on its own soil might also raise the possibility of an unwanted (and
nuclear aided) confrontation with Russia and/or China. For example, in the noise and confusion during the immediate aftermath of the terrorist nuclear attack,
the U.S. president might be expected to place the countrys armed forces, including its
nuclear arsenal, on a higher stage of alert. In such a tense environment, when careful planning runs up against the friction
of reality, it is just possible that Moscow and/or China might mistakenly read this
as a sign of U.S. intentions to use force (and possibly nuclear force) against them. In that situation, the
temptations to preempt such actions might grow, although it must be admitted that any preemption would probably still meet with a
pressures that might rise domestically to consider the United States as a possible perpetrator or encourager of the attack?
devastating response. As part of its initial response to the act of nuclear terrorism (as discussed earlier) Washington might decide to order a significant conventional (or nuclear)
retaliatory or disarming attack against the leadership of the terrorist group and/or states seen to support that group. Depending on the identity and especially the location of these
targets, Russia and/or China might interpret such action as being far too close for their comfort, and potentially as an infringement on their spheres of influence and even on their
sovereignty. One far-fetched but perhaps not impossible scenario might stem from a judgment in Washington that some of the main aiders and abetters of the terrorist action resided
somewhere such as Chechnya, perhaps in connection with what Allison claims is the Chechen insurgents long-standing interest in all things nuclear.42 American pressure on that
part of the world would almost certainly raise alarms in Moscow that might require a degree of advanced consultation from Washington that the latter found itself unable or unwilling to
provide. There is also the question of how other nuclear-armed states respond to the act of nuclear terrorism on another member of that special club. It could reasonably be expected
that following a nuclear terrorist attack on the United States, bothRussia and China would extend immediate sympathy and support to Washington and would work alongside the United
States in the Security Council. But there is just a chance, albeit a slim one, where the support of Russia and/or China is less automatic in some cases than in others. For example, what
would happen if the United States wished to discuss its right to retaliate against groups based in their territory? If, for some reason, Washington found the responses of Russia and China
deeply underwhelming, (neither for us or against us) might it also suspect that they secretly were in cahoots with the group, increasing (again perhaps ever so slightly) the chances of
a major exchange. If the terrorist group had some connections to groups in Russia and China, or existed in areas of the world over which Russia and China held sway, and if Washington
felt that Moscow or Beijing were placing a curiously modest level of pressure on them, what conclusions might it then draw about their culpability
Pragmatism Good
Deliberation is key to effective political engagementour
model of debate allows for effective contestation that builds
better politics
Sanderson 09 (Ian Sanderson, director of research at Leeds University, Intelligent Policy Making for a
Complex World: Pragmatism, Evidence, and Learning, Political Studies, Volume 57, Issue 4, pages 699-719,
December 2009)
that emerges as the key for the future development of policy making, as recognised by Majone (1989, p. 183), who argues that: learning is the dominant form in which rationality
exhibits itself in situations of great cognitive complexity. This suggests that the rationality of public policymaking depends more on improving the learning capacity of the various organs
accepting (as I suggest we do) the implications of pragmatism as a foundation for a normative model of policy making,we might reasonably adopt the Deweyan notion of intelligent
experience such problems. We should treat our policies as hypotheses designed to provide appropriate solutions to complex social problems but
around which there are greater or lesser degrees of uncertainty. Therefore , they need to be tested out in experience,
with the nature of the test reflecting the degree of uncertainty. Where
there is greater uncertainty, we should introduce pilots or trials, evaluate
their success and move forward cautiously. Where there is less uncertainty we can be more decisive in implementation
but rigorous monitoring and evaluation should be undertaken to test the validity of the assumptions upon which the policy is based and to capture learning to feed into future policy
deliberations. As Jowell (2003, p. 34) argues, this will require a culture change in policy making, but there are some positive signs, as in the increased use of pilots discussed above. In a
broad sense devolution in the UK has to some degree released the potential for differentiated policy making and policy innovation and attention is focusing on policy divergence in
Scotland andWales (Adams and Schmuecker, 2005). The recent advent of the Scottish Nationalist administration in Scotland may strengthen this trend. A potentially positive sign is
provided by the recent report of the MinisterialTask Force on Health Inequalities (Scottish Government, 2008) which recommended a strengthening of the role of evaluation in policy
learning and the piloting of learning networks in a number of sites to encourage experimentation with new approaches. This report therefore provides some important signals towards
the development of a learning approach to policy making in Scotland. The importance of building our capacity for policy learning has been emphasised by Graham Leicester (2006), who
advocates reflection in action as a learning model for professionals and practitioners, drawing on reserves of experience, intuition, tacit knowledge and all the hidden skills and
(Leicester, 2006, pp. 147). The Scottish health learning networks referred to above can be seen as consistent with this position, providing sites for action learning, drawing both on
robust evaluation and evidence of what works and on the wealth of experience and tacit knowledge of local practitioners in building knowledge to guide appropriate intervention. The
emphasis on boundary spanning and sharing knowledge and practice indicates the importance of the principles of openness and connectivity the need to maximise the number of
channels and links for communication and dialogue and to encourage conversation on both an intra- and interorganisational basis. As Leicester (2006, p. 8) argues, all learning starts
with conversation. This brings us back to Majones deliberative, communicative conception of policy making; and for Dewey, the ideal model for the resolution of social problems was
free and open communication, a position subsequently developed also by Jrgen Habermas (Rosenthal, 2002). This raises a wider issue for a government seeking to promote intelligent
informed through the free and open dissemination and communication of the results of social inquiry. Dewey was committed to democracy not just as the political and institutional
context for an open, pluralistic, participatory model of policy making but more, according to Sandra Rosenthal (2002,p. 218), as the political expression of the functioning of the
Black Nihilism K
1NC
Black nihilism is not only physical spiritual, emotional, and
religious nihilism.
Warren 15 (Calvin R. Warren, George Washington University, Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope, The
New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015, pp. 215-248, Michigan State University Press)
George Zimmermans acquittal, J Kameron Carter, Anthea Butler, and Willie James Jennings conceptualize anti-blackness as a form of spiritual idolatry. Evoking the seminal text Is God a
that Dr. William R. Jones intimates throughout the text, and it is this entanglement that renders political liberation somewhat of a ruse. In the article Christian Atheism: The Only
Response Worth its Salt to the Zim- merman Verdict (2013), J. Kameron Carter perspicuously foregrounds the problem 18 of the Zimmerman verdict as a perverse deification of antiblackness. If the shooting of Trayvon Martin was gods will, as Zimmerman expressed to Sean Hannity in an interview, then this god considered black death a moral imperative, or an
act of righteousness, and Zimmerman, in shooting Trayvon Martin, assumed the role of the obedient disciple. For Kameron, this god is nothing more than an idol, a spiritual imposture
here that we hear an uncanny resonance with Ernest Blochs Atheism in Christianity (1972), in which a good Christian must necessarily be a good atheist. True Christianity necessitates
a certain atheism, in fact it depends on it, to fortify the boundaries between the just/ unjust and the righteous/unrighteous. In other words, when a Christian encounters the idol of antiblackness, she must assume an atheistic posture toward this idol to remain faithful (or as Carter would describe it to be worth your salt).
The atheism that Carter proffers, however, is entangled in the metaphysical bind
that sustains the very violence his atheism is designed to dismantle. For
him, this atheism entails social, political, and intellectual struggle...
struggle in solidarity with others, the struggle to be for and with others,
the struggle of the multitude, the struggle that is blackness [as] the new ecclesiology (4)
The term struggle here presents political metaphysics as a solution to
the problem of anti-blackness through labor, travail, and commitment one embraces progress and linearity as social goods. With
this metaphysics, according to Carter, we can struggle to get rid of these Stand Your Ground Laws that are in place
in many states besides Florida, struggle against state legislatures (such as North Carolinas) that are enacting draconian laws of various sorts, struggle in the name of the protection of
theologyalthough weve always had one under the guise of democratic liberalismthat will provide conditions of life by mobilizing the discourses of hope and future temporality.
The problem that this theology encircles, and evades, is the failure of social justice and
liberation theology to dismantle the structure of anti-black violence ; this brings
us full circle to the problem that Dr. William R. Jones brilliantly articulated. Are we hoping for a new strategy, something completely novel and unique, that will resolve all the problems of
the Political once and for all? If the Political itself is the temple of the idolatrous godthe sphere within which it is worshipped and preservedcan we discard the idol and purify the
temple? Does this theology offer a political philosophy of purifi- cation that will sustain the progress that struggle is purported to achieve? In short, how does one translate the spiritual
principle of hope into a political programa political theology? The problem of translation haunts this theology and the look- ing-forward stance of the political theologian cannot avoid
the rupture between the spiritual and the Political.
Can we reject this racist god and, at the same time, support the political
structure that affirms this idol? Can we be partial atheists? This
becomes a problem for Carter when he suggests that we abandon this
idol, but fails to critique the structure of political existence, which
sustains the power of this idol. Atheism as imagined here would entail
rejecting the racist- white-god, or a racist political theology, and replacing
it with a just God, or an equitable political theology. Will replacing the idol
with a more just God transform the political into a life- affirming structure
for blackness? Unless we advocate for a theocracy, which is not what I believe Carter would propose, we need an answer to this question of translation. The answer
to this 20 question is glaringly absent in the text, but I read this absence as an attempt to avoid the nihilistic conclusion that his argument would naturally reach. We
might even suggest that one must assume a nihilistic disposition toward
the Political if justice, redress, and righteousness are the aims. The
problem with atheism, then, is that it relies on the Political as the sphere
of redemption and hope, when the Political is part of the idolatrous
structure that it seeks to dismantle. In this sense. Dr. William R. Jones becomes an aporia for Dr. Kameron Carters text, if we read
Jones as suggesting that black theology offers no cogent political philosophy, or political program, that would successfully rid the Political of its anti-black foundation. The
Political and antiblackness are inseparable and mutually constitutive. The
If anti-blackness is contrary to our beliefs, selfexcommunication, in other words black nihilism, is the only position that
seems consistent.
align God with The Political (political theology) will inevitably fail.
nouncing will not change political structures or offer a political program; instead, it is the act of retrieving the spiritual concept of hope from the captivity of the Political.
Ultimately, we
K Links
LinkPanopticon
Panopticism is the root cause of surveillance, which promotes
governmentality and discrimination in both race and gender.
Ball 12 (Kirstie Ball, Kevin D. Haggerty and David Lyon, Routeledge-Surveillance Handbook, Colonialism and
Surveillance, Political Sociologist, Pg 272-273)
Greg Elmers chapter addresses this question about the place of panoptic models in the study of surveillance, and the place of Foucaults work in this field more generally. Elmer
contribution was to emphasize discipline, which entails a kind of automatic docility and self-government. Other authors have drawn upon different components of Foucaults wider body
contains other rich resources that can usefully advance our theorizing of surveillance. William Bogard outlines some of these works, detailing how insights from philosophers such as Jean
Baudrillard and Gilles Deleuze can apply to the study of surveillance. Bogard foregrounds the model of the surveillant assemblage which is comprised of heterogeneous component
same time, however, the introduction of personal webcams has allowed women (primarily) to become involved in projects of selective exposure which complicate existing gendered
The
Panopticon is the name given by Jeremy Bentham to the design for a
prison (my emphasis, 9). To speak of the panopticon, in other words, is to all-too-often reference only Foucaults words, not the distinct interpretation of Benthams
panopticon plans and letters. The panopticon was not just a name or title for a building
coined by Bentham, it was a sustained political project, and a schematic
drawing of a reformist liberalism. It was in other words an expression of a much broader political philosophy, replete with an
book The Panoptic Sort: A Political Economy of Personal Information, says only that It is from Foucault that I derive the underlying concept of panopticism
architectural drawing to explicate its intended effects. The core theoretical and political contributions of Foucaults Discipline and Punish cannot be grasped without noting the diversions,
interpretations, strategic omissions and outright rejection of passages from Benthams series of letters on the panopticon from 1787 (see Bentham 1995). Benthams panoptic writings
were developed and subsequently published as a series of letters and an architectural drawing of a prison that invoke strong visual imagery of sightlines and architectural viewpoints.
the panopticon these introductory letters form the fundamental architectural or diagrammatic components of Foucaultian panopticismthey invoke a plan that embodies a theory of
Focusing on these first six letters we can clearly see where Foucault in
many respects inverts the governmental aspirations of Benthams
panopticon, an interpretation that places the panoptic subject at the
centre of the panopticon. The distinction moves the focus away from the
building as such, to the prisoners, from the act of directly watching to the
probability of being watched. The role of the panopticons tower and inspector, to use Benthams term, serves as a fundamental difference
power.
between the two authors work. The second of the panopticon letters introduces the importance of the centre of the building, for Bentham much more than a tower or viewing position
the tower also doubles as a residence: The apartment of the inspector occupies the centre; you may call it if you please the inspectors lodge (Bentham 1995: 35). Bentham further
LinkNeolib
Biometrics and the surveillant assemblage are part of
neoliberalism
Muller 10 (Benjamin J. Muller, Security, Risk and the Biometric State: Governing Borders and Bodies, page
52-53)
fraudulent use of credit cards, and so on, Whereas the effective use of
fraudulent passports is far less prevalent. Nonetheless. as the concept of the
assemblage suggests, the private and public connate , Whereas in the South African Case drive ID card as
if more to do With "banking the un-banked- as with any of the typical rationales for
national ID card strategies raised earlier (see Breckenridge 2008). Similarly. neoliberalism as a
mode Of governance folds neatly into the emerging ID assemblage.
pessimism--for the fact is that if the system is all-powerful, then there can be by definition nothing beyond it, any more than there can be anything beyond the infinite curvature of
structure with which their own immediate situation intersects. Local and
universal are not, here, simple opposites or theoretical options, as they might be for those
intellectuals who prefer to think big and those more modest academics
who like to keep it concrete. But if some of those traditional political agents are in trouble, then so will be the
concept of social totality, since it is those agents' need of it that gives it
its force. Grasping a complex totality involves some rigorous analysis; so
it is not surprising that such strenuously systematic thought should be out
of fashion, dismissed as phallic, scientistic, or what have you, in the sort of period we are imagining. When
there is nothing in particular in it for you to find out how you stand--if you
are a professor in Ithaca or Irvine, for example--you can afford to be
ambiguous, elusive, deliciously indeterminate. You are also quite likely, in
such circumstances, to wax idealist-though in some suitably new-fangled rather than tediously old-fashioned sense. For
one primary way in which we know the world is, of course, through
practice; and if any very ambitious practice is denied us, it will not be long
before we catch ourselves wondering whether there is anything out there
at all. One would expect, then, that in such an era a belief in reality as something that
resists us ("History is what hurts," as Fredric Jameson has put it) will give
way to a belief in the "constructed" nature of the world . This, in turn, would no
doubt go hand in hand with a full-blooded "culturalism" which underestimated what men and women had in common as
material human creatures, and suspected all talk of nature as an insidious mystification. It
would tend not to realize that such culturalism is just as reductive as, say,
economism or biologism. Cognitive and realist accounts of human
consciousness would yield ground to various kinds of pragmatism and
relativism, party because there didn't any longer seem much politically at stake in knowing how it stood with you. Everything would become an interpretation, including
that statement itself. And what would also gradually implode , along with reasonably
certain knowledge, would be the idea of a human subject "centered" and unified enough to take
significant action. For such significant action would now seem in short supply; and the result, once more, would be to make a
virtue out of necessity by singing the praises of the diffuse , decentered, schizoid
human subject--a subject who might well not be " together" enough to topple a
bottle off a wall, et alone bring down the sate, but who could nevertheless
be presented as hair-raisingly avant garde in contrast to the smugly
centered subjects of an older, more classical phase of capitalism. To put it
another way: the subject as producer (coherent, disciplined, self-determining) would have yielded
ground to the subject as consumer (mobile, ephemeral, constituted by insatiable
desire). If the "left" orthodoxies of such a period were pragmatist, relativist, pluralistic,
deconstructive, then one might well see such thought-forms as dangerously radical. For does not capitalism need sure
foundations, stable identities, absolute authority, metaphysical certainties, in order to survive And wouldn't the
kind of thought we are imagining put the skids under all this The answer ,
feebly enough, is both yes and no. It is true that capitalism , so far anyway, has felt the need
to underpin its authority with unimpeachable moral foundations. Look, for example, at
the remarkable tenacity of religious belief in North America . On the other
hand, look at the British, who are a notably godless bunch . No British politician could cause
anything other than acute embarrassment by invoking the Supreme Being in public, and the British talk much less about
metaphysical abstractions like Britain than those in the United States do
about something called the United States. It is not clear, in other words,
exactly how much metaphysical talk the advanced capitalist system really
requires; and it is certainly true that its relentlessly secularizing,
kind of thought, history would have ended because freedom would finally have been achieved; for Marxism, the
achievement of freedom would be the beginning of history and the end of
all we have known to date: those boring prehistorical grand narratives
which are really just the same old recycled story of scarcity, suffering, and
struggle.