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Facts of the case: Petition for mandamus in which petitioner prays that the respondent judge of the lower court be ordered to continue the
proceedings in civil case No. 3012 of said court, which were initiated under the regime of the so-called Republic of the Philippines established during
the Japanese military occupation of these Islands.
Co Kim Chan had a pending civil case, initiated during the Japanese occupation, with the Court of First Instance of Manila. After the Liberation of
the Manila and the American occupation, Judge Arsenio Dizon refused to continue hearings on the case, saying that a proclamation issued by General
Douglas MacArthur had invalidated and nullified all judicial proceedings and judgments of the courts of the Philippines and, without an enabling
law, lower courts have no jurisdiction to take cognizance of and continue judicial proceedings pending in the courts of the defunct Republic of the
Philippines (the Philippine government under the Japanese).
The court resolved three issues:
1. Whether or not judicial proceedings and decisions made during the Japanese occupation were valid and remained valid even after the American
occupation;
2. Whether or not the October 23, 1944 proclamation MacArthur issued in which he declared that all laws, regulations and processes of any other
government in the Philippines than that of the said Commonwealth are null and void and without legal effect in areas of the Philippines free of enemy
occupation and control invalidated all judgments and judicial acts and proceedings of the courts;
3. And whether or not if they were not invalidated by MacArthurs proclamation, those courts could continue hearing the cases pending before them.
Ratio: Political and international law recognizes that all acts and proceedings of a de facto government are good and valid.
It is a legal truism in political and international law that all acts and proceedings of the legislative, executive, and judicial departments of a de facto
government are good and valid
There are several kinds of de facto governments. The first, or government de facto in a proper legal sense, is that government that gets possession and
control of, or usurps, by force or by the voice of the majority, the rightful legal governments and maintains itself against the will of the latter, such as
the government of England under the Commonwealth, first by Parliament and later by Cromwell as Protector. The second is that which is established
and maintained by military forces who invade and occupy a territory of the enemy in the course of war, and which is denominated a government of
paramount force, as the cases of Castine, in Maine, which was reduced to British possession in the war of 1812, and Tampico, Mexico, occupied
during the war with Mexico, by the troops of the United States. And the third is that established as an independent government by the inhabitants of a
country who rise in insurrection against the parent state of such as the government of the Southern Confederacy in revolt not concerned in the present
case with the first kind, but only with the second and third kinds of de facto governments.
Its distinguishing characteristics are (1), that its existence is maintained by active military power with the territories, and against the rightful authority
of an established and lawful government; and (2), that while it exists it necessarily be obeyed in civil matters by private citizens who, by acts of
obedience rendered in submission to such force, do not become responsible, or wrongdoers, for those acts, though not warranted by the laws of the
rightful government. it is evident that the Philippine Executive Commission, which was organized by Order No. 1, issued on January 23, 1942, by the
Commander of the Japanese forces, was a civil government established by the military forces of occupation and therefore a de facto government of
the second kind.
The fact that the Philippine Executive Commission was a civil and not a military government and was run by Filipinos and not by Japanese nationals,
is of no consequence.
The Philippine Executive Commission and the Republic of the Philippines under the Japanese occupation may be considered de facto governments,
supported by the military force and deriving their authority from the laws of war.
Municipal laws and private laws, however, usually remain in force unless suspended or changed by the conqueror. Civil obedience is expected even
during war, for the existence of a state of insurrection and war did not loosen the bonds of society, or do away with civil government or the regular
administration of the laws. And if they were not valid, then it would not have been necessary for MacArthur to come out with a proclamation
abrogating them.
The second question, the court said, hinges on the interpretation of the phrase processes of any other government and whether or not he intended it
to annul all other judgments and judicial proceedings of courts during the Japanese military occupation.
IF, according to international law, non-political judgments and judicial proceedings of de facto governments are valid and remain valid even after the
occupied territory has been liberated, then it could not have been MacArthurs intention to refer to judicial processes, which would be in violation of
international law.
A well-known rule of statutory construction is: A statute ought never to be construed to violate the law of nations if any other possible construction
remains.
Another is that where great inconvenience will result from a particular construction, or great mischief done, such construction is to be avoided, or
the court ought to presume that such construction was not intended by the makers of the law, unless required by clear and unequivocal words.
Annulling judgments of courts made during the Japanese occupation would clog the dockets and violate international law, therefore what MacArthur
said should not be construed to mean that judicial proceedings are included in the phrase processes of any other governments.
In the case of US vs Reiter, the court said that if such laws and institutions are continued in use by the occupant, they become his and derive their
force from him. The laws and courts of the Philippines did not become, by being continued as required by the law of nations, laws and courts of
Japan.
It is a legal maxim that, excepting of a political nature, law once established continues until changed by some competent legislative power. IT IS
NOT CHANGED MERELY BY CHANGE OF SOVEREIGNTY. Until, of course, the new sovereign by legislative act creates a change.
Therefore, even assuming that Japan legally acquired sovereignty over the Philippines, and the laws and courts of the Philippines had become courts
of Japan, as the said courts and laws creating and conferring jurisdiction upon them have continued in force until now, it follows that the same courts
may continue exercising the same jurisdiction over cases pending therein before the restoration of the Commonwealth Government, until abolished or
the laws creating and conferring jurisdiction upon them are repealed by the said government.
DECISION: Writ of mandamus issued to the judge of the Court of First Instance of Manila, ordering him to take cognizance of and continue to final
judgment the proceedings in civil case no. 3012.
Summary of ratio:
1. International law says the acts of a de facto government are valid and civil laws continue even during occupation unless repealed.
2. MacArthur annulled proceedings of other governments, but this cannot be applied on judicial proceedings because such a construction would
violate the law of nations.
3. Since the laws remain valid, the court must continue hearing the case pending before it.
***3 kinds of de facto government: one established through rebellion (govt gets possession and control through force or the voice of the majority and
maintains itself against the will of the rightful government)
through occupation (established and maintained by military forces who invade and occupy a territory of the enemy in the course of war; denoted as a
government of paramount force)
through insurrection (established as an independent government by the inhabitants of a country who rise in insurrection against the parent state)
products and the proper utilization of coconut by-products, a function which our government has chosen to exercise to promote the coconut
industry, it was, however, given a corporate power separate and distinct from our government, for it was made subject to the provisions of our
Corporation Law in so far as its corporate existence and the powers that it may exercise are concerned (sections 2 and 4, Commonwealth Act No. 518
the law creating NACOCO). It may sue and be sued in the same manner as any other private corporations, and in this sense it is an entity different
from our government.
The Supreme Court also noted the constituent functions of the government. Constituent functions are those which constitute the very bonds of
society and are compulsory in nature. According to U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, they are as follows:
1. The keeping of order and providing for the protection of persons and property from violence and robbery.
2. The fixing of the legal relations between man and wife and between parents and children.
3. The regulation of the holding, transmission, and interchange of property, and the determination of its liabilities for debt or for crime.
4. The determination of contract rights between individuals.
5. The definition and punishment of crime.
6. The administration of justice in civil cases.
7. The determination of the political duties, privileges, and relations of citizens.
8. Dealings of the state with foreign powers: the preservation of the state from external danger or encroachment and the advancement of its
international interests.
On the other hand, ministrant functions are those that are undertaken only by way of advancing the general interests of society, and are merely
optional. The most important of the ministrant functions are: public works, public education, public charity, health and safety regulations, and
regulations of trade and industry. The principles to consider whether or not a government shall exercise certain of these optional functions are: (1)
that a government should do for the public welfare those things which private capital would not naturally undertake and (2) that a government should
do these things which by its very nature it is better equipped to administer for the public welfare than is any private individual or group of
individuals.
LAWYERS LEAGUE VS. AQUINO, ET AL. G.R. No. 73748, May 22, 1986
Ponente: GLORIA C. PARAS
FACTS:
On February 25, 1986, President Corazon Aquino issued Proclamation No. 1 announcing that she and Vice President Laurel were taking
power.
On March 25, 1986, proclamation No.3 was issued providing the basis of the Aquino government assumption of power by stating that the
new government was installed through a direct exercise of the power of the Filipino people assisted by units of the New Armed Forces of the
Philippines.
ISSUE:
Whether or not the government of Corazon Aquino is legitimate
Decision:
As early as April 10, 1986, this Court* had already voted to dismiss the petitions for the reasons to be stated below.
1.
On April 17, 1986, Atty. Lozano as counsel for the petitioners in G.R. Nos. 73748 and 73972 withdrew the petitions and manifested
that they would pursue the question by extra-judicial methods. The withdrawal is functus oficio.
2.
The legitimacy of the Aquino government is not a justiciable matter. It belongs to the realm of politics where only the people of the
Philippines are the judge. And the people have made the judgment; they have accepted the government of President Corazon C.
Aquino
3.
The community of nations has recognized the legitimacy of the present government. All the eleven members of this Court, as
reorganized, have sworn to uphold the fundamental law of the Republic under her government.
FACTS: On June 3, 1863, a devastating earthquake in the Philippines took place. The Spanish dominions provided $400,000 aid as received by the
National Treasury as relief of the victims of the earthquake. The government used the money as such but $80,000 was left untouched and was thus
invested to Monte de Piedad bank, which was in turn invested as jewelries, equivalent to the same amount.
In June 1983, the Department of Finance called upon the same bank to return the $80,000 deposited from before. The Monte de Piedad declined to
comply with this order on the ground that the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands and not the Department of Finance had the right to order the
reimbursement because the Philippine government is not the affected party. On account of various petitions of the persons, the Philippine Islands
brought a suit against Monte de Piedad for a recovery of the $80,000 together with interest, for the benefit of those persons and their heirs.
Respondent refuse to provide the money, hence, this appeal.
ISSUE: Whether or not the Philippine government is authorized to file a reimbursement of the money of the people deposited in respondent bank.
HELD: The Court held that the Philippine government is competent to file a complaint/reimbursement against respondent bank in accordance to the
Doctrine of Parens Patriae. The government is the sole protector of the rights of the people thus, it holds an inherent supreme power to enforce laws
which promote public interest. The government has the right to "take back" the money intended fro people. The government has the right to enforce
all charities of public nature, by virtue of its general superintending authority over the public interests, where no other person is entrusted with it.
Appellate court decision was affirmed. Petition was thereby GRANTED. The Court ordered that respondent bank return the amount to the rightful
heirs with interest in gold or coin in Philippine peso.
In March 2009, Republic Act 9522, an act defining the archipelagic baselines of the Philippines was enacted the law is also known as the Baselines
Law. This law was meant to comply with the terms of the third United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III), ratified by the
Philippines in February 1984.
Professor Merlin Magallona et al questioned the validity of RA 9522 as they contend, among others, that the law decreased the national territory of
the Philippines hence the law is unconstitutional. Some of their particular arguments are as follows:
a. the law abandoned the demarcation set by the Treaty of Paris and other ancillary treaties this also resulted to the exclusion of our claim over
Sabah;
b. the law, as well as UNCLOS itself, describes the Philippine waters as archipelagic waters which, in international law, opens our waters landward
of the baselines to maritime passage by all vessels (innocent passage) and aircrafts (overflight), undermining Philippine sovereignty and national
security, contravening the countrys nuclear-free policy, and damaging marine resources, in violation of relevant constitutional provisions;
c. the classification of the Kalayaan Island Group (KIG), as well as the Scarborough Shoal (bajo de masinloc), as a regime of islands pursuant to
UNCLOS results in the loss of a large maritime area but also prejudices the livelihood of subsistence fishermen.
ISSUE: Whether or not the contentions of Magallona et al are tenable.
HELD: No. The Supreme Court emphasized that RA 9522, or UNCLOS, itself is not a means to acquire, or lose, territory. The treaty and the baseline
law has nothing to do with the acquisition, enlargement, or diminution of the Philippine territory. What controls when it comes to acquisition or loss
of territory is the international law principle on occupation, accretion, cession and prescription and NOT the execution of multilateral treaties on the
regulations of sea-use rights or enacting statutes to comply with the treatys terms to delimit maritime zones and continental shelves.
The law did not decrease the demarcation of our territory. In fact it increased it. Under the old law amended by RA 9522 (RA 3046), we adhered with
the rectangular lines enclosing the Philippines. The area that it covered was 440,994 square nautical miles (sq. na. mi.). But under 9522, and with the
inclusion of the exclusive economic zone, the extent of our maritime was increased to 586,210 sq. na. mi. (See image below for comparison)
If any, the baselines law is a notice to the international community of the scope of the maritime space and submarine areas within which States parties
exercise treaty-based rights.
exercise of others of their right of innocent passage. No modern State can validly invoke its sovereignty to absolutely forbid innocent passage that is
exercised in accordance with customary international law without risking retaliatory measures from the international community.
c. The classification of the KIG (or the Spratlys), as well as the Scarborough Shoal, as a regime of islands did not diminish our maritime area. Under
UNCLOS and under the baselines law, since they are regimes of islands, they generate their own maritime zones in short, they are not to be
enclosed within the baselines of the main archipelago (which is the Philippine Island group). This is because if we do that, then we will be enclosing
a larger area which would already depart from the provisions of UNCLOS that the demarcation should follow the natural contour of the
archipelago.
Nevertheless, we still continue to lay claim over the KIG and the Scarborough Shoal through effective occupation.
NOTES:
Under UNCLOS and the baselines law, we have three levels of maritime zones where we exercise treaty-based rights:
a. territorial waters 12 nautical miles from the baselines; where we exercise sovereignty
b. contiguous zone 24 nautical miles from the baselines; jurisdiction where we can enforce customs, fiscal, immigration, and sanitation laws
(CFIS).
c. exclusive economic zone 200 nautical miles from the baselines; where we have the right to exploit the living and non-living resources in the
exclusive economic zone
Note: a fourth zone may be added which is the continental shelf this is covered by Article 77 of the UNCLOS.
This is a petition seeking to nullify the Philippine ratification of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement. Petitioners question the
concurrence of herein respondents acting in their capacities as Senators via signing the said agreement.
The WTO opens access to foreign markets, especially its major trading partners, through the reduction of tariffs on its exports, particularly
agricultural and industrial products. Thus, provides new opportunities for the service sector cost and uncertainty associated with exporting and more
investment in the country. These are the predicted benefits as reflected in the agreement and as viewed by the signatory Senators, a free market
espoused by WTO.
Petitioners on the other hand viewed the WTO agreement as one that limits, restricts and impair Philippine economic sovereignty and legislative
power. That the Filipino First policy of the Constitution was taken for granted as it gives foreign trading intervention.
Issue : Whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of the Senate in giving its
concurrence of the said WTO agreement.
Held:
In its Declaration of Principles and state policies, the Constitution adopts the generally accepted principles of international law as part of the law of
the land, and adheres to the policy of peace, equality, justice, freedom, cooperation and amity , with all nations. By the doctrine of incorporation, the
country is bound by generally accepted principles of international law, which are considered automatically part of our own laws. Pacta sunt servanda
international agreements must be performed in good faith. A treaty is not a mere moral obligation but creates a legally binding obligation on the
parties.
Through WTO the sovereignty of the state cannot in fact and reality be considered as absolute because it is a regulation of commercial relations
among nations. Such as when Philippines joined the United Nations (UN) it consented to restrict its sovereignty right under the concept of
sovereignty as autolimitation. What Senate did was a valid exercise of authority. As to determine whether such exercise is wise, beneficial or viable
is outside the realm of judicial inquiry and review. The act of signing the said agreement is not a legislative restriction as WTO allows withdrawal of
membership should this be the political desire of a member. Also, it should not be viewed as a limitation of economic sovereignty. WTO remains as
the only viable structure for multilateral trading and the veritable forum for the development of international trade law. Its alternative is isolation,
stagnation if not economic self-destruction. Thus, the people be allowed, through their duly elected officers, make their free choice.