Reformation Nationalism and The Hegemony in Colonial India With Reference To Andhra

Reformation Nationalism and the Hegemony in
Colonial India with Reference to Andhra
Dr. Doneti Sivaji



Dr. Doneti Sivaji
On the eve of
125th Birth Day of Dr. B. R. Ambadkar
Desh Vikas Publications

Visakhapatnam
Title of the Book

First Published
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Publisher
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: Reformation Nationalism and the Hegemony

in Colonial India with Reference to Andhra
: 2016
: Dr. Doneti Sivaji
: Desh Vikas Publications
: Rs. 199/-
ISBN
: 978-81-932358-0-5
Author
Dr. Doneti Sivaji,
Assistant Professor
North-Eastern Hill University,
Shillong, Meghalaya, India
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ACNOWLEDGEMENTS
I take this opportunity to express my deep sense of gratitude to
Prof. R.L. Hangloo, for his constant back-up since my student
days and now I am in full fledged academics. I am proud to say
that with his encouragement, I successfully completed my M.Phil
and PhD from Hyderabad Central University.
I express my thanks to I. Narasaih Garu, Deputy
Director,
Archives on Contemporary History, Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi, for his constant support and valuable advises to
complete this book.
I extend my thanks to Brother Dilip Anna from Hyderabad
Central University for his consistent encouragement to complete
this work.
I would like to regard my special thanks to my wife LAVANYA
for her invariable support in completing this book.
More so, I vow my special thanks to Desh Vikas Publications,
Visakhapatnam who came forward to publish this work.
Dr. Doneti Sivaji


DEDICATED TO
MY SON HAGGI
AND MY DOUGHTER BETTI

PREFACE
The present work tries to understand how hegemony down
filtered from colonial rulers to native dominant castes and how
the native dominant caste people politicized the Indian tradition
to meet their political interests in colonial Andhra. This work is
an historical account aiming to understand the reform movements
in view of sanction of communal award, and its implications in
colonial Andhra1. It is crucial for the present and coming
generations to know how the perceptions, perspectives and the
implications of the Indian tradition have been continuing from
the colonial times. Except in few cases no dependable research
work is available on tradition, its implications on the present
society with reference to colonial Andhra.
The present work tries to understand how Hegemony2 down
filtered from colonial rulers to Indian native dominant castes and
1
. Andhra Pradesh is one the most prominent states from south India. Basically the state
Andhra Pradesh consisting of three regions. Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana. In
Colonial India, Northern Circars became part of the British Madras Presidency.
Eventually this region emerged as the Coastal Andhra region. Later the Nizam had
ceded five territories to the British which eventually emerged as Rayalaseema region.
The Nizams retained control of the interior provinces as the Princely state of
Hyderabad, acknowledging British rule in return for local Autonomy. Presently most of
the coastal belt comes under Andhra region.
2
. The meaning of this word is the leader which exert the domination over certain
groups by dominant groups of to meet their political, economic, cultural or ideological
interests on certain groups. It requires the consent of the majority to keep the dominant
group's leader in power. The word became so popular from the early 20th century.
Antonio Gramsci developed the concept of cultural hegemony which means that
cultural hegemony showed how a social class exerts cultural "leadership" or dominance
over other classes in maintaining the socio-political status quo.

how the native dominant caste people politicized the drawbacks

of Indian tradition to meet their political interests.
CHAPTERISATION
The work is divided into six chapters, of which the first chapter
tries to understand the very nature of deferent schools of history
writing. The second chapter explores the character of colonial
rule, its ideological terms, and freedom movement by keeping in
view of the characteristics of the existing Indian tradition and
nature of the caste system.
The third chapter mainly focuses on the Adi - Andhra Reform

Movement
with
due respect towards
liberation
of the
marginalized. This chapter also examines how the idea of caste

and untouchabiltiy was perceived by the regional reformists of
Andhra. Were they really interested in the well being of the
depressed communities or did their ideological groundwork aim
at the complete transformation of the caste or did they only aim at
rectification that could not break tradition since their socio,
political interests demanded them.
The fourth chapter is part of an enquiry to explain how Indians,

under colonial subjection, and conceptualizes the formation of
national identity and the role of intellectuals in shaping the
freedom struggle towards their interest. It also includes a hardhitting critique of nationalist historiography that had neglected
10

the internal dynamics of exploitation in the Indian society, false

consciousness.
The fifth chapter examines the rise and growth of social
consciousness of marginal classes and their struggle with the elite
interests on the issue of constitutional safeguards and on
Gandhis fast against Communal Award sanctioned in 1932. This
chapter attempts to understand the ideological contradiction
between Ambedkar and Gandhi on untouchability and its internal
dynamics in colonial Andhra. It also exposes the questions that
how the majority of untouchables were used as mere tools by
both colonizer and by the colonized elite sections to sustain their
dominance and how the untouchables were brought into their
ideological conflict, followed by the concluding chapter.
SOURCES
The sources consulted to write this book are the history of

freedom struggle files of Andhra Pradesh, preserved in AP state
Archives, Censes Reports of Madras Presidency - 1921-1931,
Confidential
reports
and
native
newspapers,
national
newspapers:-The Hindu, The Times of India, Young India,

Harijan.
Regional News Papers: - Andhra Patrica, Andhra
Prakashica, Krishna Patrica, Seshilekha. More so the interview

has taken from the eminent freedom fighter K. Viswaswara Rao3.
3
. He was an Ex. President Taluka Congress Nuzvid (1925), Krishna District, he

actively participated Post Communal and Harijan Movement. At present he is

11
These primary sources corroborated, cross checked and presented

in chronological order with some brief conclusions. More so it is
referred published journals, business magazines, periodicals,
historic documents, biographies and also internet resources are
the secondary for this work.
The limitation of this research is the dearth of considerable

primary and secondary sources on untouchable liberation
movements pertaining to Andhra. The main challenge needs to be
faced in its historical justification where the dalith activists,
academicians and general readers often have strong notions on
the issues of caste discrimination.
Moreover, since this is the first edition of my publication, I tried
my level best to indent the content, even though; there may be
some conceptual, grammatical and typological errors. Readers are
requested to send their suggestions and modifications to the
below given email address which will be corrected in the coming
editions with due regard.
Dr. Doneti Sivaji
sivajihcu@gmail.com
Chairman of Anne Rama Krishnaiah trust Board Gollapalli, Krishna District, Andhra
Pradesh.
12

CONTENTS
Chapter -1
Introduction
13-20
Chapter - 2
Perceptions on sustained Tradition and

Caste System in Colonial Period
21-38
Chapter - 3
Discourse on reform movements in

Colonial Andhra
39-54
Chapter 4
Patterns of
nationalism
Understanding
55-78
Chapter - 5
A Discussion on Communal Award,

Views on Gandhi and Ambadkar with
Reference to Colonial Andhra
79-98
Chapter - 6
Conclusion
97-106
Bibliography
107-109
ideas:
Chapter 1
Introduction
The present work is an historical account aiming to understand

the nature of reform movements and the Indian freedom
movement in view of with special focus on communal award, and
its influence on colonial Andhra.
History writing is an important process which is like a torch for

future generations. Many schools of thoughts viewed Indian
history in their respective dimensions. Among them the
Imperialistic, Nationalists and the Marxists school of thoughts are
predominant in writing about freedom struggle. It can not be
denied that, they perceived the history writing in giving
prominence to the upper caste society. The internal class and
caste differentiation have been not given their due place in their
historical analysis and tended to ignore the inner-contradictions
of Indian society in order to strengthen and emphasize the unity
of the anti - imperialist struggles. It needs proper analysis to
understand the very nature of these schools of perceptions to
track down the comprehensive history of India.
14

The Imperialist School of historiography came in to prominence

in colonial times. The main purpose of this school of writing is to
deny that India was in the process of becoming a nation. They
wanted to use history writing as a tool to sustain their power over
India for a long time. This school of thought projected that, India
in fact consisted of multiple caste communities. This kind of
construction of history has given zero space for the Indian
dominant castes. This Imperialist School of historiography has
alarmed the Indian ruling sections that they were losing the
prominence in the structure. They felt it is a threat to their
dominance.
In opposing the Imperialist school of historiography, the
nationalist school of thought came in to prominence. The
Nationalist school of historiography mostly focused on the
exploitative character of colonialism. They also took full note of
the process of India becoming a nation and see the national
movement as a movement of the people. It highlighted that the
national movement was the result of the spread and realization of
the idea of nationalism. But it is true that, the nationalists
primarily concerned with the problem of economic development
as a whole and not with economic advance or the interests of
marginalized sections of Indian society.
They strongly felt that the economic development is possible
only through western type of industrialization. Their economic
outlook was basically tuned to the maturation of indigenous

15
capitalist order within the womb of colonialism. The ideological

project of the 19th century intellectuals of promoting nationalism
was meant to be a never a total revolution from below but only
aimed at a rectification of colonial distortions of Indian economic
system and push it towards modernization within the colonial
fold. Therefore, their main objective was to sustain their
structural dominance that is, caste and religion based politics was
became primary and the idea of nationalism was became a mere
cover.
The nationalists have tended to ignore the inner-contradictions of

Indian society in order to strengthen and emphasize the unity of
the anti - imperialist struggles. The nationalism was an
ideological weapon, which these elite groups used to legitimize
their narrow ambitions by mobilizing people for their sectarian
interests. The Indian nationalists, appear to have been converged
on the task of preparing the soil, which would legitimize the
economic and political power of the nationalist bourgeoisie.
Marxist school of thought has written Indian history in view of
the colonial exploitation. They say that there are three stages in
history of imperialist exploitation in India: namely,
i.
Monopoly trade and direct appropriation of surplus;
ii.
Free trade or unequal exchange; and
iii.
Finance capitalism.
16

Though the early nationalists were aware of colonial exploitation

in the first two stages of colonialism and consequent
underdevelopment of India, they thought that the financial
capitalist stage of colonial rule would change India into a
capitalist state. Karl Marx called this colonial transformation as
capitalism emerging in the colonies due to the very logic of
capitalism.1 But the revolutionary elements were cabined, cribbed
and confined under the colonial rule.2 It was during this period
that the early Indian nationalists who perceived the real
exploitative nature of colonial state had brought this aspect into
sharp focus as a constant constraint to the material interests of all
Indian people.
In contrast with the above perceptions, subaltern school of

thought is created a new trend in writing history. It began in the
1980s as a critique of the existing historiography which was
accused by its initiators for ignoring the voice of the people.
Subaltran Studies is known as History from below. Different
kinds of synonyms are used for the word Subaltran, like:
common people, lower class, underprivileged, exploited inferiors,
minors, weak etc. in general there are other meanings also came
in to lime light are History from Down, minor, poor
downtrodden people, overlooked, neglected, disregarded, treated
with unconcern and indifference.
1
. Karl Marx, On Colonialism, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1981, pp.85-87.

. Suniti Kumar Ghosh, Indian Bourgeois and Imperialism, Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol.23, No.45, 1988.
2

17
Ranajit Guha played a crucial role in establishing the school of

thought. He provided a new direction and opened a new chapter
in history writing of history from below. To establish this trend
Sumit Sarkar also has contributed a lot. They explored the history
of neglected groups and leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in
national movement and the dominant nature of foreign colonial
government. The subaltern studies in India have taken a peculiar
nature of peasant issues, their peculiar mode of perceiving and
conceiving a social phenomenon, their peculiar life style, their
peculiar way of dealing with social-economic, political questions.
These writings are also unable to help in understanding the
groups who were there below subaltern. More so these studies
did not show ample attention on the groups below the subaltern.
It can not be denied that the peasant communities are more prone
to achieve the social ladder by claiming upper caste customs.
This school of thought also not provided any substantial
justification to understand how hegemony down filtering in
Indian social system.
Nevertheless, the proper understanding of the Gramscian

Hegemony in view of the Ambadkar thought gives the
comprehensive picture about the construction of the Indian
freedom struggle and its implications. It needs to be viewed that
how all schools of thoughts understood and fostered the Indian
nationalism in their writings. According to Ambedkar that the
18

Indian nationalism has developed a new doctrine which, he called

the divine right of the majority to rule the minorities according to
the wishes of the majority. He remarked that any claim for the
sharing of power by the minority is called communalism, while
monopolizing the whole power by the majority is called
nationalism.3 Ambedkar asked, How can people divided into
several thousands of castes be a nation? He said that, we are
not as yet a nation in the social and psychological sense of the
world4. He strongly believed in the future constitution. He said
it is only in a swaraj constitution that you stand any chance of
getting the political power into your own hands without which
you cannot bring salvation to your people.5 The interest of the
depressed classes and their liberation were inevitably linked up
by him with the socio and economic dynamics of the Indian
society below. Ambedkar perceived both the colonial and internal
dynamics of exploitation in modern India still this to be explored
by the present historians.
It is crucial for the present and coming generations to know the

perceptions, perspectives of historical writings. The main
implication of above mentioned writings are nothing to do with
the down trodden section of India, it is only to sustain the Indian
tradition continuing since the ages. There is no dependable
historical research work is available on down trodden. The
3
. Ambedkar, States and Minorities, Thacker and Co. Ltd., Bombay, 1948, p. 52.
. Constituent Assembly Debates, Vol. 7, Op. cit., W.N. Kuber. p. 980,
5
. R. P. Dutt, India Today, Peoples Publishing House, Bombay, 1947, p243-44.
4

19
present society also need to know the historical obligation of the

down trodden.
The present work is paying attention on to explain the internal
dynamics of ideological exploitation took place during the
colonial period. It concludes that the struggles in colonial state
were associated with three ideological factions, 1. The British, 2.
The Indian middles class and 3. The marginals. These three
factions came to fore front and launched movements with their
own vested interests.
The British, with the tools of modernity, its chauvinism and the
exigencies of skill, created an ideological system to keep up their
hegemony as a superior power in the territorial conquest for their
economic and political benefits. More over they made Indian
bourgeoisie to believe that the colonizing power would alter India
into a developed nation. In the course of time, the colonized
began to believe in these illusions created by the British
imperialists. In fact, oppressive and destructive colonialism in the
later part of the nineteenth century led to the mobilization of
people in reaction to colonial policies. Resistance from the Indian
groups expressed itself in action as well as in ideological terms.
Later days, the destructive role and supremacy of colonial rule
was strongly questioned by the Indian middle class intelligentsia.
Economic contradiction of interests between the colonizer and
the colonized led to the rise and growth of various struggles to
20

resist imperial power in colonial India. The Indian middle class

intelligentsia used the Indian tradition' as a legitimizing tool to
fight the British domination. They naturalised the concepts of
Aryanisation, Brahmanism and the theory of law of karma. They
legitimized caste inequities and also coupled brahmanical
hinduism with the national consciousness which firmly affected
the other segregated marginalised sections of the society.
These ideological contestations created a new consciousness
among the downtrodden, leading them, to question the internal
logic of exploitation. To counter the Hindu ideological forces,
marginal groups were also prepared with their arsenals. They
questioned the caste and the stigmata of untouchability and
exposed the internal dynamics of the structural exploitation,
which was deeply rooted in Indian society from the ages. All
these ideologies co-existed, co-opted, contaminated and contested
one another in colonial India, finally the marginal groups
interests were shadowed by upper caste hegemonic interests. But
their movements only confined to questioning but not created any
base for their political and economic development further.
#######

21
Chapter 2
Perceptions on Sustained Tradition and Caste

System in Colonial Period.
The issue of caste system in Indian society still remained as the

most powerful factor in determining a persons dignity, selfhood
and life chances. India, consisted with its rich legacy, at the same
time it also had unwanted, dreadful and ruthless structures which
has been discriminating and exploiting a certain communities
based on caste. It is true that, the persons status is predetermined
and unalterable by any talent or achievement. The reasons for this
can be understand from the very nature of the colonial rule, its
ideological terms, and freedom movement by keeping in view of
the characteristics of the existing Indian tradition.
It is a well known fact that the caste and untouchability practices
are predominant derogatory inhuman things, paraded Indian
tradition from the ages. All are aware of that the untouchability
was legally abolished soon after the independence. At present
there is a wide-ranging belief that there has been certain amount
of disappearance of old age traditionally accepted customs vis--
22

vis purity and pollution. It may be some extent true in the cities
and towns, but it did not of course mean that the bias and
embarrassment practices and ideas which the terms together
moved out. The caste and untouchability have been continuing of
its old age legacy and phasing out as a major basic measurement
of an Indian social life even after independence.
Many of the villages still have been experiencing the age long
customs of Indian tradition. The practice of untouchability has
however been accompanied by the greater activity of caste
discrimination in administration, politics and economy. In fact
caste system has undergone a certain amount of changes but
remained same. The newly adopted idea Democracy has been
serving for the interests of the upper caste people, after
Independence. The numerically large castes have become
important toys due to their virtual majority of number in newly
formed democracy. The old orders intensely distributed and have
been continuing in our society though the great leaders of
independence tried to infuse egalitarian ideas. During freedom
movement, the Indian leaders made unquestionable efforts to
wipe out this evil institution whose roots were hidden in
unknown past. The factors of the discrimination can be certainly
be considered sensibly, logically and fairly precisely in the face
of modesty from well documented past experience.
The freedom movement needs to be assessed keeping in view of
the interests of downtrodden sections of India, since the very

23
beginning of the struggle for independence, India lead a negation

between its modernizing aspirations along with the sustenance of
the traditional domination and its promise to democracy. The
reasons for this can be understand from the very nature of the
colonial rule, characteristics of the existing tradition.
It is very difficult to trace the roots of the Indian evils system like
caste and untouchability. Instead keeping effort to trace the roots
of this evil things parading in India, it is good to try to understand
the nature of the evil systems. The efforts of the scholars can not
be ignored in understanding the nature of these systems. Different
perceptions viewed by different scholars to understand the nature
and the origin of caste and its ancillary systems in India. The
system must be understood in viewing the scriptural texts one
way, in viewing of the nature of developments took place in
freedom struggle in India on the other way.
Romila Thapar says the occupational groups derived its
legitimacy from the Vedic notion of hierarchy groups6 where it is
the phenomenon accepted by the traditional intellectuals in
colonial period like Raja Ram Mohan Roy to Gandhi. In contrast
to this Gail Omvedt emphasizes that, the traditional-religiously
based ideologies, primarily driven by brahmins harking back to
the laws of manu and the creation of hymn of the Rig-Veda.
These were expressed, elaborated and ideologically glossed
through the puranic myths like Ramayana and Mahabharata and
6
. Romila Thaper; A History of India vol-1, Penguin books, New Delhi,1990.
24

attempts were made to draw legitimacy from the Scriptures7 for

changes which were made in Jati and Varna systems.8
Further, the system adapted itself to various changes, that it
followed by social evil like untouchability, became very rigid.
Directly or indirectly the part played by the scriptures cannot be
denied in making the caste system very rigid and legitimizing the
existing power relations. Besides this, most surviving Sanskrit
literature has been the creation of brahmins and utilized their
profession and knowledge as religious specialists and scribes and
brought forefront many theories about the origin of the caste and
untouchabiltiy to legitimize their position in the society9. They
exposed the Hindu law codes that the Chandala [presently
untouchables] originated in ancient times from pratiloma
(hypogamous) marriages:10 But this theory of the origin of the
untouchability is the product of the Varna conception of the
orthodox brahmins and was not based on historical facts.
7
.These were the sacred texts were not preached by any single individual but evolved
over a period Of time. The ancient Indian Vedic scriptures are the greatest heritage of
India. It is believed that Indian scriptures are the wisdom of our ancients. There are
Hundreds of them are considered the principle scriptures of Hinduism. The Indian
philosophy has been enriched by the Indian scriptures. The Vedas and the Upanishads
are at the crest of the Indian scriptures. The Rig Veda is the most ancient literary work
ever known. The Vedas and the Upanishads have been the Sources of sublime
knowledge for the mankind. The point must be remembered is here is this scripture
made the Hindu religion is so rigid for the lower communities. And it became most
democratically liberal religion for Upper caste society.
8.
.Gail Omvedt, Scheduled Castes and Democratic Revolution, Sege, New Delhi,
1994.p.89.
9
. Kosambi.D.D, An introduction to the study of India, Popular Prakasham, Bombay,
1991.p.98-99.
10
. Specifically the progeny of a sudra father and a Brahmin mother, the offspring of
the most condemned pratiloma marriage (Manu XII, XVI).
25

As every caste hindu believed in the Vedas, the theory can be

observed and propounded by Indian intellectuals and activists
like Anne Besant, and Balagangadhar Tilak in their call to Go
back to Vedas towards revival of tradition. Gandhi believed in
Varna Dharma11 the other form of caste system, and tried to
convince people to accept Dharma, a concept which was
implicitly followed in the Congress led national movement.
Tilak followed the means of Shuddi movement, where it is
nothing but a belief of purity and impurity and an acceptance
of the extant social hierarchy.
The above mentioned concepts, which were propagated and

practiced by leaders, drew legitimacy from mystified scriptures.
It was stated in the Purusha Sukta, a part of Rigveda, that the
Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and sudra were created by God
respectively
from
mouth,
arms,
thigh
and
feet12.
The
untouchables however were not savarnas and they were known

as svarnas, hence in the hierarchy of the caste system they were
more degraded and treated as out castes whose were considered
to be the most profane13. It reveals that the different concepts like
purity and impurity and hierarchy were getting legitimacy
11
.The concept of Varnasrama Dharma is one of the basic principles of Hinduism. The
Varnasrama system is Peculiar to Hindus. It is popularly known as the 'Caste system
which is a predominant characteristic feature of Hinduism. There is strong notion that it
encourages division of human beings based on one's birth.
12
.H.Kotani, Caste system Untuochability and the Depressed, Manohar, New
Delhi1999.pp.10-13.
13
.Ibid.p.10-13.
26

from the scriptures even in the colonial period when modern

western ideas were entering Indian thought.
It is in this context it must be looked in to the Louis Dumont
conclusions, where he has studied extensively on Indian social
structure based on scriptures. Louis Dumont in his Homo
Hierarchicus considers the principle of purity and impurity to
be at the core of the caste system. It is of crucial importance to
understand caste in terms of its essentially religious ideology
(Hindu), which pervades all the immense variety that it displays.
According to him it is reflected in the endless complex even
conflicting arrangements of ranks the highest being always
Brahmins, who were the purest and concerned much to its
ritual14 Besides this he said that the ranking does not originate
in wealth but arises out of the elaborated basic principles of
purity and pollution concepts these have emerged neither from
castes nor from the classes15. And he says that the caste system is
nothing but a system of social stratification and does not
correspond to the distribution of wealth or power16.
Dumount insists that caste must be understood as a part of the
whole, and that the entire society is divided into castes. Thus in
effect caste must exist as the whole or dominant form of social
organization or otherwise not exist at all17. According to him
14
.Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, the caste system and its implications, Oxford
University press, New Delhi. 1999,p.30.
15
.Ibid.p.282.
16
.Ibid.p.300.
17
.Ibid.p.263-274.
27

caste arose out of an ideology of purity and impurity

unfolding as an elaboration of hierarchy on the basis of relative
purity. Caste system has given Indian society an unchanging
hierarchy and segregated the majority from the main stream of
the concept of purity and kept away from society since ages.
As per the marxists view that, the human behavior is dominated
by material interest and the ideology is nothing but a process
accomplished by the so-called thinkers consciously, it is true but
with
a false
consciousness.18
This
interest
forms
the
consciousness, which corresponds to class interest if it is not

corresponding to the class consciousness then in which case they
were illustrious and as such are effective.19 Where as Ambadkar
says that the root of the untouchabiltiy is the caste system; the
root of the caste system is the religion that attached to varna and
ashram; and the root of varnashram is the brahminical religion;
and the root of the brahminical religion is authoritarianism or
political power20.
Whatever may be the views on the above reveals that the ultimate
annihilation of caste system is impossible where it pervaded on
the minds of Indians for the ages which always it changes it
forms but the content will remain same. Caste hierarchies were
perpetuated for centuries by religious leaders who transmitted the
18
.Goran therborn: The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology, Goran
Therboran, London,1980.p.3.
19
.Ibid.p.3
20
.Speech by Ambadkar in Darwar conference, 1944. Ambadkar Jayanti number.
28

hindu scriptures to the common people, and attributed the caste

system to divine ordinance theory. The divine ordinance of caste
was painstakingly included in scriptures like purushasukta21
manuals, Bhagavad-Gita etc, regarded as the noblest scriptures.
The caste system having thus received endorsement from
scriptures was accepted even by the outcastes themselves. In the
analysis of Ambadker, the hierarchical ideology is the principle
to make caste acceptable to all. It was a strategy to introduce an
existence system and Graded inferiority provided every one
with an inferior grade beneath him, as long as brahmins are on
the top with no other caste above him.
His superiority over all was secured: below him, the Brahmin had
the Kshatriya, and below him the Vaisya, and below him the
Sudra and the Sudra had the untouchable beneath him. Thus
each caste had at least one group beneath them, this compensated
for the humiliation of having someone above them. This graded
inferiority made the entire system acceptable and perpetuated it.
Looking from a different perspective it would therefore be wrong
to suppose that the caste [untouchable] ideology has not been
constructed by brahminical ideology.
21
.Purusha sukta is hymn of the Rigveda, dedicated to the Purusha, the "Cosmic
Being". Purusha is described as a primeval gigantic person, from whose body the world
and the varnas (castes) are built. As per the this sukta , the Brahmins (Learned men)
were made from Purusha's mouth, the Kshatriyas (Men with strength) from his arms,
the Vaishyas (Men with business acumen)from his thighs, and the Shudras (Men who
Work) from his feet. The Moon was born from his mind, the Sun from his eyes, the
heavens from his skull. Indra and Agni emerged from his mouth.
29

Irfan Habib pointed out that the rigidness of caste came from the
buddhist ahimsa, where the system looked down upon the
peasants
and
animal
killing
Jatis,
and
food
gathering
communities as much as the brahmincal texts do. This reason is

some what looking vein, because the concept of buddhist
renunciation of the society completely opposes the brahmincal
order of society. But it can not be denied that the integration of
the caste doctrine into religious tenet, where the brahmins
legitimized the doctrine and their hereditary privileges as the
chief spokespersons of Hinduism, crystallized the power of the
priesthood. The crystallization of the vedic priesthood as the
brahmin varna was a process mounted with the growing
complexity and elaboration of the vedic ritual of scarifies, but
later Vedic texts while emphasizing the separation of the
brahman and the kshatriya also speak of their interdependence
and opposition to the lower varnas22.
Suvira Jaiswal does not want to regard the varna system and its
ideology as a priestly invention by an expression of the dominant
material relationship prevailing in society23, this ideology
pervaded even as the buddhist and main world view with
difference that those regions contested the hierarchical position
and the higher ritual status of the Brahmins above the
kshatriyas. In this context it can be observed that in the Later
22
.Suviria Jaiswal, Varna Ideology and Social Change, Social Scientist, vol-19, Nos,
3-4 March, April,1991.p.44.
23
.Ibid, p.p.44-45.
30

Vedic and Gupta and post Gupta period, empirical reality had
transformed itself from the fourfold varna stratification of later
Vedic times to a complex Jati structure of the Gupta and post
Gupta times, the Jain system derived its larger transition, from
the varna ideology and, the concept of the Punchama (fifth)
Varna and the Varna Sankara floated.24
As per D.D. Kosambi, the untouchabiltiy started from the
demarcation of races as Aryans and Non-Aryans25. Irfan Habib
viewed how the caste became focal point to sustain the hegemony
of orthodox over heterodox26. Where as it was masked by religion
in medieval times and politicized in the colonial period. Time to
time, it took different shapes and adaptations, and followed
different strategies, protecting its equilibrium even after
independence as well, and always continued to act as an
ideological weapon to sustain upper caste hegemony, reproducing
and preserving hereditary privileges to certain sections of the
Indian society. Nicholas Dirks highlights, that colonialism
produced new forms of civil society which have been represented
as traditional forms chief among these is caste itself27.
However, the colonial rule has its own impression on all aspects
of Indian society. The sustenance of the caste system during
24
.Ibid, p.p.44-45.
.Kosambi.D.D, An Introduction to the study of India, Popular Prakasham, Bombay,
1991.p.98-99.
26
.Irfan Habib, Essays in Indian History: Towards Marxist Perception, Tulika,, New
Delhi, 1995.p.169.
27
.Nicholas Dirks: Caste of Mind: Colonialism And The Making of Modern India,
Permanent Black Publishers,2003.p.123.
25

31
colonial time can be understood within the preview of the three

aspects. 1) The nature of the reform movements. 2) Sensitization
of the differences created by the colonial masters. 3) The very
nature of the ruling class.
1). The nature of the reformist movements: It can be understood
that the nature of the caste system and its discrimination has been
not dissented from the very nature of the socio religious reform
movements. During the reform movements traditional revivalists
from Raja Ram Mohan Roy to Gandhi extensively used the idea
of tradition and the propounded the scriptural legitimacy. Though
the thinkers like Jyothirao Phule and Ambedkar questioned the
complex system and condemned the scriptural legitimacy. But
most of the ideological factions had drawn their legitimacy from
the scriptures.
Even during the freedom movement, the dominant classes

however were able to impose their own perception and
consciousness on the whole society and their ideology to secure
the acceptance of the entire society. Consequently the tradition of
acceptance and submission of lower castes was internalized
without destroying the structure, dominant customs etc. of the
society. Then the caste ideology originated as an ideology of
hierarchy legitimizing social inequality. And this system has
made from time to time certain adjustments in the spheres of
administration, economy, polity, etc and retained its formal static
32

appearance owing to its religious supremacy. The entire

institution of caste circled around varnashrama dharma and
carried forward by scriptural legitimacy, trying to uphold the
fourfold classifications of caste and the duties appropriate to each
stage of life though Gandhi firmly rejected the notion that caste
had anything to do with the old system except showing some
morality and humanity by bringing the untouchable into the main
fold by politicizing the issue.
More so the bourgeoisie leaders highlighted concepts like
Aryans theory go back to Vedas and revival of tradition
purity impurity. The eminent revivalists of India attacked
the British hegemony based on some rectifications of Indian
society. But the above-mentioned concepts did not offer any
solution to the stigmata of caste impurities and the untouchabiltiy
system that were rooted in India as a part of tradition and culture.
As it was stated by Raymond Williams the culture operates as
important figures of discourses. In the same way the colonial
masters played an important part in intensification of caste,
religion and cultural differences through all possible ways,
significantly they showed over-enthusiasm on untouchables for
various purposes, through the documentation process.
Colonial masters imagined that the prescriptive groups based on

caste and religion, are the real basis of political organization and
as such caste and religion based politics are primary and

33
nationalism a mere cover28. The conceptions of Aryan or non

Aryan entered the ideological arena to serve as an ideological
legitimization of the system of caste hierarchy. The Aryan
theory of race originated from European Orientalists29 and was
propagated by British administrators through their census and
provincial studies of caste groups. The concept was picked up by
early modernist (Brahmins) as a way of asserting their
equivalence with the white-skinned conquerors and their
superiority to the darker skinned lower castes, particularly the
untouchables.
2). Sensitization of the deferences by the colonial masters. The
second aspect to understand the caste system during colonial
period is the sensitization of the caste differences by the colonial
masters. The last half of the nineteenth century witnessed the
development of a new kind of curiosity about the knowledge of
the Indian social world that exhibited first in manuals and
gazettes that began to encode official local knowledge and then in
the materials that developed around the census based on the
ethnographic surveys led by Risley and Mechanjie.
Missionaries also entered in to this Ideological arena, in
contending official policies of non-intervention and continuing
28
.Ibid. p. 41.
.The word orientalism derives from the Latin oriens, which means "east." Orientalism
is a term used for the imitation or depiction of aspects of Eastern cultures in the West
by writers.
The idea of a cultural division between East and West. These people
played a major role in bridging the two cultures of east and west. They found and
worked under theosophical society.
29
34

their critique on caste and religion30. The importance of caste in

the census led to increasing focus on individualising, and
totalising by touching the insights of the culture and tradition, of
caste categories as a matter of fact, by the official apparatus of
government. Consequently two ideological groups emerged
within India, in the process of divide and rule as whole. One
represented the elite interests; the other spoke for the
marginalized.
The Britishers understood that, the Indian system was consisted

of many differences. These differences through all possible ways
will provide an ideological base for the political conquest of
India. They denied that India could be in the process of becoming
a nation and believed that what was called India, in fact,
constituted divergent religions, castes, languages and interests
and social evils like untouchability. They never conceded that
Indian groups would be transformed into a nation, and argued
that these prescriptive groups were based on the different castes
and religions. In course of time, they perceived the tradition and
the radical structures of caste in a way for their sustenance. This
had a multifaceted effect on caste relations at the ground level in
the villages; the traditional Jajmani division of labour survived
and the destruction of previous state structures strengthened the
position of the village based dominant caste. Thus colonization
for India meant a political organization that shaped the traditional
30
.Ibid. P.41.

35
caste-feudal structures and Mughal bureaucracy to the needs of

new British corroborated colonial state (Omvedt 1994: 83).
3). The Nature of the ruling Class. The third aspect is to
understand the true character of colonial caste system is to
understand the real nature of the ruling class. At this point one
should be aware of the Gramsci concept for better understanding
the nature of ruling class. He rightly says that the ruling class
comes up with varied techniques to secure the consent of the
subordinates to be ruled. The rulers always get the subordination
of the ruled with means of coercion, and persuasion to
hegemonies over them.31 Moreover hegemony is a relation not of
domination by means of force, but of consent to sustain political
and ideological leadership. Thus it can be termed as the
organization of consent32.
One thing must be understood at this movement those, how two
hegemonic classes, the British and the Indian hindu castes
competed, compromised, to get the consent of the majority casteuntouchables. The process of documentation has given
opportunity for the brahmins (dominant class in India) who
played the same role which helped to record the dominant
tendencies of the upper caste interests for their sustenance in
India. As the brahmins continued to have near monopoly control
over administrative position over administration during the
colonial regime, the untouchable and Sudra communities became
31
. Roger Simon: Gramsci political thought an introduction, Lawrence and Wishart,

Lodon, 1982.p.21.
32
. Ibid, p.21.
36

mere victims with in the changed structure too. The monopoly of

brahmins helped hindu caste people to use nationalism as an
ideological tool to mobilize the masses in order to capture
political power from the foreign yoke.
On the other side colonial state strengthened the idea of caste by

emphasizing on backwardness of India, based on social evils like
untouchability and the institution of caste. In the project of
documentation, the construction of the archives and writing of
Gazetteers and the administration hand books the Brahmins were
more helpful sometimes written by one particular caste headman
with an agenda of his own33 which helped to sustain the old
regime. Moreover it deliberately preserved the inhuman old
regime even it introduced new forms of changes in the society
since their political economic hegemonic interests served them.
As a result, the marginalized got the British attention on one side
and that of the Indian bourgeoisie on the other. The basic aim of
the bourgeoisie was in dual in nature, one was the reformist
critiques on caste and untouchabiltiy on the other would unfold
old system.34 Hence the ideologies on marginalized employed in
the form of tradition which deliberately includes both everyday
life notions and experiences and elaborate intellectual doctrines
with the consciousness of social actions and institutionalization
of the thought systems35.
33
.Nicholas Dirks, Op.cit, p.128.

.Nicholas Dirks, Op.cit.p.42.
35
.Goran therborn: The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology,
Therboran, London, 1980.p.2.
34
Goran

37
During the initial decades the freedom movement witnessed the

transformation of higher society. Predominantly the upper caste
leadership provided the backdrop for a principal mechanization
of the mobilization for new political Identities, by following
different strategies. As a result, untouchability continued to
emerge as a strong political issue and gave rise to many debates
over tradition and modernity, the relationship of civil society with
religion, Indian culture, and the development of nationalist
ideologies36.
In this respect it is important to define an inclusive notion of
culture. Raymond Williams states that culture operates as an
important figure of discourse37. The concept of culture as mass
ensemble of everyday activities makes it indistinguishable from
political structures, process of economic relation or forces of
production38. The interesting thing in the discourse of freedom
struggle was that, the traditionalists recognized the caste and
untouchabiltiy as a part of tradition and culture. Consequently the
concepts like Aryan Theory of Race39, Non Aryans Theory40,
36
.Ibid.p.23.
.Therborn.Op,Cit.P.6.
38
.Ibid,p.6
39
.During the colonial rule the Aryan theory of race came in to prominence. This
claim also became increasingly important during the 19th and the early 20th century.
The term Aryan referred to "the early speakers of Proto-Indo
European and their
descendents". Max Mller is often identified as the first writer to speak of an Aryan
"race" in
English. According to him the Aryans were fair-complexioned indo
European speakers who conquered the dark Skinned Dasas of India. The Arya-Varna
and Dasa-Varna of the Rigveda were understood as two conflicting
groups
differentiated by skill color, but also by language and religious practices. (See the
article; Romilla Thapar the theory of Aryan race and India; History and politics, social
scientist, Vol-24, No.-1/3, Jan-March 1996, PP. 3-29). Some Indians were also
37
38

Varna Dharma41, purity and impurity42 gave importance to

scriptural authority of tradition. Whereas Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
looked at another dimension to explain the nature of caste that
castes in India means an artificial chopping off the population
into fixed and definite units each one prevented from fusing into
another through the custom of endogamy. Hence endogamy is the
only characteristic that is peculiar to caste43 in other words the
superimposition of endogamy on exogamy means the creation of
caste.44(It will be discussed in detail in coming chapters)
influenced by the debate about the Aryan theory of race during the British Raj, the
Indian nationalist V. D. Savarkar , Rajarammohan Roy, Dayanada sarswati, were
believed in the theory that an "Aryan race" migrated to India. These supported the
British version of the theory because it gave them the prestige of common descent with
the ruling British class.
40
. In opposition to the Aryan Race theory, the Non Aryan Theory came in to lime
light as it claimed all the Dalits are the original Indians and the sons of the soil.
41
.Varna is a fundamental concept underlying the Hindu society. In fact, it is a social
arrangement or Segregation based on caste.
42
.A peculiar refinement of the untouchability theory was distance pollution where the
lower caste members of the society feared to approach them.
43
.Vasanth moon, Dr. Baba sahib Ambadkar writings and speeches, Caste in India,
Published by Educational Department, Government of Maharastra,1982.p.9.
44
.Ibid.p.9.

39
Chapter 3
Discourse on Reform Movements in Colonila

Andhra
Socio Religious Reform Movement was one of the greatest and

longest events in the history of India. The concepts of
Rationality and Modernity paraded in this movement. This
movement created its own space in transforming our society at all
levels of the Indian society. It also developed consciousness even
in depressed communities which lead to question the internal
dynamics of Hinduism. It is true that historians have shown much
attention in writing about elitist renaissance movements. They
have not directed enough attention on depressed groups reform
movements. Though the colonial rule had its own impact on all
sections the reactions or nature of the movements were different.
Therefore all movements were concerned about their own
wellbeing in their society.
Hence this chapter explores the historical social problems like

caste system and untouchabiltiy and the intellectual perceptions
40

of colonial Andhra, keeping in view the Adi-Andhra movement

in the last quarter of the 19th century. It needs to be needed to
understand the nature and internal dynamics of the reform
movement and trace the development of perceptions on
Caste/Untouchabiltiy, and its conflict with elite interests in
colonial Andhra. This chapter also deals with the questions that
how the majority of untouchables were used as mere tools by
both colonizer and by the colonized elite sections to sustain their
dominance. And why the Untouchables were brought into their
ideological conflict. It mainly focus on the Adi- Andhra Reform
Movement with due respect towards their liberation. This chapter
examines how idea of Caste and Untouchabiltiy was perceived
by the regional reformists of Andhra. Were they really interested
in the well being of the depressed communities or did their
ideological groundwork aim at the complete transformation of the
caste or did they only aim at rectification that could not break
tradition since their socio, political interests demanded them.
There were two major untouchable castes in Andhra (Madiga and

Mala). They live in the outskirts of the main habitation, totally
segregated from the other castes. They were hypothetical to be a
fifth class, which was divinely ordained (Panchama) ;according
to this the unalterable laws of karma, made them bad-mannered,
fatalistic, fated to live an unredeemed and dishonored life. Their
nearness was regarded of something capable of causing pollution.
Moreover the colonial rule made them over worked, have poor

41
health, half-starved and half-naked. Besides this A peculiar

refinement of the Untouchabiltiy theory was Distance
pollution claimed by certain Castes that polluting occurred not
merely on contact but by mere approach45.
Despite their low social status, untouchables performed the
traditional jobs, along with agricultural labor works but their
economic condition was miserable. These communities played an
important role in the development of the whole Madras
presidency. They were the backbone of the Indian agricultural
labor in the chief rice growing districts of coastal Andhra. They
had been the victims of Agristic serfdom, where they are forced
to take loans from their employer-landlord with no hope of
repaying it in full. So they become tied to the soil46.
They carry out their traditional occupations- weaving for the
Mala community and leather- work for the Madiga community,
based on primitive modes of production. For the Malas rule
weaving lasts for eight months a year; during the remaining
months they are involved in reaping and stocking crops. Each
Mala family was bound to work (weaving) for one sudra
community for various socio economic reasons. They were
supposed to get the requisite amount of cotton themselves, and
women did the spinning at low wages.47
45
46
47
. Censes of 1931 (Madras) A.P State Achieves Hyderabad, Vol. XIII, p. 343.
. Thurston, E., Caste and Tribes of Southern India~ Vol. XIV, New Delhi, p-531.
. Ibid.531.
42

In the same way, the Madigas were attached to one or more

families of ryots, and were entitled to the dead animals of their
houses. In return they supplied sandals, leather belts, water
buckets, etc, and all necessary help in agriculture. These people
have to find the requisite leather himself. This process continues
among the Madigas till the present day.48 The dead skin was used
in covering the rude drums, which were largely used during
Hindu-festivals. The madigas beat the drums in honor of the
deity; they often got drunk, quarreled and were unclean.
They were village servants who had no access to land or office,
and survived on Agristic wages. The land lords became rich by
themselves by appropriating common 1ands. Compelled landless
laborers by means of economic compulsion and exploited49
them. Marx traced this degeneration of Indian society to the caste
based village community with its combination of agriculture and
handicrafts, the absence of division of labor and commodity
production, Agristic s1avery, immobility of labor occupations,
semi serfdom, and iso1ation.50
Though they followed the traditional Hindu religion, these

communities had their own community deities as well; Malas
worshipped Gurappa, Subbarayudu, Gunnathadu, Sankullamma,
48
Ibid.,p530.
. Reddy, M.P.R., Peasant and State in Modem Andhra History. Clio Book Club,
(Mayuraram) Kovali, 1986, pp.215-216.
50
. Ibid, p221.
49

43
Poleramma etc.51 The Madigas worshipped Kattamma, Kattapa,

Dandumuri, Muneeswara and other deities.52
During the colonial period, the commercialization of agriculture
and the emergence of new towns with new industries destroyed
their economic system. The circumstances forced them to migrate
from their native village to the urban centers. Their condition was
miserable under colonial rule due to the introduction of cotton
spinning mills. The new leather technology weakened their
traditional life style. When famine occurred majorly it affected
the lower caste people. The missionaries were well aware of the
caste distinctions in Indian society, where people were respected
or despised according to their caste, and not by need and ability.53
** The outcastes lived out side the mainstream of society.
Missionaries naturally availed this opportunity and started to
work with less fortunate ones who were likely to pay attention to
what they had to say.54 **
Missionaries started converting unfortunate people in to
Christianity by establishing schools, hospitals, etc. The colonial
government encouraged these conversions by following variety
of ways including grants of land on Darakhast. It means that the
Land granted to these communities at a nominal cost, more
frequently, during the early period colonial rule. The land grand
51
. Thurston, Op Cit, p.386.

. Ibid, p.308.
53
. Interview, Kasi Viswaswara Rao, Freedom fighter**
54
. Ibid, Interview**
52
44

issue developed a friction between lower and upper caste

sections. There was stiff resistance by the upper classes against
granting
of
Darakhast
and
on
evangelical
activities.
untouchables communities were getting help and support of the

colonial government. These developments alarmed Hindu
communities. Newspapers like Seshilekha, Andhra Patrica etc,
reported the news and upper caste views on the on the question of
Darakhast, that they would find it difficult to get coolies, for
cultivation, if Panchama are influenced by the missionaries.55
At the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries a

number of social evils like corruption, extravagance, and
superstitions infected traditional society, child marriages were
frequent, widowhood, Sati and untouchabiltiy were prevalent all
over colonial Andhra. Nevertheless the traditional conditions
preserved the hegemony of the upper caste people. Efforts were
started for the rectification of higher society. Western thoughts
one side and the development of consciousness of panchamas on
the other side necessitated the emergence of social reformers like
Kandukuri Veeresalingam. Raghupathi Venkataratnam Naidu,
Gurajada Apparao, Chilakamarthi Laxmi Narasimham Panthulu
and Tanguturi Prakasam Pnatulu. Through their writings and
preachings they worked for social regeneration, making it an
integral part of their political awakening. Mostly their reforms
55
. Venkata Raghaiah, M., Ed., The freedom struggle in Andhra Pradesh (Andhra)
Vol.1, 1800- 1905, Hyderaabad, Doc 58, p.95.

45
centered on the issues of women within the patriarchal society

and included elite institutional problems and their regeneration.
Kandukuri Veerasalingam was the pioneer among them.
Raghupathi Venkata Rattnam Naidu stood for social purity
centered on Nautch problem in Andhra. His views some what
were contrast from his practices. By observing his views we can
come to conclusion that he could not come out the existing
scriptural authority. He says that According to the law of love,
wealth is a holy trust in the hands of the rich for the benefit of the
poor. And when he wrote about inequality, he said that, God
acts as the propelling and combining force in both patient and
doctor, just such is the relationship likewise, between the teacher
and people, the giver and taker, the master and the servant the
high and low and so on...56
It shows that the entire socio religious reform movement was

rigid on vulnerable societies and flexible in association with the
elite societies. The Andhra middle class intelligentsia critiqued
the tradition, based on the morality of the Indian society, where it
accepted the system of hierarchy and Untouchabiltiy and
justified them where the adjective 'fluid' could be applied to the
Hindu caste system with much appropriation. The objective
fluidity could be observed among the upper castes but not
56
.V. Raja Gopal, Social and religious ideas of Raghupati Venkata Ratnam A.P History
Congress Nagaram, 1987. p.115.
46

among the Untouchables. A fluid takes the shape of the vessel

within which it is contained but does not alter in volume or
quantity. It is this fluidity, which gives Hinduism, and its caste
system, their strength that has ensured and will ensure their
survival.57
The first quarter of the twentieth century witnessed the

emergence of the non-Brahmin movement. This revival
movement launched by the sudra communities. They aimed to get
Self-Respect that sought for higher status within the social
ladder and launched an offensive against Bramhinical hegemony.
The Sudra communities like Kamma, Reddy and Velama, joined
these movements under the banner of the Justice Party. These
people questioned the scriptural interpretations of Bramhinical
authority, and their monopoly over the society in Andhra.
However, these movements did not try to find any alternative
solution against the hierarchical Hindu caste society. They
ignored the problems of the untouchables and sought to imitate
the Sanskritic culture. M. N. Srinivas defined it as the process of
Sanskritisation
in
colonial
India.58
Urbanization
and
industrialization had a deep impact on the traditional culture

including folklore; which created great confusion for several
57
.Census Report 1931, Madras Presidency, Part 1 Vol. 13, Preserved in A.P State
archives, p.339.
58
.See M.N Srinivas Social Change in Modern India, (Chapter, Sanskritisation) Orient
Longman
Limited, New Delhi, 1995.
47

communities and caste groups. This process led to upward

mobility, which had been analyzed by M.N. Srinivas as the
process of Sanskritisation.59
The first quarter of the twentieth century could be noted as a
significant
transformation
period
for
the
untouchable
communities all over south India and particularly in Andhra. The

main reasons for these developments among the untouchable
communities were, the colonial rulers approach towards the
untouchable communities, Christian missionaries activities,
reform movements in caste hindus. These developments forced
them to look back their place in the caste ridden society. It is true
that the Christian missionary activities were aimed at converting
the so-called depressed classes and Tribal communities, even as
the dominant social groups exploited them through their
economic and cultural superiority60,
Even the implementation of state measures like agrarian
legislation and the fixation of minimum wages had never
articulated the process of social mobility among the depressed
castes in India.61 Christian Missionaries, impact of western
thought and continued oppression led to the emergence of
untouchable movements, in which the lower caste people sought
their own identity.
59
.Ibid, (His View have taken).

.Prof. Soma Reddy, Ed, Cast and Communities Culture in Andhra Desa 17th and 18th
A.D Proceedings of the Seminar Osmania University, Hyderabad, 1996, p.27.
61
. Ibid, p.27.
60
48

The Adi-Andhra reform movement was one of the significant

revolutionary move in the history of Andhra. The very nature of
this movement is questioning the roots of the upper caste
domination and developing an alternative ideology to strengthen
their status in the society. They encountered the Aryan Hindu
scripture- based society. The "Non-Aryan Theory had been
developed and sought a new place in society. They applied the
concept of Adi to represent their own communities, the term
Adi indicates as the First Born or Original Inhabitants of that
region or the original sons of the soil.62 In other words, the prefix,
Adi denoted that they were vanquished by the Aryan nomads.
The concept of Adi as an ideology indicated their assertion of
equal rights, humanity and citizenship with members of the
superior castes. They demanded the Government to improve their
conditions. This was followed by an agitation for a change of
name. It is important to note that
50,000 people from two
districts renamed themselves as Adi-Andhras .The other

communities continued to address them as Panchamas or by the
traditional caste name in Krishna and Guntur districts where there
had been great addition to the Christian Population. As a result of
conversion there was a marked fall in the number of Malas in
Guntur and Kurnool as they became Christians.63
The Adi-Andhra movement was the only movement that
denounced scriptural authority, questioned the importance of
62
63
. Gail Omvedt, Dalits and the Democratic Revolution, Sage, New Delhi, 1994, p. 117.
. Census Report 1921, A.P State archives, Hyd, Vol.XIII, Madras, p.158.

49
tradition in Indian history, and developed a counter ideology

against the upper caste hegemony by claiming themselves as the
first born or original inhabitants. This period witnessed the
growth of consciousness among untouchable communities.
The intellectual activities of Untouchables can be traced back to
Madari Bhagya Reddy Varma (1888-1939) who founded an
organization, which was called the Jaganmitra Mandali.64 At that
time evils like Devadasi (Nautch), beef eating, drinking liquor etc
were prevalent among Untouchable communities. Jagan Mitra
Mandali organised the Harikatha, Preethi-Bojan, Bhajan-Mandal
programs, to mobilize these untouchables by reforming them. No
doubt Madari Bhagya Reddy Varma bagged credit for reforming
the untouchable society. But he followed the initiative only in
name but in practice retained his focus on the distinctiveness of
his own caste. But he became well known as a depressed class
leader.
Arigay Ramaswamy (1875) a railway employee had a broader
perception of untouchable issues. He was the pioneer in
Secundarabad of the idea developed in Madras that the depressed
classes or panchamas as they were officially known in Madras,
were the original inhabitants of the country and as such deserved
respect rather than being treated as untouchables. In 1922
Ramaswamy started an Adi-Hindu Jatiyonnati Sabha. This was in
64
. Swarupa Rani Rayaprolu, Womens Associations in Telangana, Book links, Delhi,

2003, pp.29-30.
50

effect a Mala caste association but gradually included the

Madigas who had a lower status [Simon Charsley; EPW- Dec,
28-2002]. He worked for reform of caste customs in accordance
with the values of reformist Hinduism of the time. His activities
remained localized, and even these leaders could not escape from
the stigma of caste system.
Madari Adiyya, P R Venkataswamy [1908] and others in
Telangana and the Hyderabad regions also strove for the
regeneration of untouchable communities and stressed on
education, service, etc. They denounced the Devadasi system and
use of intoxicating drinks and sought for an alternative path that
tended to adopt Buddhist principles. They also celebrated Buddha
Jayanthi as a symbol of Buddhism.65
It is true that western thought had its own impact on India.

Though the impacts of the idea Rationality and Modernity were
same on all sections of colonial Andhra, it developed a kind of
conflict, and contradiction between the elitist and the untouchable
reform movements. This can be observed from the fact that the
entire elitist reform/revivalist movement concentrated around two
things- institutional problems especially issues regarding women
problems [in early reform period] and Regeneration movement
65
. Ibid, pp.120-123.

51
which became an integral part of their political awakening in later

phases.
In November 1917, a social reformer (Hindu caste) Guduru Rama

Chandra Rao, called for the first provincial Panchama Maha
Sabha, at the dramatic hall of the Mylavaram Raja, in
Vijayawada. Sundru Venkaih acted as the chairman of the
reception committee. In the first day of the meeting in the
evening, its President who was an untouchable from Hyderbad,
Bhagya Reddy Varma argued, the term term Panchama was no
where found in the puranas or the other hindu scriptures.
Moreover the Panchamas were the original sons of this soil and
once were rulers of the country.
It is to be observed that to counter the Adi concept; the

Brahmins gave a new name to the untouchables, Panchama,
which was in use till the third decade of this century. Even
Gandhi used it in his Young India for a long time, where the idea
of Panchama justified the age-long evil tradition of the Hindu
society that had thrown the untouchables into the hell of caste
bias since unknown antiquity. The enlightened and self respected
among the untouchables protested against the using the term
Panchama and even compelled the government to issue orders
52

against this usage,66 and forbidding the use of the terms,

Panchama and Pariah.67
Thus, it can be said that the elitist reform movement sought a

slight modification without breaking the social structure of India,
in the process modernizing them, which would ensure their
domination over the society. The pioneer of the Andhra revival
movement Raghupathi Venkataratnam Naidu openly accepted the
concept of inequality and he even applied divinity to it without
any hesitation. Thus, we can say that the elitist reform movement
was restricted by tradition.
The term fluidity can be applied to this age long system and to
the elite people, since fluid takes the shape of the vessel within
which it is kept but does not alter its volume or its quantity. In
other words the elite people were flexible within their own caste
structure but they were rigid towards the lower castes. Thus they
always secured and preserved their position in society. On the
other hand the missionaries were well aware that Indian society
was caste ridden. The evangelicals thus got the opportunity to
provide an ideological berth for the marginalized communities
which further led to the destruction of the popular cultural base.
66
. G.O. No.317, (Lifted from) Dalit Encyclopedia, Vol 10, Indira Gandhi Memorial
Library,[UoH] March, 1922, p. 202.
67
. Dalit Encyclopedia Vol 10, Indira Gandhi National Memorial Library,[UoH] p.202.

53
The Sudra communities like Kamma, Reddy, Velama etc

questioned the sanctions of scriptural Bramhinical Authority over
the society, but they too were bound by the caste structure and
ignored the real low caste issues. They did not give real support
to the depressed classes. They aimed to rectify the evils practiced
in society based on notions of modernity but in reality they
merely consolidated their hegemony within the social structure.
The contradiction can be seen in the two terms, Adi-Andhra and
Panchama. For the Marginalized, the character of the ideology
of caste was dual in nature, consolidation of their social position
by the upper castes and attempts to transform society based on
egalitarian principles. In fact the movement had a special
significance in Andhra. It lead to the development of the NonAryan theory .Consequently the Adi concept came in to the
forefront.
The Adi-Andhras reform movement was reflected in promotion

of education, cleanliness, hygiene, and giving up beef eating etc,
it did not wage a militant struggle to promote the wellbeing of the
untouchables. The movement suffered with many internal
problems such as differences of caste identity between Mala and
Madiga communities, socio economic and regional differences,
inherent attitudinal problems, slavish mind set, suspicious nature,
greed, lack of leadership, motivation etc. Nevertheless this was
54

the only movement that denounced the scriptural authority and

questioned the Indian tradition and developed counter ideologies
against the upper castes, and sought for an alternative society by
claiming them to be the original sons of the soil.
#######
Chapter - 4
Patterns of Ideas: Understanding Nationalism
This chapter is part of an enquiry to explain how Indians under

colonial subjection and it conceptualizes the formation of
national identity and the role of intellectuals in shaping the
freedom struggle. The conclusion is that Indian nationalism was
an ideological tool used by the national intelligentsia to get the
consent of the subordinated in the history of modern India. It is
also a hard-hitting critique of nationalist historiography that had
neglected the internal dynamics of exploitation in the Indian
society and false consciousness. The ideology of nationalism is
not accidental but intentional for hegemony both in terms of the
colonizer and the colonized. The Nationalist vision for future
India was only a means for self-strengthening and not a basis for
a vision of future. Nationalism is mere a cover.
There was a common feeling in colonial India that Indians were
oppressed based on racial discrimination in South Africa.
Gandhiji visited many times to India often highlighted the
oppression based on racial discrimination. In this regard some of
56

his statements need to be examined:.. The racial prejudices

that I saw in South Africawas very oppressive and I believed
that it was only temporary and local1. He further stated that It
was my intention to educate public opinion in cities on this
question by organizing meetings. Bombay was the first city I
chose. Hence Gandhi entered in the task of fighting against the
racial discrimination and he had regular contact with prominent
leaders where they expressed different opinions on the issue of
untouchability. He met Justice Ranede, Sir Pherozeshah Mehta
and revealed the conditions existed in South Africa. Justice
Ranede and Badruddin Tyabjt gave valuable advices to Gandhi.
Justice Ranede guided him but he did not take active part in
public affairs .2. Mr. Ranedes feelings in the matter of
discrimination were just as keen as anyone else. It was the
greatness of Ranede that he always utilized occasions to give
proper vision of constructing India as a Nation.
When all the major leaders were protesting against the racial
discrimination in South Africa, Gopala Krishna Ghokhale alone
highlighted the issue of the internal discrimination of India. In his
speech at the Dharvara Social Conference session, Gokhale said
that the people of India had awakened to a sense of the position
of their countrymen abroadhe felt convinced that this
awakening was a sign of the fact that the dead bones in the valley
were once again coming with life. Gopala Krishna Ghokhale
1
2
. Gandhi, M.K. An Autobiography, Navajeevan, Ahmedabad, 1927.p.128.

. Ibid. p-129-130.

57
extended and touched upon the bitterness of caste and the evil of
Untouchability; he said it was easy to denounce the Foreigners
and see if they were absolutely blameless. Foreigners but those
who did so were bound in common fairness to look into
themselves He also described the the manner in which
members of lower castes were treated by our own community in
different parts of India3.
Ideas during Reform Movements
The speech indicates that the magnitude and intensity of the
internal discrimination which was a vital factor during colonial
period. However the issue raised by Gokhale was shadowed by
the high-pitched cry of the traditional intellectuals. In-fact it
needs to be analyzed and understood the pattern of ideas spread
over India during the reform movement period. The pattern of the
Ideas spread over India was confined to socio-religious spheres
during the colonial period. The tradition and the scriptures have
paraded in the minds of traditional intellectuals. Protecting the
tradition was became a predominant responsibility for them,
where the caste discrimination cannot be separated from the
tradition.
The nature of the caste structures from the very beginning of the
reform movements led by traditional intellectuals against the
caste system was only nominal and could not succeed in inducing
egalitarian principles. They took the entire freedom struggle on
3
.Speech delivered at the Dharwar social conference held on the 27th of April 1930 by
Mr. Gokhale, the President of the conference.
58

their shoulders and kept the untouchables outside the movements.

They used the past as a legitimizing force to strengthen their
position. Intrusion of the western ideas and the tradition
together helped a lot to protect their class interests without
breaking the internal dynamics of exploitation. Moreover, the
colonial state also, directly or indirectly, contributed a lot in
creating consciousness. And it attempted to restructure the
brahmanical caste into Anglicized neo brahmins and created
structures to sustain the essential caste relations in modified form.
During the reformation time the traditional intelligentsia of

Hinduism, consolidated their position, used the religion as a
legitimizing force in their movements, though none of these
movements were religious in character. In-fact Reform
movements only justified the prevailing system. It was an open
truth that even to abolish Jathi and Varna systems, the traditional
revivalists from to Raja Ram Mohan Roy to Gandhi gave a mere
justification based on the scriptures, which further reinforced the
idea of caste and untouchabiltiy. Though the multiple traditions
existed within and outside the great hindu tradition in India, the
brahmanical textual views predominated as the ideology of upper
caste domination. In other words, the construction of scriptures
based on religious particularism by upper caste reformers was an
attempt to universalize the brahmanical tradition to every sect of
the Indian society4.
4
.Ibid, p. 113.

59
One should understand mainly the two tendencies during reform

period. The first was marked by the struggle against the backward
elements of tradition and the urge to modernize society. The
second, by trust on the strength of traditional culture and
ideology to shape the future, adherents of the two being called
reformists and the revivalists respectively5.
However, this conception of tradition was Brahmanical and
textual, seeking to invent homogenous traditions applicable to all
Hindus. The traditionalists looked at untouchability as one of the
social problems in the Indian society. Even the ideas of Raja Ram
Mohan Roy on caste and untouchabiltiy were rather unclear.
Although he opposed untouchabiltiy for various reasons, he
deliberately strengthened his own caste and retained his sacred
thread till his death6. Moreover Ram Mohan Roy never attempted
to be away from Hinduism in public life. He was careful not to
offend the orthodox; he felt that reform had to be carried within
the parameters of the Hindu Community7.
Ram Mohan, in his published writings and public life, strictly
adhered to most of the caste rules. (Even to the extent of taking a
Brahmin cook with him to England) He never directly attempted
to attack the issue of caste except a single reference in his work,
Vajra-Suchi. His writings were concentrated on a single issue,
5
.Panikkar.K.N, Culture, Ideology, Hegemony, Intellectuals and Social Consciousness

in Colonial India, Tulika, New Delhi, 2001.p.79.
6
.Ibid, p. 164.
7
.J.T.F, Jordeins, Hindu Religion and Social Reform in British India, p.368.
60

on sati.8 While fire was concentrated from the beginning on

image worship, Untouchability was not attacked with sincere
effort like the sincere zeal towards Social issues like Sati till the
1860s9. It is a fact that Brahmanism failed to make any attempt
to link up the popular lower caste monotheistic cults, which seem
to have been fairly numerous in Eighteenth century Bengal, in
these socio-religious reform movements10. The brahmanical
oppression of lower castes while far less systematic, was
reality, but was hardly the most crucial problem for an Indian,
who were being rapidly exposed to the full blast of colonial
exploitation11.
These developments developed into an ideological contradiction

between lower and upper classes; further it led to the rise and
growth of the Scheduled Castes consciousness in the later part of
the nineteenth century. Apart from the destructive nature of the
colonial rule, it could be seen that the political and economic
conditions of the lower caste Hindus had already undergone a
change. The major influence came from the Christianity on one
side12 and the spread of western education, ideas, and cultural
values on the other side. Consequently all educated sections
8
.Sarkar Sumit, Rommohan Roy A Critique of Colonial India-break with the Past, In
V.C. Joshi (ed), Ram Mohan and the process of modernization in India, New Delhi,
1975. P.6
9
.Ibid, p. 77.
10
.Ibid, p. 7.
11
.Ibid. p. 8.
12
.Rajeshwer Prasad, Social Reforms an Analysis of Indian Society, Y. K, publications,
Agra, 1990.

61
became aware and launched many counter legitimacy movements

against the traditional intelligentsia in their ideological terms. The
emergence of the new perception prompted the social reformers
to make active changes in Hinduism, where they condemned all
social evils without making genuine and consistent efforts in
eradicating these evils. It was visible that the character of these
reform movements had a dual role. K.N.Panikkar has rightly
mentioned that, one is protecting their tradition to hegemonize
their class interest & other is to counter the colonial domination.
The
anti-caste
consciousness
in
society
questioned
the
brahmanical Hegemony, which existed for ages, by the lower

caste intelligentsia. The untouchables were denied all the
religious, social, and economic privileges in Brahmanical Hindu
social system. This led to the majority of untouchables
conversion to Islam, Sikhism, and Christianity. These religions
propagated the concept of equality before God and exposed the
inhuman practices in Hinduism for perpetuating inequality and
the ill treatment of the lower castes.
Even though some of the
leading Hindu intellectuals followed the path of British

liberalism, western ideas aimed at modernization, they did not
give up the Hindu tradition.
The main defect of these socio-religious reform movements were
that they could not break the walls of tradition and could not
communicate the views of rationality to the people at large.
62

Though the Hindu intellectuals first started the revolutionary

work against caste & untouchabiltiy, they tried to find an
ideology based on the Shastras, which could assure their future
existence.
For instance, traditional intellectual came to the
decision to, Go back to the Vedas, and they wished to eradicate

the existing ignorance of conformists, which was under attack
and condemned everything non-Vedic. They upheld the authority
of the Vedas in everything and declared the Vedas as the only
path of true knowledge13. Thus, the main objective of the Arya
samajists was to revive the Hindu philosophy based on the
Vedas. The issue of Untouchability was accepted as the Vedas
allowed it.
The introduction of concepts reasoning, rational outlook,
universal perception, and acceptance of western ideas, and to
some extent, attempts to rectify the Hindu religion based on
rationalism and universal brotherhood, during this phase. Swami
Vivekananda played a crucial role in this. He linked Hinduism to
the growth of the Indian nationalism and acted as a bridge
between Pre-nationalistic and Nationalistic phases and gave a
new mental picture to Hinduism. He attempted to rationalize the
brahmanical order with the mask of hindu nationalism. He gave
the highest honour to hinduism and considered it as the mother of
all religions in the world. But as he did not have any constructive
programs further he failed to destroy the evil structures.
Vivekananda exemplified the emotional appeal of his faith and
13
.Rajeshwar Prasad. Op.cit, p.173.

63
criticized the existing degeneration of Hinduism and tried to

valorize the glories of the past and appealed emotionally for the
identification of untouchables and the Sudra with the DaridraNarayana, without any clear vision and launching any
programme. He looked at caste from the philosophical aspect,
from the worldly point of view, and as a social institution; in fact
it was a fairly conservative position. He said that, Caste did not
have to be pulled down; Modern competition would kill it any
away14. He however, escaped from the reality and left caste
problems to god. One of his letters indicated that, whether ideals
will remains or not, whether caste is good or bad, I do not bother
myself with those questions, everyone must work out his
salvation, our duty is to bring the chemicals together, and the
crystallization will come through Gods Laws15.
Those hermits tried to escape from facing it and pushed it on to
the God and tried to convince the people that society always
functioned on the principal of rule and ruled and sought for only
a rectification of the Indian society within the fold of tradition
and religion. A.R. Dasai termed it as the religious spirit of
Hinduism, trained the people in accepting the caste system and
built caste consciousness in the individual who accepted the caste
as divinely ordained, and considered it as a sacrilege16
to
question it. He also mentioned that education, based on religion,

14
.Amya, P.Sen, Swami Vivekananda, Oxford press, New Delhi, 2000.p.67.

.Amya. P.Sen, Swami Vivekananda, letters of Swami Vivekananda 20thjune, 1894.
p.504-558.
16
.Desai A. R. Op.cit.p. 251.
15
64

was under the monopolistic guidance of the Brahmin caste in the

pre-British period17.
Ideas during Nationalist Phase

The pattern of ideas shifted from socio-religious aspects to the
economic critique of nationalism during period the early
twentieth century. The main focal point of the nationalists was
the critique of colonialism and the drain of wealth18. The main
stream of the national leadership consisted of lawyers, journalists,
landlords and middle class intelligentsia, mainly Brahmans, who
were considered as the traditional intellectuals.
The pioneer in this context was Dadabai Norojee. He attempted
to explain Indian poverty and the drain of wealth19. In-fact the so
called nationalist intellectuals have given their due attention on
the exploitation of marginalized. It was true that the colonial rule
had a complex effect on the functioning of the caste system and
on Marginalized20. The heavy incidence of famines during
British rule, cited so forcefully by Ambedkar in the 1930 speech,
was so destructive that the entire peasantry had been forced to the
margin of existence, and the heaviest burden of all this fell on the
lowest castes, women, and on children, those who lacked
17
.Ibid, p.251.
.Bipn Chandra, Indias Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947,Penguin Books, New
Delhi,2000.p.96.
19
.Gail Omvedt, Scheduled Castes And Democratic Revolution, Sege, New Delhi,
1994.p.89.
20
.Ibid, p. 87.
18

65
entitlements to the land and other sources of sustenance.21 Low

castes, often Scheduled Castes laborers, migrated to work in
plantations, railway docks, factories, etc22. The economic
interests of the Scheduled Castes [depressed] people were not
highlighted and not given any priority in the programs and
political activities of the national intelligentsia who were
confined to the path of modernization. All of them accepted
untouchabiltiy and caste system as a part of Hindu society, which
would ensure their upper caste hegemony.
On the other hand Brahmins continued to have the monopoly of
control over the administrative positions and professions.
Merchant castes became the moneylenders; caste hierarchy
remained within the Indian society by keeping the brahmins at
the top and the impoverished peasant castes that were attached to
villages at the lowest position23. Besides this the nationalist
developmental perspective was continued within the bourgeois
parameters, that is, independent economic development was
visualized within a capitalistic frame work.24
Here two conclusions can be observed about their selfish pattern
of tradition - one was directed to stabilize their caste hegemony in
the social hierarchy, and the other was to attack the colonial
hegemony. Tradition was always emphasized and legitimized by
21
.Ibid, p. 87.
.Ibid, p.88.
23
.Ibid, p.88.
24
.Bipin Chandra. Op.cit,. P.262.
22
66

the moderates, extremists, Gandhi, etc. The tradition centered

ideologies enhanced the gap between these intellectuals and the
marginalized or those who formed the lowest strata. The policies
and programes of the middle class intelligentsia remained myths
to these castes. This phenomenon completely separated the
untouchables and lower caste people, who were burdened with
unbearable economic burden and inhuman and unequal casteHindu systems.
The newly emerged bourgeois aimed to get the assent of the subsubaltern groups and to maintain control over them, While the
formation of sub subaltern groups themselves aimed to press
claims of a limited and political character. However, these groups
were kept within the old frame work25. In the process, caste and
Untouchabiltiy became deliberating factors where it was sought
to maintain a system of segregation, hierarchically ordained, on
the basis of ritual status. The rules and regulations hampered the
social mobility, fostered the social divisions, sapped individual
initiative, and above all, was the humiliation of untouchabiltiy
which militated against the human dignities26.
During this phase, till 1917, the National Congress had refused to
take up social reform issues; as a result, the growing political
unity of the Indian people got disrupted27. Some of the Congress
25
.Gramsci, Selections from Prison Note Books, [Translated and edited by, Quintine
Hoare and Geoffrey, Nowllsmith Lowrence, wishart Publications, 1991p.52.
26
. Bipin Chandra, Op.cit,.p.84.
27
. Bipin Chandra, Op.cit, p230.

67
resolutions in this context may be observed- the second session of

the Indian National Congress, held at Calcutta 1886, the
presidential address given by Mr. Dadabai Naoroji. He stressed
not to discuss about the social reform and he mentioned that, they
met together as a political body to represent political
aspirations.28. And in the third annual session of Congress held in
1887, Mr. Tyabje stated in his presidential address that, these
questions can be best dealt with the leaders of the particular
communities, to which they relate29.
It shows that the congress leaders strived for political hegemony
and completely neglected social reform issues like untouchabiltiy
and caste. At last in 1917, the Congress passed a resolution
urging the people about the necessity, justice, and righteousness
of removing all disabilities imposed by custom upon the
depressed class.30 From the early 19th century the ancient
institution had started crumbling because of the pressure of
western ideas, and that the contemporary missionary activities. In
the early phase the colonial rule maintained neutrality by passing
legislative acts in the matters of caste, which was regarded as the
steel frame of Hinduism31.
The introduction of western ideas, the pressure of the Christian
missionaries and the renaissance movement led to the passing of
28
.Vsanth Moon, Dr.BaBasaheb Ambadker, Writings and speeches, What Congress

and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables, VOL-9, p.7.
29
. Ibid, p.8.
30
.Bipin Chandra, Op.cit,.p.230.
31
.The Gazetter of India,(Dr.D.N.Chopras) pp.642-643.
68

an act on caste and untouchabiltiy by the British legislature. The

Caste Disabilities Removal act XXI of 185032 had been passed
to convert the masses either to Christianity or Islam33 Besides
this, on the whole, the restrictions on caste had been very
substantially relaxed among the educated classes, and in cities
and towns34 But in the later phases, the issue of Untouchable
people became the focal point for their divide and rule policy for
perpetuating their colonial territorial expansion.
However, tradition which succeeded in establishing a dominant
and universalistic moral code for society as a whole, could be
viewed at from two aspects; one was for the dominant groups
who offered the necessary ideological justifications and the other
was for the subordinate masses, gave them an access to a more
powerful cultural order, then the element of religion, coexists and
intermingles, in an apparently eclectic fashion with the original
elements of commonsense35. Thus nationalism was weakened and
social reform restructured the relations of caste which made
upper caste people compatible with modernization That led to
the construction of alternative ideology.
The caste hegemony was incorporated within an emerging

Hindu Nationalism in which the upper caste was identified as
32
. Ibid.P.643.
. Ibid.P.643.
34
. Ibid.P.643.
35
.Partha Chaterjee, Caste and Subaltern Consciousness Subaltern Studies, Vol-1,
p.172.
33

69
Aryans and the Vedas were identified as the core of Hindu

religion36. The Arya Samaj was identified with Aryanism and
took full responsibility to protect the Hindu structure of society in
the name of Hindu nationalism by attacking social evils. It
addressed the issue of untouchabiltiy, by allowing absorbing the
untouchables into the Hindu fold by adopting methods like
Shuddi in the name of purification. It also intensified the
process of Sanskritisation.
This by 1920, could be seen in
organizational forms. Veer Savarkar developed a Hindutva idea

equating Hinduism and Nationalism, the dominant and
ideological trend could be easily seen where orthodox gripping
hands led to growth of communalism37.
The later phases of the national movement witnessed a semidemocracy with the introduction of the representative system and
universal adult franchise in India. As a result issues of low castes
and
untouchabiltiy
underwent
some
important
changes.
Numerically larger sections became the pressure groups in

politics38. The majority of the untouchables and lower castes
were brought into the ideological arena of the British rule on one
hand and the Indian upper caste leaders used them as the
mobilizing force to sustain the political power in making a nation
on the other hand.
36
.Gail Omvedt, Op,cit,. P.89.

.Gail Omvedt, Op.cit, p.91.
38
.Srinivas.M.N, Caste in modern India, Essays, promoters and publishers, pvt, ltd,
Bombay, 1994,p.5.
37
70

The basic strategic perceptive of the movement was to wage a

long-drawn out hegemonic struggle, which was expressed by
Grahmsci as A war of position39. The second objective of the
nationalistic strategy was to erode the ideological influence of the
colonial rulers40. The most important element of nationalist
struggle was its ideological framework, which centered against
economic exploitation of the colonial rule41. Gramsci describes it
thus: a subordinate class could only become the hegemonic class
by developing the capacity to win the support of the other classes
and social forces42. It was concerned only with its own
immediate interests, taking interests of the other classes and
groups only to maintain its position in the hierarchy. Thus, their
reform activities aimed to consolidate their tradition within the
capitalist fold.
The pattern of ideas and the Anti caste movements:

In order to attack the dominance of the upper castes, Jyothibha
Phule opened the shutters of silence of the broken people. This
was a historical movement launched parallel to the nationalist
movement. The Brahminical hegemonic apparatus was attacked
by the lower caste intelligentsia who searched for the means for
the economic emancipation of the depressed people. This
liberation movement was, of course, an inseparable part of the
39
. Bipin Chandra, Op.cit,.p507.

. Ibid, p.507.
41
. Ibid, p.508.
42
.Roger Simon, Gramsci, Political, Thought An Introduction, Lawrence and Wisahrt
Publication, London, 1982p.29.
40

71
politico-cultural history of India. It was true that the Indian

national movement was determined to liberate the country from
the yoke of foreign imperialism. However, the economic interests
of the marginalized continued to be neglected. The main issue of
the lower caste intelligentsia was to liberate the Scheduled Castes
[predominantly untouchables] from the ideological, historical,
social and economic internal exploitation in the process towards
the political power.
The main figures of this anti caste movement were Jyothiba

phule, Baba Saheb Ambedkar, E.V.Ramaswami, Periyar,
Narayana Guru Swami in Kerala, Achutananda in U.P, Mangoo
Ram in Punjab. All of them attacked the system of exploitation at
all levels in the Indian society. They challenged The Hindu
nationalism and exposed the irrationality of hierarchy, which
was the backbone of the Hinduistic ideology, and challenged the
forcible imposition of hierarchy in the Indian social system and
created a new interest in the question of caste and untouchability.
They launched movements against landlords, capitalists and
searched for alternatives to empower the lower sections that were
exploited by all ways by society. In this process, they also
realized the importance of political power, that they dont a little
place in brahmins alley they want to rule the whole country43
which would liberate them from the hierarchical exploitation.
43
.Gail Omvedt, Op.cit, p.13.
72

Though the Indian National movement engulfed many

ideological struggles such as leftist, socialistic, communalistic,
and Harijan etc. the bourgeois ideology dominated and made
Indian National Congress the main stream movement and kept
the other groups secondary. The first quarter of the twentieth
century witnessed the untouchable intelligentsia like Ambedhkar,
who was aware of the hegemonic tactics of the bourgeoisie
whose character was dual; one was to attack the British
imperialism and the other was to destruct the seeds of the
blowing consciousness among the untouchables
It was the
period when the whole world was facing many changes due to the
Russian revolution and the First world war, that weakened the
hegemonic power of the British rule in India.
Inequality in India, as in most places, was a matter not merely
of unequal distribution of material resources, but of Ideas, values
and meanings the plight of Indias untouchables a large and
important segment of the Indian population44
The untouchables were becoming aware that the special identity

imposed on them by the Brahmins who considered themselves
superiors and masters had been couched in ritual and religious
symbols of great antiquities45. This heightened the resentment
towards the caste Hindu and enhanced their self-awareness. The
44
.Sneviratne.H.L, [etd], Identity, Consciousness, and the Past, Forgoing of Caste and
Community, in India, and Srilanka,Oxford Delhi,1997,p.177.
45
.Ibid, p.178.

73
characterization of untouchables as mute passive figures in

literature46, developed in them considerable awareness of their
status in the freedom movement; this laid the foundation for
another liberation movement within the freedom struggle.
Textual resistance became the prime step for untouchable
intelligentsia
towards
their
journey
of
liberation
of
Untouchabiltiy. They attempted to discover whether the status of

the depressed classes, was explicit or implicit in the Shastras.
The instruction of these texts, on the issue of untouchabiltiy is
still showing a prominent influence on the minds of ordinary
caste hindus. Therefore the untouchable thinkers considered it
was important component to highlight their cultural ideology, to
attack the Shastras. They launched a brave assault on the ancient
law codes even to the point of publicly burning copies of the laws
of Manu, where these shastras had degraded the untouchables as
a sort of quintessence of evil47. They were also portrayed as a
defiling element and defacement all that was involved with
morality. They lived a life of squalor, engaged in tasks
considered the most polluting, adopted personal habits and
practices objectionable to the Brahmins, who portrayed
untouchables as the source of impurity and chaos that would
threaten the moral order48.
Most of the above description was taken for granted by caste
Hindus. The untouchable intelligentsia aimed to redefine the
46
.Ibid, p.178.
.Ibid. p.183.
48
.Ibid.p.183.
47
74

Indian social order and searched for alternatives. The effort of

untouchable thinkers was designed to move Hindu society away
from the perfectly closed world structured by the Shastras49
Dr. Ambedkar, the greatest leader for the cause against the caste
discrimination of this century spread the Scheduled Castes
perception and Buddhism rapidly among the Mahers of
Maharashtra. He saw inducting the Mahers into Buddhism as the
ideal solution for the liberation of the untouchables, because
Buddhism was an indigenous religion having egalitarian norms
and anti caste and anti Brahmanical principles50. The Mahers
rejected all claims and rights as Hindus and converted to
Buddhism. Ambedkar saw such a radical action as a way of
connecting the untouchables to the greatness of Indias past while
denying the modern emphasis on caste. He thus redefined the
caste history of getting legitimacy from the Brahmins interpreted
Shastras and writing the Untouchables own history.
Ambedkar had begun to sharpen the ideological weapons, which
would secure freedom for the lower castes and open the battle for
the value of life within the Hindu society. He preached a distinct
approach to nationalism based on the democratic doctrine among
the untouchables, which opposed the other two movements, such
as Bourgeoisie movement & Leftist Movement in colonial India.
In his perception, the principle disagreement in society was clash
of interest between the deprived class wellbeing and middle class
49
50
.Ibid.p.183.
.Ibid.p.185.

75
ambitions. brahmanism became his main target and he waged an

ideological war against the crystallized hegemonic chain of
command of the Indian society. His agenda of anti-colonialism
was, therefore, entangled within the agenda of annihilation of
caste. This struggle attempted to abolish untouchabiltiy and
strove for an alternative ideological and cultural base for the
disadvantaged classes by accepting Buddhism, which was based
on the democratic principles. He located an alternative path in
Buddhism.
In the South, E.V. Rama Swami started the protest against the
unequal principles of Hinduism. The Brahmanical hierarchy had
become the main target. However, the Brahmanical religious
system trapped him into their fold. Instead of searching for an
alternative he paved the way for Untouchables to worship Hindu
Gods in the traditional manner through the temple entry
movement. This was the main drawback of the temple entry
movement. It lacked strategic power to end the caste, untouchable
system itself51.
In the history of the emancipation of untouchables no one can
forget the two pioneers of the movement, namely, Gandhi and
Ambedkar who were known to the different groups as the saviors
of the untouchables. Gandhi who was a caste Hindu has spoken
and written more about the Untouchables than any other subject.
Ambedkar was himself an untouchable; the first man to become
educated among the untouchables and recognized by many as the
spokes man and the moving sprit of anti-Untouchable movement
51
.Ibid.p.234.
76

Ambedkar suggested that to become a society based on liberty,

equality and fraternity, the institution of caste should be
destroyed. He reflected over all possible solutions. He said that
caste was not a physical entity: it existed in the minds of men.
What required was a change of values. The remedy was to
destroy the belief in the sanctity and sanctions of the Shastras, if
people were allowed to believe in the sanctity and the sanctions
of the Shastras, they could not be blamed for their actions being
irrational and inhuman. One should have the courage to tell the
Hindus what was wrong with their religion, which had produced
the notion of sacredness of caste. Ambedkar also recognized the
magnitude of the task. He called for reform, which sought to rid
society of those beliefs and practices which differentiated and
stratified people. This was called the ability to distinguish
between principles and rules, principles being long-term values.
Such a religion should be destroyed.
Ambedkar recommended that the Hindus should give a new

doctrinal basis for the religion that would be in consonance with
liberty, equality, fraternity and democracy. He emphasized the
need for a social and moral renaissance before political reform
could succeed. He also argued that economic equality by itself
could not solve problems of social inequality and analyzed the
various arguments in defense of caste system and pointed out that
the weakness of Hindu society was its caste system and that a set
of rules about caste behavior which did not consider other human
beings in a logical humane sense, but depended on the concept of

77
Chaturvarna and the authority of the Shastras needed to be

rejected52.
Gandhi seemed to agree with Ambedkar that religion should

concern itself with principles and not rules but Gandhi went on to
say, that scriptures needed interpretation and this could be given
only by saints and seers53. He also argued that the issue of caste
had nothing to do with religion and caste was not a Varnashram,
as an institution had nothing to do with caste. Gandhi reflected
over the notion of Caste.54 Despite their common concern,
Ambedkar and Gandhi differed in their programmes for the
abolition of the untouchabiltiy. Their methods need to be
examined in terms of their ideological make up. Notions of
Purity/Pollution, hierarchy and endogamy, which was justified by
the hindu religion, marked the traditionalism of the hindu society.
As both Mahatma, and politician', Gandhi sought to weave the
divergent interests in India into unified opposition to the British
at the same time trying to pursue a course of reform without
rending the social fabric of Indian society. His changing belief in
Varnashrama Dharma and Karma theory which were the crux
of Hindu traditionalism tend to make us doubt his sincerity on
the question of problem of untouchabiltiy. Ambedkar constantly
questioned and attacked the ideological stand of Gandhi on the
question of untouchabiltiy and caste system in India, whether he
52
. Gore. M.S, The Social Context of an Ideology Ambedkars Political and Social
thoughts. Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1993, PP. 280-281.
53
. Ibid.p.281.
54
. Ibid.p.281.
78

too, like the early reformers, accepted the concept of an ideal

society based on the integrated Varnas.
At the outset we can draw three important conclusions out of

which from the above discussion. 1). during the reformist phase
the issues of the neglected sections were neglected and
undermined. Traditional revivalists aimed to protect their
traditional caste interests and not integrated all the section of the
society. Even the lower casts reforms movements not carried out
in constructive way; they rose only to have fitting reply to the
upper caste reform movements. 2). during the nationalist phase
the issue of lower caste confronted with upper caste ideas and
phased their way in national movement. The Indian nationalists
primarily concerned with the problem of economic development
as a whole and not with economic advance in isolated areas and
the interests of marginalized in Indian society. They strongly felt
that the economic development is possible only through western
type of industrialization. Their economic outlook of the Indian
intellectuals was basically tuned to the maturation of indigenous
capitalist order within the womb of colonialism. 3). the
ideological project of the 19th century intellectuals nationalism
was meant to be a never a total transformation from below but
only aimed at a rectification of colonial distortions of Indian
economic system and push it towards modernization within the
colonial fold.
######
Unit 5
A Discussion on Communal Award, Views on

Gandhi and Ambadkar with Reference to
Colonial Andhra
This chapter is an attempt to understand the ideological

contradiction
between
Ambedkar
and
Gandhi
on
caste
discrimination and its internal dynamics in modern Andhra. It

also examines the rise and growth of social consciousness of
untouchability among marginal classes and their struggle with
the elite interests on the issue of constitutional safeguards and on
Gandhis fast against Communal Award sanctioned in 1932.
The questions that would be addressed are; how the ideas on

caste discrimination down filtered from national level to regional
level. How did regional nationalists perceive the real character of
caste and untouchability? Did Gandhi prepare an ideological
basis for the depressed communities towards their liberation? Did
his activities really reflect the interests of all Indian people or was
it a strategy to attain political power, all the while keeping these
depressed classes at the passive level? The conclusion is that the
whole anti communal award movement was aimed at getting the
80

support for Gandhis fast and to induct untouchables into the fold
of the Congress, due to their status as virtual majority. However,
Gandhi fast could not authentically inspire many caste Hindus
to integrate the lower sections on par with the upper caste
sections.
The ideas that were shaped contaminated and
compromised by tradition aimed at rectification of society rather

than complete total revolution from below. On the question of
untouchability, Gandhi and the national intelligentsia had failed
to induce egalitarian principles that would galvanize the
depressed class towards the socio, economic and cultural
liberation in colonial Andhra. The ideology of Ambedkar towards
the complete restructuring of Indian society sowed seeds for an
egalilitarian society that sprouted in modern Andhra after 1930s.
This chapter also tries to highlight the views of Ambedkar and
Gandhi on the internal dynamics of the ideas in colonial period
from national level to the regional level, as an in depth analysis
and understanding is important for a better understanding of the
ongoing developments. It is right to start with Dr. Ambedkars
statement from his volumes that, on 12 November 1930,
His Majesty late king George. V. formally inaugurated the
Indian round table conference from the point of view of Indians
the round table conference was an event of great significance
For the untouchables, it was a landmark in their history1.
1
. Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, vol-9th, chapter-3rd, etd -Vasant
Moon, Educational Department Government of Maharastra, Bombay, 1991, p-40.

81
The British gave award on communal issue in India on 14 august

1932. According to this award, the depressed classes were
granted separate seats in the provincial assemblies and the right
of the double of vote under which they were to elect their own
representatives and to vote also in the general constituencies. The
communal award gave separate electorates to the Muslims, Sikhs,
Europeans, christens and Anglo- Indians. It perpetuated divisions
among the Indians. In the history of India untouchable were first
given independent political existence and legal right to shape the
future of the mother land. It was victory of Ambedkars ideology
of uplifting untouchables. Gandhiji tried his level best to oppose
every attempt at separating untouchables from caste hindus. He
remarked that separate electorates would divide and disrupt the
nation.
Since then untouchables came into the lime light in the Indian
National movement, consequently Ambedkar and Gandhi were
often concerned with the programmes on the question of
Untouchability. These leaders examined the issue in terms of
their ideological inclinations and deeds which were visible in
advocating for the liberation of the Untouchables. Their principle
contradiction was on tradition which one supported and the
other opposed, one believed only in religious unity and the other
was for universal unity of India.
82

It is true that the sanction of constitutional safeguards created a

great demand for action at the national level. The two leaders
were the ones to shoulder the responsibility regarding the
question of untouchability. The principle contradiction between
Gandhi and Ambedker was that Gandhi believed in the
sustenance of tradition and Ambedkar wanted change. Ambedker
stressed the need to overthrow Hindu religious ideological
hegemony. He was inclined to view
economic and social
oppression as separate structures, taking up cultural change as the

way to challenge Hinduism and socialism as the way to overcome
economic exploitation. He conceived that those who were
socially segregated must also be politically separate. He argued
that the untouchables were a separate element in the national life
of India2
To quote Ambedkar-, this is the real issue that the congress and
the untouchables have taken opposite sides. The answer of the
untouchables YES, they say they are distinct and separate from
the Hindus. The congress on the other hand says NO and asserts
that the untouchables are a chip of the Hindu block.
Indeed the subject of caste and untouchability, one of the most

distinctive of Indias social institutions and forever relevant,
posed serious problems for intellectual interpretations.
2
. Ibid. vol-9th, chapter-8th, p-181.
These

83
problems, moreover, are not narrowly academic ones because

they raise difficult questions about the construction of knowledge
by social scientists that have apparently become more contentious
in recent years.
When it comes to colonial Andhra, the first quarter of the 20th
century was a significant landmark in the history of modern
Andhra, because of two significant events. One of them was AdiAndhra movement and the other was sanction of Communal
Award, followed by Gandhis fast against this sanction3. More
over the above-mentioned instances enhanced the consciousness
in colonial Andhra, regarding both untouchability and upper caste
interests. The conscious could be seen in different sections in
Andhra; those sections can be classified into three groups When
it comes to the question of interests, the untouchables strove for
the social status and sought a place in the political sphere of the
national movement; efforts were made to reform themselves.
They claimed themselves as original sons of the soil that means
one-time rulers of this country. As for the local upper caste
people a duality marked their interests; though they were
ideologically/externally inclined to the concept of Nationalism,
internally they worked for their political and material interests
based on their own caste lines. In addition, Gandhi acted as a
vehicle to fulfill their interests to sustain their dominance in the
3
. Sivaji.D., Untouchability in Colonial India, with special reference to Andhra.,

M.Phil, Dissertation,[see 3rd Chapter], Indira Gandhi Memorial Library, University of
Hyderabad, 2004.
84

Post Communal award struggle. The British carefully guided

their divide and rule policy to sustain their power over India. In
the course of the struggle, the interests of these three sections
often clashed, contradicted, and were compromised. Ultimately,
the local caste Hindu people benefited, the untouchables
remained as losers in all aspects in the post communal Award
struggle. When it comes to the question of Andhra many
instances are available for supporting the above statements - in
Bezavada, a social reformer (Hindu- caste), Guduru Rama
Chandra Rao called for the first provincial Panchama MahaSabha in November 1917. On the first day of the meeting, an
interesting question raised by Bhagya Reddy Varma* its
president who was an untouchable from Hyderabad. He stated
that the term 'Panchama' was found nowhere in the Puranas or in
the other Hindus scriptures. Moreover, he argued that the
Panchamas were the original sons of this soil and were rulers of
the country.4
This indicates that the growing consciousness of untouchables
sought a place in the political sphere of the national movement
and efforts were made to reform themselves which were reflected
in the areas of promotion of education, cleanliness and hygiene
and giving up of beefing eating, liquor and the abolition of
untouchability. However, it did not include a militant struggle by
them. These developments evoked the local caste people to attach
4
.Gail Omvedt, Dalits and Democratic Revolution.,Sage,New Ddelhi1994, p.117.

85
and absorb these untouchables into the national movement for

their own political and economical reasons in colonial Andhra. In
1930s, the growing consciousness of the need to resist among the
untouchables, its consequences on the local caste people and the
sanction of separate electorates which disappointed Gandhi were
some of the major political issues. As Ambedkar said
The congress seems to be very carefully aware of the fact that

this is the fundamental issue and knows that once it concedes that
the untouchables are a separate element it cannot be? Prevent
them from succeeding in their claim for constitutional
safeguards5.
In addition to this, the scourge of communalism also seemed to

be a great impediment to the National Congress. Moreover, the
introduction of adult franchise and the representation system or
introduction of semi democracy forced the Congress leaders to
recognize the depressed classes due to their status as virtual
majority. This became a complicated issue in modern Andhra
because by that time all educated depressed classes became well
aware of their position and status in society. However the
majority of them were not conscious of themselves. Nevertheless,
the local nationalists needed support from these classes to
consolidate their political as well as their social position. Thus
5
.Dr.BabaSaheb Ambadkar,Op.Cit,p-181.
86

Gandhi took on the task of procuring the support of these classes

with his fasting against the sanction of constitutional safeguards
by starting the untouchable movement.
It brought all depressed communities at cross roads and
complicated their future. Though Gandhi repeatedly stated that
the untouchable movement was not a political movement, but a
movement to purify Hinduism and the Hindu society the political
consequences of this movement cannot be denied. In addition
there was also the clash of interests between the elite and British
sections of both camps of the supporters of Gandhi and British6 a
clash could be seen in the form their propagandas against each
other. Thus on one side there was intensive propaganda by the
Gandhi supporters that all the depressed classes were with
Gandhi in his stand against the Communal Award; on the other
side the British Government concentrated its efforts to resist the
Gandhian agenda7 .
Nevertheless, the untouchables became the center of political

propaganda on the issue of constitutional safeguards. The local
congress had done an extensive propaganda work by conducting
meetings, promises to allow the untouchables to enter temples,
draw water from the common wells, and inter dine with other
6
.Bipan Chandra, Indias Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947, Penguin books, New
Delhi, 2000, p. 295.
7
.M. Venkata Ragaiah, Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh, Vol-1, Document -58, p.
534.

87
castes. Meetings were also convened by prominent congress

members of Rajamundry to show that the untouchables were
with Gandhi. Nevertheless the untouchables remained as the
Pracharakas* of the congress. The local congress leaders tried to
show their concern for untouchables by sanctioning some
provisions.
For instance in a meeting at Rajamundry, one
Brahmin speaker spoke that Some good would result if each

caste householder would employ a man 'or' a woman of the
depressed classes.8. That they followed several methods of
appeasement, offering political posts and even tried to absorb
them by force. All this indicates the hegemonic attitude of the
higher castes towards the depressed sections.
The exploitive nature and economic interest of the upper castes

was always present. In a caste hierarchical system like India an
upper caste who belongs to the exploiting class and as such
favors exploitation can never be savior of the outcaste; to quote
Ambedkar as an economic system it permits exploitation without
obligation. Untouchability is not only a system of unmitigated
economic exploitation, but it is also a system of uncontrolled
economic exploitation9. However the masses did not bother much
about the sanction of the Electorates. Moreover they believed in
the British Government rather than in the promises of the caste
8
9
.Ibid., p.535.
.Dr.Baba Saheb Ambadkar, Op.Cit, vol-9th, chapter-8th, p.197.
88

Hindus. There is no doubt that they were anxious and suspicious

about character of Hindu caste leaders in the colonial Andhra10.
The entire movement witnesses that the untouchables were at an

ideological juncture. The followers of Gandhi attempted to make
him to give up his fast by convincing or forcing the depressed
classes and offering some political posts to them on the question
of the Separate Electorates. However, they were least bothered
about changing the age- long custom of untouchability11.
Nevertheless, the local congress people sought to achieve
political unification without recognizing the untouchables as a
separate element in the national life of India. In everyday life
they intend to segregate the untouchables socially and
economically. The Congress silently supported this appropriation
of the untouchables by the Hindus. That is the real reason why
the congress refused to recognize the untouchables as a separate
element in the national life of India.12
A meeting of about 300 people was held at Machilipatnam under
the presidentship of Rao Bahadur and S.Hanumanta Rao on 19th
September 1932. Complete silence was observed and they
expressed hope that the Government would reverse the policy.
This meeting was held merely as a symbol of sympathy to
Gandhi and did not represent the interests of the depressed
10
.M.Venkata Rangaih, Op.Cit, vol-1, p.536.

.Ibid. p.538.
12
.Dr.BabaSaheb Ambadkar, Op.Cit, vol-9th, chapter-8th , p.188.
11

89
classes13. The depressed classes who were working as the bandy

drivers or railway coolies at some places in Bezavada were not
even aware of this event14. The Kistna People Party* passed a
resolution at Gudivada on 18th September 1932 in favor of the
Communal Award15. At some places like Nuzivid, the caste
Rythus who belonged to the higher caste, without much
difficulty, forced the depressed classes to accept the Joint
Electorates16.
The real philosophy of Ambedkar towards the liberation of the
depressed classes from below was not perceived by the Andhra
intelligentsia; moreover, they could not come out of the charisma
of Gandhi influence. For instance, the Kistna People's Party
expressed, we had no doubt that Gandhi would stand for the
interests of the depressed classes at his heart. Even from the
religious point of view, he was high, but high castes Hindus were
not to be like Gandhi17. **
On 29th September of 1932, a historical meeting had taken place

among the Adi-Andhras under the presidency of Kusuma
Dharmmanna* in Godavari region, that all the untouchables of
that region with some of the Brahmins, (who participated in the
13
. M.Venkata Rangaih,Op.Cit vol-1, p.541.

. Ibid. p.542.
15
.Ibid. p.554.
16
.Ibid. p.554.
17
**Interview with Freedom Fighter (Kasi Visweswara Rao Congress Talika President,
Nuziveid Mandal.
14
90

Non-Cooperation Movement), met and took a decision in favor of

Gandhi and showed their confidence in him accepting the Poona
Pact and urged the Government for speedy action18.
In this way most of the untouchables were taken into the fold of
the caste Hindus and used as mobilizing tools in Congress
politics. This happened because of two things; 1. As many
government confidential reports mention, there was no adequate
leadership for the untouchable movement. 2. The significant
leader Bhagya Reddy Varma of the untouchables shifted his
activities to Hyderabad and often compromised with Congress.
This was evident in East Godavari Adi-Andhra Conference which
was held at Rajamundry on 29th September 1932. During the
course of their speeches, it was urged that Kusuma Dharmanna,
the Adi-Andhra hireling of the Congress should be elected as a
member of the Rajamundry Taluka Board19. Thus, the whole Anti
Communal Award movement was aimed only to procure support
for Gandhi's fast and to induct the masses into the fold of
Congress. However it could not genuinely inspire many caste
Hindus for the upliftment of untouchables in colonial Andhra.
Many supporters of Gandhi, in course of this movement faced
antagonism from the sanathanists. They failed to convince the
sanathanists that their movement was merely confined to some
18
19
. M.Venkatarangaiah,Op.Cit,Vol-1, Op.cit.,, p.552.

. Ibid.p-552.

91
superficial processions, meetings, passing some resolutions like

temple entries, common dining, drawing water from wells etc.
The level of their determination and commitment towards the

questions of untouchables and untouchability was unreliable.
Gandhis teachings of tolerance and unity were short lived and
the caste Hindu hegemony did not break the clutches of the
traditional system. The hegemony of the local upper caste was
sustained without any hindrance. Moreover, the issue of caste and
Untouchability was politicized to such an extent that it protected
the interests of the caste individuals who spent much of their time
in drawing sympathy towards Gandhi fast, rather than breaking
the Caste/Untouchable systems.
On 29th of September 1932, the gates of the temples in the town

(Rajamundry) remained closed suspecting that the untouchables
would force their entry into them20. In addition, on September 20,
1932 at Tipparajuvari Choultry in Nellore, nearly 60 persons
attended a meeting. On 24th, no resolution or demonstration took
place; they used only moderate language that indicated that even
though the depressed classes seemed to be quite uninterested the
leaders wanted to use the occasion to advertise that there was still
life in the Civil Disobedience movement21.
20
21
.Ibid. p. 554.
Ibid., p.553.
92

On the other side the British were carefully guided by the policy
of the Divide and Rule" and moved pawns by counter
propaganda on the unconscious majority of the Untouchables. In
their counter propaganda on the issue of Electorates, they tried to
get the consent of the untouchables and succeeded partially.
Moreover the views expressed by the depressed classes of the
Krishna Peoples Party;
His majestys Government with the sacred duty of safeguarding
the age long downtrodden, have chosen to give us on vote for the
general constituency, His Majesty's Government have graciously
made solid provisions for our genuine representation in the
councils, we feel bounded to offer our sincere thanks to his
majesty's government for safeguarding our interests doubly.22
The British government prepared itself with a counter
propaganda whenever Gandhi started fast unto death. When
Gandhi took to the same strategy of fast unto death to fight
against the Communal Award, the government had sensed how it
would affect them and therefore were ready with a counter
propaganda. The Chief Secretary wrote to the Home Department
(political) dated August 27 in 1932 at Shimla. Where it could
observe in a confidential document, which was sent to the
Government of Madras Fort St. George that there will be very
intensive propaganda. The document expressed that the caste
Hindus appealed to the depressed classes and attempted to show
that these Untouchables support Gandhi. The government of
22
Ibid., p.548.

93
India therefore attached greatest importance to prompt and

vigorously carryout a counter propaganda particularly in the
districts, and emphasized that it is a question not between Gandhi
and His Majesty's government, but between Gandhi, and
Depressed Classes23. Though the British tried to divert this issue
on Communal Award by touching the traditional and sensible
issues, the Congress however succeeded in their task.
Mass meetings were taking place everywhere. 20th of September
was observed as a day of fasting and prayer, temples and pubic
wells were thrown open to depressed classes all over Andhra. At
the end, they succeeded in creating harmony by entering into an
agreement which is called the Poona Pact. According to this
Pact, the idea of the Separate Electorate for the depressed classes
was abandoned. Seats were reserved in the Provincial, central
legislatures.24
The struggle has its own unique place in Indian history. The
growing consciousness of the untouchables sought a place in the
political sphere of the national movement, which had drawn the
attention of the elite castes on the question of untouchable
communities. This attention was further strengthened by the
sanction of Communal Award. Though Gandhi repetitively stated
that the Harijan movement was not a political movement, but a
movement targeted to purify Hinduism and its society, the
movement produced great political consequences. The
23
24
Ibid. p.545.
Ibid, p.534.
94

Untouchables became the centre of political propaganda on the

issue of Communal Award and were clutched by the two
ideological forces; one was Gandhis supporters, the other, the
British. Nevertheless, the untouchables remained as Pracharakas
of both sides. In actual sense, the untouchables did not bother
much about the sanction of the separate electorates.
Though they were conscious and consistent towards the problem
of untouchability, they were ideologically unsure which lead to
give mixed results. It is because as stated above, there was no
adequate leadership, and the eminent leader like Bhagya Reddy
Varma confined his activities to Hyderabad only. Thus in the
Andhra region, the whole Anti Communal Award movement
aimed at procuring support for Gandhis fast and to induct
untouchables into the Congress fold. However, it could not
genuinely inspire many caste Hindus to uplift the untouchables.
Many Gandhi supporters faced antagonism from the Sanathanists.
They failed to convince the Sanathanists that their movement was
merely confined to some processions, meetings and resolutions
passed on temple entries, common dining, usage of wells etc.
Their determination on question of untouchability created
suspicion whether untouchables were being recognizing as a part
of the main society. Ambedkar states that
If any conclusion is to be drawn from the hypothesis that the
untouchables are Hindus it is that Hinduism has always insisted
both in principle and in practice that the untouchables are not to
be recognized a chip of Hindu block but are to be treated as a
separate element and segregated from the Hindus25.
25
.Dr.Baba Saheb Ambadkar, Op.Cit.vol-9th, chapter-8th, p-187.

95
They could not break the clutches of the Hindu hegemonic

system. The hegemony of local upper caste was sustained without
any hindrance. Moreover, the issue of caste and Untouchability
was politicized to such an extent that it protected the interests of
the caste individuals who spent much of their time in drawing
sympathy towards Gandhis fast rather than breaking it.
The British were carefully guided by the policy of divide and
rule. They moved their pawns by using their state apparatus in
their counter propaganda on the issue of electorates by trying to
get the consent of the untouchables. With regard to this, the
efforts of Gandhi on the issue of untouchability had a dual
character on the one hand it hampered the untouchables rising
consciousness and the on the other made the problem of
untouchability significant. Besides this strategies obstructed the
spreading influence of Ambedkars ideas and politics into Andhra
where minor tremors could be observed in the activities of Nakka
China Venkaiah, a prominent Ambedkarist from Andhra area in
the 1930-40s and others who could not compete with the
Congress and Communist parties in later days**.
Moreover, the regional caste intelligentsia was able to grasp the

true character of the ideology of tradition covered with the
concept of nationalism that had filtered from national level.
Though the consciousness aimed at restructuring the socio,
economic and cultural aspects of the Indian society, the regional
intelligentsia in modern Andhra was ideologically conditioned by
both the colonizer and the national intelligentsia to believe that
96

modern Indian society would be built on capitalist lines that

would benefit their interests at the regional level. Regional caste
people were influenced by ideologies of national intelligentsia
.Their material interests were based on caste and class.
According to Ambedkar, most of the people believed that
untouchability was part of the religious system. But in practical
sense this is only a partially truth, as per eminent freedom fighter
untouchability system needs to be look in the economic
dimension, which is worse than slavery26. However, the
nationalists used the caste intelligentsia, the depressed classes,
and other subaltern groups as mobilizing tools in the national
movement. Moreover, the freedom struggle was led based on
regional and caste lines that strengthened them politically,
economically even after the struggle. The real philosophy of
Ambedkar towards the liberation of the depressed classes from
below was not perceived by the Andhra intelligentsia. The
struggle that would free Indian people was not a solution to the
depressed classes unless they were given political power that
would make them free from the internal exploitation within the
Indian society.
######
26
Ibid.p-196.
** Interview: Here I preferred to take interview from the eminent freedom fighter K.
Viswaswara Rao. (1925) Ex. President taluka Congress Nuzvid, "Krishna District,
Actively Participated in Harijan Movement. At present, he is Chairman of Anne Rama
Krishnaiah trust Board Gollapalli, Krishna District. Moreover as a Senior citizen he
was actively participated in active politics in the early days of free India, Especially
from Krishna district, which is a mostly politically motivated and Conscious district of
Andhra Pradesh.

97
Unit 6
Conclusion
At the outset before we should analyze the nature of upper caste

domination, we should merely understand the true nature of
colonial rule because the colonial rule has its own impression on
all aspects of Indian society. The sustenance of the caste system
during colonial time can be understood within the preview of the
following aspects.
1. The Ideological character of the colonial rule.

2. And their sensitization of long existing differences of India.
3. The character of the traditionalists, Sanathanists and the nature
of the reform movements of upper caste and lower caste.
4. The nature of the newly emerged bourgeoisie sections and
their pattern of ideas during National Movement.
5. Need to view the very nature of the Indian ruling class which
is exposed during the sanction of the communal award time
keeping in view of the Ideological contestations of the Gandhi
and Ambadkar.
98

The colonial conquest of India was not an easy process which

was associated with many ideological struggles. The British used
different strategies to retain their control over India. Their
organized network and state apparatus were used on the
colonized. To counter anti British resistance, they filled their
arsenal with potent weapons and encouraged xenophobic
tendencies, used diplomacy and the tools of modernization,
where the colonized could not compete with them, and created
myths, heralding the Indian intelligentsia. In the process, they
limited the scope of Indian civilization, periodised Indian history
as part of their divide and rule policy, shaped the Indian minds to
accept these and fit into their fold. The myth of modernity
highlighted the traditional sensibilities of India. In that sequence,
caste and untouchability exposed by the state apparatus through
their project of documentation, gazetteers, and census reports,
individualized and totalized Indian minds and created cultural
and traditional barriers among the Indians. As Gramsci noted the
ruling class follows various tactics to keep control over their
subordinates.27
The bourgeoisie classes were made a subordinate class who were
striving for hegemony in the name of nationalism. As Gramsci
says a class cannot achieve leadership and become hegemonic, if
it confines itself only to class interests, it must take into account
the popular and democratic demands and struggles of the people
27
. Roger Simon, Gramscis Political Thought An Introduction, Lawrence and Vishart,

London, 1982, P-23.

99
which do not have purely class character.28 Newly emerged

bourgeoisie in name of nationalism gave stiff resistance to the
colonial rulers. In the process, the majority of population was
exposed to their ideological base of caste. The bourgeoisie
tendencies had a dual nature, on the one hand it struggled for
liberation from the yoke of foreign rule, on the other, and they
used their intelligentsia to sustain their hegemony within the
hierarchical social structure of India.
Caste and untouchability were used by all the ideological
factions, in multiple dimensions as tools, for achieving
legitimacy, in the freedom struggle. Attempts were made to
restructure the old regime, but these attempts only confined to
rectify upper caste structures, by drawing legitimacy from the
past and Hindu religious scriptures. The bourgeoisie strengthened
their position for greater hegemony. They ignored the internal
dynamics of exploitation and created a vast gap between
traditional intellectuals and the marginalized.
Their dual tendencies could be observed in reform movements,

one to rectify the backward elements of tradition based on
modernity and the other to consolidate class and caste hegemony
within the Indian social structure, under the influence of colonial
modernity by justifying the tradition, scriptures as well as their
28
. Ibid, p-23.
100

ideological apparatus, which further reinforced the idea of caste

and Untouchability. They accepted law of Karma, Scriptural
Legitimacy, Hindu Religion, Bringing back the Vedic society,
rationalizing the brahmanical order, connecting Hindu Religion
with nationalism and universalizing the Brahmanism. They were
more interested in Aryanization and traditionalism which was
marked by purity, impurity, hierarchy, endogamy etc, were
justified by Hindu Religion.
Though the Indian national
movement engulfed many ideological struggles such as, leftist,

socialistic, communalistic and harijan, the bourgeois ideology
dominated everything else and made Indian national congress as
the main stream movement and kept the other groups in the
periphery, outside the struggle.
For the marginalized, the characteristics of the ideology of caste

were dual, one strived for the consolidation of their social
position and the other sought for genuine transformation of the
Hindu society based on egalitarian principles. During the last
quarter of the nineteenth century Scheduled Caste consciousness
was significant because it was directed to crack down the Hindu
social order, and sought for special Identity in the society, and
their own place and status in the national movement.
By the first quarter of the twentieth century they were aware of

the scriptures, the portrayal of themselves as passive, mute or else
identifying them with the rakshasas or evil spirits of Hinduism.

101
They wanted to destroy these ideological bases of Hindu society,

rejected scriptural legitimacy and developed counter ideologies.
They advocated the non Aryan theory, opposed the Caste system
and tried to create an alternative society, by adopting Buddhism.
They questioned the logic of internal exploitation, attacked the
upper caste domination, moved towards acquiring political power
and agitated against the crystallized hegemonic hierarchy of the
Indian society.
On the question of untouchability, Ambedkar and Gandhi were

often
concerned
with
programs
for
the
abolition
of
Untouchability. The two leaders examined the issue from their

ideological perspectives. The principle contradiction was on the
tradition that one supported and the other opposed.29 One was
for national interests and the other for deprived interests.
When examined from the context of Andhra, Ambedkers

influence was not considerable though he was recognized as the
chief spokes person of the entire marginalized and deprived
sections in India. Under the colonial rule the depressed peoples
condition was miserable, and pathetic. They suffered under the
inexorable laws of hinduism as well as the burden of colonial
exploitation. They were over worked, their health was poor, and
29
. Vasant Moon, Dr.Babasahed Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, Vol.5 (See the
entire article annihilation of caste), Published by Education department, Government of
Maharastra, 1982.
102

they were half starved, half naked and appeared as pathetic

pictures of groveling poverty.
A peculiar refinement of the
untouchability theory was distance pollution where other

members of the society feared to approach them. The colonial
policies of economy made their economic position worse and
brought them down to the level of mere slaves.
Till the last quarter of the nineteenth century they were used as
ideological tools by various groups- the British, caste Hinduism,
and evangelicals. During this phase the social reform
traditionalists were engaged in the regeneration of Indian
tradition based on rectifications and acceptance of colonial
modernity.
These were confined only to upper caste social
problems, centered on issues of women. They neglected the

marginalized. They believed in tradition, which could ensure
their hegemony over the society by justifying the social structure.
In the first quarter of the twentieth century the emergence of nonBrahmin movements could not attract the attention of these
people.
They were more concerned with Sanskritisation30
towards enhancing the Sudras position in the social ladder by

denouncing the Brahmanical monopoly over the society.
The first quarter of the 20th century witnessed the growing
consciousness of the marginalized; they searched for an
30
.M.N.Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, [See the entire chapter of

Sanskritisation] Orient Longman Limited, New Delhi, 1995.

103
ideological base that was in character with their attempt to

consolidate their position in society. They strove to achieve an
ideological base by claiming themselves to be the first born of the
soil, Adi Andhra. That led to internal reformation which was
the result of western ideas introduced by the Christian
missionaries, and British activities. They developed a counter
ideology- the non Aryan theory claiming themselves as original
inhabitants of the soil. This was restricted to south India.
In
north India religion was used as ideological base, but in south

India caste was used for their ideological dissemination.
The canker of communal award and representative system in

elections and adult franchise increased their importance in
society. Their problems were politicized and targeted by different
ideological forces, because of their majority status. The concept
of nationalism and the regional caste hegemony necessitated the
traditionalists to bring these people into the hindu fold for their
own political interests towards national integration under the
banner of the Indian National Congress. The depressed classes
were absorbed into the mainstream struggle, which was
characterized by the upper caste interests. This dimmed the hopes
and rising consciousness of the marginalized sections.
The major risk was taken by Gandhi, who toured all over Andhra
for the upliftment of Harijans. His entire tour was based on
104

humanism, moral approach towards untouchability and bringing

the depressed classes into the Varna system. Effort was made to
systematize the Varna Dharma based on scriptures and convince
the Sanathanists. Untouchability had no sanction of scriptures but
there was no constructive program to eradicate the problem.
Gandhi completely neglected the economic deprivation of these
sections. It can be clearly observed that the followers of Gandhi
had no intention of changing the age-long customs. On the other
side, the British used their state apparatus to counter Gandhis
rising influence and tried to portray the untouchable movement as
a matter between the deprived classes and Gandhi and used their
policy of divide and rule. Though the Harijan movement was not
political as Gandhi mentioned, it however, became driving force
that had political consequences.
The last phase of the freedom struggle clearly witnessed the

politicization of these communities by the Congress and
Communist parties. This continued even after Independence.31
Because of Gandhis passive revolutionary activities, ideological
factionalism32 within the untouchable communities, lack of
leadership and a definite vision and aim, the prominent leaders
like Kusuma Darmmanna joined the Congress. Gandhis efforts
31
32
. Andhra Pathrika, June 22, 1945.

. Interviewed, Kasi Viswesvara Rao.freedom fighter.

105
regarding the issue of untouchability cannot be belittled. At the

same time, its dual character hampered the untouchables rising
consciousness one side. But it did make the untouchable problem
significant by politicizing it. Besides this it obstructed the
spreading of Ambedkars influence and ideas into Andhra where
only minor tremors were observed in activities of leaders like
Venkaiah and others. But they couldnt compete with the
Congress and Communist parties.
The main limitation of the downtrodden movements was that

there was no attempt made to look into the internal dynamics of
exploitation among the various sub-groups of untouchables. The
Scheduled Caste intelligentsia sought for modernization and tried
to get reservation in all fields. But Sub-Castes issues remained
untouched.
Every
caste
movement
in
colonial
Andhra
strengthened its own position in the society. They never had a

real vision of transforming the Indian society based on egalitarian
principles. Caste leaders were oscillating between different
ideologies like Congress, Communist and others. But in mean
time scheduled caste leaders saw their hope in Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar political philosophy and his ideology and they turned
towards Ambedkars Movement. In this context the above study
unearthed the luminaries among scheduled caste intellectuals and
their alternative philosophy and ideology in terms of politics and
106

cultural development. The contribution of Andhra towards the

enlightenment of scheduled caste consciousness and political
participation is very significant. It is a remarkable chapter in
Andhra history.
####
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###########

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Reformation Nationalism and the Hegemony in

Colonial India with Reference to Andhra

Dr. Doneti Sivaji