Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
OF BUDDHIST STUDIES
(SIJBS)
Volume III
ISBN
Advisory Board
ii
Volume 3
Editorial Board
Chief Editor
Bhikkhuni Dr. W. Suvimalee
Associate Editors
Ven. Mahawela Rathanapala
Ms. Hasanthi Y. Dahanayake
Mr. U.L.B. Kotandeniya
Mr. Thilina Bandara
2014
iii
Contributors
Analayo, Bhikkhu PhD (Peradeniya)
Associate Professor, Centre for Buddhist Studies,
University of Hamburg, Germany
Emmer, John
M.A. Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy,
M.A.Philosophy, Pennsylvania State University
MSc. Computer Science, Ball State University, Indiana
B.A. Philosophy, Earlham Collega, Indiana
He has also worked at the UN and been a senior consultant for all the UN organs dealing
with knowledge and science and technology issues (such as UNU, UNESCO, UNDP, ILO,
FAO, ESCAP, APDA, etc.
vi
Q, Rev. Phap
M.A.Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy
B.A. Vietnam Buddhist University
philosophy, religion, social history, art history and political history to Greek language both
at undergraduate and postgraduate level at Peradeniya since 2004. Her work focuses on ancient slavery, social history in ancient Greece, comparative studies on
various aspects of Aristotles Ethics and Buddhist teachings, Euripidean dramas and on Ancient Greek Vase paintings.
vii
Currently she is serving as a senior Lecturer in Greek and Roman Studies in the Dept. of
Classical Languages, University of Peradeniya.
She has a number of research articles to her credit in Academic Journals in Sri Lanka and
abroad. She has also received the State Literary Award for the best drama translation into
Sinhala (of a book in Greek) in 2010
Yuan, Cong
M.A.Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy
B.A. Economics, Central University of Finance and Economics, Wanguangqian,Peoples
Republic of China
viii
Contents
ix
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In the first part of the present article I will be examining the legal question, consequently my
discussion will be based solely on the description given in the Theravda Vinaya, irrespective of the historical likelihood or otherwise of this description. In the second part of the article I will attempt a historical reconstruction of the Buddhas attitude towards an order of
bhikkhuns, hence at that point I will also consult Vinayas of other traditions.2
Bhikkhu Anlayo
"because the original allowance for bhikkhus to ordain bhikkhuns was never explicitly rescinded, it is still in place and so bhikkhus may ordain bhikkhuns."
He explains that
"this argument ignores the fact that the Buddha followed two different patterns in
changing Community transactions, depending on the type of changes made. Only
when totally withdrawing permission for something he had earlier allowed ... did he
follow the pattern of explicitly rescinding the earlier allowance."
"When keeping an earlier allowance while placing new restrictions on it, he followed
a second pattern, in which he merely stated the new restrictions for the allowance
and gave directions for how the new form of the relevant transaction should be conducted in line with the added restrictions."
"Because Cv.X.17.2, the passage allowing bhikkhus to give full Acceptance to a candidate who has been given Acceptance by the Bhikkhun Sagha, simply adds a new
restriction to the earlier allowance given in Cv.X.2.1, it follows this second pattern.
This automatically rescinds the earlier allowance."
He concludes that
"in the event that the original Bhikkhun Sagha died out, Cv.X.17.2 prevents
bhikkhus from granting Acceptance to women".
So according to Bhikkhu hnissaro, with the disappearance of an order of bhikkhuns it
becomes impossible for bhikkhus to give the higher ordination to female candidates. The
reason is that the first rule (Cv X.2) that allows them to do so has been implicitly rescinded
by the promulgation of the second rule (Cv X.17). His argument is in line with a basic principle in law in general and in the Vinaya in particular, where the latest rule on a particular
matter is the one that is valid and which has to be followed.
In a similar vein, Phra Payutto (2013: 58f) explains that
"when the Buddha prescribes a specific rule and then later makes revisions to it ...
the most recent version of the rule is binding. It is not necessary to say that previous
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versions have been annulled. This is a general standard in the Vinaya." He adds that
"the reason why the Buddha didnt rescind the allowance for bhikkhus to ordain
bhikkhunis is straightforward: the bhikkhus were still required to complete the
bhikkhuni ordinations."
Bhikkhu Anlayo
The promulgation of Cv X.2 is preceded by an account of how Mah-pajpat Gotam became the first bhikkhun. This took place by her accepting the eight garudhammas,
"principles to be respected". The sixth of these garudhammas deals with the ordination of
bhikkhuns. It reads as follows:
"A probationer (sikkhamn) who has trained for two years in six principles should
seek for the higher ordination from both communities."
Having become a bhikkhun through the acceptance of the eight garudhammas, Mahpajpat Gotam then approached the Buddha with the following question: "Venerable sir, how
should I proceed in relation to those Skyan women?"6 She was asking about the proper
course to be taken in relation to her following of 500 Skyan women, who had come together with her in quest of higher ordination. In reply to this question, the Buddha promulgated Cv X.2, according to which bhikkhus on their own should give the higher ordination
to female candidates.
Considering the background to the first rule clarifies that, according to the Vinaya narrative,
the Buddha wanted from the outset bhikkhun ordination to be done by both communities.
This is clearly evident from his pronouncement of the sixth garudhamma. Mahpajpat Gotam had accepted to undertake this and the other garudhammas and thereby became a
bhikkhun.
Since she was only a single bhikkhun, she was unable to follow the sixth garudhamma.
There were no other bhikkhuns to form the minimum quorum required for higher ordination. Because it was impossible for her at this juncture of events to act according to the sixth
garudhamma, she approached the Buddha and inquired about the proper line of conduct to
be adopted regarding her female followers. In reply, the Buddha authorized that bhikkhus
should give them ordination on their own.
So the first of the two rules under discussion, Cv X.2, has a very clear purpose. It addresses
a situation where an ordination by a community of bhikkhus in cooperation with a community of bhikkhuns is the proper way to proceed, as indicated in garudhamma 6. However,
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this is not possible if a community of bhikkhuns is not in existence. In such a situation the
Buddha authorized that the bhikkhus should give the higher ordination on their own. He laid
down this rule after having promulgated the sixth garudhamma and thereby after having
clearly expressed his preference for bhikkhun ordination to be conducted by both communities.
The ruling Cv X.2 comes in the Vinaya directly after the report of Mahpajpat Gotam becoming a bhikkhun. Following Cv X.2, the Vinaya continues with a series of other events
related in some way or another to an already existing bhikkhun order. For example, the
Buddha explains to Mahpajpat Gotam that for her and the new bhikkhuns the rules they
have in common with the bhikkhus are as binding as the rules promulgated specifically for
them (Cv X.4).7 Then the Vinaya reports that the bhikkhus were actively engaged in various
legal performances on behalf of the bhikkhuns (Cv X.6), such as recitation of the code of
rules (pimokkha), the confession of offences (patti), and the carrying out of formal acts
(kamma). Later on, the Buddha is on record for explicitly stopping the bhikkhus from doing
these legal activities on behalf of the bhikkhuns.
According to the Vinaya narrative, the rule Cv X.17 was occasioned by the fact that some
female candidates were too shy to reply to questions by the bhikkhus regarding their suitability for higher ordination. As part of the standard procedure for the higher ordination for
males as well as females, the ordaining monastics need to ascertain that the candidate has no
sexual abnormality. In a traditional setting women can easily feel embarrassed if they have
to reply to such questions in front of bhikkhus.
To deal with this problem, the second of the two rules mentioned above came into existence.
According to the rule Cv X.17, the questioning of female candidates was now delegated to
the bhikkhuns. A community of bhikkhuns should first give higher ordination. Once this
has been accomplished, the bhikkhus perform their part. This second rule is given in a situation where a community of bhikkhuns is in existence. Its purpose is to enable the carrying
out of the higher ordination for a female candidate without creating unnecessary embarrassment for them.
Bhikkhu Anlayo
The wording of Cv X.17 does not support the assumption by Phra Payutto that Cv X.2 could
not be rescinded because "the bhikkhus were still required to complete the bhikkhuni ordinations". Cv X.17 clearly indicates that a female candidate should receive "the higher ordination in the community of bhikkhus". This is sufficient in itself and does not require the
maintenance of any other rule in order to function. Even if there had never been any ruling
of the type given at Cv X.2, the functionality of Cv X.17 would not be in any way impaired.
It would still be clear that bhikkhus are to give the higher ordination to female candidates,
once these have been ordained by the bhikkhuns. In fact already with the sixth garudhamma
the Buddha had made it clear that he wanted bhikkhus to perform their part in the ordination
of bhikkhuns. Once this was made clear, there was no need to make a rule just to clarify
that.
The function of Cv X.2 is more specifically to enable the giving of the higher ordination to
female candidates in a situation where no bhikkhun order is in existence. This is unmistakably clear from the narrative context. In contrast, the function of Cv X.17 is to regulate the
giving of the higher ordination to female candidates when a bhikkhun order is in existence.
This is also unmistakably clear from the narrative context. So there is a decisive difference
between the two rules that needs to be taken into consideration: The two rules are meant to
address two sub-stantially different situations.
Contrary to the assumptions by Phra Payutto and Bhikkhu hnissaro, what we have here is
not just an early rule and its subsequent adaptation. Instead we have two rules on related but
different issues. This explains why, after an order of bhikkhuns had come into existence
during the lifetime of the Buddha, there were no ordinations bhikkhuns conducted solely by
bhikkhus. There can be only one situation at a time: Either a community of bhikkhuns is in
existence, in which case Cv X.17 is to be followed, or else a community of bhikkhuns is not
in existence, in which case Cv X.2 is to be followed.
Since the belief in the impossibility of reviving an order of bhikkhuns has such a long history in Theravda circles, perhaps an example may help to clarify the point at issue. Suppose a person regularly commutes from home to work via a highway that connects two
towns, and the mu-nicipal authorities have set a speed limit of 100 km/h for this highway.
Later on, the municipal authorities set another speed limit of 50 km/h.
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Even though the earlier limit of 100 km/h hour has not been explicitly abolished, when
caught by the police for driving at 80 km/h this person will not be able to argue that he or
she had on that day decided to follow the earlier speed limit regulation. It is not possible to
assume that both limits are valid simultaneously and one can freely choose which one to follow. The last speed limit is the one that counts.
The situation changes considerably, however, once closer investigation reveals that the second speed limit set by the municipal authorities refers to traffic in the town in which this
person works, it does not refer to the highway that leads up to this town. In that case, both
speed limits are valid at the same time. While driving on the highway, the speed limit is still
100 km/h, but when leaving the highway and driving into town to reach the working place,
the speed limit of 50 km/h needs to be observed.
In the same way, Cv X.2 and Cv X.17 are both valid. The second of the two, Cv X.17, does
not imply a rescinding of the first, just as the town speed limit does not imply a rescinding
of the speed limit for the highway. Both rules are simultaneously valid, as they refer to two
distinctly different situations.
In sum, the traditional belief that the Theravda Vinaya does not enable a reviving of an extinct bhikkhun order seems to be mistaken, based on a reading of the relevant rules without
sufficient consideration of their narrative background. If studied in their narrative context, it
becomes clear that an extinct order of bhikkhuns can be revived by the bhikkhus, as long as
these are not extinct as well.
As already stated by the Jetavan Saydaw in 1949:
Sangha did not exist; in the future, too, it will be restricted to a period when the
Bhikkhun Sangha will not exist; and at present it is restricted to a period when the
Bhikkhun Sangha does not exist." He further explains that the Buddha knew "that
when the Bhikkhun Sangha is non-existent the occasion arises for an allowance
[given to] the Bhikkhu Sangha [to be used], the Buddha laid down ... that woman
Bhikkhus, I allow Bhikkhus to ordain bhikkhuns."9
Bhikkhu Anlayo
The interpretation proposed by the Jetavan Saydaw is clearly a more accurate reflection of
the Pli Vinaya than the interpretations proposed by Phra Payutto and Bhikkhu hnissaro.
The conclusion that emerges, after giving sufficient consideration to the narrative context of
the two rules in question, is that it is definitely possible to revive an extinct order of
bhikkhuns through ordination given by bhikkhus alone.
In fact, for bhikkhus seriously wishing to follow the Theravda Vinaya, this is not only possible, but even imperative. The two rules promulgated by the Buddha imply that he expected
bhikkhus to cooperate in the giving of the higher ordination to female candidates. The importance accorded to the cooperation of bhikkhus in this respect can also be seen from another rule, according to which a bhikkhu can leave his rains residence for up to seven days if
this is done in order to participate in the ordination of a bhikkhun (Mv III.6).
10
Since with the full ordination given in 1998 at Bodhgay an order of bhikkhuns has come
into existence that can claim legal recognition according to the Theravda Vinaya,
11
the is-
sue of bhikkhus giving ordination on their own is no longer relevant. What is relevant and
even expected of bhikkhus is their cooperation with the now revived Theravda bhikkhun
order in the conferring of the higher ordination to new candidates. As far as I can see, those
who are willing to be active participants in such ordinations are following the regulations in
the Pli Vinaya and act in accordance with the intentions of the Buddha in the way these
have been recorded in the canonical scriptures. The same cannot be stated of those who refuse to participate in such ordinations or who continue to question their validity without serious consideration of the legal situation that emerges from a close study of the Vinaya narrative.
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training rules will be a stumbling block for women who are ordained. Are we sure that they
will be able to keep these rules?"
While it is of course true that keeping precepts that evolved in a different setting two and a
half millennia ago is a challenge, the same applies also to bhikkhus. One might similarly
wonder if it is not going to increase the problems for males if they take higher ordination.
Another point worth noting is that often arguments raised against the revival of the
bhikkhun order seem to assume that this implies a rejection of the eight or ten precept nuns
that have developed in Theravda countries. These are the mae chis in Thailand, the thila
shins in Burma and the dasasil mts in Sri Lanka, to which the sladhrs in the West
could be added. The wish to revive a bhikkhun order does not require a replacing of these
orders in the respective countries. There is no reason why both cannot exist side by side.
The question is thus not one of abolishing or dismissing what is already there, but rather one
of enabling women to choose between the alternatives of becoming an eight or ten precept
nun and taking ordination as a bhikkhun.
Nowadays in Theravda countries some men also prefer not to become bhikkhus, and instead live a celibate lay life, at times by becoming anagrikas. Such celibate males exist
alongside with bhikkhus, in fact often they live in close relationship with bhikkhus at a monastery. In the same way, the option of being an eight or ten precept nuns will probably be of
continuing appeal to some women in Theravda countries. This does not imply, however,
that the alternative option of becoming a bhikkhun should not also be made available to
those who wish for it.
Improving the situation of the eight or ten precept nuns is a very important and praiseworthy
task that should be given full attention, but this does not suffice to fulfil the wish of those
who want to have access to full ordination. Alongside such endeavours, there clearly remains a need to restore full ordination for bhikkhuns. If some eight and ten precept nuns in
Theravda countries do not want to become bhikkhuns, then this does not dispense with the
need of reviving such an order in principle for others who do want higher ordination.
Recent research in Sri Lanka has in fact shown that numbers of dasasil mts, who earlier
were not interested in bhikkhun ordination, changed their mind once this became available
and took higher ordination.
12
Bhikkhu Anlayo
Lanka are well respected by laity and make a major contribution by meeting the needs of lay
followers, even though so far they have not been recognized by the government.
13
This
leaves little room for arguing that a revival of the bhikkhun order is not needed or will not
be beneficial for society at large.
14
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from India to China so as to be translated into Chinese. Besides the five purities mentioned
in the Chabbisodhana-sutta, this parallel lists the four nutriments as a sixth purity.
15
From this it follows that at some point during oral transmission from India to Sri Lanka this
sixth purity was lost. Indian reciters still knew of a complete version of the discourse that
had this sixth purity, but by the time the discourse had reached Sri Lanka, this part of the
text had gone missing. The case of the Chabbisodhana-sutta shows that substantial portions
of a Pli canonical text could get lost during oral transmission.
The difficulties of relying on oral transmission are explicitly taken up in the Pli discourses
themselves. The Sandaka-sutta points out that oral tradition might be well heard or else
might not be well heard, as a result of which some of it is true, but some of it is otherwise. 16
The Cak-sutta also takes up the unreliability of oral tradition, recommending that someone
who wishes to preserve truth should not take a stance on oral transmission claiming that this
alone is true, everything else is false.
17
So a historical-critical reading that considers the parallel versions of a particular text offers a
way of giving proper consideration to the nature of oral transmission and its possible errors
in accordance with the indications made in the Sandaka-sutta and the Cak-sutta. Doing
justice to the indications in these Pli discourses requires allowing, in principle, the possibility that at times a portion of text preserved in the Pli canon could be incomplete due to textual loss.
Based on allowing in principle this possibility, revisiting the account of the founding of the
order of bhikkhuns in the Pli Vinaya brings to light a turn of events that is not entirely
straightforward. After the Buddha had refused Mahpajpat Gotam s request to go forth,
she and her followers shaved off their hair and put on robes.
According to the Pli commentarial tradition, Mahpajpat Gotam had earlier become a
18
stream-enterer.
19
wearing robes approaches nanda, the latter comments on her exhausted bodily condition
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after having travelled, but makes no remark at all about her being shaven-headed and wearing robes.
20
The solution to this conundrum can be found by consulting accounts of the same event in
other Vinayas, adopting what I have called a historical-critical reading, in order to allow for
loss of text during oral transmission. Relevant to the present issue are versions of this story
preserved in the canonical texts of three schools, the Mahsaka, the Mla-sarvstivda,
and the Sarvstivda. All these are Vinayas from India, which have been brought to China
for translation. Besides the Chinese translation, in the case of the Mlasarvstivda Vinaya
we also have the relevant passage preserved in a Sanskrit fragment as well as in Tibetan
translation.
These Vinayas report that when Mahpajpat Gotam approached the Buddha with her request, he indeed did not allow her to go forth, but he then offered her an alternative. This
alternative was that she could shave her hair and wear robes.
21
in the protected environment at her home instead of going forth to wander around India as a
homeless person.
The perspective afforded by a historical-critical reading based on a comparative study
changes the situation considerably. Instead of the Buddha just being against an order of
bhikkhuns in principle, he offers an alternative. This alternative seems to express his concern that, at a time when the Buddhist order was still in its beginnings, lack of proper dwelling places and the other harsh living conditions of a homeless life might be too much for
queen Mahpajpat Gotam and her following.
The Theravda Vinaya in fact records that bhikkhuns were raped, making it clear that in ancient India for women to go forth could be dangerous.22 The situation then was clearly quite
different from modern South and Southeast Asia, where women who have gone forth can
expect to be respected in their choice of living a celibate life.
For Mahpajpat Gotam and her following to go forth in such a situation would indeed be
comparable to a household with many women and few men, which can easily be attacked by
robbers (Cv X.1).23 The possibility of being raped would indeed be similar to ripe crop of
rice or sugar cane that is suddenly attacked by a disease.
13
Bhikkhu Anlayo
Returning to the Vinaya narration, once Mahpajpat Gotam and her followers had received an explicit permission to shave their hair and wear robes, the rest of the story flows
on naturally. It now becomes understandable why they would indeed do so and why nanda
on seeing Mahpajpat Gotam shaven-headed and in robes would not find this worth commenting on.
Laity at times followed the Buddha for quite some distance on his journeys.24 In view of
such a custom, it seems natural for Mahpajpat Gotam and her group similarly to follow
the Buddha in an attempt to show that they were able to brave the living conditions of going
forth. Such an action would not have been something the Buddha had forbidden. Having in
this way proven their ability to handle the condition of going forth would also explain why
the Buddha eventually allowed them to become bhikkhuns.
In order to validate this alternative understanding of how the bhikkhun order came into existence, the canonical principle of the four mahpadesas needs to be followed.25 According
to the principle enshrined in these four mahpadesas, any particular statement claiming to
go back to the Buddha needs to be compared with the discourses and the Vinaya in order to
ascertain if it conforms with them. In the present case, this requires examining what other
canonical passages have to say about the bhikkhuns. Do other canonical passages support
what the historical-critical reading has brought to light, namely that the existence of an order
of bhikkhuns is not something undesirable that the Buddha would rather have avoided?
The Lakkhaa-sutta of the Dgha-nikya describes the Buddha s possession of thirty-two
superior bodily marks. Each of these has a special relationship to his virtues and former
deeds. Here the wheel-marks on the soles of the Buddhas feet are portents of his destiny to
be surrounded by a large retinue of four assemblies of disciples. These four assemblies are
bhikkhus and bhikkhuns, as well as male and female lay followers.26 According to this discourse, the Buddha was from his birth destined to have an order of bhikkhuns. This makes
the existence of bhikkhuns an integral and indispensable part of the ssana, the Buddhas
dispensation.
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The Psdika-sutta in the same Dgha-nikya proclaims that the completeness of the holy
life taught by the Buddha was evident in the accomplishment of his four assemblies of disciples, including an order of bhikkhuns.27 The same emerges from the Mahvacchagotta-sutta
in the Majjhima-nikya teaching can be seen in the high numbers of bhikkhus and
bhikkhuns who had become fully liberated, and in the fact that similarly high numbers of
lay followers of both genders had reached other levels of awakening.28 Clearly, without accomplished bhikkhuns the Buddhas dispensation would not have been complete.
According to the Mahparinibbna-sutta in the Dgha-nikya, the Buddha had declared that
he would not pass away until he had achieved his mission of having competent disciples
from each of the four assemblies, including bhikkhuns.29 The importance of this statement
is reflected in the fact that it recurs again in the Pli canon in the Sayutta-nikya, the
Aguttara-nikya, and the Udna.30
In this way, from his birth until his passing away, it was an integral part of the Buddha s
vision to have an order of bhikkhuns. On following the mahpadesa principle, the results of
the above historical-critical reading finds confirmation. An order of bhikkhuns is a desirable, in fact an in-dispensable part of the dispensation of the Buddha.
31
would not expect the Buddha to do something which he knew in advance would have such
an effect. In fact, the prophecy in the way it is recorded in the Vinaya has not come true, as
after 2,500 years the teaching is still in existence. Even the bhikkhun order was still in existence in India in the 8th century and thus more than a 1,000 years after the time of the Buddha.
It also needs to be noted that the basic condition described in this prophecy has been fulfilled when an order of bhikkhuns came into existence during the Buddha's lifetime. The
15
Bhikkhu Anlayo
16
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Now for this protective embankment of the eight garudhammas, "principles of respect", to
function, the collaboration of the bhikkhus is required. Most of the eight garudhammas involve interactions between bhikkhus and bhikkhuns in such matters as spending the rainy
season retreat (2), announcement of the observance day and the exhortation, ovda (3), invitation, pavra (4), penance, mnatta (5), and the granting of higher ordination, upasampad (6).36 These clearly require the cooperation of bhikkhus. Partaking in the higher ordination of bhikkhuns, provided this accords with the legal requirements of the Theravda Vinaya, thereby supports what according to Phra Payutto is the protective embankment constructed by the Buddha for protecting the long life of his dispensation.
In sum, following the principle of the four mahpadesas it seems clear that an order of
bhikkhuns is desirable and an important asset in order to prevent the decline of the Buddhas teaching. In fact Buddhist countries who do not have such an order are in this respect
in the category of border countries. It is an unfortunate condition to be reborn in such a border country, since the four assemblies, including an order of bhikkhuns, are not found
there.37 Such a condition makes it more difficult to practice the Dharma.
A Buddhist tradition that has only three of the four assemblies could be compared to a noble
elephant with one leg crippled. The elephant can still walk, but only with difficulties. The
medicine to restore the crippled leg is now available, all it needs is a concerted effort to support the healing process.
17
Bhikkhu Anlayo
ABBREVIATIONS
AN
Aguttara-nikya
Be
Burmese edition
Ce
Ceylonese edition
Cv
Cullavagga
Derge edition
Dhp-a Dhammapada-ahakath
DN
Dgha-nikya
Madhyama-gama
MN
Majjhima-nikya
Mv
Mahvagga
Ps
Papacasdan
Peking edition
Se
Siamese edition
SN
Sayutta-nikya
Sv
Suttavibhaga
Ud
Udna
Vin
Vinayapiaka
REFERENCES
Anlayo 2010: "Womens Renunciation in Early Buddhism - The Four Assemblies and the
Foundation of the Order of Nuns", in Dignity & Discipline, Reviving Full Ordination for
Buddhist Nuns, T. Mohr and J. Tsedroen (ed.), 65-97, Boston: Wisdom, 2010.
Anlayo 2011a: A Comparative Study of the Majjhima-nikya, Taipei: Dharma Drum Publishing Corporation.
Anlayo 2011b: "Mahpajpat's Going Forth in the Madhyama-gama", Journal of Buddhist
Ethics, 18: 268-317. http://www.buddhis muskunde.uni-hamburg.de/fileadmin/pdf/
analayo/Mahapajapati. pdf
Anlayo 2013a: The Legality of Bhikkhun Ordination, Malaysia: Selangor Buddhist Vipassan
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Meditation Society (reprinted 2014, New York: Buddhist Association of the United
States).
http://www.buddhismuskunde.uni-hambur.de/fileadmin/
pdf/
analayo/
Legality withTranslations.pdf
Anlayo 2013b: "A Note on the Term Theravda", Buddhist Studies Review, 30.2: 216-235.
Blackstone, Kate 1999: "Damming the Dhamma: Problems with Bhikkhuns in the
Pali Vinaya", Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 6: 292-312.
Bodhi, Bhikkhu 2009: The Revival of Bhikkhun Ordination in the Theravda Tradition,
Georgetown, Penang: Inward Path Publisher (reprinted 2010 in Dignity & Discipline, Reviving Full Ordination for Buddhist Nuns, T. Mohr and J. Tsedroen (ed.),
99-142. Boston: Wisdom).
Clarke, Shayne 2014: Family Matters in Indian Buddhist Monasticism, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Mrozik, Susanne 2014: "We Love Our Nuns: Affective Dimensions of the Sri Lankan
Bhikkhun Revival", Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 21: 57-95.
Payutto, Phra and M. Seeger 2013: The Buddhist Discipline in Relation to Bhikkhunis,
Questions and Answers, R. Moore (translated), http://www.buddhistteachings.org/thebuddhistdiscipline-in-relation-to-bhikkhunis
Payutto, Phra and M. Seeger 2014: The Buddhist Discipline in Relation to Bhikkhunis,
Questions and Answers, R. Moore (translated), http://www.buddhistteachings.org/
downloads-part-i
Perera, L.P.N. 1993: Sexuality in Ancient India, A Study Based on the Pli Vinayapiaka,
Sri Lanka: University of Kelaniya, Post-graduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies.
Salgado, Nirmala S. 2013: Buddhist Nuns and Gendered Practice, In Search of the
Female Renunciant, New York: Oxford University Press.
Schmidt, Michael 1993: "Bhiku-Karmavcan, Die Handschrift Sansk. c.25(R) der
Bodleian Library Oxford", in Studien zur Indologie und Buddhismuskunde, Festgabe
des Seminars fr Indologie und Buddhismuskunde fr Professor Dr. Heinz Bechert
zum 60. Geburtstag am 26. Juni 1992, M. Hahn (ed.), 239-288, Bonn: Indica et Tibetica Verlag.
hnissaro Bhikkhu 2001/2013: The Buddhist Monastic Code II, The Khandaka Rules
Translated & Explained by hnissaro Bhikkhu (Geoffrey DeGraff), Revised Edition, California: Metta Forest Monastery.
19
Bhikkhu Anlayo
NOTES
* Acknowledgement: I am indebted to Adam Clarke, Petra Kieffer-Plz, and Ven. Dhammadinn for comments on a draft of this paper.
1
On the centrality of the Pli canon for a Theravda sense of identity cf. Anlayo 2013b.
My presentation is based in part on points already raised in Anlayo 2010, 2011b and
2013a.
3
contexts the term anujnmi has a stronger nuance than simply "to allow", standing for a
legal prescription or order; cf. Clarke 2014: 126.
4
upasampad pariyesitabb.
6
Vin II 256,37: kathha, bhante, imsu skiyansu (Be, Ce, and Se: skiynsu) pai-
pajjm ti?
7
Vin II 258,17. This passage is addressed to Mahpajpat Gotam, who became a bhikkhun by ac-
cepting the garudhammas, and implicitly also addressed to her followers, who were ordained by
bhikkhus only. This would settle a problem raised by Phra Payutto 2013: 58, according to which "in
the formal explanation (vibhaga) of the bhikkhuni training rules laid down by the Buddha there is
this definition: The term "bhikkhun" refers to a woman who has been ordained by both sanghas.
This poses a problem in that, if bhikkhunis are ordained without a bhikkhuni sangha present, none of
these training rules will formally apply to them or be legally binding." In a modern-day situation of
creating a new bhikkhun order through ordination by bhikkhus only, the first generation of such
bhikkhuns could rely on Cv X.4, just as Mahpajpat Gotam and her followers did.
8
Vin II 259,25, Vin II 260,11, and Vin II 260,30. If bhikkhus undertake legal actions on be-
half of bhikkhuns when a bhikkhun order has gone out of existence and is being revived,
then they would incur a dukkaa, but this would not invalidate the legal act itself.
9
10
Vin I 146,8.
11
12
13
Mrozik 2014.
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SIJBS Volume 3
14
15
M 187 at T I 732b18.
16
aath pi hoti. The Sanskrit fragment parallels to this discourse have unfortunately not preserved this particular statement; for a comparative study cf. Anlayo 2011a: 413-416.
17
MN 95 at MN II 171,1 notes that what has been well transmitted may still be wrong, con-
sequently it does not suffice for one who protects the truth to come to the one-sided conclusion: This is true, everything else wrong, svnussuta yeva hoti, ta ca hoti rit-ta tuccha
mus ... saccam anurakkhat ... purisena nlam ettha ekasena niha gantu: idam eva
sacca, mogham aan ti; on the parallels cf. Anlayo 2011a: 557-566.
18
Dhp-a I 115,13 reports that the Buddha established Mahpajpat Gotam in the fruit of
Blackstone 1999: 302f in fact comes to the conclusion that "in defying the Buddha, Ma-
21
Cf., e.g., Vin I 89,10 (Mv I.67) and the discussion in Perera 1993: 107f.
23
Vin II 256,16.
24
Vin I 220,21 (Mv VI.24) reports that the Buddha was followed by a whole group of lay
people wishing to make offerings in turn, a group apparently so large that it took a long time
before each could get its turn; another such reference can be found in Vin I 238,33 (Mv
VI.33).
25
DN 16 at DN II 123,30 and AN 4.180 at AN II 167,31; cf. also the same principle in rela-
DN 30 at DN III 148,18.
27
DN 29 at DN III 125,24.
28
MN 73 at MN I 490,21.
21
Bhikkhu Anlayo
29
DN 16 at DN II 105,8.
30
31
Vin II 256,9 (Cv X.1); for a more detailed discussion of this prophecy cf. Anlayo 2010:
78-82.
32
AN 4.7 at A II 8,22
33
AN 4.211 at AN II 226,1.
34
SN 16.13 at SN II 225,8.
35
36
37
AN 8.29 at AN IV 226,8.
22
Introduction
During the latter half of the twentieth century, biomedical and technological advances in the
field of medicine and healthcare gave rise to ethical dilemmas and controversies at regular
intervals. The issues debated include contraception, assisted reproductive technologies such
as in-vitro fertilization and surrogacy, organ transplantation, and more recently genetic engineering, embryo research and cloning.
Since most advances in modern medicine originated in the West, in technologically developed countries, the new ethics of biomedicine is also Western in origin, and rooted in Western values. Many Asian countries today practice Western medicine in addition to their indigenous systems of medicine. These countries will, in the future, as they have already begun to do so, face the new situations resulting from modern technological advances, and the
ethical solutions they demand. The Asian countries thus face a rather complex ethical situation, although only a few of these countries have begun facing these challenges seriously.
How do we Asians resolve the conflicts between the traditional ethical norms of our countries and the Western model of bioethics, with its emphasis on individual autonomy?
Japanese physicians were among the earliest to comment on some of the disparities between
Eastern and Western ethics. In many traditional Asian societies more importance is accorded to the well-being of the community, and the harmony resulting from respecting family ties and values, rather than encouraging individual autonomy and uniqueness as in the
West. Asian ethics tends to emphasize a persons obligations to others rather than a persons rights. The existence of a divergence between Asian and Western ethics was also recognized by moral philosophers and physicians in the West. In Transcultural Dimensions in
Medical Ethics, Edmund Pellegrino said Western values, however, may be strongly at
odds with worldviews held by billions of other human beings. Those billionsmay be
drawn more strongly by the spiritual and qualitative dimensions of life. Their ethical systems may be less dialectical, logical or linguistic in character, less analytical, more synthetic
or more sensitive to family or community concensus than to individual autonomy, more virtue-based than principle-based.
In Sri Lanka, for example, Western medicine is practiced together with the traditional indigenous systems. The predominant cultural ethos is derived from Buddhism and Hinduism, and pervades 85% of the population. Sri Lankan scholars, Arsecularatne and Babapulle, in 1996, suggested that there could be a certain resistance in such a population to
ideas introduced through a purely Western model of medical ethics and they propose the
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SIJBS Volume 3
introduction of Asian views on medical ethics to Sri Lankan undergraduates because of its
cultural relevance. The possibility of integrating Wetsern ethics with Buddhist ethics for
example, need not seem too far-fetched. Since the 18th century, the cultural ethos of the
West seems to have gradually transformed from one of orthodox revealed religion to one of
science and secular liberalism. Buddhism is perceived as a rational philosophy, which is not
in conflict with modern scientific discoveries, and therefore appears to have the potential to
contribute positively towards a universal ethos in science and medicine.
Anoja Fernando
nothing. Nevertheless, human beings assume a unique position in this universe because
only they have the rre privilege of accessibility to salvation. The short human life, in the
continuous cycle of existence known as sasra, provides an opportunity to work towards
ones salvation, and escape from this existence to a state known as nirvana.
2) Non-substantiality (anatta). This means that nothing has a soul or an abiding substance. The Buddhist doctrine of Dependent Orignation (paiccasamuppda), emphasizes
that everything arises and exists in relation to everything else. From another viewpoint, everything can be analyzed until it is reduced to nothing. In this state of interdependence and
nothingness, there is no place for an unchanging, independent soul or substance. According
to Buddhism, man, or this entity we refer to as I, is a psychophysical unit composed of
one physical and 4 mental components. The physical component is form (rpa), and the 4
mental components are feelings, physical/psychic (vedan), perceptions, ideas, concepts
(sa), dispositions or purposive activities (sakhra) and consciousness or mental activity
(via). All these five factors are constantly changing, and therefore one cannot find any
permanent entity, like a self or a soul, in any one of these components.
3) The third feature of this sasric existence is that it is basically one of suffering or a state
of non-satisfaction, arising from desire, or craving, (tah). Whatever happiness obtained
can only be temporary, and further craving leads to more suffering or state of being unfulfilled. The Buddha showed the way to escape from this endless cycle of not -satisfying
sasra and achieve a permanent happiness, or nirva, by getting rid of craving. The path
to nirva consists of the practice of morality, wisdom and mediation, (sla, samdhi and
pa), and is described the Noble Eightfold Path. When successfully practised, it will lead
to ultimate enlightenment.
To summarize, the Buddhist worldview is characterized by impermanence, insubstantiality
(absence of a permanent soul) and the reality of the sasric cycle of a state of nonsatisfaction.
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1 The Reality of Free Will and Self-determination (in this sense, Buddhism is
not teleological, not being theistically determinant nor naturally determinant).
2 The Reality of Survival After Death or Rebirth. All living beings will be
reborn an infinite number of times until they attain nirva.
Anoja Fernando
democracy movement and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, has this to say:
I am a Buddhist. As a Buddhist, the answer is very simple and clear. That is compassion and mercy is the real panacea. I am sure that when we have compassion and
mercy in our hearts, we can overcome not only terrorism but also many other evil
things that are plagueing the world. This is the Buddhist view, although it may
sound rther nave and impractical in todays context (e.g. The political consequences
of Emperor Ashokas conversion to Buddhism).
As for the principles of human rights and Individual autonomy so highly emphasized
in Western bioethics, Buddhism describes these ethical requirements in the form of
reciprocal duties between people in various relationships, carried out to create a just,
harmonious and peaceful society. e.g. Between parents and children, teachers and
pupils, employer and employee, ruler and the ruled, etc. The duties of one correspond to the rights of the other. These moral duties are contined in the voluntary
precepts a virtuous person undertakes, eg. Refrain from killing/harming
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SIJBS Volume 3
The first cloning of an animal was met with disapproval and opposition from the theistic religions since it appeared to usurp the authority of a creator God who gave life.
From a Buddhist perspective there is no objection to this method of creating life, as
Buddhism does not believe in a Creator God. However, as with abortion and IVF,
destruction of surplus embryos would be wrong.
As for genetic engineering, the question should be looked at from the point of causing harm/benefit to the potential life. Since research in the field is still experimental,
and the beneficial effects uncertain, Buddhism would discourage such research on
the basis of avoiding harm to potential human beings.
Conclusion
To conclude I have shown that the two fundamental ethical principles in Buddhism that provide guidance to decision making in medical ethics are ahis (or non-violence), and karu (or compassion) towards all living beings, including ones own self, in all karmic or
moral actions, the intention is the most important factor in determining the consequences of
ones actions. Respect for life and the practice of compassion are values found in most
world religions. However, in Western bioethics, it appears that religious principles have
been replaced to a large extent by contemporary societal norms, and the value placed on individual rights and autonomy has transformed medical ethics in the Western world, resulting
in the current thinking on, e.g., abortion and euthanasia. These are some of the reasons
there appears to be a certain degree of conflict between Western and Asian ethics in the
world today.
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Anoja Fernando
While I would not dare to recommend a return to fundamental religion, it should be possible
to determine common values among the world religions to help develop ethical guidelines
for modern medicine.
In 1993, the Parliament of the Worlds Religions met in Chicago to determine whether consensus on basic moral teachings could be achieved among the religions of the world. The
document that resulted from this conference, known as the Declaration towards a Global
Ethic set out the fundamental moral principles to which apparently all religions subscribed.
It is interesting to note that leading Buddhists at the conference felt obliged to protest at the
inclusion of the phrases a unity of religions under God and at references to God the Almighty and God the Creator during invocations.
Two years ago, UNESCO undertook to develop universal norms on Bioethics, which process is now nearing completion. I found it rather intriguing to observe that the principle of
respect for life, which appeared in the very first draft had somehow managed to disappear in
subsequent versions. One of the reasons for this is apparently the very divergent views held
by different countries with regard to euthanasia, and the need to reconcile these views. Another reason had been pressure from the feminist lobby regarding the moral status of the embryo and a womans right to abortion in countries where abortion is legal, the embryo is not
considered as a human being until birth, and therefore is without rights. An international
declaration on bioethics that does not mention the fundamental ethical principle of respect
for life is disappointing, but the primary aim of the declaration was to obtain consensus
among the countries.
Perhaps it would be relevant to ask whether it is necessary for Western and Asian ethics to
come closer together in the current climate of globalised health in an interdependent world,
with increasing international collaborative research and the development of universal declarations on the human genome, human genetic data and bioethical norms. I believe that it
would be mutually beneficial for a closer rapport between the two in working towards consensus.
Finally, I would like to acknowledge reference to the writings of Damien Keown and Peter
Harvey, who have attempted to describe the moral teachings of Buddhism in relation to
Western ethics. I have also benefited from discussion with Ven.Professor Dhammavihari,
Ven.Bhikkhuni Kusuma and Ven. Bhikkhuni Suvimalee.
29
INTRODUCTION
In Indian thought the idea of ahis is ancient.Proudfoot has documented that the
meaning of ahis changes with the context of use.As Indu Mala Ghosh says: Generally,
non-violence is equated with ahis. Non-violence means non-killing and is usually
compared with pacifism. But ahis, though apparently negative, has a positive counterpart and as such covers a much wider sphere. Apart from non-killing it includes a feeling
of loving kindness and compassion towards all. Ahis is doing good to all with all body,
mind and speech.
Ahis is a very big concept with a complex history. I.B. Horner writes:
The emergence in India of the notion of ahis, non-harming, non-injury, is historically speaking not clear. Its origin cannot be attributed to a definite date or to any particular
teacher, social reformer or lawgiver. The problem of the birth of the idea of non-injury is
indeed as obscure as that of leaving the world, of forsaking home for homelessness. Noninjury, which includes the principle of sparing life, of not taking it, or not depriving man or
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SIJBS Volume 3
beast of it, receives much emphasis in the surviving Jain texts; but whether the notion actually sprang up under the Jains or whether they exploited some life-saving tradition already
there we do not know.
In this paper I will confine myself to discussing the meanings of ahis as they are
found in early Indian Pali Buddhism of the Nikyas. Only passing references to show the
larger context are justified in this brief compass.
In Buddhist thought, the term, ahis, means non-harming, non-injury, and nonviolence. As Kedar Nath Tiwari writes:
The eightfold path consist of right view, right thought, right speech, right action,
right living, right effort, right mindfulness and right concentration
come under what is known as pa the next three come under sla and the last three under
samdhi. More specifically speaking, it is sla which represents Buddhist morality. Let us
see the items under sla.
The first is right speech. This consists in refraining from telling a lie, back-biting,
harsh talk and idle gossip. Moreover, according to it our speech should be free from any
kind of ill will and selfish interest. The second is right action, which consists in the observance of five precepts known as Pacasla. These are: (1) Not to kill, but to practise harmlessness and compassion (ahis), (2) Not to take that which is not given, but to practise
charity and generosity (cga), (3) Not to commit sexual misconduct, but to practise chastity
and self-control (brahmacarya), (4) Not to indulge in false speech, but to practise sincerity
and honesty (sacca), (5) Not to take intoxicating drinks or drugs, but to practice restraint
and mindfulness. The third, i.e., right living, consists in adopting a just honestly earned and
undeceitful means of livelihood which does not debar others of their just rights of the same.
The concept of ahis is that of a virtue in Buddhism. Perfect expression of ahisa is
an idealization, whereas in practice one is following ahis in one or more particular ways
and also as a matter of degree within a particular way. None of the following, (a) through
(e), are absolutes from some timeless perspective. The following ways are among the possible ways in which a person may exemplify ahis:
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Frank J. Hoffman
(a) Ahis can be expressed by a believer in one religion who tries to see the good
in people of other faiths rather than contend with them. [Pali texts say no contending with
anyone in the world]
(b) Ahis can be expressed in vegetarianism rather than participating in a process
of taking sentient beings life for food when there are alternatives. Horner shows that vegetarianism is not required in early Buddhism, but that the emphasis is on not taking life.]
(c) Ahis can be expressed by not retaliating when attacked when diplomacy, generosity, or satyagraha are alternatives. [Gandhi practiced ahis in this way]
(d) Ahis can be expressed by being a peace-maker, through social action that involves opposing war and seeking diplomatic solutions to conflict. [ML King practiced
ahis in this way when he opposed the war in Vietnam]
(e) Ahis can be expressed by one who has a combatant's social role by keeping
harm to the minimum degree possible under the circumstances. [some Generals have surrendered against overwhelming odds instead of fight to the last combatant and thats ahis
too]
This is not to commit to being a doormat to the world. None of these expressions of
ahis commits one to not defend one's country, family, or self, but only to seek only often
overlooked alternatives to immediately striking out to harm. The main philosophical argument of this paper focuses on (e) above, how combatants can minimize harm. The trajectory
of my thought is that the concept of ahis is that of a virtue which applies both to ordinary
citizens who are civilians and also to those charged with defense of the public, such as people in the military, the government, and the police.
This paper concerns some ways in which ahis may be expressed. Although the
main reference points are to Buddhism, much of what I have to say about the scope of the
virtue of ahis shows that ahis could be a secular virtue as well as one that particular
religions might aspire to incorporate. Buddhist texts sometimes say that to do good and
avoid unskillful actions is the whole dhamma. One can readily see that doing good is the
perfect antidote to doing unskillful actions. Ahis may be held from a secular point of
view on the basis of reasoning just as appropriately as it may be held on the basis of reli32
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Frank J. Hoffman
Nobody understood, so they asked Kacchana the Great. Then Kacchana the Great
said that asking him instead of Buddha is like someone looking for the pith while standing
in front of a big tree.
Sure, the monks agreed, Buddha knows dhamma, but everyone knows you can explain it so please go ahead.
OK, Kacchana the Great, said, listen up and I will tell you. Then Kacchana the Great
explained causally how the various sorts of consciousness (i.e., visual consciousness, auditory consciousness, olfactory consciousness, gustatory consciousness, bodily consciousness,
and mental consciousness) arise depending on antecedent causal conditions. He explained
that in each case consciousness arises when there is a gateway, (such as eye, etc.). On the
other hand, when there is no gateway, then there is no consciousness. That's how I understand it, Kacchana said, and you can ask Buddha if this is the full, correct meaning.
So the monks went to Buddha, stated Kacchana's explanation, and inquired. Buddha
replied that the explanation given was exact.
Then Ananda said that it is as if an exhausted hungry person were to find a HoneyBall and find it sweet, so too an able monk would find this teaching sweet. So Buddha
named this teaching the Discourse of the Honey-Ball. Ananda was very pleased.
MAIN ARGUMENT
In early Buddhism, since roots of violence stem from egoism, then conversely roots
of nonviolence -- involving behaviors of both abstention from killing and injury and also the
positive valuation of life -- stem from following the precepts on the Buddhist path. This paper will both explain ahis in early Buddhism and also advance a philosophical argument,
the schema of which is below. In simplest terms the main argument is as follows:
(1) Ahis is a virtue
(2) The virtue of ahis can be expressed in several ways.
(3) One of the ways in which the virtue of ahis can be expressed is that those charged
with defense of the public use appropriate restraint and do no harm.
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(4) Those charged with the defense of the public include the military, government, and police.
(5) Military, government, and police can use appropriate restraint and avoid doing harm.
Therefore, the concept of ahis as a virtue applies to the military, the government, and the
police.
Philosophically speaking, the virtue of ahimsa can be cultivated by anyone of good
will regardless of whether they have a religious commitment. Ahis, on this view, is not
just a virtue for ascetics and sages but a viable virtue that most people can achieve to a
greater or lesser extent. Ahis is not an all or none matter, like a toggle switch, but a matter of degree. Here I am focusing on the often-overlooked opportunities for ahis within
the lives of those whose job it is to manage conflict.
I. AHIS
II. AHIS is a virtue that can be expressed in several ways
In support of the premise (1), section I offers relevant textual details, and likewise
each of the following sections support their respectively numbered premises.
Akira Hirakawa provides a detailed analysis of ahis. Hirakawa states that ahis
is a word formed by adding the negative prefix a to the word his, a derivative
from the root han meaning to kill and to injure. Accordingly, ahis carries the
meaning of not killing, and not injuring. (287) He points out that ahis appeared
as early as the Chandogya Upaniad (III, 17) of the early period. The Dharmasutra
literature of Hinduism emphasizes ahis and in accordance with that there originated many people who practice vegetarianism. And in recent times Gandhi and his
followers emphasized ahis and made it a key point in a nationwide movement.
Although ahis crops up from time immemorial in Indian tradition, the doctrinal
basis for its assertion varies in each context. In Hinduism the idea of an imperishable atman
that undergoes countless transmigrations and also the idea of the unity of atman-brahman
(from the standpoint of moksha), here the idea of ahis is based on the idea that life is one.
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Frank J. Hoffman
(Arthur Herman popularly puts it, in Community Violence and Peace, we are the community
in the sense of the is of identity.) In Jainism there is a reverence for all life where life includes even plants and minerals. So there ahis goes deep down. In Gandhis thought
ahis goes wide across all India to include all people including harijans (children of God,
todays dalits).
Ahis is clearly an important idea in sla or morality within Buddhism. There, as
both Hirakawa and Gomez observe, there is a tradition of abstaining from injuring living
beings (expressed by pntiptveramani and pntiptptivirati in addition to ahis).
Ahis is the most popular of the three ways to speak of non-injury in Buddhism and the
other two terms are used mainly in sla and Vinaya contexts forbidding the killing of living
beings.
restraining.
Buddhaghosa even defines sla as cetan (intention). Sla is not simply happening to avoid
wrong. From a Buddhist view sla is the will to practice and actualize the teaching so that
one proceeds towards enlightenment.
Morality, concentration, and wisdom (sla, samdhi, pa) have informed Buddhist
practice from early on in Buddhist tradition. But these are not 1, 2, 3 in a stepwise manner
but each interpenetrates the other. I think that Hirakawa is exactly right when he claims that
These three practices are each separate and yet they are not exclusive but progress towards
the highest by mutually helping each other. (287) So, for example, wisdom is purified by
sla and vice versa. (D I, p. 124). As the motivating power to proceed along the Buddhist
path, ahis is supported by sla and actualized by the mental power that arises with it.
In Sarvstivda ahis is viewed as an independent mental power, but it is not so in
Theravda. In Mahyna ahis has been construed as based on compassion (Sthiramati)
and as actualized through the suppression of anger (Dharmapla).
The practice of ahis is considered universal as stated in Dhammapada 129 because all tremble before punishment and all fear death, so comparing oneself with another
one should not kill or cause another to kill. So it is asserted from the perspective of compassion but also maintained from the point of view of a consciousness of shame.
Smaaphalasutta (Dialogues of the Buddha I , p. 79) says the bhikkhu, putting away the
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killing of living things, holds aloof from the destruction of life. The cudgel and the sword
he has laid aside, and ashamed of roughness, and full of mercy, he dwells compassionate
and kind to all creatures that have life.
As Hirakawa comments: This shows that the practice of ahis is not limited to
human beings only, but includes all living beings. Its basis is compassion (day), sympathy
and pity (hitnukamp), as well as the feeling of shame (lajj) of the cruelty of killing and
injuring life. Thus, ahis is united with compassion and a consciousness of shame. (288)
As a mental power (caitasika-dharma), sla is the spirit of compassion.
In early Buddhism ahims is not just the ethical rule that one should avoid harming
all living beings. Ahis is also the religious idea that through the practice of Buddhism
enlightenment is attainable.
(sammkammant) within the eightfold noble path. It also appears in the ten kinds of good
actions (dasakusalakammapatha), the first of which is not to kill living beings (D. III, p.
269). In teaching morality to laypersons Buddha emphasizes ahis in conversation with
Siglaka (D. III, p. 181).
In view of the human condition as one of struggle, eating to survive, ahis is
clearly an ideal that one might approximate to a greater or lesser extent, but short of sainthood, not actually achieved in everyday life.
take to vegetarianism to escape this killing. But even this cannot be called a correct way of
life, from the standpoint of those who look upon plants also as possessing life. (289)
Various manifestations of ahis are, first, in the life of the lay Buddhist practitioner (upsaka, upsik) who accepts the Three Gems (ti-ratana) of Buddha, Dhamma, and
Sangha and undertakes observance of the five precepts. The first precept is not killing living beings. This includes both intention and action. If there is intent, but not right action,
then confession (paidesan) may be done.
Non-killing is so important that it also occurs in other contexts, in the eight precepts
practiced on the four fast days (uposatha) of the month; as the first of the ten precepts of
male and female novices, the smanera and smaneri. And the third precept of the prjik
in the Ptimokkha, in the Vinaya of the monks and nuns, the bhikkhu-s and bhikkun-s. In-
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Frank J. Hoffman
tentional killing of a human being is a prjik offence and results in the most severe form
of monastic discipline, namely expulsion from the monastery. Ordering others to kill, abortion, and suicide are placed on the same level (Vin. III, p. 73, 82).
Killing animals is a pcittiya offence (no. 61), but can be forgiven by confession
(patti-desan) and does not result in expulsion. Plantlife or vegetation is also protected by
pcittiya rules (no. 20, 62). Monks strain their water in order to avoid drinking water that
contains living beings that would die as a result.
Hirakawa observes that the Buddha did not ban the eating of meat, only the taking of
life. (In early Buddhism Devadatta asks Buddha to pass a rule banning eating of meat and
fish altogether, but Buddha declines.) He did prohibit the ten kinds of flesh that were censured by society. Apart from that, meat could be eaten by one, provided it was not seen or
heard or suspected by him that an animal was specially killed for the eater and the meat was
prepared as food for him only (tikoti-parisuddhamacchamasa): Vin. IV, pp. 218-20; Sn.
242). (290)
In ancient India Buddha did not require vegetarianism of his followers and what was
against the rules was the taking of life. For example, abstention from animal sacrifice is
consistently part of Buddhist tradition from the beginning. In Mahyna tradition vegetarianism was often understood as a requirement, but discussion of that goes beyond this paper.
In the pillar edicts of King Asoka, there are expressions of the principle of ahis
(in 2, 5, 7); also in the rock edicts in Girnar and other places (in 1, 2, 4, 11, and 13). In these
ways religious offerings of animal sacrifice were prohibited, meat eating was restricted, and
meat consumption at the kings own table was minimal. Even when animals were killed,
young ones under six months old and pregnant ones were not to be killed. Domesticated
animals were supposed to be treated with respect, and branding, castration were prohibited,
as were burning of forests without cause and killing wildlife. It is evident that Asoka was a
philanthropist and benefactor of many worthwhile projects. As Hirakawa comments on
Asoka, He worked in a positive way for the love and protection of animals. He built hospitals for both men and animals; he cultivated medicinal plants, planted trees by the roadside
and dug numerous wells, thus serving the needs of both man and beast. Asoka, in this way,
spread the influence of Buddhism over the whole of India, which tremendous influence
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SIJBS Volume 3
lasted for a long period of time in the spiritual life of the Indian people."(290) Logically
speaking, non-killing would entail both pacifism and vegetarianism, but neither are upheld
by Asoka as moral absolutes. (Hoffman, "Asoka in Encyclopedia of Monasticism). He
made progress in dhamma towards these ideals and was tolerant of religions generally after
the bloody battle at Kalinga and his subsequent change of heart.
By contrast, it should be noted as a brief aside that in Mahyna Buddhism of China and
Japan there is a definite prohibition against eating meat, by contrast with Theravda
Buddhism of South Asia. For example, not taking life is interpreted as giving another
being life by not eating and so is compassionate behavior. Thus the Mahparinirvna
Sutra (Taisho 12, p. 386 a, b) states: The eating of meat extinguishes the sea of great
compassion. (Hirakawa 291) Buying and setting free fish, birds, and animals also
shows compassion. (Taisho, 24, p. 1005-1007, 1029, 1049-1050). In punishments, there
are no amputations or death sentences: censure, punishment, jail, and exile are permitted.
Frank J. Hoffman
Thus have I heard. Buddha was near Svatthi in the Jeta Grove in Anthapiika's monastery. The Buddha set out on a road toward the abode of Agulimla, an infamous bandit
who wore a garland of fingers. Usually people traveled this way only in large groups of
twenty or thirty, and even then it would be dangerous. Monks three times tried to discourage him, but the Buddha set out anyway. It appears the Buddha was not deterred by those
attempting to discourage him from traveling there. As he approached, Aguligmla saw
him and thought about killing the Buddha. As Agulimla was trailing him with bow and
arrow, Buddha with psychic power made it such that Agulimla was not able to catch up
with him no matter how fast he ran. Agulimla questions him about this and the Buddha
replies that he stands still having renounced violence whereas Agulimla is unrestrained
regarding taking life and is always moving. The Buddha's response thus shows the cultural
value of quiescence and non-violence. After hearing the Buddha's speech, Agulimla
threw away his sword and weapons in a chasm. Then the Buddha made his way to Svatthi
with Ven. Agulimla as his attendant. A big crowd complained to King Pasenadi about
Agulimla's presence. If he became a monk, asked the Buddha of the king, how would you
regard him? The king said he would extend the usual courtesies due to monks. Then the
Buddha introduced King Pasenadi to the converted Agulimla. At first the king was afraid
and found the change hard to believe. But then he offered to have the robes and medicines
necessary for monastic life prepared for Agulimla. After telling the Buddha of his extreme discomfort on hearing the cries of a woman in labor leading to childbirth, the Buddha
advises Agulimla to give the woman a blessing on the unborn child saying that he had not
deprived anything of life since being born of the Ariyan birth. Then Ven. Agulimla meditated, acquired super-knowledge, and became perfected. When once some villagers of
Savatthi beat him up with clods, gravel, and sticks, Agulimla endured it without retaliating. This is the ripening of karma. Then in private meditation Agulimla uttered a solemn
utterance about his conversion to "Harmlessness. He declared the supremacy of the Buddhist path, and experienced the three-fold knowledge.--turning the other cheek
Ahis can be expressed in vegetarianism; What is meant by vegetarianism is a matter of
definition. If not taking life is what is meant by vegetarianism, there are few if any vegetarians. To see this, consider that, for example, even in boiling water with vegetables one is
killing tiny living organisms in the water. In common usage of the term, however, vegetarians are contrasted with both those who eat meat or fish and with vegans who abstain also
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from dairy products. There are also fish vegetarians, those who will abstain from meat
but not fish. (To Cherish All Life explores this topic in greater detail than I can here.)
Simply not to kill, injure or harm life is different from cherishing all life. Both of
these emphases may be found in different parts of Buddhist tradition. As Luis Gomez puts
it : Our examination of the Pali scriptures and related sources had demonstrated that there
was not just one unalloyed ideal of nonviolence in early Buddhism. Instead we encountered
several definitions and redefinitions of ahis. As ritual thinking was rationalized and ethicized, a tradition of nonviolence as abstention vied with a tradition of nonviolence based on
a valuation of life.
Gomez also notices a connection between self-cultivation and non-violence. He sees
that the application of non-violence and no-self in everyday life often raises questions not all
of which are specifically addressed in Buddhist texts. Gomez interprets Buddhist selfcultivation as a very humble kind of practice involving not lying, not stealing, etc. It is interpreted as a practice that is centered neither on public peace protests nor on compliance
with moral rules, but on going beyond merit and demerit so that love is ever present in the
mind.
It is I think not so important from a Buddhist perspective whether one avoids social
engagement and sticks to what Gomez calls a very humble practice as it is in what spirit
any social engagement occurs. In the development of Western Buddhism in the USA there
are those who emphasize the practice of meditation by itself with perhaps a little supplementary reading and those who use Buddhist meditation practice in a socially engaged manner.
Criticism of a negative sort without any form of appreciation merely contributes to polarization; furthermore, to be done without attachment the socially engaged Buddhist must not be
attached to the fruits of action.
There is no reluctance to accept the idea of socially engaged Buddhism in the work
of Cynthia Keppley Mahmoods paper, "Equality, Ethnicity, and the Political Potential of
Buddhism". By contrast to Gomez, in a concluding paragraph Mahmood writes:
The Buddhist alternative, then, is one which demands cultural self-determination; which demands equality; and which demands democracy. In short, it is a religious tradition which is
as much about justice as it is about peace. While lauding the beautiful messages of peace
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Frank J. Hoffman
and loving kindness expressed in Buddhist writings, we cannot forget the more difficult
message of rebellion against injustice handed down to us from ancient India.
Whether and to what extent there is a message of rebellion in the Buddhism of ancient
India is a matter of interpretation. For alongside anti-brahmanism, anti-caste, and antiVedic pronouncements there is also the advice not to contend with anyone in the world.
SIJBS Volume 3
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Frank J. Hoffman
Horner writes: "The monk-world had a different code from the lay-world, for it was
one of as complete non-harming as it was possible to achieve. But in the completeness of
this there was a curious anomaly connected with some of the foods that a monk might
eat." (20)
"The eating of neither fish nor meat was banned for monks; and if not positively encouraged was likewise not positively discouraged. Indeed fish and meat formed two out of
the five permissible "soft foods" the other three being different cereals. It looks as if, because the laity was neither stopped from growing grain, which after all did not involve the
intentional taking of life, nor from occupations which made the eating of meat possible, so
similarly the monks were allowed to partake of cereals, fish and meat.
Horner on taking life. But we have seen that in the case of the last two, certain restrictions were imposed: meat, and fish, had to be "pure" in the three respects, and meat had
to be "the meat of those (animals) whose meat is allowable." [fn. to Vin. iv 88] Gifts to the
Order were made allowable, kappakata, by the donor uttering some phrase to the effect that
he was giving, for with a few minor exceptions, it was an offence to take anything not given.
[fn. to Prjik I I.] But, especially in times of scarcity, monks had a right to ask, and in
fact incurred an offence of wrongdoing if they did not, whether the meat that was being
given to them was that of certain animals: of an elephant, horse, dog, serpent, lion, tiger,
leopard, bear or hyena. For the meat of these animals came to be unallowed. But the reasons for this ban do not in the least imply that for monks or laity meat - eating was thought
to be wrong in itself. Elephants and horses are attributes of royalty; dogs and serpents are
revolting and disgusting; whether to catch any of the wild animals mentioned, including
again the serpent, might involve the monks in personal danger." (21)
"Although the eating of meat by laity and monks alike is tacitly condoned, the
bloody trades which bring animals to destruction for this purpose by no means escape condemnation." (23) Numerous textual references support the view that bad rebirths await
those who kill (A. v. 288; M i 387 ff., iii. 203)
"But monks did not, or should not, themselves actually take animal life. They did
not act as butchers, they did not fish, hunt or trap. All their food was provided for them by
the laity. Yet, unlike those recluses and brahmins who are recorded to have lived on jujube
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fruits, sesamum, beans or uncooked rice, they were able to receive gifts of fish and meat,
provided they observed the restrictions and safeguards of not receiving more food than their
one begging bowl would hold; of not eating more than once a day; of establishing the fish
and meat was "pure"; and that it was not the meat of certain prohibited animals." (24)
Cynthia Keppley Mahmood, "Equality, Ethnicity, and the Political Potential of Buddhism" p 25-33. Writes: "One of the persisting problems in many Western treatments of
Buddhism is the tendency to regard this tradition as essentially other-worldly in its orientation, a stereotype which may well accommodate an admiration for ahimsa, but hardly allows
for a recognition of Buddhism as an active political force. Max Weber is probably the key
culprit in the perpetuation of this image for our discipline, writing in his influential Religion
in India that Buddhism was "a specifically unpolitical and anti-political status religion"
which "had no sort of tie with any 'social' movement" and "has established no 'sociopolitical' goal." As Edward Said's classic Orientalism has shown us this attitude which
labeled Eastern religion as a tradition of uncompromising mysticism was of long standing in
the West, and was not unrelated to the West's own political goals of this-worldly domination." (26)
"Both the Buddha and Mahavira are also described as being of Kshatriya origin, but
on the widespread evidence of indigenous' [indigenous] elevation to Kshatriya status this
can no longer be taken as evidence of Aryan ethnicity. Lalmani Joshi and G.C. Pande are
two scholars who have effectively argued for the non-Aryan foundations of the Buddhist
movement, pointing out that many features of both Buddhism and Jainism have antecedents
dating back to the Indus Valley civilization. These include the concept of holy places (not a
feature of nomadic Aryan life) especially marked by caityas which later became to stupas of
Buddhism. The pipal tree, another iconographic theme of the Indus Valley, remained sacred
as the bodhi tree under which the Buddha attained Enlightenment. Meditation postures still
utilized in the Buddhist and Jaina traditions are replicated in Indus Valley sculpture, and the
ideal of asceticism which pervades both is at a wide remove from the some-imbibing, heroworshipping, celebratory Aryans portrayed in the Vedas. Both the Buddha and Mahavira, of
course, are described in their respective schools not as innovators, but as perpetuators of tradition, part of long lines of past and future Buddhas and Jinas. Futhermore, references
within the Vedic texts themselves to alien, marginal individuals known as munis and yatis
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Frank J. Hoffman
accords with the idea of a persisting minority tradition, which perhaps only required a
change of social circumstances for its full renaissance." (pp. 31-32)
Swiderski writes: "The discrepancy between the Asoka of the Buddhist chronicles
and the Asoka of the rock edicts has been much discussed. The chronicles' Emperor is an
idealist abstraction within the context of Indian Buddhist thought, while the inscriptions'
Emperor is a practical, if pompous, ruler of an Indian state. The Buddhists needed to see a
champion who would do anything to assure the advancement of their religion. Students of
the inscriptions see a man who was able to employ Buddhist organization and ideology to
shore up his rule, much as Constantine employed Christianity. The legend and discernible
career of Asoka raise questions about the meaning and practice of ahis which extend beyond the historical issues of Asoka's intentions and actions. Considering Asoka helps formulate the parameters of ahis in a warlike society and culture, what turns an aggressive
person to ahis and what commitment to ahis, both of kind and of degree, does this
person display afterward? This obviously leads to a confusing array of psychological, sociological and anthropological issues. Taking Asoka as a model I wish simply to explore
how the rise of ahis in the lives of warlike might responsibly be addressed. Ahis has
risen in the lives of warriors and rulers other than Asoka, in many different times and in different parts of the world.
George Victor writes in G. Sundara Ramaiah, K. Ravi, and SDA Joga Raos Buddhism and Peace that holy books by themselves are not enough; what is needed is for people
to put their tenets into action (127).
Victor states: "The point is action promotes peace rather than books and ideals; and
political power will be ahead of everything. Again to clarify this point, a lecture on peace in
a class room is no doubt related to peace, but it is not something making peace or world
peace. Peace making is an effort, a dialogue, an agreement and a resolution that gives joy to
all those concerned and involved. It is not limited to words but culminates in action. A
worldwide action, that yields results alone can contribute for world peace rather than utterances for certain occasions. If one's thoughts and actions are oriented towards his own land
and limited to his won village, how can he contribute for world peace? The efforts of peace
making should transcend the borders of one's own land, then alone the word 'world peace'
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will have a meaning. India's contribution to world peace counts after the land becomes independent and with the emergence of the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru." (127)
George Victor continues: "The sayings may be good, the heritage might be the better, but a commitment and involvement will be the best. Peace relates to the present and
future; and all that glorious past do not help in making peace. The problems of peace are
the problems of the present day society and nations at large. Any discussion on past does
not help to promote peace as 'peace as such relates to the present' and creates a hope for future. the present problems of peace do not have their answers in the past, but needs a thorough dialogue and determination with reference to the contemporary situation. 'Let noble
thoughts come to our minds' and the people at the helm of affairs shall be awakened to make
India to contribute for world peace." (129)
V. MILITARY, GOVERNMENT, POLICE CAN USE APPROPRIATE RESTRAINT TO
AVOID DOING HARM.
CONCLUSION: Therefore, the concept of ahi as a virtue applies to the military, the government, and the police.
Concluding quotation from Hirakawa:
The world in which man lives is one of mutual injury, and life is sustained by sacrificing others. Therefore, the Buddha looked at this life and said, Existence is suffering (dukkha). Thus, the actual practice of ahis can be undertaken only on the basis of a
true cognition of life, the contradictions of which are difficult to resolve. That is to say, in
our lives the practice of perfect and absolute ahis in this particular sense is impossible.
The inward feeling of the spirit of ahis, therefore, and its outward manifestation, the act
of ahis, become different from one another. The action of ahis is difficult to perfect,
but the spirit of ahis in the heart is not impossible to perfect, by learning and practice. (289)
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
P.S. Sivasway Aiyer, Evolution of Hindu Moral Ideals (Delhi: Nag Publishers, 1935, 1976).
Nathaniel Altman, Ahimsa (Wheaton IL: Theosophical Publishing House, 1980).
David W. Chappell (ed.), Buddhist Peacework (Boston: Wisdom, 1999).
Mahinda Deegalle, Buddhism, Conflict, and Violence in Modern Sri Lanka (New York:
Routledge, 2006).
Indu Mala Gosh, Ahimsa Buddhist and Gandhian (Indian Bibliographies Bureau with Balaji
Enterprises, 1988).
Luis Gomez, "Nonviolence and the Self in Early Buddhism" in Kenneth Kraft, Inner Peace/
World Peace (Albany: SUNY Press, 1992).
Margaret Cone and Richard F. Gombrich, ThePerfert Generosity of Prince Vessantara:
A Buddhist Epic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977).
Arthur L. Herman, Community, Violence, and Peace (Albany: SUNY Press, ----).
Akira Hirakawa, Ahimsa in Encyclopaedia of Buddhism vol 1 (2) Acala Akan.Edited by
G.P. Malalasekera (Ceylon: Government Press, 1963).
Frank J. Hoffman, Asoka in Encyclopedia of Monasticism (Chicago: Fitzroy Deaborn,
2000).
Frank J. Hoffman, Gandhi in Edward Craig (ed.), Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy
(London: Routledge, 1998).
I.B. Horner, Early Buddhism and the Taking of Life (Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society,
1967).The Wheel Publication Series # 104.
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David J. Kalupahana, The Buddha and the Concept of Peace (Sri Lanka: Sarvodaya,1999).
Kenneth Kraft, Inner Peace, World Peace: essays on Buddhism and Nonviolence
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992).
George Kotturan, Ahimsa: Gautama to Gandhi (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1973).
S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989).
Amrut W. Nakhre, Social Psychology of Nonviolent Action (Delhi: Chanaka Publications,
1982).
Rajendra Prasad, Varnadharma, Nishkama Karma, and Practical Morality (New Delhi:
D.K. Printworld, 1999).
I. Proudfoot, Ahimsa and a Mahabharata Story (Canberra: Australian National University,
1987). Asian Studies Monographs, new series no. 9.
Gail Hinich Sutherland, Nonviolence, Consumption, and Community Among Ancient Indian
Ascetics (Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1997).
Richard M. Swiderski, "Giving Up the Struggle: The Rise of Ahimsa in the Lives of the
Warlike" in S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989).
G. Sundara Ramaiah, K. Ravi, and SDA Joga Rao, Buddhism and Peace: an Interdisciplinary Study, Essays in Honour of His Holiness the Dalai Lama (Visakhapatnam: Andhra
University, 1991).
S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989).
Cynthia Keppley Mahmood, "Equality, Ethnicity, and the Political Potential of Buddhism" p
25-33 in S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989).
Arturo Speziale, The Ethical and Religious Values of Ancient India (Calcutta: Sujan Publications, 1987).
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Richard M. Swiderski, "Giving Up the Struggle: The Rise of Ahimsa in the Lives of the
Warlike" in S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989).
Kedar Nath Tiwari, Classical Indian Ethical Thought (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1998).
Venerable Thich Nhat Hahn, "Ahimsa: The Path of Harmlessness" in David W. Chappell
(ed.), Buddhist Peacework (Boston: Wisdom, 1999).
P. George Victor, "Individuals and Nations for Peace" in G. Sundara Ramaiah, K. Ravi, and
SDA JogaRao, Buddhism and Peace: an Interdisciplinary Study, Essays in Honour of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama (Visakhapatnam: Andhra University, 1991).
KoshelyaWalli, Ahimsa in Indian Thought (Varanasi: BharataManisha, 1974).
G. Sundara Ramaiah, K. Ravi, and SDA JogaRao, Buddhism and Peace: an Interdisciplinary Study, Essays in Honour of His Holiness the Dalai Lama (Visakhapatnam: Andhra
University, 1991).
Discourse of the Honey-Ball, (Madhupiikasutta) MLS pp. 141-148; MN I 108-114.
Discourse with Agulimla MLS II p 284 Abhayakumarasutta MN
End Notes
This paper is an expanded version of "Buddhism and Nonviolence" read at the 13th International Congress of Vedanta, Sept. 12-15, 2002, at Miami University of Oxford Ohio.
"Buddhism and Nonviolence". It was revised and presented in Kandy (2011).
2
I. Proudfoot writes:
For instance, in enumeration so the universal norms
(sadhranadharma) it implies not causing injury; or, as a penitential discipline, it may connote not adopting an aggressive attitude; or, in terms of yogic practice, not having an unsullied spirit which could produce aggressive emotions. Along another spectrum, it may imply
not taking life, or not causing pain or not causing an apprehension of injury. Or again it
may relate to different spheres of action, expressing a principle of social morality, an ascetic
ideal, a quality of sacrificial procedure, and so forth. Running through all these variations is
another kid of dichotomy, between ahims seen in terms of the effect on the object (noninjury) and ahis as a quality of the subject (non-injuriousness).
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Needless to say, no single translation is adequate to encompass this range of connotations. If one is necessary as an expedient, harmlessness is least prejudicial to the wide
range of possible meaning of ahimsa. I thus the advantage of ambiguously representing
both non-injury and non-injuriousness. I. Proudfoot, Ahis and a Mahbhrata Story
(Canberra: Australian National University, 1987). Asian Studies Monographs, new series
no. 9), p. 1.
3
Indu Mala Gosh, Ahimsa Buddhist and Gandhian (Indian Bibliographies Bureau with
Balaji Enterprises, 1988), p. 17.
I.B.Horner, "Early Buddhism and the Taking of Life" (Kandy: Sri Lanka, Buddhist Publication Society, 1967). The Wheel Publication No. 104, p.3.
4
Rajendra Prasad, Varnadharma, Nishkama Karma, and Practical Morality (New Delhi:
D.K. Printworld, 1999), p. 145 and p. 150 shows the appeal of secularism in a way that does
not exclude the religious but which contrasts with fundamentalism.
6
Key terms here are 'Stick-in-Hand' (daapni) -- nickname of pretentious fellow who
walks with a gold cane and questions Buddha; brahmin' -- in Buddhist (NOT Hindu) useage,
'true brahmin' one who follows the Buddhist path; 'obsessions' (papaca) -- cravings, also
conceptual proliferations; stopping the obsessions without remainder is enlightenment
(nibbna); sensory impingement or contact (phassa) -- important in the causal analysis of
sorts of consciousness and bondage to things of the world
10
See Akira Hirakawa, Ahimsa in Encyclopaedia of Buddhism vol 1 (2) Acala Akan.
Ed. y G.P. Malalasekera (Ceylon: Government Press, 1963).
I.B.Horner, "Early Buddhism and the Taking of Life" (Kandy: Sri Lanka, Buddhist Publication Society, 1967). The Wheel Publication No. 104, p. 2.
11
12
Luis O. Gomez, "Nonviolence and the Self in Early Buddhism" in Kenneth Kraft (ed.),
Inner Peace, World Peace (Albany: SUNY Press, 1992), p. 45. Gomez continues to say:
In many cases, abstention was regarded as ethically equivalent to involvement, and the
practice of nonviolence was motivated as much by an ideal of self-realization as by an ideal
of cosmic healing.
We also found that the close connection between self-cultivation and nonviolence, an
essential feature of early Buddhism, raises important questions about the role of the self. As
a ritual symbol, nonviolence serves as a mechanism for constructing or maintaining a self51
Frank J. Hoffman
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Richard M. Swiderski, "Giving Up the Struggle: The Rise of Ahimsa in the Lives of the
Warlike" in S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989), p. 121.
17
I.B. Horner, Early Buddhism and the Taking of Life (Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 1967). The Wheel Publication Series # 104, p. 3.
18
Richard M. Swiderski, "Giving Up the Struggle: The Rise of Ahimsa in the Lives of the
Warlike" in S. Narayan (ed.), Buddhism and World Peace (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1989).
19
G. SundaraRamaiah, K. Ravi, and SDA JogaRao, Buddhism and Peace: an Interdisciplinary Study, Essays in Honour of His Holiness the Dalai Lama (Visakhapatnam: Andhra
University, 1991).
20
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Susanne Mrozik
meditational and philosophical goal of seeing clearly, that is, of seeing reality as it is to the
social justice goal of alleviating suffering caused by discrimination. Scholarship on Buddhism in the US still focuses a disproportionate attention on white converts to Buddhism.
But in addition to the long history of Asian and Asian American Buddhists in the US, dating
back to the 19th century, there is also a more recent history of convert Buddhists of color,
including African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans. Again and again we read in
their publications that Buddhism speaks to them in part because it offers tools to alleviate
the suffering caused by discrimination (e.g., essays in Baldoquin 2004: Unno in Gregory
and Mrozik 2008; Willis 2001) for these socially engaged Buddhists, the Buddhist goal of
ending suffering includes ending the suffering caused by racial, class, and/ or gender discrimination.
I turn now to a second soial justice activist. Her name Hilda Ryumon Gutierrez Baldoquin.Baldoquin, who was born in Cuba of African and Spanish heritage, and who moved
later with her family to the US is a Soto Zen priest and social justice activist. Like hooks,
she uses Buddhist meditation and philosophy to lessen our attachment to labels and identities that serve as a basis for oppression. For example, she writes:
In my experience, systems of oppression necessitate notions of identity, and consequently,
our habitual attachment to this notion perpetuates oppression. It is the nature of oppression
to obscure the limitless essence, the vastness of who we are that the nature of our mind is
luminous, like a clear pool reflecting a cloudless sky (Baldoquin 2004, 181 182)
Our attachment to notions of identity both those we construct for ourselves and those we
project onto others - divide living beings into mutually exclusive and antagonistic categories
of victim and perpetrator. This generates further suffering and obscures the true nature of
our reality, that is, our condition of interdependence. It also obscures the vastness of who
we are, by which Baldoquin means our capacity for liberation, that is, our capacity for unbounded wisdom and compassion.
Coming from historically disadvantaged communities in the US, Baldoquin and hooks are
especially concerned about attachment to the identity of victim. In other words, they are
concerned about internalized racism and sexism, among other possible internalized negative
identities. Indeed hooks argues that [in] a culture of domination, preoccupation with victimhood and identity is inevitable (hooks 1996, 288). A culture of domination like ours
says to people: There is nothing in you that is of value; everything of value is outside you
and must be acquired (1996,291). She speaks of women and African Americans, who in
spite of great professional success, still feel a deep-seated sense of unworthiness that is potentially more life-threatening than structures of domination (hooks 1996, 290-291).
How do we let go of our deep-seated habitual attachment to notions of identity, whatever
they might be for each of us individually? Not surprisingly, hooks and Baldoquin turn to
meditation, especially mindfulness meditation (Baldoquin 2004, 183-184). Indeed, hooks
argues that meditation is the starting point for all individual and communal transformation:
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Susanne Mrozik
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and
the
stopping
of
suffer-
Works cited
Devi Mahasweta (introduced and translated by GayatriChakarvortySpivak), 1994, Imaginary Maps, Routledge
Gregory, Peter N., and Susanne Mrozik, eds., 2008, Women Practicing Buddhism: American Experiences, Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications.
Baldoquin,HildaRyumon Gutierrez, 2004, Dont Waste Time in Dharma Color, and Culture:New Voices in Western Buddhism, ed. Baldoquin,Berkley : Parallax Press.
Hallisey, Charles,1998, Buddhism, Evil & Suffering, ed. Jacob Neusner, Cleveland,OH:
the Pilgrim Press
hooks, bell,1996, Contemplation and Transformation in Buddhist Women on the Edge:
Contemporary Perspective from theWestern Frontier, ed. Marianne Dresser, Berkeley:
North Atlantic Books.
---,2000, All About Love: New Visions: New York: William Morrow.
Hallisey, Charles,1998, Buddhism, Evil & Suffering, ed. Jacob Neusner, Cleveland ,OH:
the Pilgrim Press
hooks, bell,1996, Contemplation and Transformation in Buddhist Women on the Edge:
Contemporary Perspective from theWestern Frontier, ed.Marianne Dresser, Berkeley:
North Atlantic Books.
Kasimow, Harold John P. Keenan,and Linda Klepinger Keenan, eds.,2003, Beside Still Waters: Jews, Chistians,and the Way of theBuddha Somerville ,MA: Wisdom Publications.
Mrozik, Susanne,2008, What does Buddhist Practice Mean to American Women?, in Peter
N. Gregory and Susanne Mrozik,eds., Women Practicing Buddhism: Americn Experiences,
Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications.
Peck, M. Scott, 1978, The Road Less Travelled: A New Psychlogy of Love: Traditional Values and Spiritual Growth, NewYork:Touchstone.
Seager, Richard Hughes, 2012, Buddhism in America, 2nd ed.., New York: Columbia University Press.
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Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, 2005, Scattered Speculations on the Subaltern and the Popular in Postcolonial Studies 8:4:475-476.
Willis, Janice Dean, 2008 (reprint of 2001), Dreamng Me: Black, Baptist and Buddhist: One
Womans Spiritual Journey, Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications.
End Notes
1. The paper was originally presented at the 4th Bi-annual International Conference of
Sri Lanka Association for Buddhist Studies, at the Sri Lanka International Buddhist
Academy, Pallekele,Kandy, Sri Lanka, December 11, 2010. I am grateful to the USSri Lanka Fulbright Commission for making my participation in that conference possible, as well as for supporting me through a longer period of research in Sri Lanka.
2. There are many publications on Buddhism in the US. Readers may wish to consult
Kasimow, et al 2003 and Seager 2012
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not lost. Schmithausen says that early Buddhist tradition does not ascribe to nature an inherent value, neither in life as such, nor in species or eco-system. The issue is not preserving,
restricting, transforming or subjugating nature but only for liberation (vimutti) for all constituents of the existence.6 Even the soteriological orientation of early Buddhism cannot be
constructed to have a positive ecological consequence in such a way that a person who has
attained nibbna or motivated by karu or mettis to act on behalf of other sentient beings.7
The eco-ethicists perceive that a viable Buddhist environmental ethics should be evaluated
in reference to Buddhist ethics. The interest and concerns of religion and ecology should be
closely interlinked. E.F.Shumaker says that the Buddha recommends a reverent and nonviolent attitude to all sentient beings and plants. In his book Small is beautiful, he advocates a
non-exploitative Buddhist lifestyle of simplicity, non-violent and moderate consumption.8
The eco-contextualists speaks about Buddhist environmentalism out of particular contexts
and situations. The protests of Buddhist monks and civilians against deforestation and installation of cable cars on the revered southern mountains of Chian Mai province of Thailand could be examples of it. Donald K.Swearer says that,
This ongoing narratives that connect myth and history, past and present,humans and
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2.
3.
Towards engaged Buddhism and Buddhist approach to deep and shallow ecology.
In the present paper the first two domains will be covered in its broader spectrum.
SIJBS Volume 3
of nature and the world considered as dynamic though they lead to disintegration. (lujjatiti
loko),17 While discussing Morality and Nature she reiterates Buddhist doctrines that the
natural process is affected by the morals of humanity as exemplified in Aggaa and CakkavattisihandaSutta of the DghaNikya. Both sutta-s narrate that lobha is the main cause
for decline of human civilization.18 With further reference to Siglovdasutta, KaranyamettaSutta, NandivislaJtaka she feels that humans survive on natural resources but their consumption must be accompanied by moral restraint and the doctrines of true kamma and rebirth which make for a sympathetic attitude of mind in people towards nature.19
Stephen Batchelor in his essay The sand of the Ganges Notes Towards a Buddhist Ecological Philosophy relates human existence as one of many forms of life existing in the universe and among them birth as a human being is seen as an exceptional opportunity. The
unwanted and unwarranted greed lead to deterioration of the universe and only teachings of
the Buddha can revive the lost vision of wholeness of the universe to save it from the brink
of disaster.26 The healing process starts with putting his own life in order by avoiding
lobha and moha.20 In another essay of his The Buddhist Economics Rediscovered he puts
forward economic terms and values that depend upon non-duality in such a way that the
separation between agent, act and object become conceptual on the basis of uat . the
resultant economics here is to take into account the Buddhist acceptance of reality as
acentric which means no one can monopolize in comparison to another.21 Martine
Batchelor asserts that ecological gleaning is possible from Buddhist texts and finds that
Buddhism throughout the ages has been indifferent to any attempt to bestow human life with
a flamboyance and high standard of material life. The aim of the Buddha was to expound
the true way of life in this mundane world in the midst of relationships in the human cycle.22
Padmasiri de Silva is another prominent scholar who supports the view that ecological facets can be found in Buddhist canonical texts and traces Buddhist doctrines which are ecologically meaningful.23 He says that Buddhism is able to look into the mirror of nature without attachment, and with a mind of equanimity one can discover the most profound truth in
this mirror and can be blessed to feel the nature of transience in the very rhythm of nature, in
the falling of flowers, the decay of leaves and the change of seasons. It is significant because it reveals an attachment as well as a deep sentiment towards nature. 24 Buddhism takes
lobha, dosa and moha as the root of acquisitive, destructive and confused life style. The
wanton greed get expression in diffused life orientation bound in sensuality and hedonism in
reference of kmatah. The lobha also manifests in limitless demand and desire bound to
bhavetah, a destructive and violent attitude to oneself, others and natural world. It finds
expression in the form of hatred, which exhibits sometimes in the self- annihilation instinct
or vibhavatah.. The unimaginative pattern of consumption leads to the cycle of desires
and disaster. The psychological root of such disaster and recovery are very much imbibed in
the tenets of Buddhism.25
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Payutto says that Buddhist world view of mutual trust and co-operation can be an alternative
to western dualism and materialism which he feels responsible for many forms of global imperils.37 Christopher Ives tries to solve the controversy over use of paiccasamuppda by
Buddhist environmentalists. Ives illustrates that when a common environmental concern
like identification with nature is explained in terms of paiccasamuppda, one succumbs to
certain rhetorical pitfalls.38 Rita M. Gross uses Buddhist texts to solve the issues such as
population, consumption and environment. She argues that Buddhist religion does not encourage reproduction and restraint of population growth as well as unacceptability of slavery and abuse. She also praises the Buddha for preaching majjhimapaipad as it moderates
the level of consumption.39 Ken Jones in his essay The social Face of Buddhism says that
Buddhist virtues are a matter of character and its importance is on the cultivation of a personality which cannot but be moral, rather than focusing on the morality of particular acts
and choices.40 Allans idea is that the western environmentalism has conceived the notion
of the individual as autonomous but Buddhist virtues reflect a notion of self in dynamic and
developmental mode. Buddhist ethics and soteriology requires a significant integrity or
coherence of personal identity, yet that identity or individuality of the self is seen as a dynamic karmic continuity rather than an essential ontological substantiality. The environmentalism in Buddhism is based in relationship with other species and is framed by understanding of personal identity which is fundamentally trans-human. Buddhism has traditionally molded the problems of inter-species relationship in a quite different manner and as a
result traditional Buddhist environmentalism should be judged in a different manner from its
counterpart in the west. Buddhism locates the humans in profound interrelationship with
other sentient existing and ultimately with the eco-sphere. It has been imbedded in the doctrine of ahimsa or in sunyavda which could be learnt as examples of non-dualism that entails compassionate activity towards all other beings. It argues that all things are seen as
empty or intrinsic existence, all things could be inter-related and the only possible course of
action becomes real that seeks to compassionately sustain all existence.41 All these scholars
have firm belief that for the cultivation of eco-ethics Buddhist texts and traditions could directly be instrumental and the tenets of the Buddha envisaged formation of such ethics to
actualize the goodwill for nature and society.
Anti-thesis and Counter Arguments:The main spokesman for this school is Ian Harris who questions the presence of environmentalism in Buddhism and says that methodologically Buddhism lacks evidence to sustain
an environmental ethics. He mentions that Buddhism might be sympathetic to animals but
their chief motive could be different. It has no defined environmental ethics and more or
less concerned with dukkha that overwhelmed every aspect of life and the ultimate zeal of
Buddhist doctrines is to attain nibbna. In Buddhism there is no conformity between nature
and man and it has no doctrinal or historical basis for environmental ethics In the Buddhist
metaphysical assumptions the life is a reality about the conditioned existence, suffering and
constant rebirth which differs radically from contemporary metaphysical assumptions dealing with ecology and makes it difficult to evolve an environmental ethics based on Buddhist
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Anand Singh
world view. Harris is extremely critical of Joanna Macy and other scholars of similar approach and blames them for superimposing the teleological principles from process theology
on eco-Buddhism. He says that Macys conclusion leads to anachronism in her treatment of
early Buddhist Indic sources.43 He also criticizes David Kalupahana for his understanding of
nature which interpretation implies all conditioned things are subject to paiccasamuppda
and will prelude to human life as a segment of world process.
Kalupahana includes human
44
beings but Harris keeps human beings out of nature. Harris says that the Buddha expressed
mett towards animals but mett was seen as a method to calm down these dangerous animals.45 Ian Harris contemplates that concern for the welfare of the animals is not a specific
domain of Buddhism but a larger ethics of civility. The sympathetic attitude for animals is
compatible with Buddhism but does not arise from its core ethics. The wilds are praised in
Buddhist texts and traditions not for its intrinsic value but for its role to facilitate the monastic life. The contemporary eco-ethics does easily set with Buddhist world view of
nirvanicatelogy. The absence of concern for the future of samsara due to over emphasis on
liberation from it and impermanence render the world a domain devoid of such attributes
and obviate the need to justify concerns for the natural world.46
Clippard explains the word atelogy because Harris argues that Buddhism does not possess
teleology that makes it difficult by justifying particular entities that do not participate in the
process of nibbna. Clippard found this interpretation of nibbna problematic and thinks
the atelogy is a compromise between him and Harris.47 Lambert Smithausen also argues
that it is difficult to find an indisputable environmentalism in early Buddhism due to contradictory view regarding nature. He interprets two dimensions of nature which is not directly
linked to human population and the other in direct relation with human beings including
plants and cattle resources. He investigates both these dimensions in early Buddhist Indic
sources with special reference to sentiency of plants in early Buddhist texts.48 In his monumental work the Principle of Sentiency of Plants in Buddhism, he finds that Vedic literature
shows some sort of sentiency in plants and seeds and indicates that everything in the universe has some level of consciousness but the early Pli texts
tradition.
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was given to animals but it is not common and some kind of sympathy could also be drawn
towards animals. The unfair treatment depicted in literary sources is mainly because of contemporary literary conventions.53. Malcolm David Eikel has also been critical to environmental ethics in Buddhism and says that Buddhism does not show any subjective view
about acting for the sake of nature.54
However, the opinion set afloat by Harris does not seem to be appropriate because in early
Buddhist texts especially in the gtha literature abundance of sources are found which praise
wildlife and forests. The wilderness is praised because of their attributes not for their role in
monastic development. The relationship between human and animals in Buddhism could be
widely regarded as an important example of resources management and insufficient attention has been paid to such positive functional features of the Buddhist animal complex in
relationship to the costs of ecologically viable alternatives. In Buddhism, the exploitation of
cattle resources proceeds in such a way as not to impair the survival and well being of animal population. In Buddhism the relationship between the human and animal population is
symbiotic rather than competitive. The principles of tikoiparisuddha and condemnation of
the Vedic yahana-s clearly give the sustainable approach of the Buddha and under new
techno-environmental conditions such ideas should be considered to diffuse the modern ecological crisis. The concept of ahis in its traditional context accounts for a reluctance to
kill and eat meat and the Buddhas view of eco-system provided, in principle and in fact, for
adaptive and efficient utilization of cattle power and products. The concept of ahimsand
protection of animal is functionally interrelated with the traditional ecological system and its
parts are certainly interwoven into a complex texture which cannot be changed as long as
traditional eco-system remains functional. It is not possible for a culture to exist and perpetuate itself with a dysfunctional ecosystem. The exponents are concerned with present
day world because the modern ecological crisis emerged in current decades but this eco system reflects a millennium or more of massive culture contact, including conquest and the
forcible imposition of alien principles of socio-politicl and economic organization as well as
the more subtle infiltration of alien values and alternatives. But if we analyze the classical
Buddhist eco system, the socio-economic practices as they once were they were beyond the
contemporary trauma and dislocation. The concepts of irrational Buddhist eco system is
vague or culture bound. The most of argued relationships within Buddhist ecology are unrecognized, frequently evaded or rejected by `those who propound that Buddhist environmentalism is not possible.
End Notes
1.
2.
Gustafson,James M.A. A Sense of Divine:: The Natural Environment From a theocratic Perspective, 1994 pp.:77-110
3.
4.
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Anand Singh
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Swearer, Donald K. Principles & Poetry, Places and Stories: The Resources of Buddhist
Ecology, 2001, pp225-247
10.
11.
Harris, Ian, 1994, pp46-59 (Tenzin Gyatso, His Holiness the 14 Dalai Lama, A Tibetan Buddhist Perspective on Spirit in Nature, in Rochoteller Steven C. & John C. Elder (ed.) Spirit
& nature-Why the environment is a Religious Issue, Boston, (Becon Press, 1992, pp. 109123)
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
De Silva, Lily, the Hill Where My soul Delights, in Buddhism and Ecology, 1994,
p.17
17.
18.
Ibid. 1994,pp19-21 (Lily de Silva cites Aguttara Nikya which mentions Mount
Sineru which has depth of 184000 leagues and emerges above the sea level up to
84000 leagues. It was a classical symbol of stability and steadfastness but was destroyed by heat without leaving even ashes at a time when multiple suns shine..
A.iV, 100
19.
20.
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21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Ibid 1998,26
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
Payutto, p.A., Khon Thai Kap Pa (Thais and Forest(, 1994, pp.22-24
36.
Swearer Donald K, The Hermeneutics pf Buddhist Ecology in Contemporary Thailand, Buddhadasa&Dhammapitaka, 1997,pp21-44
37.
38.
39.
Ives Christofer, In searchof Green Dharma: Philosophical Issues in Buddhist Environmental Ethics, 2008, pp23-44
40.
Gross, Rita M. Buddhist Resources for Issues of Population, Consumption & the Environment, 1997, pp.291-312
41.
Jones, Ken, The Social Face of Buddhism, An approach to Political & Social Activitism, 1989, p.157
42.
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Anand Singh
43.
44.
45.
46.
Harris, Ian, How Environmental is Buddhism? 1991, p.10746 Harris, Ian, Ecological
Buddhism, 2003, pp..1711-181
47.
Clippard, S.D.op.cit.2011
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
Deleanu, Florin, Buddhist Ethologyin Pali canon Between Symbol & Observation,
2000.pp.79-127
54.
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provides a more detailed account on what he meant by the term eudaimonia.4 It is crucial,
thus, to understand the key technical terms in Aristotles Ethics: Eudaimonia and arte,
which are also vital for this study. Eudaimonia is often translated as happiness but it could
easily give a misleading impression as the English term happiness suggests a feeling of one
kind or another.5 But Aristotle clearly says that his eudaimonia does not contain any such
feeling at all. He states that eudaimonia is accomplishing ones full potential and is just not
a matter of feeling although this itself would be very satisfying (x, 7, 1177a11). It is very
much to do with what one has made of oneself and ones life. According to Aristotle the
concept of eudaimonia is connected with living well or doing well (l,4,1095a 19). Taking such notions into consideration Hughe translates eudaimonia as fulfilled life or
fulfillment and the adjective eudaimonia as fulfilledand believes that even this interpretation may not be fully immune to misrepresentations. To overcome such drawbacks he uses
a range of terms such as happiness, fulfillment, or human flourishing depending upon
the respective context when translating eudaimonia.6
The present study too identifies the difficulty of translating eudaimonia with a single English term as it encapsulates a range of meanings as stated by Hughe. To overcome any
drawback that may occur in this regard the present study uses the original Greek term in
transliteration. A similar approach is taken with regard to the term arte which again encompasses a range of connotations from virtue, excellence, skill, to being good at
Nicomachean ethics begins with the objective of life and proceeds to discuss moral goodness, responsibility, moral and intellectual virtues among other topics.7 Apparently, the
aim of aristotles lectures and discussions was to provide good moral theory and moral training to his students who could be potential politicians. Yet, he constantly refers to both ordinary people ane cultured people. He views eudaimonia as the highest of all practical goods,
but is aware that opinions as to what it (eudaimonia) consists of may differ according to individual circumstances (l.iv,1095a09-b13).
Aristotle considers that the knowledge of Good (agathas) is of great importance in conducting our lives. (l1094a1-22) and is of the opinion that the science that studies supreme good
for man is politics (l.ii,1094a22-b10). He further states that the students of politics must
have some general knowledge and experience of life and continues to state that a good student of political science must be conversant with the practical business of life, from which
politics draw its premises and subject-matter (l.iii,1094b11-1095a2). The end is no doubt
eudaimonia but the views on it may differ according to individual and circumstances
(l.iv.1095a-28).8 For instance, while some may consider wealth as eudaimonia, for some it
could be honour or intelligence. Thus many people link eudaimonia, with material or abstract things which bring them good fortune and happiness.9 Aristotle mentions that if anyone wants to make a serious study of fine and just things(ethics) or of political science
generally, he must be well trained in habits (l.iv.1095a29-b13). He further says that one
who is well trained in habits can easily grasp the moral virtues and if one is neither in possession of them already nor has any possibility to possess them should at least be prepared
73
to listen to wise men (l.iv.1095a29.b13) The emphasis here is rather on training the intellectual sphere that deals with the respective virtues which is vital for smooth functioning of
a society. With regard to life, Aristotle recognizes three tupes, of which the highest he
seems to consider as the contemplative life (x.vii.1177a5-25).11 Thus Aristotle puts more
weight upon the practical activity of the mind which may ultimately lead to correct and just
decisions.
In his discourse on what is good for man he states that it must be an ultimate end or the aim
of human life i.e. something self-sufficient. He continues that eudaimonia fits such descriptions since people choose it for its own sake an it is not instrumental for something else(l.
vii. 1097a15-b2). On the contrary material items such as wealth or abstract things as honour, pleasure, intelligence and good qualities are chosen partly for themselves and partly for
ones eudaimonia (happiness) (l.vii.1097b2). Aristotle connects eudaimonia with the virtuous activity of the soul, and the function of the good man is to perform virtuous activities
well and rightly. Aristotle links what is good for man with intellectual virtue (l.vii.1097b221098a27; l,xii, 1102a17). Thus it is with moral goodness combined with some kind of study
or learning something divine and blissful one may acquire eudaimonia. All other goods are
necessary pre-conditions of eudaimonia or naturally contribute to it and are instrumental in
reaching it (l.ix.1099a32.1100a9).
Aristotle continues that arte (virtue) must be one of the three interconnected modifications
found in the soul: feelings, faculties and dispositions (ll.v,1105b24=26).12 By coupling virtues with the soul he is coating them with some metaphysical feature and is of the view that
one receives commendations or blame based on ones virtues and vices (II.V,1105b26-20).
Thus it is vital to distinguish between them. Aristotle in this regard focuses on the sphere of
actions and feelings, in which he considers the mean condition as the virtue as opposed to
the vices which are the excess and deficiency of a particular sphere of action or feeling
(1107a28-1108b9).13 Accordingly each sphere is, thus, vital in identifying the virtue without
falling into its vices and it is such training he aims at through his teaching. The following
chart contains a few spheres of actions and feelings that affect most individuals throughout
their lives along with theiur respective virtues and vices according to Arostotles teachings
(ll.vii,1107b18-20).
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Means
Pleasure and
pain
Licentiousness(akolasia)
T e m p e r e n c e Insensibility(anaisthia)
(Sphrosun)
Anger
Irascibility (orgilots)
Self-expression
Boastfulness(alazoneia)
T r u t h f u l n e s s Understatement (eironeia)
(alethia)
Social conduct
Obsequiousness
Flattery
Deficiency
(kalakeia)
Shame
Shyness (kataplxis)
M o d e s t y Shamelessness(anaischuntio)
(aidas)
element and who are intended to be the rulers of the society and partly at forming a better
Having discussed moral teachings in Aristotles Nicomachean ethics our study now requires a similar focus on morality/ethics in Buddhist teachings16 where it forms a central
part. These teachings can be grouped under four headings. 1) epistemology or theory of
knowledge, ii) a theory of the universe and the world,iii) a theory of morality iv) a theory of
ultimate reality called Nibbna. The first two groups form the background to the moral and
spiritual enhancement of the individual and it finally leads to achieve the goal of Buddhism,
Nibbna, which is also hard to explain in one word.
The Buddha instructs his followers17 to control their five senses as a preliminary procedure
towards achieving success in their lives.18 This could be considered as the first step towards
practicing good moral virtues. Five precepts are directed towards this end and it reminds
devotees what evil/vicious things one must avoid in the course of controlling their physical
and verbal activities.19 Accordingly abstinence from taking life (pntipt), abstinence
from taking what is not given (adinndn) abstinence from unethical/unacceptable sexual
conduct (kmesumicchcr), abstinence from deception and uttering empathy words
(musvd veramani) and abstinence from taking alcohol which is the cause of sloth and
violence (surmeraya majjapamdan veramani) can only be done through ones awareness of the benefits of such conduct to one self and to the others.20 One requires some wisdom and intellgencein order to open up ones mind to welcome such noble perception. Such
a moral training may open the path towards Buddhist sile principles which may help one to
purify ones physical an verbal activities and to become a brahmachariya (one with noble
disposition)21 It is only at such a state that one would be able to improve his mind in order
to reach the ultimate goal of Buddhism Nibbna. A society consisting of such people is
certainly a noble human society. This sla principle blended with altruism is taken a step
further by incorporating it with the notion of reciprocity between ones duty and obligations
towards the others as stated in the Siglovda sutta.22
The necessity for one to be moral arises from the theory of dependent origination,
(paiccasamuppda) which highlights that everything depends upon everything else.23 In
fact, this is based on the doctrine of egolessness (anatta) that prompts altruistic actions.
This doctrine of interdependence nullifies the existence of a separate soul or individual since
independence is impossible in a world where everything is interconnected.24 Buddhism,
therefore, in the process of instructing its followers to practice good moral virtues promotes
altruism, by encouraging one to understand oneself as part of a larger whole and not as a
separate person.25 This interdependence and interrelatedness in turn promotes ones responsibility for the rest of the universe in the same way the rest of the universe is responsible for
that self. This theory emphasizes the need for ones good behavior and loving kindness to
all beings(sabbe satt) A central theme in Buddhist ethics is that one should treat others
exactly the same way one treats oneself (attna upama katv)26 The dichotomy between
egoism and altruism breaks down again when Buddha repeatedly emphasizes the necessity
of otherregarding virtues for ones development as a person, both on a social and spiritual level, where progress is impossible without cultivating other-regarding virtues.27
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Another reason for moral and social commitment originates from the Buddhist theory of rebirth. According to this theory, we have been navigating in sasra for immeasurable periods and and during these periods we have been relating ourselves to an infinite number of
beings.28 The hypothesis or belief prompts us to practice social virtues as it imposes a kind
of moral obligation to help others.29
Making individuals responsible for their actions is also part of the theory of kusala and akusala kamma (good and bad actions) which will generate respective results.30 In defining
good actions which take one on the path to Nibbna, Buddhism identifies three characteristics of Nibbna, the absence of great (alobha), absence of hatred (adosa) and the absence of
ignorance (amoha). Any physical, vocal or mental action leading towqrds these three characteristics is termed good while any action that opposes these three is termed bad.31 For an
action to be moal absolutely, it needs to be conditioned by spiritual awareness or wisdom.
Nonetheless, Buddhism condemns bad actions and the evil doer based on two points.
Firstly, such actions may harm the doer/agent as he may lose in the present existence as well
as in the subsequent births. Secondly, they may lead to social imbalance.32 This is because
Buddhism considers that morality or ethics is not a theory of commands but is an implication that follows from the nature of things as they are (yathbhta). Morality follows from
the nature of the reality itself. And morality benefits both the doer/agent as well as the others. Morality has positive effects for all beings and it has power to generate salvation, liberation or enlightenment. Buddhism considers morality as a universal medium of communication and as a way of obtaining power. Parbhava sutta (the discourse on the causes of
loss) explains the utilitarian feature of morality that leads one to win or succeed while immorality (adhamma) leads one to fail.33 The Buddha also refers to common motives for immoralities and their destructive results.33 Thus, one is responsible for ones actions and their
consequences whether good/bad.
The element of anti-authoritarian thinking in Buddhism also promotes ones own speculative contemplation that may lead to wisdom. In the Klama sutta an individual is asked to
give up action that he himself considers bad/unwholesome (akusala) and to accept and follow the actions he himself thinks are good and wholesome (kusala).35 But the correct identification of actions require a good moral and spiritual training for which a series of instructions are required as a guidance and it is provided by Dhamma, which the Buddha himself
regarded and respected as his own teacher.36 Meditation connects spiritual with sensory faculty as extrasensory powers could be attained through practicing meditational exercises and
Nibbna is rated as the highest extra sensory power one may acquire through such exercise.
The final but the most sublime reason for practicing morality is that through moral behaviour one derives a spiritual happiness which is all pervasive and unrelated to any object.37
The most central moral virtues in Buddhism are love (mett),, compassion (karu), sympathetic joy (mudit), and equanimity (upekkh).38 and he clearly states that in order to attain
Nibbna or the eternal happiness the practice of the sublime virtues must be incorporated
77
with wisdom with which could be acquired through following the noble eightfold path
(ariya ahagika magga)40
A correct vision (samm dihi) of phenomenal things is considered the first step in a long
journey towards Nibbna41 and it is also essential to lead a good life and to distinguish good
from evil in order to avoid evil.42
All good moral virtues are directed towards acquiring eternal happiness which is not connected with worldly pleasures which are unsatisfactory (unva hutvna jahanti deha,
kmehi lokamhi na hi atthi titti43) but towards spiritual happiness that comes through improved wisdom. This unsatifaction, according to Buddhism, is due to dukkha (suffering). It
is through eliminating the dukkha, that one may be able to acquire eternal happiness the
goal of Buddhism, Nibbna, which itself is a supreme moral condition achieved via wisdom.
The achievement of life according to Buddhism is to use ones life as a means to reduce the
number of re-births in sasra (the phenomenal cycle of existence) which is prone to suffering (dukkha).44 The path he found to navigate sasra consists of two aspects, namely
morality and wisdom. It is the insight (pa into worldly reality that frees one from samsra because it is ignorance (moha) that binds one to it45 The correct vision or samm dihi
helps one to have correct/right perception (samm sakapp) and correct/right awareness
(samm sati) which in turn guide one to a correct attempt towards a right way of living
(samm vayma)46 But this practice of wisdom must essentially be combined with the practice of morality, because the nature of Nibbna, or the ultimate reality, is moral. The practice of morality, therefore, is a cultivation of Nibbanic features which will direct one towards Nibbna, because the nature of Nibbna is moral perfection. In other words, the
practice of morality leads to permanent happiness. It is the mental realm of the individual
that is addressed in the process of cultivating morality and directing one towards supreme
happiness, or the summum bonum of Buddhist morality, Nibbna. The doctrine of kamma is
a metaphysical doctrine, it is rather a psychological principle or a law based on the law of
causation as applied to a series of mental events.47 This very well accommodates the necessity of spiritual work meditation, which leads to wisdom as opposed to physical work
which can also be performed by animals. Last, but not least, it must be noted that Buddhist
ethics are fused with sla (morality), samdhi (meditation), and pa (wisdom) which
when put together form a wide arena of individual actions.48
Having briefly discussed Aristotles and Buddhist concepts of virtues/moralities we now
come to the comparative part of the discussion. It is evident from the above discussion that
both teachings emphasize the value of good morality and their utilitarian trait not just to the
agent but also to others. Aristotles view regarding how the others may benefit from ones
good moral conduct could be understood through implication as his instructions are directed
mostly to potential politicians, whose virtuous conduct would certainly benefit the general
public. By stating that a good politician must be well versed in social matters and good
moral practices he is expanding his theory from egoism to altruism. When he stresses upon
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the spiritual enhancement of the soul and intellectual virtues he is once again focusing on
the individual. Similarly Buddhism develops the altruistic view point and it constantly alternates between altruism and egotism when making one responsible for ones actions and with
regard to acquiring wisdom.
moral virtue
moral virtue
Egotism
altruism
Egotism
altruism
wisdom
wisdom
In both teachings mere practice of morality is considered insufficient and it needs to incorporate wisdom to achieve the respective targets, eudaimonia and Nibbna. Both could be
understood to a certain extent as the ultimate happiness or spiritual happiness well away
from worldly pleasures. But since the Aristotilian view point does not give space to a concept of re-birth his eudaimonia does not contain a salvific feature. This is the main distinction between these two teachings. As mentioned above Buddhist teachings are concerned
about freeing oneself from the phenomenal cycle of births and good morality helps one in
this process and if this is coupled with wisdom it enables one to attain Nibbna. Notably,
both the Aristotelian teachings and Buddhist teachings are aware of the association between
the contemplative life and the active life in achieving their respective goals.
The process of both teachings is to move from the known to the unknown and expect a gradual improvement in virtues or morality first towards the betterment of self and then to that of
the society as a wider whole. But since the process essentially requires wisdom it flashes
back towards the individual with a superior motive of intellectual development. Since Aristotilian teachings are not conditioned with a religious flavor it lacks some of the deep insights Buddhism presents to its devotees in the process of practising morality and in explaining its consequences. Aristotles Ethics is directed towards a group of intelligent youths who
would be assigned responsibilities in society and the instructions are to help them only in
their present existence whereas the very nature of Buddhist ethics, coated with a religious
perspective, help its followers irrespective of social status, gender or age to succeed in their
present and in all their subsequent existences until they attain Nibbna.
End Notes
1. Norman, R.,Moral Philosophers: an introduction to Ethics, 2nd ed. Oxford University
Press, Oxford and New York, 1998, P.27. This is reflected in the disorderly manner the
sections of the volumes (categorized into ten Books) are arranged without giving the entire
79
corpus a coherent flow. Also cf. D.S. Hutchinson, Ethics in J.Barns ed. The Cambridge
Companion to Aristotle, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York 1995,
p.197.
2. Pli: Nibbna, Sanskrit:Nirvna: Sinhala: Nirva. Ven.l. Dhammalankara
3. Hughes, G.J.,Aristotles Ethics, Routledge,
p.13;D.S.Hutchinson, 1995, pp.199.200.
London
and
New
York,
2001,
4. This section may either confuse or clarify his idea depending upon the manner one
chooses to solve a few key issues in interpreting the term eudaimonia.
5. Hughes, 2001,p.22.
6. Hughes, 2001, p.22. Also see D.J.Soccio, Archetypes of Wisdom: an introduction to Philosophy, sixth ed. Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont, 2007, p.185.
7. The entire corpus contains ten Books and these themes cover the first four and the sixth,
Books.1.Bywater,Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea, Clarendon Press, London, 1979;
H.Tredennick revised with notes and appendices & introduction and bibliography by
J.Barnes, The Ethics of Aristotle, the Nicomachean ethics tr. By J.A.K.Thompson, Penguin
Books, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London, New York, Ontario and Victoria, 1976.
8. Hutchinson, 1995, pp.202-203
9. Ibid, 1995, pp.198-200
10. Also see ibid, 1995p.203
11. Also see ibid, 1995 p.204-207.
12. Feelings are all conditions attended by pleasure or pain. Dispositions are conditions in
virtue of which we are well or ill disposed in respect of the feelings concerned.
13. Norman, 1949, pp35-36; D.Ross, Aristotle, fifth revised ed., Methuen and Co. Ltd, London, 1949, pp.202-208.
14. Hardie, W.F.R.,Aristotles Ethical Theory, 2nd ed., Oxford University Press, Oxford and
New York, 1980, pp.129, p151
15. Hardie, 1980,pp.152-159
16. The Buddhist teachings are classified as Dhamma the truth.
17. Many young men became followers of Buddhism founded by the Buddha as a youth himself, and it was presented to the world as a religion that is relevant to lives of the youth.
Buddhism is a mere guide to intelligent and anxious youth who begin to involve themselves in social responsibilites (ven. M. Paloka (type Sinhala font) Sadeepa publishers, Colombo,2001, p. 33-34). But this does not mean that Buddhism neglected the relig-
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ion which highlights the outcome of good and bad deeds from the contemporary society in
Buddhist India as illustrations in the course of instructing its followers (ibid pp. 38-39).
18. Ven. Paloka, 2001,pp.36-37.
19. Also see, Ven.A. Rahula, (Sinhala font), 1993Ratna Publishers, Colombo, 1963, pp.147165.
20. Narasu, P.L., The Essence of Buddhism, 1993, Asian Educational services, New Delhi and
Madras,pp.39-55.
21. Rahula, 2001 pp.38-39;also see Tacibana, The Ethics of Buddhism,, the Buddha Sahitya
sabha, Colombo,1943, pp. 43-43.
22. Saddhatissa, H.,Buddhist Ethics,: Essence of Buddhism, George Allen and Unwin Ltd.,
London, 1970, pp.118-119. 136 and 142; also see P.de Silva, Buddhism, Ethics and Society: The Conflicts and Dilemmas of our time, Monash University Press, Victoria, 2002,
p122.
23. Dharmasiri G.,Fundamentals of Buddhist Ethics, revised and 3rd extended ed., Singapore1998,p.17
24. Also see Mahasi Sayadaw, A Discourse on Dependent Origination tr. By U Ayi Maung,
Buddhadhamma Foundation, Bangkok, 1999.
25. The ordinary unenlightened person is, in Buddhist terminology, called puthujjana (puthu=
separate; jana people)
26. Dharmasiri, 1998,p.23.
27. Ibid, 1998,p.23
28. Edirisinghe, T.H.,tr. of What Buddhists Believe by Ven. K. Sri Dhammananda, Samayawardhana Publishers, Colombo, 1992, pp. 113-119.
29. Dharmasiri, 1998, p.27.Also we must note that the Buddha uses the term outcaste (vasala)
to those who are immoral and the Sutta (the discourse on the outcaste) explains that one
becomes an outcaste not by birth (according to brahmanical doctrines) but by doing immoral action (Sutta Nipta, D.Anderson and H. Smith, eds. Pali Text Society, new ed.,
Luzac and co., London, 1965, pp.21-22). Mangala Sutta also discusses the basic positive
virtues (Sutta Nipta (PTS new ed.) pp.45-47)
30. Premasiri,P.D., Introduction to Ethics in Buddhism in Studies in Buddhist Philosophy
and Religion and Religion, collected papers of Prof. P.D. Premasiri, ed.by Ven. S. Pemaratana and ven. R. Padmasiri, Buddha Dhamma Mandala Society, Singapore,2006,
p.10.11.
31. Dharmasiri, 1998,p.29
32. Ibid, 1998, p.38
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through Arab intermediaries. The Arabs were now to perform the functions earlier performed by the Persians, Alexandrians and Greeks which had brought together the ideas of
East and West.One could give examples during the time of the Enlightenment which
brought Europe out of its stagnation.
Thus theco-discoverer of the calculus, Leibnitz, Needham noted was probably influenced by
the time moments concept of Buddhists khannavda incorporated in the concept of Leibnitz's "Monadology" which perceives the world as consisting of unextended atomic pointinstants. The scientific Revolution accompanying the Enlightenment challenged received
Christian dogma. Newton's ideas were now to influence the economic and political ideas of
his time through Locke and David Hume. They created a climate of skepticism that challenged the given order and ultimately led to the Enlightenment. Several commentators have
pointed to the surprising and detailed similarities between the thought of David Hume and
of the Buddha. These commentators included such scholars as Moorthy, Whitehead and de
la Vallee Poussin , especially in relation to the idea of the self. Jacobson summarised that in
both Buddhism and Humes viewpoints separated by over 2,000 years, there is no thinker
but the thoughts, no perceiver but the perceptions, no craver but the cravings..... The similarity ...... is striking .This coincidence as recent research suggests was no accident but
probably due to transmission of Buddhist ideas from Thailand. These initial parallelisms and
influences were increased in the coming centuries.
Partly as a result of translations, many of the more accurate ones being through the Royal
Asiatic Society in Sri Lanka and its lay and monk associates, several 19thcentury philosophical figures were attracted to South Asian ideas. Schopenhauer had identified the central tenets of his philosophy as expressly common with Buddhism, partly one should add due to a
gross misunderstanding of the Buddhist concept dukkha, often translated wrongly as
suffering. Nietzsche was attracted to Buddhism in his later period because of his relationship with Schopenhauer. Many other German literary and artistic figures of the 19thand
early 20th centuries were also influenced by Buddhism. They included Richard Wagner,
Eduard Grisebach, Josef Viktor Widmann, Ferdinand von Hornstein, Max Vogrich, Karl
Ghellerup, Fritz Mauthner, Hanz Much, Herman Hesse and Adolf Vogel.
Americans in turn had begun to discover Asian thought in the 18thcentury but this expanded
significantly in the 19thcentury. Ralph Waldo Emerson was one such important figure who
was to declare, in exaggerated fulsome The East is grand and makes Europe appear the
land of trifles. Other admirers included Thoreau, Alcott and Parker. Arnolds best-selling
book The Light of Asia, the Theosophist Movement and the World Parliament of Religions in 1892 were some key events in an eventful century of bringing non Western ideas
westwards. The World Parliament of Religions was meant to be a celebration of Western
civilization and its religions, but it introduced perhaps for the first time in the Western
sphere, South Asian thought to a large Western gathering especially Buddhist thought
through Anagarika Dharmapala.
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Colonel Olcott and Madame Helena Petrova together had established the Theosophical Society in New York in 1875 with the objective of studying "ancient and modern religions,
philosophies and sciences". The movement was a curious mixture of the occult and a search
for serious knowledge and attracted many influential persons such as Thomas Edison. After
Olcott and Blavatsky had personally taken up abode for some time in South Asia, they also
helped inspire the local population of the worth of their past intellectual heritage, although,
because of the Theosophist interest in the occult, not always in what we would call a scientific direction. In fact Olcott in his later years was to be denounced in Sri Lanka as distorting
the real message of Buddhism.
By the end of the 19thcentury exchanges had now intensified. It was observed by Dale
Riepe, for example that there was Buddhist influences on William James, Charles A. Moore,
Santayana, Emerson, and Irving Babbitt and these influences helped enlarge the debates in
America on philosophy especially on perspectives in epistemology, psychology and on the
self .
As we entered the 20thcentury these contacts continued and expanded. This interest in Eastern inspired thought would sometimes lead to the creation of a background for important
scientific discoveries. There are thus traces of Eastern philosophical influences and parallels
in the realm of modern physics for example in the preparation of the background for Einstein's theories through the philosophical ideas of Ernst Mach and Hume both having almost
identical views with Buddhism on the nature of the self. These were two of the few philosophers which Einstein read before his Special Relativity paper. Einstein gave Mach credit for
significant influences on his own thinking especially in the development of Spacial Relativity. He also wanted his General Relativity to conform to Machs ideas.
Mach himself had an attraction to South Asian literature and science, including its mathematics. Some of his friends were Buddhists like Paul Carus and Theodor Beer. Paul Carus
was strongly influenced by Buddhism and his viewpoint which he called Monism was
closely related to the philosophical positions of Ernst Mach. Ernst also contributed to Paul
Carus journals The Open Court and The Monist. Although Mach did not write extensively
on Buddhism, in 1913 in an autobiographical fragment he wrote tellingly:
I can scarcely confess how happy I felt, on thus becoming free from every tormenting, foolish notion of personal immortality, and seeing myself introduced into the
understanding of Buddhism, a good fortune which the European is rarely able to
share.
Although Einstein, the physicist was influenced by Mach the philosopher, Einstein himself
in his own later philosophical musings after his main discoveries were essentially over, rejected adherence to what he called "Mach-Buddhist reductionism.
The example of Ernst Mach brings us almost to the threshold of the present. In the last four
decades South Asian intellectual interactions with the West has increased.
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Buddhism in America today has found many homes and many voices. Several writers have
drawn attention to the effect of Buddhism on American culture, including for example on its
post-World War 2 poetry. The reform and protest movements associated with the 1950s
Beat Generation and the 1960's counter culture had several threads that owe itself to Buddhism. This international flow of Buddhist ideas has had many effects down to some subject matter in medical and psychology faculties in Western campuses
A Search for New Psychologies
Many explorations had begun to nibble away in the 1960s at the received wisdom of Western psychology. Buddhism generally posits that in most people, there is a distortion of perception which however, can be changed by techniques such as meditation. Several Western
researchers have, now supported these claims that cognition can be enhanced by meditation,
mindfulness training is a cornerstone in such efforts.
The initial studies done on the general topic of meditation was by Dr Herbert Benson and
his colleagues at Harvard. The results of these and other related studies were published in
the most orthodox of scientific journals. Initially they were done on Transcendental Meditation TM and later on Buddhist meditators. The direct Theravada connection is seen in the
case of Vippasana influenced psychology.
A new mode of perception, experimental observations indicate occur after Vippasana which
among other qualities, are more animated, sensuous, and vivid and syncretic. It results in
new experiences beyond the everyday ones and results in new perceptual activities hitherto
blocked or ignored.Daniel Goleman a near household name in US psychology today and
whose first book was on Theravada, published in Kandy- observes that meditation results in
a flow experience. This is characterized by a merging of action and awareness. It also is accompanied by increased attention to a limited stimulus field blocking out others, a heightened awareness of body states and their function, and clarity as regards cues from the environment and how to respond to it. Meditation leads, therefore, to a sharpening of perception
and to selectively responding to the really important stimuli from the environment.Clearly,
the meditators had a physiologically healthier response.
One of the earlier figures like Daniel Golemanto ferry in Sri Lanka Theravda ideas directly
into post World War 2 psychotherapy was the British psychiatrist R.D.Laing, who imbibed
it especially through his interactions with the late Godwin Samararathne. In the late sixties,
Laing influenced a significant number of his colleagues. He began as a Freudian, but
through several stages, came to a mixture that combined Buddhism with existentionalism.
Mikulas has pointed out the many commonalities between Buddhism and behavior modification. These are a focus on the "here and now" and a derived "ahistorical" attitude; emphasis on the perception of reality as it is without distortion. He argued for greater integration of
Buddhist practices in behavior modification packages. He considers Buddhist literature as a
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storehouse of information for psychology. De Silva discussed the parallels between this
Buddhist tradition and modern behavioral techniques such as in thought stopping, modeling
and in behavior modification for treatment of obesity and stimulus control. He finds resemblance between the Western and the Buddhist, in both concepts and practices.
Jon Kabat-Zinn, the director of the Stress Reduction Clinic at the University of Massachusetts Medical Center has successfully used mindfulness meditation to help patients suffering
stress related disorders, including chronic pain. He gets each of his patients to become the
scientist if his or her own body and mind", getting to know themselves. On the basis of randomized trials, these techniques have yielded both physical and psychological symptom reduction that persists over time. Dr. Dean Ornish of Harvard University who developed the
only system that has been scientifically proved to reverse heart disease and has been given
high publicity. A significant part of the Ornish system is in the use of meditative type exercises straight out of standard Theravada practice.
By the nineties, sufficient scholarly data as well as clinical experience had been gathered to
make some broad statements about the inflow of Buddhist methodology into Western psychological practice. Recognizing this, regular reviews of the current situation has appeared
since the 1970s every decade or so in the professional Western psychological literature. By
the 90s, millions of Americans had tried meditation. It had infiltrated the culture and had
become incorporated in many lives. It had entered as an important tool in medicine, education, psychology and personal development. And, many of the different techniques of 'mind
technology' had become in certain medical areas near mainstream, if not mainstream.
Hundreds of research findings on the topic have been published. Almost every week, one
researcher has noted, one sees reports in this burgeoning new field. This figure is many
times more than those published on most psycho-therapies. The published research covers a
wide variety of topics and includes physiological, psychological and chemical factors.In a
consensus report released in 1984, the National Institute of Health (NIH) of the US recommended meditation (together with changes in diet) above prescription drugs as a first treatment for low level hypertension.
Colonial anthropology
Buddhism deals with human behaviour some of which have been demonstrated at the laboratory level. But in search of the primitive the West created anthropology. After the 1960s
and 1970s in other parts of the world the anthropology enterprise was denounced as a hand
maiden of colonialism with the social function of keeping the locals at bay by considering
them as inferior. However recently Sri Lanka has witnessed a rise of a colonial anthropology based on the false idea of the alleged flow of Protestant ideas and cultural influences on
the theory and practice of contemporary Sinhalese Buddhism. This idea of Protestant Buddhism and its alleged subsequent transformation was originated by Obeyesekera (1970,
1988). This theme has been accepted as true by many others and has led to a chain of cita88
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tions in the international literature legitimizing its validity (thus Bond 1988, Brow1996, Holt
1991, Kapferer 1988, Kapferer 1991, Malalgoda 1976, Mcgowan, 1992, Prothero, 1996,
Roberts 1994, Spencer 1990, Stirrat 1992).
A careful examination of the evidence given by Obeyesekere for Protestant influences as
well as of the contextual knowledge of these alleged transformations (for example in other
studies on the period including on key actors like Dharmapala, Olcott etc) find that the examples of alleged Protestantism is open to debate. I have pointed this out in a book
(Susantha Goonatilake, Anthropologizing Sri Lanka: A Civilizational Misadventure Indiana
University Press, 2001).
On the contrary, the flow of ideas from Sri Lanka to the West beginning with such journals
like The Open Court and the Monist were more influential than the alleged flow of Protestant ideas and these Buddhist ideas had echoes not only in Western philosophy, but also in
modern science and psychology. In fact, we have seen that these Buddhist derived psychologies have more acceptance and empirical validity in the West than the now somewhat
discounted Freudian approaches that Obeysekera has used on his Sinhalese subject matter.
A cornerstone of the Protestant Buddhism thesis was that the Buddhist revival was largely
an externally driven one, brought about by the Protestant ideas of the Theosophists, especially of Olcott. But, these alleged Protestants Olcott and Blavatsky were irrational mystics opposed to Protestantism. The principal villains and targets of the Protestant Buddhism
thesis are monks in the manner Edmund Perry pointed out in his Forward to an American
translated edition of Rahulas book, Heritage of the Bhikkhu, as a conspiracy to convert the
Buddhist monk from public leader to disengaged recluse.
An assertive global thrust not a one dependent on Protestants is seen in the caliber of the
monk scholars who preceded the arrival in the country of Olcott. Letters written by many of
the leading translators and writers of books on South Asia and Buddhism, such as Childers,
Fausboll, Rhys Davids, Oldenberg, Rost, Muller, Minayeff, Hardy, Warren, Geiger, Lanman, Sir Edwin Arnold and Paul Carus brought together in a volume by Guruge indicate the
extent to which these writers were dependent for their work on these Sinhalese monks and
their intellectual heritage. Summarizing the nature of this debt, Viggo Fausboell, the great
Danish Pali scholar said in a letter: We, Europeans, must, of course, stand in need of such
help as we are so far from the living fountains of Buddhism and so scantily furnished with
materials. The partial correspondence with these monks in Guruges book come to over
450 pages indicating the richness of this East-West exchange of scholarly views .These
monks had within them several of the characteristics of Western Renaissance men and subscribed to a very broad meaning of learning. As Guruge comments where the Western
scholars expected religious conservatism and narrow mindedness, they were confronted
with an amazing width of vision and an unbelievably refreshing liberality. As Copper, the
English editor who reported on the Panadura debates noted, Some of the Buddhist priests
are thoroughly versed in the works of modern scientists .
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This Renaissance mood driven by a local cultural logic is seen in the initial relationship with
Obeysekeras Protestants. When the journal of the Theosophists began in 1879, Olcott
invited Mohotivatte and Hikkaduwe to contribute to it. So Sinhalese in fact had begun
reaching out to the world, using Olcott as a channel, before he reached Sri Lanka, the reverse of Theosophist influence on Buddhism. Olcotts correspondence from New York with
Ven Piyaratana Tissa is very revealing about the power relationship that he set up before he
went to Sri Lanka - it was that of student to a guru, not of Protestant missionary. To put
these anthropology writings in the correct perspective one has to only give one more example namely that of Bruce Kapferer whose writing in this field arer based on four books on
the Sinhalese and his methodology is revealed when one realises that ultimately his entire
distortion of Sinhalese culture is built on just three Sinhalese who believed in exorcism!
Let me summarize and contexualisze.
The connections the local intelligentsia made with intellectual circles in the West led to
translations and dissemination of Buddhist material. Journals like The Open Court and The
Monist provided platforms for such East-West dialogues. It helped in inputs to western philosophical discussions on the self and on the act of observation. These had reverberation not
only in Western philosophy but also in modern physics.Decades later these Buddhist inputs
occurred in the behavioral sciences, Buddhist mind technology having direct and indirect
effects on aspects of modern psychology and medicine.
And even a key father figure of (debatable) anthropology, Malinowski, is now known to being influenced by Ernst Mach with his connections to Buddhist influenced circles.It should
be noted in parentheses that Freud, is not given an official therapeutic position in the US
while vipassana meditation is.
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designing the body and the mind. One could in fact even design a whole sociology based on
Buddhist epistemologies to replace the biased ones existing at present. I have attempted
some of these in publications elsewhere (a brief summary attached) but due to space reasons
will not summarise them except to indicate that only our imagination and self-confidence
limits our joint possibilities.
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The Monier Williams Sanskrit - English dictionary has mentioned that la una is one of the
ten kinds of onion. Therefore, it is clear that the Sanskrit word la una is not used to identify other onions and it is used only for garlic. But in Sinhala language, the word l u is in
common usage for all kinds of onion and there are few adjectives which come before the
word l u and those help to recognize what kind of onion is meant. As examples, garlic is
called sudul u because the skin of its pod is white in colour and so are its cloves. Red onion is called ratul u due to the red skin and the onion that is imported from Bombay is
called Bombai l u.
The first usage of p li word lasuna in the Vinaya Pi aka can be found in the P cittiyap
li of the Bhikkhun Vibha gha. Apart from this, it can be found in the Khuddhakavatthukkhandhaka of the Cullavaggap li and also the Apad nap li and the Vim navatthup
li of the Khuddakha Nik ya use the word lasuna with a similar meaning. It is clear that
the word lasuna which is included in the P li Vinaya Pi aka was used only for garlic and
two facts can be found to prove it.
01. The P cittiyap li mentions that it exist as bundles (bha ika)
02. The Cullavaggap li mentions that it causes a bad aroma from the mouth after
having garlic
It is a well-known thing that garlic and red onion exist as bundles. But a bundle of garlic has
more cloves than a bundle of red onion. The Encyclopaedia of Britannica says that it could
include twenty (20) cloves in a well grown pod of garlic. The Samantap s dik (Vinaya
hakath ) takes the word bha ika as an adjective and introduces a new word for garlic.
That is bha ikalasu a. The A hakath mentions that those contain not only one or two
cloves, but those have more cloves. The T k doesnt care for the word bha ikalasu a
and tries to give another word for garlic. That is ga hika lasu a. The word gan hika
lasu a is used because it has more cloves. In Sanskrit language, the word ugraga dha is
used as a similar word for garlic because of its bad aroma.
The P cittiyap li says that lasuna originated in the Magadha region in India. Therefore the
Samantap s dik has called the word M gadhaka lasu a also for garlic.
The Apatti Desan of the P cittiyap li introduces the other four kinds of onion as well.
Those are;
01. Pala uka - it is yellow coloured and has only one pod
02. Bha janaka - it is red coloured and has two pods.
03. C palasu a - it has only a root, not a pod and it may refer to leeks.
04. Haritaka - it is a green coloured onion.
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Iromi Ariyaratne
In accordance with this context, there arises a problem regarding the usage of the word
lasuna. It has been clearly mentioned in the above explanation that the word lasuna, la una
and l san are used systematically in the P li, Sanskrit and Hindi languages. But in post
canonical literature an attempt is seen to use the word lasu a to denote all kinds of onion.
Specially, the Samantap s dik has used the word bha ikalasu a while the Vinaya
k has used the word ga iakalasu a for garlic. And also, in the Apad na hakath , the
word rattalasu a is used for bha janaka (red onion). The commentator Buddhagosa has
recorded in the Samantap s dik that he has taken some ideas to describe the lasu a
sikkh pada from A hakath s of the Mah paccar and the Kurund . Therefore, there is a
possibility to say that the word lasu a has been used to mean all kinds of onion in the A
hakath era. In the same A hakath , it is pointed out again that the garlic was born in the
Magadha region. Although all other onions can be grown in Sri Lanka, the garlic is not
grown. Then it is clear that the word lasu a has been used for all onions in Sri Lanka. But
the An pattidesan of P cittiyap li has included the word C palasuna. It is clear that
the An pattidesan also was prepared by Tipi aka editors when it was written. However,
after the examination of the Pi aka, the A hakath and the k carefully, it can be
pointed out that Buddhist Bhikkhu-s and Bhikkhun -s were prevented from eating the garlic
only among other onions.
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cure illnesses such as diabetes, heart ailments, and blood pressure. Apart from these, it is
also considered as an aphrodisiac medicine in the Ayurvedic method.
04. Rules and regulations related to partaking of garlic in Indian society during the Buddhist
era
It has has been identified that the rama a tradition which originated in religious ideas
existing among tribal societies before the arrival of the ryans ( ry gamana). Scholars
say that the Br hma a tradition was established by the ryans who migrated to India with
new religious ideas. There is no doubt that the natives who laid the foundation for the
rama a tradition represented the An rya society partook of garlic as a popular food. There
is an important piece of evidence in the Apad nap li in the Khuddaka Nik ya to prove
that the ascetics who led a wandering life partook of garlic as a popular food. In accordance
with the record, Lasu ad yaka who was one of the disciples of the Gotama Buddha was
an ascetic in the time of the Vipassi Buddha. At that time, he had gone to the dwelling place
of the Sa gha with a pingo full of garlic and offered it to the Sa gha. As a result of that
meritorious deed he had a birth in heaven for an eon (Kappa). The Apad na hakath has
presented two opposing ideas for the meaning of the word Lasu a.
01. The commentator, who begins the lasu ad yakathera hakath says that the
onion brought by him was garlic and he offered it to the mah sagha for medical purposes.
But the Khuddaka Nik ya doesnt mention that he offered garlic to Bhikkh -s for medical
purposes. Therefore, it is clear that the commentator has tried to justify the partaking of garlic by Mah sa gha according to the Vinaya rules.
02. The commentator has tried to explain that the onion that was brought by the ascetic was red onion (Lasu a upajvmti rattalasu a ropetv tadeva gocara
katv jvika kappemti attho.). In this case, it is important to know that the Vinaya Pi aka
and the Samantap s dik use the word bha janaka to identify only the red onion. And
also, the A hakath doesnt take the word bha janaka as a synonym for ratta lasu a.
Thus, it can be decided that the commentator has attempted to comment on the Lasu ad
yaka in order not to contradict the Vinaya rules established by the Buddha. But, the commentator has not paid attention to the fact that the story included in the Ther pad na is
related according to the order of the Buddha, Vipassi. As a result of the unnecessary attempt
of the commentator, another problem has arisen. That is, which kind of onion has been offered to the Mah sa gha by the ascetic, Lasunad yaka? However, there is a possibility to
decide this issue in that he brought garlic because there is a common agreement that the
Sutta Pi aka is more credible than the post canonical texts.
Besides, it can be clearly proved that members of the Ubhatosa gha has partaken of garlic
till the Buddha established certain Vinaya rules. The Ka jikad yik Vim navatthu of the
Vim navatthu mentions that as the fruit of offering a congee containing garlic, cloves and
long pepper, ka jikad yik who was a Buddhist female lay devotee was born as an angel.
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Iromi Ariyaratne
According to the Vim navatthua hakath , she is the wife of a physician who had treated
the Buddha when the Buddha was staying in the Andhakavinda forest. He was suffering
from a stomach ache and in the meantime Venerable nanda had got that congee as a medicine from her while he was seeking alms. Therefore, the P li literary sources have proved
that Buddhist monks led by the Buddha who represented the Sama a tradition have taken
garlic as a food and a medicine.
The Br hma a rules regarding partaking garlic are more different than the rama a tradition. In Accordance with Br hma a teachings, a Br hmin who gets the Upanayana
(Dvija), should not eat any kind of onion as well as garlic. The Manusm ti, the great law of
the Br hmins mentions that the first observance of a Br hmin that should be followed is to
restrain himself from eating onion (garlic, red onion and Bombay onion).
However, it can be recognized that there are two justifiable reasons to prohibit eating garlic.
01. Understanding that it disturbs the life of chastity because garlic is an aphrodisiac
medicine
02. Spreading a bad aroma from the mouth after taking garlic
Specially, Br hmins who as lay people spent a worldly life popularized the consumption of
garlic and most probably fed wives and their children on it. Therefore, it is impossible to
decide that the first reason mentioned above was an attempt to establish the Br hmin convention. However, it is important to note that the Manusm ti has prohibited eating all kinds
of onion. And also, there is no sufficient evidence to prove the second reason also. Therefore, I am arguing to prove another fact which could have happened.
Local core-value system of the Indian An rya tradition was completely rejected by the
ryans after their Indian invasion and they established their own cultural background. As a
result of the caste system of the ryans, the native tribal people of India were dispelled
from the major society. Although the An ryans were dispelled from society, ryans didnt
stop all their connections with them. There was an obligatory link between the ryans and
An ryans due to the fact that ryans expected that the An ryans should be their hirelings.
Hence, all the subordinate services and occupations of society were done by the An ryans.
Though ryans accepted their service they didnt accept the Anariyan cultural, ethical and
social patterns of their life styles as well as religious ideas. It can be concluded that all native foods which were preferred by the An ryans may also have been rejected by The
ryan society. There is sufficient evidence in the Manusm ti to affirm that garlic was a popular food of the An ryans and that the major society wished to prohibit eating it. According
to the Manusm ti, if a br hmin (dvija) eats any kinds of onion (garlic, red onion or Bombay onion), that is a course that can lead him to become a Ca d la.
Ca d la is one of the native clans that have been living in India when the ryans migrated to India. They represented the major clan among the other four clans of the lowest
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castes of the society such as Ve a, Nes da, Rathak ra, Pukkusa. According to Br
hmanic rules, if one maintains a relationship with a Ca d la, he will become an impure
person and a Ca d la. Hence, it is clear that the rule of the prohibition of partaking of garlic was established because garlic was a popular food of An ryans.
01.
The vinaya rule and amendment for the Bhikkhu-s - Cullavaggap li, KhuddakavatthukkhandhakaOnce when the Buddha was teaching the Dhamma sitting surrounded by a large assembly, a certain monk who had eaten garlic sat down at one
side, thinking that it will disturb other monks due to the bad smell of garlic he had
eaten. The Buddha saw the monk, who was sitting down at one side and addressed
him and asked Why is that monk sitting to one side? Then the Bhikkhu-s explained the reason to the Buddha. On that occasion, the Buddha explained to the
monks that they should refrain from eating any foods that would cause a disturbance to Dhamma talks. Hence, the Buddha established a Vinaya rule saying;
Garlic should not be eaten. Whoever should eat it, there is an offence of wrong-doing.
Na bhikkhave lasu a kh ditabba . Yo kh deyya patti dukka ass ti
At that time, Arahant S riputta had wind in his stomach (Udarav t b dho). Then the
Arahant Moggall na approached the venerable S riputta and asked when he had the
wind in his stomach before, and by what means did he get comfort. Venerable S riputta
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answered that taking garlic made him comfortable. The Buddha was informed of the matter
by the Bhikkhu-s. Then the Buddha amended the earlier rule by laying down another new
rule.
I allow you, monks to eat garlic in the case of illness.
Anuj n mi bhikkhave b dapaccay lasu a kh ditu
02. The rule for the Bhikkhun -s - P cittiyap li, Bhikkhun Vibha gha, Lasu a
Vagga, Pa hama Sikkh pada.
According to the Nid na story of the Sikkh pada, the Buddha had established a Vinaya
rule for bhikkhun -s saying that they should refrain from eating garlic. Once, when the Buddha was staying at the Jetavan r ma in S vatthi, a certain lay devotee wished to offer
garlic to the Bhikkhun Sa gha. Therefore, the keeper of the field was instructed by him
saying that if the bhikkhun s came, to give two or three bundles of garlic for each bhikkhun
. At that time, there was a festival in S vatthi and the garlic was used up as soon as it was
brought in. The Bhikkhun -s, having approached the lay follower, requested some garlic. He
instructed them to go and take garlic from the keeper of the field. At that moment, Bhikkhun
Thullanand had gone to the field, and, not knowing moderation, had taken away a large
quantity of garlic. The keeper of the field looked down upon, criticized and spread it about
saying how can these Bhikkhun -s, not knowing moderation take away so much garlic? The
Buddha was informed about this incident by the order of the bhikkhun -s. On that occasion,
the Buddha addressing the monks, gave a reasoned talk:
In a previous existence, the Bhikkhun Thullanand was the wife of a certain Br hmin and
there were three daughters, by name, Nand , Nandavat and Sundar nand . Then, the Br
hmin having passed away was born in the womb of a certain swan and his feathers were
made all of gold. He gave a feather one by one to them. Then, the greedy wife of the Brahmin saying that; this swan is giving us a feather one by one took hold of that swan and
plucked him. Although the feathers grew again they turned white. Then the Buddha addressed the monks saying So at that time, the Bhikkhun Thullanand lost the gold through
too much greed and now she will lose the garlic. Therefore, the Buddha advised her saying
One should be pleased with what is received, for too much greed is bad. Finally, the Buddha established a new Vinaya rule saying Whoever nun should eat garlic, there is an offence of expiation
Y pana bhikkhun lasu a kh deyya p cittiyanti
In the analysis that was put forward by the editors of the Vinaya pi aka, the above Vinaya
rule was added for further explanation. In accordance with that analysis;
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01. If she says, I will eat and accepts, there is an offence of wrong doing.
02. For every clove of garlic there is an offence of expiation.
03. If she thinks that it is garlic when it is garlic and eats, there is an offence of expiation.
04. If she is in doubt as to whether it is garlic, there is an offence of expiation.
05. If she thinks that it is not garlic when it is garlic and eats, there is an offence of expiation.
06. If she thinks that it is garlic when it is not garlic and eats, there is an offence of
wrong doing.
07. If she is in doubt as to whether it is not garlic and eats there is an offence of wrong
doing.
If she thinks that it is not garlic when it is not garlic and eats there is no offence.
There is no offence if it is Pala duka, Bha janaka, Hharitaka or C valasu a. And
also if it is in a concoction of broth, in a concoction of meat, in a concoction of oil, or if
it is in a salad or dainties is also not offence. And if she is mad also then no offence. And
also, the first person has committed it, then also no offence.
Hence in the Therav da Vinaya literature it is clearly mentioned that the garlic can
be eaten as a medicine or an additional ingredient which is mixed with other foods. But,
there is no doubt it cannot be eaten as a separate food. And also cannot be eaten if there
is the perception of garlic.
06. Conclusion
I have discussed the problem regarding the prohibition of eating garlic among the three traditions of B hma a-s, rama a-s and Buddhists. Though the Br hma a-s were against
the eating of garlic on the basis of racial deference, rama as were allowed to eat it. The
Buddhists allowed it as a medicine and as an ingredient but have taken steps to control the
overuse as it would be a reason to disturb to the Dhamma talks. But the Therav da Vinaya
tradition has not taken the aphrodisiac feature as a reason to prohibit eating garlic as well as
Br hmin tradition. But some Mah y na and Vajray na texts have tried to explain the
bodily reactions that could have happened after taking garlic. The analysis of the situation
shows the Buddhist standpoint is based on entirely different ground and in my article I attempted to point it out.
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Bibliography
Primary resources
P cittiyap li, (1993), Pali Text Society
Cullavaggap li, Cha hasag yan (CS), Version 4.0.
Khuddaka Nik ya, Apad nap li, Ku ad na Vagga, Lasu ad yakather pad na,
Cha hasag yan (CS), Version 4.0.
Khuddaka Nik ya, Vim navatthup li, (CS), Version 4.0.
Samantap s dik n ma vinaya hakath , (CS), Version 4.0.
Apad na hakat , (CS), Version 4.0.
Vim navatthua hakath , (CS), Version 4.0.
Vinayat k , (CS), Version 4.0.
Domsum Gyen, editor; Kunkhen Padmakarpo, (2005), Taipei; The corporate Body of the
Buddha Educational Foundation.
md;a;sh md,s" ,iqk j.a." nqoaO chka;s uqKh ^2006&" foysj,'
Secondary Resources
A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan languages, http://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries,
25. 10. 2010, 2. 30 p.m.
A Sanskrit- English Dictionary, Ed: Williams, Monier., (1899), Delhi; Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers.
Book of the Discipline, Expiation, Pali Text Society.
Marasinghe, M. M. J., (2009- Revised Edition), Gods in Buddhism, Nugegoda; Sarasavi
Publishes (Pvt) Ltd
The New Encyclopaedia of Britannica, Volume IV, Editor: Benton, William., (1983),
www.britannica.com, 25. 10. 2010, 10. 30 a.m.
fifkr;ak" kdf.dv wdhodi'" ^2001&" ukqiauD;sh iy udkj YsIagdpdrh" fld<U 10
weia' f.dvf.a iy ifydaorfhda'
End Notes
1.
2.
A Sanskrit- English Dictionary, Ed: Williams, Monier., (1899), Delhi; Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,
871, 899 pages.
3.
y sa ayy na lasunena attho aha lasunen ti ekek ya bhikkhuniy dve tayo bha dike
deh ti. P cittiyap li, Bhikkhun Vibha ga, (1993), Pali Text Society, P. 258.
Etena bhante bhikkhun lasuna kh yita . so m bhikkhu vy b dhiyi su ti ekamanta
nisinnoti. Cullavaggap li, (CS), Version 4.0.
4.
The New Encyclopaedia of Britannica, Volume IV, Editor: Benton, William., (1983), page 420
100
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5.
6.
Lasuna n ma m gadhaka vuccati. P cittiyap li, Bhikkhun Vibha ga, (1993), Pali Text
Society, P. 258.
7.
The P.T.S. translator has mentioned that pala uka refers to beetroots. But it is a wrong idea. Book
of the Discipline, Expiation, Pali Text Society.
8.
The Manusm ti has mentioned the word janaka for red onion. The Manusm ti, V. 5. 19
9.
fifkr;ak" kdf.dv wdhodi'" ^2001&" ukqiauD;sh iy udkj YsIagdpdrh" fld<U 10" weia'
f.dvf.a iy ifydaorfhda" 207" 209" 230" 231 msgq'
10.
The P.T.S. translator has mentioned that it is Terminalia citrine (Aralu). But it can be said the word
haritaka that has used in the P cittiyap li is not gallnut.
11.
12.
Samantap s dik n ma Vinaya hakat , dutiyabh ga, Bhikkhun vibha ghava an , The
Hev vit ra a Edition, Page 686.
13.
The Buddha Jayanti edition mentions the word C palasuna. md;a;sh md,s" ,iqk j.a." nqoaO chka;s
uqKh ^2006&" 136 msgqj'
14.
The New Encyclopaedia of Britannica, Volume IV, Editor: Benton, William., (1983), 420 P.
15.
16.
Marasinghe, M. M. J., (2009- Revised Edition), Gods in Buddhism, Nugegoda; Sarasavi Publishes
(Pvt) Ltd, Pp. 01- 40.
17.
18.
19.
So bahni lasu ni kjendya manussapatha haritv pasanno dna datv buddhappamukhassa bhikkhusa ghassa bhesajjatthya datv gacchati.Apad na hakat , (CS), Version 4.0.
20.
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Iromi Ariyaratne
Adsi ujubhtasmi [ujubhtesu (ka.)], vippasannena cetas. Khuddaka Nik ya, Vim
navatthup li, (CS), Version 4.0..
21.
Bhagav andhakavinde viharati. Tena ca samayena bhagavato kucchiya vtarogo uppajji. Bhagav yasmanta nanda mantesi gaccha tva nanda, pi ya caritv mayha bhesajjattha kajika harti. Eva bhanteti kho yasm nando bhagavato paissu itv mahrjadattiya patta gahetv attano upa hkavejjassa nivesanadvre a hsi. Ta disv vejjassa
bhariy paccuggantv vanditv patta gahetv thera pucchi kdisena vo, bhante, bhesajjena
atthoti. S kira buddhisampann bhesajjena payojane sati thero idhgacchati, na bhikkhatthanti
sallakkhesi. Kajikenti ca vutte na yida bhesajja mayha ayyassa, tath hesa bhagavato
patto, handha lokanthassa anucchavika kajika sampdemti somanassajt sajtabahumn badaraysena ygu sampdetv patta pretv tassa parivrabhvena aaca bhojana
23.
24.
Domsum Gyen, Editor; Kunkhen Padmakarpo, (2005), Taipei; The corporate Body of the Buddha
Educational Foundation.
25.
26.
P cittiyap li, Bhikkhun Vibha ga, (1993), Pali Text Society, P. 259.
27.
P cittiyap li, Bhikkhun Vibha ga, (1993), Pali Text Society, P. 259.
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leading to complete detachment would not have been appropriate for them.
(1358n1306)
Even if the difference in teachings is not arbitrary, this certainly seems to indicate that
some teachings are better suited for lay people and others may be generally withheld for the
monks exclusively. Dutt takes this to the extreme that householders were as far as possible
kept away from the deeper teachings, lest they should be frightened away from taking interest in the religion (ctd in Samuels 235). In his chapter on The Lay Life, where he makes
the statements cited above, Rahula goes on to detail primarily teachings on virtue and meritmaking, indicating that those are what are relevant for the laity (251-265). Gombrich goes
so far as to say that meditation was considered to be normally impossible for the laity, and
that much of the Buddha's teaching was given only to the Sangha (qtd. in Bluck 2). How104
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No Esoteric Buddhism .
ever, meditation was indeed taught to and recommended for the laity, and Anlayo points
out that the reply given to Anthapiika does not seem to correspond to a general pattern in the discourse collections that teachings on insight are not given to lay people, and
argues that it is rather Anthapiika himself who had not previously shown an interest in
such teachings (10-11). In general then, it is not because of any unwillingness to teach on
the part of the Buddha, but due to a lack of interest or receptivity on the side of the lay followers that certain topics are not [generally] taught to them in more detail (11).For example
we see this pattern in the Sayutta Nikya when the Buddha initially tells Dhammadinna
and the other householders to study the deep teachings, and they themselves declare such
teachings as unsuitable for them (S.V.407; 1833-1834). Nonetheless, we are confronted here
with a common perception that certain teachings were at least generally withheld from lay
people and reserved for monks.
So were there any teachings that were considered beyond the grasp or otherwise inappropriate for lay people? Is it true that much of the Buddha's teaching was given only to the
Sangha? In the MahparinibbnaSutta (DN 16), the Buddha said: I have taught the
Dhamma, nanda, making no inner and outer: the Tathgata has no teachers fist in
respect of doctrines (D.II.100; 245). In his note on this passage, Walshe calls out this
famous statement, implying that there is no esoteric teaching in Buddhism, at least as
originally taught by the Founder (568n388).In order to examine the question of whether the
Buddha withheld any teachings from lay people, we might look in this same sutta at his own
list of what have been called the original essential doctrines (Warder, 9), the thirty-seven
topics that Buddha declared, just before his final Nibbna, to the monks he had gathered for
this purpose, as
those matters which I have discovered and proclaimed [and which] should be thoroughly learnt by you, practiced, developed and cultivated. They are: The four
foundations of mindfulness, the four right efforts, the four roads to power, the five
spiritual faculties, the five mental powers, the seven factors of enlightenment, the
Noble Eightfold Path. (D.II.119-120; 253)
Elsewhere, the Buddha described this list as the things you should recite together so that
his teachings would not be lost or confused after his passing (D.III.127; 432). These are the
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Before we examine each of the seven groups, we can note that in fact the whole list
is taught to the wandererUdyin in MN 77, the MahsakuludyiSutta (M.II.1-22; 629647). However, since the sutta is delivered to a wanderer and the Buddha merely declares
of each of the topics that he has proclaimed them to his disciples, who in turn are described
as bhikkhus throughout the dialog, this only indicates that the topics are not hidden from
other wanderers, who were typically ascetics, not that the Buddha necessarily considered
them appropriate topics for householders. It is better for our purposes here if we can show
that the topics are indeed taught directly to householders and as relevant to their practice as
lay disciples.
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drivers son, is wise, he has great wisdom. If he had sat a while longer until I had expounded
for him [on another topic], he would have greatly benefited (M.I.343; 446). The Commentary indicates that this means Pessa would have attained the fruit of stream-entry had he
heard the rest of the discourse (1253n546). So clearly, neither the Buddha nor the tradition
has a problem with this lay person knowing and practicing the four foundations of mindfulness.
In another sutta, in the Sayutta Nikya, nanda goes to see the householder
Sirivaha, who is sick and has requested an audience. The following exchange ensues:
"I am not bearing up, venerable sir, I am not getting better.Strong painful
feelings are increasing in me, not subsiding, and their increase, not their subsiding,
is to be discerned."
"Well then, householder, you should train thus: 'I will dwell contemplating
the body in the body, ardent, clearly comprehending,mindful, having removed covetousness and displeasurein regard to the world. I will dwell contemplating feelings
infeelings . . . mind in mind . . . phenomena in phenomena, ardent,clearly comprehending, mindful, having removed covetousness and displeasure in regard to the
world.' It is in such a way that you should train."
"Venerable sir, as to these four establishments of mindfulness taught by the
Blessed One-these things exist in me, and I live in conformity with those things. I
dwell, venerable sir, contemplatingthe body in the body . . . feelings in feelings . . .
mind in mind. . . phenomena in phenomena, ardent, clearly comprehending,mindful,
having removed covetousness and displeasure in regardto the world. And as to these
five lower fetters taught by theBlessed One, I do not see any of these unabandoned in
myself."
"It is a gain for you, householder! It is well gained by you,householder! You
have declared, householder, the fruit of non-returning."
(S.V.177; 1654-1655)
Here we do have one of the Buddhas foremost disciples directly attempting to teach a lay
person the foundations of mindfulness, only to discover that they are already known and
practiced by this householder. Again, there is no surprise or displeasure or any suggestion
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of irregularity in the householders having this knowledge. The next sutta in the text is in
fact the same except the householders name is given as Mnadinna (S.V.178; 1655).
2. The Four Right Efforts
From the discussion with Udyin mentioned above, we get the following exposition,
which serves as a nice, condensed definition of the topic:
Again, Udyin, I have proclaimed to my disciples the way to develop the four right
kinds of striving. Here a bhikkhu awakens zeal for the non-arising of unarisen evil
unwholesome states, and he makes effort, arouses energy, exerts his mind, and
strives. He awakens zeal for the abandoning of arisen evil unwholesome states . . .
He awakens zeal for the arising of unarisen wholesome states . . .He awakens zeal
for the continuance, non-disappearance, strengthening, increase, and fulfillment by
development of arisen wholesome states, and he makes effort, arouses energy, exerts
his mind, and strives. And thereby many disciples of mine abide having reached the
consummation and perfection of direct knowledge. (M.II.11; 636-637)
However, as noted above, it is better if we can find another source beyond the discourse
with Udyin, such that we can see the Efforts being taught as something to be practised by
the laity as well. Indeed, while they are not named as such, the same kinds of effort or striving are clearly the topic in a sutta delivered to the householder Vajjiyamhita, in AN 10:94:
If, householder, when one strives in a particular way, unwholesome qualities increase and wholesome qualities decline, then, I say, one should not strive in such a
way. But if, when one strives in a particular way, unwholesome qualities decline
and wholesome qualities increase, then, I say, one should strive in such a
way. (A.V.192: 1469)
They may also be seen where nanda tells the Saykan Mahnma that the noble disciple
is energetic in abandoning unwholesome states and in undertaking wholesome
states (M.I.356; 462-463). It may be objected that each of these really only discusses two
of the Four Right Efforts, but I think the fourfold understanding is clearly implied. There is
not much sense in increasing wholesome qualities if they are not maintained once they have
been developed. Furthermore, as Nyanatiloka points out, the Four are also the same as the
sixth element of the Noble Eightfold Path (144), and so we may presume that, if that Path is
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taught to householders, the full range of Right Effort is also implied. See below for the Noble Eightfold Path as taught to householders.
3. The Four Roads to Power
In the Sayutta Nikya, we find an occasion where the Brahmin Ubha asks nanda about the path to abandoning desire, which nanda has told him is the purpose for
which one goes forth as a follower of the Buddha, at which point nanda describes to him
the iddhi-pda; the roads to, or bases for,spiritual power:
Here, brahmin, a bhikkhu develops the basis for spiritual power that possesses concentration due to desire and volitional formations of striving. He develops the basis
for spiritual power that possesses concentration due to energy . . . concentration due
to mind . . . concentration due to investigation and volitional formations of striving.
This, brahmin, is the path, this is the way for the abandoning of this desire. (SN.V.272; 1733)
Now, although this is clearly an example of an open policy as regards teaching these doctrines to non-monastics, it is also clear that, once again, the context here is the behavior of
monks, so it could still be asserted that the roads to power are not here taken to be appropriate for the practice of lay people. However, when Ubha objects that this teaching represents a contradiction, since it is saying that one uses desire to abandon desire, nanda gives
examples from Ubhas own behavior that very day, such as What do you think, brahmin, did you earlier have the desire, 'I will go to the park,' and after you went to the park,
did the corresponding desire subside? (SN.V.272; 1733) After showing all four kinds of
action present in Ubhas own behavior, nanda says that It is exactly the same, brahmin, with a bhikkhu (SN.V.273; 1733). Therefore, we can say at least that, even if it is
not assumed that a lay person could achieve the same results as a dedicated bhikkhu, one
could certainly begin the training in the practice of developing these roads to power as a lay
person.
4. The Five Spiritual Faculties
In the Aguttara Nikya we find three suttas with the following identical passage,
although two are directed to Mahnma and one to Nandiya, who are both described as
Sakyans, meaning members of the Buddhas family clan, and each of whom approaches
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the Buddha asking for advice as to how they should dwell amidst all of their various engagements as lay people, to which the Buddha replies:
Good, good, Mahnma! It is fitting for you clansmen to approach the
Tathgata and ask: Bhante, with all our various engagements, how should we
dwell?
Mahnma, a person with faith succeeds, not one without faith. An energetic person succeeds, not one who is lazy. One with mindfulness established succeeds, not one who is muddle-minded. One who is concentrated succeeds, not one
who is unconcentrated. One who is wise succeeds, not one who is unwise. Having
established yourself in these five qualities, you should further develop six things.
(A.V.329; 1565)
Although not named as such here, faith, energy, mindfulness, concentration, and wisdom are
indeed the Five Spiritual Faculties. In the first presentation of this exchange, the Buddha
then directs Mahnma to recollect the Tathgata, the Dhamma, the Sagha, his own virtuous behavior, his own generosity, and the deities. For each of these, such recollection is
said to allow one to be called a noble disciple who dwells in balance amid an unbalanced
population, who dwells unafflicted amid an afflicted population one who has entered the
stream of the Dhamma (A.V.329-332; 1565-1568) The discussion after the repeated dialogue in the secondsutta directed to Mahnma includes the advice to develop these recollections while walking, standing, sitting, and lying down. while engaged in work and
while living at home in a house full of children. (A.V.333-334; 1568) These passages are
particularly nice for our theme here in that they not only show the Buddha teaching these
spiritual topics to lay followers but also stressing the results for them in the context of their
lay lives. The laity can appreciate and develop the Spiritual Faculties and reap fruit of that
development even within the context of householder life.
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Nyanatiloka and Karunaratna say that the Powers are distinguishable from the Faculties in
being unshakable by their opposites (36; 511)3, thereby representing a further stage of development. As both comprise an example of this identity and a teaching to a non-bhikkhu,
let us return to the presentation to Udyin we mentioned above:
Again, Udyin, I have proclaimed to my disciples the way to develop the
five spiritual faculties. Here a bhikkhu develops the faculty of faith, which leads to
peace, leads to enlightenment. He develops the faculty of energy . . . the faculty of
mindfulness . . . the faculty of concentration . . . the faculty of wisdom, which leads to
peace, leads to enlightenment. And thereby many disciples of mine abide having
reached the consummation and perfection of direct knowledge.
Again, Udyin, I have proclaimed to my disciples the way to develop the five
powers. Here a bhikkhu develops the power of faith, which leads to peace, leads to
enlightenment. He develops the power of energy . . . the power of mindfulness . . . the
power of concentration . . . the power of wisdom, which leads to peace, leads to
enlightenment. And thereby many disciples of mine abide having reached the consummation and perfection of direct knowledge. (M.II.11-12; 637)
I have not identified any suttas that explicitly teach the Powers as opposed to the Faculties
to the laity, but given their at least near identity, I would not take this to be any sign that
anything was being deliberately withheld from the laity.At the very least, we have in the
above example the distinction being made for one who is not himself a bhikkhu.
6. The Seven Factors of Enlightenment
Kelly identifiesseveralsuttas where the Seven Factors are mentioned to lay people
(53, 65). In one, the bhikkhuni from Kajagla is asked by a number of lay followers to
explain A question about one, a concise statement about one, an explanation of one, repeated up to ten. The bhikkhuni gives them a statement about something in each number
where each category, properly understood or practiced or developed, leads to an end of suffering in this very life:
[When a bhikkhu has a mind completely well developed in seven things, completely
sees their delimitations, and completely breaks through their meaning, in this very
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life he makes an end of suffering.] What seven things? The seven factors of enlightenment What eight things? The noble eightfold path (A.V.57; 1378)
The Buddha himself shows up at the end of the sutta to say that he would have answered
just as the bhikkhuni did (A.V.58-59; 1379). However, this discourse is clearly about the
practice of bhikkhus, and what the Seven Factors themselves are is not taught to the lay people here.
In the Bojjhagasayutta of the Sayutta Nikya, Kelly identifies two of the suttas
as directed to lay people. In one the Buddha is found teaching Prince Abhaya all seven of
the Factors as the causes of knowledge and vision, but once again the discourse is given in
terms of a bhikkhus practice e.g. Here, prince, a bhikkhu develops the enlightenment
factor of mindfulness However, at the end of the discourse, the prince exclaims Surely
they are factors of enlightenment! One who possesses even a single factor of enlightenment would know and see things as the really are, not to speak of one who possesses the
seven factors of enlightenment. I have made the breakthrough to the Dhamma (S.V.128;
1616-1617). Bodhi points out in a note that this last declaration indicates the princes attainment of stream-entry (1913n114).
In the other example from the Bojjhagasayutta, the Buddha describes the Seven
Factors to the brahminSagrava, to whom he tells:
These seven factors of enlightenment, brahmin, are nonobstructions, nonhindrances,
noncorruptions of the mind; when developed and cultivated they lead to the realization
of the fruit of true knowledge and liberation. What seven? The enlightenment factor of
mindfulness is a nonobstruction . . . The enlightenment
factor of equanimity is a nonobstruction. . . . These sevenfactors of enlightenment are
nonobstructions, nonhindrances,noncorruptions of the mind; when developed and cultivated they lead to the realization of the fruit of true knowledge and liberation. (S.V.126; 1615)
Here we find no indication that these states need be limited to the practice of bhikkhus, and
indeed throughout this sutta, the Buddha uses the phrase one dwells as opposed to the often used a bhikkhu dwells when describing various forms of practice (S 46:55 passim;
1611-1615).
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dha. However, it is not difficult to find examples of the other main doctrines as taught to
the laity as well.
For example, the Buddha teaches Soa the householders son, to understand each
of the the Five Aggregates (material form, feeling, perception, volitional formations, and
consciousness) in terms of the Three Marks (impermanence, non-self, and suffering) in the
following manner:
"What do you think, Soa, is form permanent or impermanent?"- "Impermanent, venerable sir." - "Is what is impermanent suffering or happiness?" - "Suffering, venerable
sir." - "Is what is impermanent, suffering, and subject to change fit to be regarded thus:
'This is mine, this I am, this is my self'?" - "No,venerable sir." (S.III.49; 888)
After going over each of the Five Aggregates in this manner, the Buddha declares that
"Seeing thus, Soa, the instructed noble disciple experiences revulsion towards form,
revulsion towards feeling, revulsiontowards perception, revulsion towards volitional
formations,revulsion towards consciousness. Experiencing revulsion, he becomes dispassionate. Through dispassion [his mind] is liberated.When it is liberated there comes
the knowledge: 'It's liberated.'He understands: 'Destroyed is birth, the holy life has been
lived,what had to be done has been done, there is no more for this state of being. (S.III.50; 888)
Here we have an example not only of these doctrines being taught to a householder, but a
declaration that a noble disciple, which includes anyone who practices correctly, not necessarily a bhikkhu or bhikkhuni, can achieve liberation through the understanding of these
principles. In the very next sutta, the Buddha also reviews for Soa each of the Five Aggregates in terms of the pattern of the Four Noble Truths, for example, one must understand
form, its origin, its cessation, and the way leading to its cessation (S.III.50; 889).
The Four Noble Truths and Dependent Origination are even more directly represented in the
Buddhas teachings to a householder in the following example:
When he knew that the householder Uplis mind was ready, receptive,free from hindrances, elated, and confident, he expoundedto him the teaching special to the Buddhas:
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suffering, its origin,its cessation, and the path. Just as a clean cloth with all
marks re-
moved would take dye evenly, so too, while the householderUpli sat there, the spotless
immaculate vision of the Dhammaarose in him: "All that is subject to arising is subject
to cessation."Then the householder Uplisaw the Dhamma, attained the Dhamma, understood the Dhamma, fathomed the Dhamma;he crossed beyond doubt, did away with
perplexity, gainedintrepidity, and became independent of others in the Teacher's Dispensation. Then he said to the Blessed One: "Now, venerable sir, we must go. We are
busy and have much to do." (M.I.379-380; 485)
Note that here we have the householder Upli, upon learning and understanding these teachings, attaining to stream-entry and yet remaining busy with his householder duties. In addition, we may also note that the reference to the path being expounded above is another
example of the Eightfold Path being taught for a householder.
I have shown that all thirty-seven elements of the bodhipakkhiya-dhammwere taught to and
for lay people. And I have suggested with some further examples that any other doctrine
that could be taken as central to the teachings of the Buddha can also be found to be expounded to lay people in the Pli Nikyas. Given the evidence presented here, I think it
would be hard to maintain that the early Buddhist position really was that any teachings
were to be withheld from the laity as inappropriate for their consumption or beyond their
ability to practice.
End Notes
1
References to canonical texts will be given with a single-letter abbreviation followed by the PTS
volume (where appropriate) and page number(s), followed after a semicolon by the page number(s)
in the translation used. For editions and abbreviations, see the bibliography. Where I give two-letter
identifiers (also indicated in the bibliography) for the Nikya instead of the single-letter, the identifier is followed by a sutta number instead of a page reference. So, for example, D.II.180; 461 refers to the PTS edition, Volume II, page 180 of the Dgha Nikya, found on page 461 of the translation, and DN 31 refers to the thirty-first sutta of the Dgha Nikya. Note that the numbering of
suttas in the Sayutta and Aguttara Nikyas are not consistent between editions. Here I use the
numbering as in the editions prepared by Bodhi and listed in the bibliography.
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2
I must note here my indebtedness to Kelly for the ease of conducting the survey of topics that follows. His appendix contains a comprehensive listing of suttas delivered to lay people with short
summaries of each, which made locating occasions where the topics were taught much easier than if
I had to search all the texts myself! (39-71)
3
Karunaratna does acknowledge, however, that in the Sayutta Nikya (V.219) we find these five
powers being identified with the five spiritual faculties (511).
4
An examination of the unshakableness might show that the Powers are just a stage of development only attainable by arahants, and thus not directly accessible to the lay person who is not themselves ready to attain arahantship.
5
The section in brackets is elided in Bodhis translation. I have restored it given the pattern present
in the previous responses. The reference to the Noble Eightfold Path is left in the quote for its relevance to the next section of this paper.
M/MN Majjhima Nikya.Trans. Bhikkhu amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi as The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha.4thed. Somerville: Wisdom Publications, 2009.
S/SN
Sayutta Nikya.Trans. Bhikkhu Bodhi as The Connected Discourses of the Buddha. Boston: Wisdom, 2000.
A/AN Aguttara Nikya.Trans. Bhikkhu Bodhi as The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha.
Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2012.
(1945):
163-
Gombrich, Richard. Theravada Buddhism: A Social History from Ancient Benares to Modern Colombo. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1988.
Karunadasa, Y. Bodhipakkhiy-dhamm. Encyclopaedia of Buddhism. Ed. G.P. Malalasekera.
Vol. III. Government of Ceylon, 1971.
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John Emmer
No Esoteric Buddhism .
Karunaratna, Upali. Bala.Encyclopaedia of Buddhism. Ed. G.P. Malalasekera. Vol. II. Government
of Ceylon, 1966.
Kelly, John. The Buddhas Teachings to Lay People.Buddhist Studies Review. 28.1 (2011): 3-78.
Nyanatiloka, Ven. Ed. Ven. Nyanaponika. Buddhist Dictionary: Manual of Buddhist Terms and
Doctrines. 1952. 4th ed. Rpt. Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 2004.
Rahula, Walpola. History of Buddhism in Ceylon. 1956. 2nd ed. Colombo: M.D. Gunasena& Co.
Ltd., 1966.
Samuels, Jeffrey. Views of Householders and Lay Disciples in the SuttaPiaka: A Reconsideration
of the Lay/Monastic Opposition. Religion. 29 (1999): 231-241.
Warder, A.K. Indian Buddhism. 1970. 3rd ed. Delhi: MotilalBanardsidass, 2000.
117
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Buddha to Sri Lanka, he became a Buddhist. This might have led to the elevation of Sumana
to the pantheon of Buddhist gods.
It is seen that large groups of Nigantas, Ajivakas, Paribbjakas, Pasands, Pabbajitas and
other ascetics known as Samanas were present in Sri Lanka at the time. The worship of the
dead, trees and rocks was also practiced.nt; e.g., nuga (banyan) tree, is still worshiped even
today. (History of Buddhism in Ceylon; Ven. Walpola Rahula, 1955; Paris; Page 49)
Establishment of Buddhism
The development or failure of any phenomenon like a religion is dependent on the leadership of the country. Their strategic wisdom, intelligence and ability are the other factors that
influence the success of a religion taking root.
Even the Buddha had close associations with King Pasenadi Kosala, King Bimbisara, King
Ajtasathu and the Princes of Vajji and Malla.
Holding Dhamma discussion and meditation sessions during poya (full moon) days, giving
permission to accept the kings invitation for spending the rainy season retreat in his domain
under his personal care, are some of the rules of discipline established by the Buddha on the
request of king Bimbisara. As the Buddha heeded the kings requests, so did the King also
give consent to the Buddhas requests. Since the subjects are bound to obey the kings orders it is very easy to promote any philosophy under royal patronage.
Similarly, Arahant Mahinda too did not clash with the blasphemies of the time, and he had
to find a place for those beliefs too. We will consider how he followed the same method.
It is appropriate to consider the strategies employed by Arahant Mahinda. First, a sociological survey was done. It is common to assimilate the indigenous culture and beliefs during
propagandization or the introduction of a new religion in a different country. A Similar influence was there in early Buddhism, brought in by Arahant Mahinda to Sri Lanka. He
chose suttas and stories that were easy to understand and were commensurate with the attitudes of the people. It conformed to a style of preaching that was absorbed by the people
very easily.
By preaching the Chullahatthipadopama Sutta first, an understanding was generated about
the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha in addition to showing how a monk becomes a bhikkhu
and the value of becoming a bhikkhu. By preaching Peta Vatthu and Vimna Vatthu, next,
the good and bad moral values of the deeds done and consequent operation of the Law of
Kamma were explained. By this method of leading the people from a known terrain to a
new one he gained an opportunity to attract the people who believed in petas to Buddhism
and by explaining the four noble truths he could show them the dangers of samsra,
thereby.
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The upliftment of the Buddha Ssana was the main responsibility of the king. According to
history, all the kings have modified the Sasana. The Pthradhtu (the sacred alms bowl) of
the Buddha and Dantadhtu (the Sacred Tooth Relic) of the Buddha were noble items of
possession required to establish kingship in Sri Lanka.
Some monks supported certain kings whom they could control for their own benefit. Some
kings have supported certain powerful monks to fulfill their own needs. For e.g., King Dutugamunu, went to war with the Chola King Elara, saying This exercise of mine is not for
me to have all the luxuries and glory of a king. But to save the country, nation and the religion with the monks of the Sangha at the forefront.
What is implied by this statement is that some kings have donated the kingdom to the Buddha Ssana. (e.g. Kings Dutugamunu, Saddhtissa, Siri Meghawanna, Mugallna etc.)
It shows an attempt to make their reign free of problems. One reason for this may be the
closeness of the bikkhus to the public. Buddhism too had to undergo the natural changes of
time. Ven. Walpola Rahula Thero makes the following candid comment in his book, The
History of Buddhism in Ceylon
When Buddhism became the state religion; it lost its basic characteristics of appicchat
(contentment with few wants) and virga (absence of sensual desires) and gradually turned
into a civil institution burdened with lots of social and religious responsibilities from time to
time.
No religion can keep its original form once it becomes an institution. To retain the power
and glory, they have to cope with the changing times. The essential law of nature is to adapt
or die.
Similarly, due to various interrelationships, Sri Lankan Buddhism has undergone lots of
changes, from one ruler to another.
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were instances of trouble surging up in the kingdom. This was a special feature in the history of Sri Lanka.
As an attempt to prevent the deterioration of the Buddha Ssana during these times and to
safeguard the pure Dhamma of the Buddha, hitherto broadcast and carried down in the oral
tradition it had to be recorded in the form of writing. Thus sponsorship and royal patronage
for writing the Tripitaka by king Walagamb should be appreciated. Also, during his time
there arose a schism in the Ssana created by the monks residing at Abayagiri.
It can be seen that the beliefs in gods and part of Mahyna doctrinal view got mixed with
the pristine Buddhism when the Sagha community was thus divided as in the Abayagiriya
and Mahvihra Schools during this time.
The Abayagiri monks accepted the Mahyna form of Buddhism and during the time of
king Mahsena, there was a marked development. The king destroyed the temple belonging
to the Mahvihra group, which was Theravdin, but later, the king supported the Theravdins thus rectifying his past mistakes. According to the history of the Ssana, after King
Mahsenas passing away, it was legendary that he was born as a god called Minneri
Deviyo.
The popular belief that the people of the ruling classes who had done great services to the
community will be born as gods, (are deified) was not rejected by conventional Buddhism.
For e.g., the Upsaka Anthapiika, and Dhammika becoming gods after doing good deeds
in this life itself.
During the reign of King Gajab, the belief in Patthini Devi spread in the country. It is recorded in the history of the Buddha Ssana that Cholas had taken away 20,000 Sinhalese to
their country, and that King Gajab had waged war against them and secured their release
and brought them back with an additional 20,000 Cholas from that country in revenge. The
Patthini belief came to Sri Lanka along with those Cholas. (,See Ven. Dharmakirthi, Ssanika Ithihsaya, Systematic Printers 1996)
The arrival of the Sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha during the time of King Kitsirimevan
resulted in an increase in the enthusiasm in Buddhism and it resulted in safeguarding the
Sacred Tooth Relic which became the responsibility of the king, the possession of which
ensured for the king a natural right to the throne. The Mahwasa records the kings who
have donated giribhnda, water, avisi Buddha pj (offerings for the twenty eight
Buddhas) and ornaments as offerings for the sacred tooth relic. (Mahwasa p.38)
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Ven. Dhammagaweshika
After each pj, (offering) the merits were transferred to the gods too. This clearly shows
that there was an affinity, a close bond between gods and Buddhism. Mahwasa says that
king Mahinda too had honoured both Buddhism and Shivism equally. (Mahwasa)
What is implied by the presence of the practice of Bodhisathva worship and god
Vibeeshana, during the reign of king Dhthusena? The people look up to the gods for help
when their problems were not solved by the rulers. People in faith expect relief in the next
world from Buddhism, as well as relief and luxuries in this world from gods. This might be
the reason for the increase in the belief in gods.
Mese pawathi anathuru gee rangum puda
Those sithin we siti sura viman mada
Yase pathala diya thula uthula mananada
Ase pura daku wibisana surindu sanda
( Thotagamuwe Sri Rhula Thera, Sellihini Sandesaya. Verse77. Seedevi Offset Printers
and Publishers. 2006)
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By the time of the Gampola period the monks had to lean towards the concepts of people in
order to safeguard Buddhism. The Devalas (temples for gods) were erected inside Buddhist
temples due to such influences. They even allowed the drawings and pictures inside the temple too. By doing that their intention was to keep Buddhism intact, without allowing its total
destruction.
Parkramabhu (IV) can be considered as the greatest among the kings of the Kotte era. According to the Sandesha kwyas (sandesha poems), reference to beliefs in gods enjoyed an
elevated place during this period.
Riwibimba yuru riwikula kamala kara
Piyumamba nithorawa randi ura madala
Manaramba himi ruu sirini manahara
Parakumba naranidu sanda daku mithura
(Salalihini Sandesaya. Thotagamuwe Sri Rahula Himi. Verse 19)
In the Parevi Sandesaya (message sent through a dove) it is pledged that god Upulwan
find a suitable prince consort for Princess Chandrwathi.
In the Salalihini Sandesaya (message send through the bird salalihiniya) the god
Vibeeshana was pledged to give a gift of a son to the Kings daughter Lokanth.
Eseyin dasaman mahanel kusum gena
Pudamin e surawara siri saran wadimina
Melakata isuru wee parakum raja kumaru
Palakoota kimeka oba sonda theda bala maharu
( Thotagamuwe Sri Rahula Himi, Salalihini Sandesaya Verse105)
The Salalihini Sandesaya also mentions the Nallur Kovil built in Jaffna for the Saivite by
Prince Sapumal.
A priest who wrote vehemently against the god belief showing the true essence of Buddhism
was the Ven. Vidgama Maithree. In the Gira Sandeshaya (message carried by a parrot) and
Budugunlankraya believed to be written by him, disclaimed critically the god belief,
treating them to be inferior to Buddhism. What is meant by this? That the Buddhist monks
at that time had taken steps to safeguard Buddhism irrespective of their own attitudes.
There was a lot of turmoil after the Kotte Period in the country. It became worse with foreign invasions, and by the division of the country into 3 parts. After king Rjasinghe came
into power and ruled from Sithwaka and became a Hindu, the situation became tragic for
Buddhism. The temples were destroyed, monks were killed and the religious books burnt.
Some monks ran away. Others disrobed. (See Ven. P. Gnnarma, Island of Light, p. 40)
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Ven. Dhammagaweshika
The situation became so serious that by the Kandy period what was left of the Sangha was a
symbolic group wearing a yellow strip of cloth around the neck, called Ganinwahanses
towards the end of the Kandy period, the rulers from Vadiga region constructed Hindu
Kovils (Temples) for the use of their wives.
The pathetic state of the bikkhus is evident in the Sangha Convention (kathikwatha) written
at this time.
The belief in Hindu gods had increased and the rulers used it as a strategy to uphold their
superiority over the people of this country.
The bikkhu became helpless after losing their royal sponsorship and due to prevailing local
calamities and foreign threats. After losing the higher ordination (upasampad) to bikkhuhood, those who kept the Ssana safe were a group called Ganinnnses mentioned above
who unfortunately had not learnt facts of pure Buddhism. They protected Buddhism while
feeding their families at the same time. They were a good civil group that did not know
Buddhism in depth. The bikkhus who could teach or learn a text book were lost. When the
lineage of ordained bikkhus was lost, this group that protected the temples and their properties serving as guardians of Buddhism did not have a proper understanding of Buddhism and
they remained Smaneras.
This group brought the practice of god worship for their own profit. They performed religious rites and rituals for the benefit of worldly luxuries and in effect they became priests
performing rites and rituals instead of becoming Buddhist monks.
During the reign of Kirthi Sri Rjasinghe, Buddhism in Sri Lanka was revived by bringing
back Upasampad with the arrival of a group of monks from Siam (Thailand) led by Ven.
Upali Thero.
Although Buddhism was given priority for the sake of keeping power, it should be emphasized that the kings of Kandy made devalas and conducted the annual perahara.
Another unique feature of the Kandy period was the construction of four major devalas surrounding the Temple of the Tooth. The Hindu kings had performed peraharas (religious
processions) parading in front of these devalas. The perahara is a way of thanking the gods
for helping people in this life. This also shows the concept of beliefs in gods among people.
Not only that, it is natural to lean towards psychological needs for profit and luxury, if they
are easily accessible. Since the philosophical aspect of the Theravada view is very deep,
people automatically lean towards an easygoing and luxurious way of life.
References
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References in English
Ambagoda Dhamma Kusala Thera, 1957, 2500 Buddhajayanthi. Mahvihra Pali, Tipiaka
Granthaml Sri Lanka Government.
Aguttara Nikya. Editorial Board of the Tipiaka Translation Committee, published under
the PATORNAGE of the Government of Ceylon 1962.
Aththanyake M. Herath; Thpavansa Experimental Analyses.
Balangoda Ananda Mithree Himi. Dganikya. Published by the Sri Lanka Government.
E. W. Adikaram, Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon. 1946. Buddhist Cultural Centre.
Majimdar, Raychaduri and Datta AN. Advanced History of India. Pg 140
Professor: M. M. J. Marasinghe, Gods in Early Buddhism 1974, University of Sri Lanka
Vidyalankara Campus.
Walpola Rahula Thero, History of Buddhism in Ceylon, 1956, The Buddhist Cultural Centre.
Wilhelm Geiger. Mahvansa. Published by Gautham Jeley 1912, 6A, Shanhpur Jat, New
Delhi.
References in Sinhala
Aguttara Nikya. The Editorial Board of the Tipiaka Translation Committee. Published by
the Government of the Democratic Socialistic Republic of Sri Lanka. (1982)
Achrya.Hemachandra Dissanayake, Visudhdhi Mrgaya. Sinhala translation 2000, Buddhist Cultural Centre, Nadimala.
Achrya.Nandadeva Wijesekara, Mahwansa Sanskaranaya - 2003. Buddhist Cultural Centre, Nadimala.
Kuddaka Nikya. Petawatthu and Vimnawatthu. The Editorial Board of the Tipiaka
Translation Committee. Published by the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic
of of Sri Lanka. (1982)
Deega Nikya Pjya Ananda Balangoda Maithri. The Editorial Board of the Tipiaka
Translation Committee. Published by The Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. (1962)
127
Ven. Dhammagaweshika
Piriwna poth wahanse. Nadimala Buddhist Cultural Centre. Ajith Printers pvt ltd 2009.
Pjya. Ambalangoda Dhammakusala. Mahvagga Pli - The Editorial Board of the Tipiaka
Translation Committee.Published by the by the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. (1957)
Pjya. Nevandama Sri Dharma Keerthi, Sasanika Ithihsaya. Systematic Printers 1996.
Pjya. Paravahara Sri Pannagana, Sutta Niptha, Budhdha Jayanthi Tripiakaml. The Editoriall Board of the Tripiaka Translation Committee, published by the Government of the
Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (1977)
Pjya.Meegoda Paloka. Purthana Sri Lankawa. Sadeepa Prakashana. 2001.
Majjima Nikya - The Editorial Board of the Tripiaka Translation Committee, pulished by
the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. (1982)
Mahchrya Anurdha Senevirathne. Polonnaruwa Madyakaleena Aganuwara. 1998
Sayutta Nikya - The Editorial Board of the Tipiaka Translation Committee, published
by the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, 1982)
Sutta Niptha - The Editorial Board of the Tipiaka Translation Committee, published by the
Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. (1982)
128
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Here, bhikkhus, an untaught ordinary person, who has no regard for noble ones
and is unskilled and undisciplined in their Dhamma, who has no regard for true men
and is unskilled and undisciplined in their Dhamma, does not understand what
things are fit for attention and what things are unfit for attention. Since that is so, he
attends to those things unfit for attention and he does not attend to those things fit
for attention.
With regard to the meaning of this passage, the Buddha focused the problems on
what things are fit for attention and what things are unfit for attention. The first problem, the
Buddha taught is to use knowledge (jna) to do the work of attention. The knowledge here
implies the Buddhas Teaching or the Sages words. It is the truth or nature of life that the
Buddha has taught and revealed. The second is the object of attention. The object that the
Buddha advised us to attend is what brings the real benefits and peace in life, the opposite
of what brings human suffering and sorrow springing from the taint of sensual desire, taint
of being and taint of ignorance.
Our every noble thought of merit making work in temples put to use this method.
For example, it is time for morning prayer session. At that time we are sleeping very well,
but hearing the bell, we wake up, but the craving for sleep gets the better of us, thinking,
We shall keep sleeping, tomorrow we shall chant. If we know how to practice the Buddhas teachings, we will have to attend immediately like this: we must practice like as if
the turban on our head is on fire. If we just sleep well, not knowing any better, when do we
escape from sufferings? But with proper attention, there will be created motive power to
make us put forth more and more effort (viriya). And like a hen conscientiously warming
her eggs, they will hatch young chicks. If we are more zealous in putting forth effort, we
will be able to exert more restraint over ourselves, avoid laziness and be heedfull. In The
Dhammapada, the Buddha taught:
Heedfulness is the Deathless path,
heedlessness, the path to death.
Those who are heedful do not die,
heedless are like the dead.
In other words, the methods that are not practical, far-fetched, unrealistic, do not
bring happiness, the Buddha advised us to give up these methods, should not attend, because
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when attending, they will increase the suffering for human beings. To describe this, the
Buddha has given a few examples of the problems that do not need attention, as follows:
Was I in the past? Was I not in the past? What was I in the past? How was I in the
past? Having been what, what did I become in the past?
This is the metaphysical problems of the Theravda tradition, the Buddha refused to answer
these problems, because they are not related to the purpose of the pure living life, not to
cease the suffering and there is no benefit for enlightenment. According to the Buddha, the
problem that we were in the past or not, after the end of this life, we exist or do not, and how
will we exist like in the future? ... Suffering still exists in the life of human beings. First, we
need to solve the problems of suffering in the present life. So, the metaphysical questions
which are not practical are not the subject to attend for an ordinary person that is in suffering. This is the meaning of the sentence: what things are fit for attention and what things
are unfit for attention that has been taught by the Buddha. It belongs to the field of
knowledge (jna), not faith. So, the kinds of suffering that lack knowledge, we need
to give them up. We must use knowledge to eliminate For example, a candidate enters the
examination room or a staff member that does professional work; a candidate must learn by
heart all the lessons and understand what he has to do, a staff member must have the professional knowledge in his field. To learn by heart all the lessons of the candidate or the professional knowledge of a staff member belongs to the knowledge that is the condition not to
make them fear and have anxiety, without this condition, it is the cause of suffering. This is
the meaning of the sentence: There are taints that should be abandoned by seeing.
SIJBS Volume 3
ulty restrained with the mind faculty restrained While taints, vexation, and fever might arise in one who abides with the faculties unrestrained, there are no taints,
vexation, or fever in one who abides with the faculties restrained. These are called
the taints that should be abandoned by restraining.
The Buddha advised the monks to have careful attitude towards restraining the six
sense-organs: eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body and mind (Salyatana). Why did the Buddha
advise us to restrain them? That advice is not redundant because anyone has always kept his
six sense-organs carefully. Here, the concept of restraining six sense-organs that the Buddha
mentioned to the specific characteristics, does not bear the normal meaning as we understand. Restraining eyes does not bear the meaning: Do not let dust go into either eyes nor
prohibit the monks to look at form. Their ears should not hear, their nose should not smell,
their tongue taste, their body should not experience touch, their mind should not cognize all
dhamm. The meaning of restraining is to have the careful attitude when six sense-organs
contact with six external sense objects, such as form, sound, smell, taste, touch, and
dhamm. Do not let six external sense objects attract because six sense-organs are gateway
for all defilements to appear. For example, when the eyes see beauty, there
immediately
arises desire in the mind towards that form, so it is bound and attracted by that form, that
person will not control himself, his mind is so distracted that he cannot meditate, preventing
his wisdom from arising. These are the obstacles for him to liberate. Therefore, all the
monks must restrain the six sense-organs carefully, do not let desire arise in the mind. In
Majjhima Nikya I No. 33. Mahgoplaka sutta, the Buddha taught:
Here, on seeing a form with the eye, a bhikkhu grasps at its signs and features.
Even though, when he leaves the eye faculty unguarded, evil unwholesome states of
covetousness and grief might invade him, he does not practise the way of its restraint, he does not guard the eye faculty, he does not undertake the restraint of the
eye faculty. On hearing a sound with the ear On smelling an odour with the nose
On tasting a flavour with the tongue On touching a tangible with the body
On cognizing a mind-object with the mind, he grasps at its signs and features. Even
though, when he leaves the mind faculty unguarded, evil unwholesome states of covetousness and grief might invade him, he does not practise the way of its restraint,
he does not guard the mind faculty, he does not undertake the restraint of the mind
faculty.
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Or more exactly, the monks should have contact with the things that lead to liberation. They should not have contact with the things that prevent them to attain enlightenment.
Likewise, ears hear sound; nose smells odour; tongue tastes sweet; body feels soft or hard
and mind cognizes all things (dhammas), all also have such meaning. This is the Buddhas
general explanation, because the meaning of six sense-organs and six external sense objects
are also called twelve spheres (dvdasa-yatana), including all things (all dhammas) in the
world. Any dhamma also belongs to these twelve categories in this world, so the Buddha
said dvdasa-yatana that implies all dhammas.
Starting from this meaning, we can develop and concretize the problems to understand them more easily. The concept of restraining includes what we need to use like a
house is the necessary place where we live, we need to keep maintaining it. We cannot say
the house is the material that is controlled by impermanence, so one can do whatever he
likes with it, let it go to ruin.. Let it be. Or we say that we are having a sickness, but we do
not want to cure it because the body is impermanent. To understand like this it means it is
not suitable to the spirit of the Buddhas teachings. In fact, the Buddha said impermanence
is the nature of things and change is natural. The human beings should not be suffering from
those changes because they belong to natural law. Birth, old age, disease and death are natural laws governing human beings. When we were born, grew up, became old, succumbed to
sickness and death, that is natural, we should not be suffering because of this change. This is
not the same meaning of let it be: when having sickness, and we do not take medicine or
we do not repair our ramshackled house. This is the meaning of the word impermanence
that the Buddha mentioned.
In short, the meaning of restraining in this Sutta is to restrain six sense-organs because they are the six gateways to arise all the defilements. In other words, the causes that
make our body and mind suffer, we must restrain them carefully.
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nate this suffering we must use the best method to give it up, namely, the spirit of content
with few desires. In Sabbsava Sutta, the Buddha has described as follows:
Here a bhikkhu, reflecting wisely, uses the robe only for protection from cold, for
protection from heat, for protection from contact with gadflies, mosquitoes, wind,
the sun, and creeping things, and only for the purpose of concealing the private
parts. He uses almsfood neither for amusement nor for intoxication nor for the sake
of physical beauty and attractiveness, but only for the endurance and continuance of
this body, for ending discomfort, and for assisting the holy life. He uses the resting
place only for protection from cold, for protection from heat, for protection from
contact with gadflies, mosquitoes, wind, the sun, and creeping things, and only for
the purpose of warding off the perils of climate and for enjoying retreat. He uses the
medicinal requisites only for protection from arisen afflicting feelings and for the
benefit of good health.
Four requisites (catupaccaya) of a monk in the Buddhas time are: robes (cvara),
alms food (piapta), residence (sensana) and medicine (besajja). Four types of requisites are very important to a monk who lives in the pure living, homeless in the forest. These
are the minimum requisites that cannot lack less for the monk. If a monk lives in the forest
that lacks these requisites, he will certainly have so many difficulties in his pure living that
can lead to death. So, the Buddha said: While taints, vexation, and fever might arise in one
who does not use the requisites thus. Of course, in the spirit of content with few desires
is not to wish excessiveness, just enough to feed our body and the purpose is to practice the
pure living. This Buddhas spirit must not base on the external physical form, but it is based
on the thoughts in the mind of human beings, the purpose of life and the circumstances that
he lives. For example, the level of content with few desires of a king is different from the
level of the poor in a society, that does not base on external physical form that forces the
king to look like the level of content with few desires of the poor. Also, once a society
changes, time and space are different, the level of demand in Sagha Order also changes, so
we should not take four requisites as the standard to apply to all ages and to all the Sagha
Order do not live in the same society.
We should understand the Buddhas spirit and educational purpose is how the monks
can achieve enlightenment within this life. For this goal, whatever obstacles to the path of
liberation, the Buddha advised monks to avoid them. Therefore, we should learn the spirit of
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the Buddhas teachings rather than learning to stereotyped attitudes that bear the nature of
form. We can say that the specific regulations are only valuable for those who do not understand the Buddhas educational spirit. It can be broken in the aspect of form for those who
have understood clearly when that form is no longer suitable to the fact. The purpose and
life of monks in the Buddhas time and in the society today are the same that is to attain
enlightenment and liberation, but different from the aspect of form of activities because the
living conditions of each age and social needs are different. Therefore, we should adhere to
the Buddhas educational spirit and should not keep the form.
Through the sources of Buddhist scripture, we see that the Buddha has advised the
monks to live in the forests, the mountains, and the quiet places where are very good for
practice and meditation. He has rarely told to the monks to go to the villages or the urban
areas to propagate Buddhism by chanting and praying for the laymen. We can say that the
activities of the Sagha Order in the Buddhas time until after his death about one hundred
years were the asembly that have practiced with the form of pure living, is not the form of
religious activities. However, the activities of the Sagha Order in the King Ashokas time
are the form of religious activities. From this time onwards, Buddhism focused on the
propagation and bring the benefits for the human beings. This is typical character of two
Buddhist stages in two different ages. Therefore, the activities of the Sagha Order are also
different. This is the point that we should note.
In summary, the four requisites (catupaccaya) are the indispensable conditions of life
for monks who live in the forest. If the monks lack of one of these four requisites, the defilements will appear. Through the Buddhas teachings, we see that the Buddhas educational
way is very scientific and practical, not to deny the reality of human life such as food, clothing, housing, etc. Whether the monks or laymen still arise the defilements if they lack of the
material in their life. We must use the material to eliminate these kinds of defilements, not
the spirit. This is the particular thought in Sutta Piaka and symbolizes the Buddhas thought
in Theravda Buddhism.
There are taints that should be abandoned by enduring
According to the Buddhas analysis, the fourth taint is the lack of enduring. In
Sabbsava Sutta, the Buddha has described as follows:
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Here a bhikkhu, reflecting wisely, bears cold and heat, hunger and thirst, and contact with gadflies, mosquitoes, wind, the sun, and creeping things; he endures illspoken, unwelcome words and arisen bodily feelings that are painful, racking,
sharp, piercing, disagreeable, distressing, and menacing to life.
Enduring is withstanding and patience. Here, the Buddha has referred to the endurance such as cold and heat, hunger and thirst, gadflies, mosquitoes, ill-spoken, unwelcome,
etc. They can be divided into two kinds of endurance: natural and social relation. The kinds
of endurance come from cold and heat, hunger and thirst, gadflies, mosquitoes, rain, storm,
etc, to belong to nature, no one can escape, even if the monks or the laymen, the mandarins
or the normal people, all live together in one space, we all are affected by the climate when
it has changed, especially the monks life that is homeless, living in the forests, the mountains. It is hard to avoid the harsh climate in India. Before such circumstances, there is only
the endurance can alleviate the suffering of human psychology. Second one is the endurance
of the relationship between man and man, man and society. Experience life shows that these
relationships are too complex for us to avoid the collisions of life. The same problem, but
this person said that it was good, the other said it was bad, even if husband and wife,
mother and children, brothers are close relatives, but they are also very difficult to avoid all
discords let alone the social community, especially in a society that has unequal classes like
the rich treating the poor badly. In this case, only the endurable attitude can alleviate the suffering of human psychology. This is the Buddhas meaning of endurance.
In summary, human beings cannot change the extreme discontent between man and
man and man and society. These are the things that are inevitable, which we need to endure
and try to reduce the psychological suffering among humanity.
Ven. Dhammagaweshika
The Buddha advised the monks to avoid the dangers that may occur to them and
even to normal people. These kinds of danger cannot use the methods such as chanting suttas, reciting the Buddhas name, the endurance to give up. We must apply the method of
avoiding. For example, when we meet a madman, we cannot use arguments to analyze a
wrong or right thing or apply the causal theory to teach them, in this case, the best way is to
avoid. When we see a fierce dog; a war area, etc, the most effective method is that we
should stay away from these dangers we cannot use the arguments or any other method to
avoid.
Through this teaching, we see that the Buddhas teachings are very practical and scientific. They do not bear the mystical and sublime nature that the human beings cannot understand. The Buddhas method is to base on the cause that makes the defilement to arise
and eradcate twith a very specific method. That is the Buddhas spirit and educational
method in the Theravda Buddhism.
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Ven. Dhammagaweshika
4). Prti- sambhodhi (Pali, Piti Sambojjhanga) it is a happy attitude to practise the
Buddhas teachings. This happy state only appears after the Dharma-pravicaya- sambhodhi
yanga and the Vrya-sambhodhi.
5). Prarabdhi-sambhodhi: (Pali, Passaddhi Sambojjhaga) Riddance of all passions
and ignorance and grossness or weight of body or mind, so that they may be light or
free and at ease.
6). Samdhi-sambodhi: (Pali, Samadhi Sambojjhaga)Power to keep the mind in a
given realm undiverted.
7). Upek-sambhodhi (Pali, Upekkha Sambojjhaga). Complete abandonment, unperturbed by all disturbances of subconscious or ecstatic mind. To let go (upek), one of
the chief Buddhist virtues, that of renunciation, leading to a state of equanimity without
pleasure or pain, or independence of both. It is defined as the mind in equilibrium, i.e. above
the distinction of things or persons, of self or others; having abandoned the world and all
things, and having no affections or desires. Upek is one of the seven Bodhyga. The
Buddha taught: If one wishes to penetrate into the profound realm of liberation of the Maha
-Bodhisattvas, Buddhists must first be able to let go of all of the five desires of ordinary
people.
Thus, these seven limbs of enlightenment is a process of practice from an ordinary person to
the saint. He needs to go through each stage to eliminate the suffering and attain the goal of
liberation and enlightenment. This is the meaning of the practice in Theravda Buddhism.
Conclusion
It can be said that Sabbsava Sutta (All the Taints) in Majjhima Nikya I is the representative sutta for the view of practice in Theravda Buddhism. The Buddha has assigned to this
sutta, the role of wisdom and offered his Teaching for one who knows and sees, not for one
who does not know and see, for only one who knows and sees can understand his Teaching.
That understanding is the foundation for us to practice and remove our ignorance that is the
origin of human suffering. The Buddha has described that understanding as Wise attention
or To know and see the reality of all things wisely. It is not exercising ones imagination
but a real knowing and seeing which brings about Release. It can be said that Wise Atten-
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tion is a guideline for those who do scientific research on psycho-physical phenomena and
the process of their development and to analyze and evaluate them.
One special point in this sutta is that the Buddha has presented not one but seven different
methods to remove the seven different phenomena of defilement because they differ in nature.
Through seven different methods to get rid of all defilements, we can see that the Buddhas
Teaching on practice according to Theravda Buddhism is very practical and scientific, is
not vague and abstract, not containing any mystical meaning but with a very logical methodology. Anyone, no matter what position in society can also accept his Teaching easily and
have the ability to attain liberation. At the same time, these seven methods also express the
spirit of practice in Theravda Buddhism that does not limit in any way, what is likely to be
reduced or removed in human suffering, it is considered as the method of practice par excellence in Buddhism
In short, I hope that the Buddhas Teaching in this sutta will help human beings have a
happy life based on wisdom to build up a society that is very moral, modern and progressive. And the spirit of this sutta is very adaptable to everyone who wants to attain enlightenment and liberation as expressed in the Dhammapada:
Mind precedes all knowables,
mind's their chief, mind-made are they.
If with a corrupted mind
one should either speak or act
dukkha follows caused by that,
as does the wheel the ox's hoof.
Mind precedes all knowables,
mind's their chief, mind-made are they.
If with a clear, and confident mind
one should speak and act
happiness follows caused by that,
as one's shadow ne'er departing.
End Notes
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Ven. Dhammagaweshika
1
.Jna (Sanskrit; Pli, a). General term meaning knowledge, particularly in the context
Teachings of the Buddha, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, Part one: The Root fifty
Discourses, 1. The Division of the Discourse on the root, No. 2 Sabbsava Sutta, A translation of the
Majjhima Nikya, Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 199 Elm
Street Somerville Massachusetts 02144, 2005, pp. 91 92.
3
K.Sri Dhammananda, The Dhammapada No.21, Sasana Abhiwurdhi Wardhana Society, Kualalumpur,
1988, p. 83.
4
Teachings of the Buddha, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, Part one: The Root fifty
Discourses, 1. The Division of the Discourse on the root, No. 2 Sabbsava Sutta, A translation of the
Majjhima Nikya, Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 199 Elm
Street Somerville Massachusetts 02144, 2005, pp. 92.
5
Teachings of the Buddha, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, Part one: The Root fifty
Discourses, 4. The Great Division of Pairs, No. 33. Mahgoplaka sutta, A translation of the
Majjhima Nikya, Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 199 Elm
Street Somerville Massachusetts 02144, 2005, pp. 314.
7
Teachings of the Buddha, The Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, Part one: The Root fifty Discourses,
1. The Division of the Discourse on the root, No. 2 Sabbsava Sutta, A translation of the Majjhima Nikya,
Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 199 Elm Street Somerville Massachusetts
02144, 2005, pp. 94.
8
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10
Ibid, pp. 95
11
Ibid, pp. 95
12
Bibliography
Original Sources:
1. Teaching of the Buddha, The Middle Length Discourses of the
Buddha:
Part one: The Root fifty Discourses, 1. The Division of the Discourse on the root, No. 2:
Sabbsava Sutta, A translation of the Majjhima Nikya, Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 2005.
Part one: The Root fifty Discourses, 3. The Division of Similes, No. 22. Alagaddpama
Sutta, A Translation of the Majjhima Nikya, Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi,
2005.
Part one: The Root fifty Discourses, 4. The Great Division of Pairs, No. 33. Mahgoplaka
sutta, a translation of the Majjhima Nikya, Translated by amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi,
Wisdom Publications, 2005.
Part Two: The Middle Fifty Discourses, 2.The Division on Bhikkhus, No. 61
Ambalahikarhulovda Sutta, A Translation of the Majjhima Nikya, Translated by
amoli and Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 2005.
Part Three: The Final Fifty Discourses, 2. The Division of One by One, No. 115 Bahudhtuka Sutta, A Translation of the Majjhima Nikya, Translated by Bhikkhu amoli and
Bhikkhu Bodhi, Wisdom Publications, 2005.
2. Pali Text Society Translation Series, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, A New
Translation of the Sayutta Nikya VOLUM I:
142
Ven. Dhammagaweshika
Part I: The Book with Verses - 1. Devatsayutta: Connected discourses with Devats, II.
Nandana, 20 (10) Samiddhi, Translated by Bhikkhu Bodhi, THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY
OXFORD in association with WISDOM PUBLICATION, 2000.
3. Sayutta Nikya - Satipahna Sayutta II, SN 47.13 PTS: S v 161, CDB ii 1642.
Translated from the Pali by hanissaro Bhikkhu Alternate, translation Nyanaponika/
hanissaro, (Source: www.realtruthlife.blogspot.com/2011/04/sayutta-nikya-satipahna
-sayutta.html#.UVCaO530DAE). The Dhammapada, Sasana Abhiwurdhi Wardhana Society, Kualalumpur, 1988.
5. K. Sri Dhammananda, The Dhammapada:
Chapter V- Bla Vagga (Fools), V: 7 The lepers confidence in the Triple Gem
(Suppabuddha), Sasana Abhiwurdhi Wardhana Society, 2009.
Chapter VI- Paita Vagga (The Wise), VI: 9. One must work for his own liberation
(Dhammika), Sasana Abhiwurdhi Wardhana Society, 2009.
Chapter XX- Magga Vagga (The Way or The Path), Sasana Abhiwurdhi Wardhana Society,
2009.
6. Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, G P Malalasekera (1899-1973), which is available as
printed version from.
7. A Dictionary of Buddhism, Oxford University Press, 2003, 2004.
8. Buddhist Dictionary, Manual of Buddhist Terms and Doctrines, by NYANATILOKA
MAHATHERA.
factor
by which
Bodhisattva
can
attain
incomparable
perfect
enlighten-
ment (kipracaanuttarsamyaksambodhipratilabhate). This statement has been attributed to the Buddha in the Samdhirjastra in reply to a question posed by KumraCandraprabha. The question of Candraprabha also includes other accomplishments such as gaining
acute wisdom, being devoid of fear, eliminating rga-doa-moha, progress in the la
(morality), dhyna(concentration), praj (wisdom), purity in bodily behavior, discarding
verbal faults, destroying mental defilements. Development of Samacitta has been emphasized as the reason for succeeding in all these virtues (etngun). The importance attributed to this concept of samacitta therefore makes us curious as to what its implications are.
Samacitta has two basic implications: firstly, development of a mental state that remains
even in all situations without being emotionally overwhelmed. Secondly, samacitta encourages to have unbiased attitude to all living beings i.e. to consider all living beings as equal.
Although highly emphasized in the Mahyna literature, the term samacitta is available in
Pli literature as well. However, there are significant differences in the way the term samacitta is used in the Pli and Sanskrit texts.
Following research methods used in Indian philological studies, I attempt to clarify the conceptual significations and to understand the development of the term samacitta within Buddhist literature written in Pli and Sanskrit languages. The practical implications of the term
samacitta in modern social contexts will also be discussed
Samacitta, rendered here as same-mind, is a term significantly used in the Mahyna literature written in the Sanskrit language, foremost of them being Samdhirjastra, Kyapaparivarta, Mahynastrlakra, Bodhisattvabhumi etc.. Samacitta has been mentioned
as the factor by which Bodhisattva can attain incomparable perfect awakening (kipra ca
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anuttar samyaksambodhi pratilabhate). This statement has been attributed to the Buddha in the Samdhirjastra in reply to a question posed by Kumra Candraprabha. The
question of Candraprabha also includes other accomplishments such as gaining acute wisdom, being devoid of fear, eliminating lust (rga), hatred (doa), and delusion (moha), progress in the morality (la), concentration (dhyna), wisdom (praj), purity in bodily behavior, discarding verbal faults, and destroying mental defilements. Development of Samacitta has been emphasized as the reason for succeeding in all these virtues (etn gun).
The importance attributed to this concept of samacitta therefore makes us curious as to
what its implications are.
Samacitta has two basic implications: firstly, development of a mental state that remains
even in all situations without being emotionally overwhelmed. Secondly, samacitta encourages to have unbiased attitude to all living beings i.e. to consider all living beings as equal.
In spite of the fact that it is a very significant concept in the Mahayna literature I have not
come across any major study done on samacitta. In fact, a detailed study on samacitta will
be very helpful in the understanding of Buddhist universalistic ethics. Although widely seen
in Buddhist Sanskrit texts it is used in very few instances in the
Pli literature. In this early stage of research on samacitta I take into consideration the contexts in Pli literature where the term samacitta is used and some commentarial attempts at
defining it. These instances will intimate us on the ethical imports of samacitta in the Pli
texts.
I begin an inquiry into the term samacitta firstly from an etymological perspective and then
engage with the contexts wherein it is used. Eventually I shall relate the etymological explanations with the actual usages and see if the contextual senses comply with etymological
meanings or not. Examining the commentarial interpretations on the term samacitta I highlight its inter-subjective aspect.
145
called same-minded...
Sama (Skt. ama < am to be quiet or calm) + citta; where sama stands for
Upali Sraman
i.
calmness, tranquility, mental quiet. Citta (< cit, to perceive, fix the mind
upon, attend to, be attentive, observe, take notice of) basically means mind.
Thus, sama-citta here would refer to a tranquil state of mind.
ii. Sama (adj. even, level) + citta (mind) meaning even mind. This meaning has
two suggestions. Firstly, it refers to retention of the same state of mind for a long
time. Secondly, it refers to looking at living beings evenly, i.e. in an unbiased manner.
The essential core of what samacitta means in the literary sources can be subsumed in the
two etymological explanations given above. Some scholars prefer to take the first meaning
tranquil mind, whereas others prefer to use the second one. Bhikkhu Bodhi has used
same-minded based on the exegesis on the word in Pli commentaries. Bhikkhu Anlayo
translates it as even mind based on the Chinese rendering in the gamas. However, the
variety of contexts where samacitta is used (particularly in Sanskrit texts) renders it problematic, if not impossible, to attempt a one-word rendering.
2. Samacitta-devas: Same-minded deities
In the Aguttaranikya, a collection of ten discourses has been made under the title Samacittavagga. Among the ten discourses the term samacitta is mentioned only in the fifth discourse as a qualification for a group of deities (devas). However classifying all the ten discourses under the heading Samacittavagga indicates that the term samacitta was significant
in the minds of the compilers of the Pli Canon. The compilers followed several criteria
such as unity of contents or ideas to classify discourses into different categories. It is appropriate therefore to assume that each of the discourses in this collection relate to samacitta.
Each of these discourses contains some ethical categories.
These categories include the importance of gratefulness as precondition for birth in sappurisabhumi; rendering service to parents; importance of abandoning misconduct
(duccarita) by body, speech, and mind; worthiness of the sekhas (those still in training) and
asekhas (the already trained ones, or beyond training) in the Buddhas teaching and so on.
Although the collection of the discourses in samacittavagga does not show an explicit progressive link from one to the next it appears to me that there is an attempt to show some
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connection between basic virtues of gratefulness and bodily restraints with the gradual training in the path of awakening. The enumeration of various ethical factors such as gratitude
(ktajena) and the factors of noble abode (or brahmavihras such as loving-kindness, compassion, appreciative joy and equanimity) principles of sense-restraint is presented in the
instances where samacitta is a very important concept in Mahyna texts as well. Thus,
gratitude as a virtue is placed in the same context of samacitta. In its deeper implications
samacitta is very closely associated with the brahmavihras which are also known as appamnas or immeasurables. In my subsequent researches I hope to delineate this relationship between samacitta and the brahmavihras. Suffice it to say here that just as developing
samacitta, the brahmavihras also allow innumerable beings to dwell in a single space without conflicting with each other. In this paper we are concerned with samacitta basically as a
qualification of the devas.
The term samacittadevas are mentioned in the fifth discourse of this collection in a discussion on the internal fetters (ajjhattasayojana) and external fetters (bahiddhsayojana).
This is the most explicit use of the term in the canonical Pli texts. The commentarial definitions of this term are based on this instance. The following is a brief summary of the context
of this discourse.
In this discourse, when the venerable Sriputta was pointing out the distinction between internally fettered and externally fettered beings many deities called
samacittadeva approached the place where the Blessed One was residing. The deities
reported to the Buddha Sriputtas exposition on the internally fettered and externally fettered being to the Buddha. They then requested the Buddha to join in and
express his approval of Sriputtas exposition. Accepting the request the Buddha appeared in the place where Venerable Sriputta was and gave a description of the samacitta-devas. These deities, the Buddha said, have that kind of a mind or mental
state due to which even if many of them stand in a very small space they do not create inconvenience to each other. Then the Buddha enunciates that one should train so
as to become one with tranquil senses and that those with tranquil senses have tranquil minds, tranquil, bodily conduct, tranquil verbal conduct, and tranquil mental
conduct. One should consider bringing tranquil gifts for companions in the religious
life. The Buddha further remarks that this kind of training is absent in non-Buddhist
teachings.
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called same-minded...
In further discussion the Buddha shows how different stages of mental and moral developUpali Sraman
ment leads to the elimination of the fetters resulting in attainment of the fruit of non-returner
and being born into different heavenly realms. In addition to other aspects of doctrinal significance, the fact that innumerable deities are not in conflict with each other while remaining together in one place seems to be an important message conveyed by this discourse. It is
particularly relevant to the understanding of the notion
of samacitta/samacittat that the Buddha emphatically comments to Sriputta that it was
not after being born into their heavenly realm ... it was while still in the human realm [in a
former life] that those gods of even mind cultivated a good mind, extensively and greatly,
and thereby acquired the ability to stand together on the tip of an awl ten, twenty, thirty,
forty, fifty, or sixty of them without obstructing one another.
In sum, this instance shows that samacitta is a quality of the mind that can be developed
within the human world. It is not a result of an action only to be experienced after death in a
heavenly realm. Inculcation and experience of samacitta begin in the human birth itself.
Being endowed with this quality of the mind allows living in a limited space without conflict. How does one develop this quality of the mind? The training in the tranquility of the
senses and so on are mentioned in the sutta itself as immediate factors resulting in the development of samacitta. As mentioned, the fact that this collection of ten discourses begins
with gratefulness indicates that practice of virtues like gratitude gradually creates the conditions for the development of samacitta.
The reference to a large number of deities assembled in a limited space without conflicting
with each other has a very close parallel with an instance found in the Mahyna Vimalakrtinirdeastra. In this discourse the space in question is a tiny chamber, with the
harmonious coexistence of the assembled members in such a tiny space sharing a common
attitude becoming an especially significant instance of being samacitta-minded, as it were.
The relevant passage reads, in Chinese translation:
A fantastic congregation, including incredible arrays of gods, celestial bodhisattvas,
and other beings, is assembled within Vimalakrtis tiny chamber, where they sit on
magnificent thrones of unimaginable sizeall without jumbling
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up against each other, and entirely without contorting the dimensions of the ordinary
world ...
The passage in the Vimalakrtinirdeastra continues to describe in detail the miraculous
things that happen in such a tiny chamber thanks to the peaceful co-existence of all these
beings.
Thia extract is significant in several aspects. Firstly, this parallelism seems to be all the
more important as the Vimalakrtinirdeastra contains number of significant references to
the doctrine of samacittat. Secondly, the fact that Sariputta (Skt. Sariputra) is the protagonist in both these instances suggests the possibility of gleaning a train of thought connecting
the Pali text and the Vimalakirtinirdesasutra. Thirdly, the Vimalakrtinirdeastra expands
the concept of samacitta as meaning same-minded to include the non-discrimination between male and female members of the assembly. An important message in this instance is
to show how impossible things become possible by existing in a place without conflict by
developing samacittat.
The popularity of the discourse samacitta deities mentioned in the Theravda tradition on
the above has been commented upon as follows:
It is a very short discourse, but had a singular impact on the huge assembly of devas
who, according to tradition, assembled to hear it. It is said that a very large
number of them attained Arahatship, and innumerable were those who reached
stream-entry. This discourse of the Venerable Sriputta is, in fact, counted
among the few which had unusually far-reaching results among beings of
the higher worlds; and although it is a very brief text rather cryptic without
the commentarial explanation, it had a high reputation in
succeeding centuries. It is the sermon that was preached by the arahant Mahinda on
the evening of his arrival in Ceylon, and the Mahvasa (X IV, 34ff).
Why this discourse was so popular among the deities is hard to understand. A possible reason could be its reference to the deities attaining full awakening (arahathood). But the emphasis is however on culmination of virtues in the human life itself.
All subsequent traditional exegesis of the term, to which I now turn, is based on this discourse. The following section shows commentarial reasonings on why the deities are re149
called same-minded...
ferred to as samacitta-devas. The key term here is samacitta. In order to understand why the
Upali Sraman
deities were called same-minded it is important first to understand the word samacitta.
3. Samacitta in the Pli Commentarial Literature (Ahakath)
Samacitta has been used in the Pli commentarial literature in several instances. In fact, the
actual meaning(s) of samacitta has been expanded and elaborated only in the commentaries. The commentarial interpretations can be broadly categorized under the two aspects as
follows.
3.1. Sameness of mind or mental state: Samacitt devat or same-minded deities are so
called due to the sameness of the exquisiteness of (their) mind. All of them are measured in
the individuality of their own selves (and at the same time) in the exquisite resemblance of
(their) minds (with each other). That is the reason the name same-minded was given to
them.
This indicates that although they were distinct as individuals they all had the same exquisite
mental state (sukhumabhvasamat).
An extension to this meaning can be seen with reference to a group of monks or deities who
have the same spiritual attainments (ekasampattilbhiniyo) or the same objects (of meditation) (ekrammaalbhiniyo).
Another instance of the use of the term samacitta is referring to all the members in a congregation being unanimous on a decision. When or as long as (tva) spiritual attainment is
spoken of by the elder, the strength of the spiritual attainment is not talked about. Therefore,
we shall having assembled the ten powers call them the strength of the spiritual attainments. One instance is when the elders thought in future a certain monk, or nun, or god, or
human being may think these discourses are spoken of by the disciples and would disrespect thus.
Therefore, the elders decided to inform the Buddha and make the discourse a
Buddha word (lit. spoken by the all knowing one). Thus, it will be respect worthy in future all were of one-mind or unanimous (ekacitta) on this decision.
The commentary to the Vinaya piaka uses the term samacitta in defining
samnasavsaka (an equal co-resident or a person with whom one lives). Thus, an equal
co-resident is a person who has no discord with regard to thoughts due to the fact of
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(having) same mentality. This use of samacitta reflects the practical significance of sustaining cordial attitudes, free of discord, while living in a community.
In sum, all these definitions imply that samacitta is an inter-subjective experience. It is referring to a group of people or monks sharing the same idea or having that kind of a mental
state or spiritual attainment that make it possible to live in a single space without conflict.
3.2. Non-discriminative attitudes
A slightly more nuanced interpretation of the term samacitta can be seen when it is used in
the sense of having non-discriminative or equal attitude to all beings. The commentators
describe the Buddha being called even-minded on account of his aspiration to bring about
happiness
(sukhpasahrakmatya)
and
dispel
the
unsatisfactoriness
(dukkhpanayanakmatya) of all living beings. For example, he had the same attitude towards his own (relatives and well-wishers) as he had exactly the same towards others; just
as towards his mother Mahmya, exactly the same towards Cic Mnavik; just as towards the father Suddhodana, similarly towards Suppabuddha; just as towards the son Rhula, similarly towards murderers like Devadatta, Dhanaplaka, and Agulimla. Whether
towards beings in heaven or on the earth, just the same. Therefore, the pleasant word (? stgiro) was properly said that He was the same towards all living beings.
The non-discriminative attitude leads to the inculcation of sense of dissolution of the barriers between self and others. In the Visuddhimagga Buddhaghosa connects it with metta or
boundless benevolence and explains systematically various techniques that conduce to development of this attitude. This aspect of samacitta, i.e. in relation to dissolving the barrier
between oneself and others, is widely discussed in the Buddhist Sanskrit texts as well.
The non-discriminative aspect of samacitta can be translated as even-mind. This attitude
engenders non-discriminative compassionate action. Practising generosity with an evenmind (samacitta) is considered a praiseworthy virtue. This is one of the outstanding qualities
of householder Ugga. The commentary explains practising generosity with an unbiased
mind is not generating any thought of differentiation as I shall give little to this one, I shall
give more to this one. Instead, Ugga sets the example of giving similar gifts. Giving gifts
non-discriminately is an important expansion of the meaning of the term samacitta.
4. Conclusion
151
called same-minded...
The above commentarial interpretations generally converge with the two etymological exUpali Sraman
planations suggested at the beginning of this paper. They also add substantial nuance to the
meaning of samacitta distinct from its usages in Buddhist Sanskrit texts.
A very important dimension of meaning emerging from the first set of interpretations is the
inter-subjective aspect of samacitta. This inter-subjectivity is generally concerned with the
exquisite state of mind (sukhumbhva), having the same spiritual attainments
(ekasampatti), or unanimous agreement over a thought (ekacitta). It is not a disparate individual experience. It refers to a shared quality of mind indicating a mental space where
the group of people identifies with one another and fits together. This is significantly different from the reference to samacitta as a quality that a bodhisattva, as an individual, develops
towards all living beings. This distinction, (i) samacitta as a shared mental attitude versus
(ii) samacitta as a spiritual experience developed only by a bodhisattva, opens up a significant avenue for further academic inquiry. Although appearing in a very few instances the
inter-subjectivity is a significant aspect of samacitta that we learn from the Pali texts.
The second set of interpretations is connected with non-discriminative attitudes towards all
living beings. The best example given in this regard is that of the Buddha who had the same
extent of compassion towards close relatives and those who tried to harm him. What is absent in the commentarial definitions is the role of samacitta in the soteriological process.
The Mahyna texts greatly elaborated this concept as a crucial requirement in the spiritual
journey of a bodhisattva. The second aspect of samacitta as a bodhisattva quality is mostly
seen in Buddhist Sanskrit texts.
In samacitta we see the broadness of Buddhist universalistic thinking. Beginning from objective, very common/basic materialistic characteristics, one is expected to realize the emotional and psychological sameness of beings and inculcate a consciousness of Universal
equality. The awakened beings develop samacitta having been fully matured with the virtues of detachment, compassion, wisdom, a fearless and indomitable attitude to serve humanity. Thus as far as the Buddhist social engagement is concerned the concept of samacitta is very significant to demonstrate wider vision of Buddhist enlightenment project
which goes beyond individualistic concerns.
End Notes
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SIJBS Volume 3
1
This essay is a modified extract from a section of the thesis titled Samacitta: An Inquiry of its Us-
ages, Meanings, and Implications in the Pli and Buddhist Sanskrit Sources submitted to the Department
of Post Graduate Studies at SIBA, Kandy, in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Buddhist
Studies. I am thankful to Bhikkhu Anlayo, Smner Dhammadinn, Prof. Charles Hallisey, Bhikkhuni
Waskaduwe Suvimalee and Justin Fifield for kindly discussing on this subject during the process of preparing
this paper. All shortcomings are due to my ignorance and failure to understand their comments.
2
.Dutt Nalinaksha (1984). Samdhirja Stra, ed. (Gilgit Manuscripts II), 3 parts,. Srinagar 1941-54, repr.
Delhi. p. 14
3
Williams, Monier (1899) 2005: A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.p.1053,cl
4
.Williams, Monier (1899) 2005: A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. p. 395, cl
5
Somaratne, G.A (2005), "Citta, Manas and Via: Aspects of Mind as Presented in Early Buddhist Pali
Discourses", in Dhamma-Vinaya, Essays in Honour of Venerable Professor Dhammavihari (Jotiya Dhirasekera), A. Tilakaratne et al. (eds.), Colombo: Sri Lanka Association for Buddhist Studies, pp. 169-202.
6
Woodward & E. M. Hare, (1932),The Book of the Gradual Sayings, , Vol. I 1995, p. 59.
7
Bodhi, Bhikkhu (2011), The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha: A Complete Translation of the Anguttara
Nikaya (Teachings of the Buddha). Boston: Wisdom Publication.
8
The Chinese Madhyama-gama (M 21) contains a parallel to this discourse, where the Chinese equivalent
to samacitta () for samacitta means even mind. Email communication with Bhikkhu Anlayo dated
06/06/2013.
9
R. Morris (1885, 2nd edn. 1961, 1989) Aguttara-nikya, Vol. I. London: Pali Text Society, pp. 61-70.
10
atha khalu bhagavstasy vely prajpramit bhate sma | tadyath - bodhisattvena mahsattvena samacittena bhavitavyam | sarvasattveu maitracittena bhavitavyam | ktajena bhavitavyam |
ktavedin ca bhavitavyam | sarvappaviratacittena bhavitavyam | (Vaidya P.L (1961). Svalpaksara prajnaparamita Based on the ed. by in: Mahayana-sutra-samgrahah, Part 1.Darbhanga: The Mithila Institute
(Buddhist Sanskrit Texts, p.17)
11
Atha kho sambahul samacitt devat yena bhagav tenupasakamisu; upasakamitv bhagavanta abhivdetv ekamanta ahasu. Ekamanta hit kho t devat bhagavanta etadavocu eso, bhante,
yasm sriputto pubbrme migramtupsde bhikkhna ajjhattasayojanaca puggala deseti
bahiddhsayojanaca. Hah, bhante, paris. Sdhu, bhante, bhagav yenyasm sriputto
tenupasakamatu anukampa updyti. Adhivsesi bhagav tuhbhvena. (Aguttara-nikya, Vol. I
1885, 2nd edn. 1961, 1989) ed. R. Morris; London: Pali Text Society.
12
Idha, sriputta, sambahul samacitt devat yenha tenupasakamisu; upasakamitv ma abhivdetv
ekamanta ahasu. Ekamanta hit kho, sriputta, t devat ma etadavocu eso, bhante, yasm
sriputto pubbrme migramtupsde bhikkhna ajjhattasayojanaca puggala deseti
bahiddhsayojanaca. Hah, bhante, paris. Sdhu, bhante, bhagav yena yasm sriputto
tenupasakamatu anukampa updyti. (Aguttara-nikya, Vol. I (1885, 2nd edn. 1961, 1989) ed. R.
Morris; London: Pali Text Society,)
13
Mc Rae, John R. (2004), The Vimalakrtistra Translated from the Chinese (Taish vol. 14, No. 475), Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, pp. 59-60.
14
Nyanaponika Thera (1987, reprint. 2008), The Life of Sriputta Compiled and Translated from the Pli texts,
Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, p. 20.
153
Upali Sraman
Why Are the Samacitta-devas called same-minded...
agrava kareyya, sammsambuddha pakkositv ima desana sabbaubhsita karissma. Eva angate garubhvany bhavissatti sabbva ekacitt ahesuntipi samacitt. (Commentary to the Anguttaranikya
from the Chattasangyana Versionfrom the website: http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0402a.att3.xml )
samnasavsako hi samacittatya cittena aviyutto hoti, samnasmya hito kyasmaggidnato sarrena aviyutto (Commentary to the Vinayapitaka from the Chattasangyana Versionfrom the website: http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/vin04t.nrf5.xml )
18
19
Athakhvha bhante, samacittova demi (R. Morris (ed.; 1885, 2nd edn. 1961, 1989) Aguttaranikya, Vol. IV., London: Pali Text Society,p. 215).
Bibliography
1. Bodhi, Bhikkhu (2011), The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha: A Complete
Translation of the AnguttaraNikaya (Teachings of the Buddha). Boston: Wisdom
Publication.
2. Dutt, Nalinaksha (1984). SamdhirjaStra, ed. (Gilgit Manuscripts II), 3 parts,. Srinagar 1941-54, repr. Delhi.
3. John R, Mc Rae. (2004), TheVimalakrtistra Translated from the Chinese (Taish
vol. 14, No. 475), Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research,
pp. 59-60.
4. MorrisR. ed.; Aguttara-nikya, Vol. I 1885, 2nd edn. 1961, 1989) London: Pali
Text Society.
5. Thera,Nyanaponika (1987, reprint. 2008),The Life of SriputtaCompiled and Translated
from the Pli texts, Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society.
6. Morris,R. (1885, 2nd edn. 1961, 1989) Aguttara-nikya, Vol. I. London: Pali Text
Society.
7. Somaratne, G.A (2005), "Citta, Manas and Via: Aspects of Mind as Presented
in Early Buddhist Pali Discourses", in Dhamma-Vinaya, Essays in Honour of Venerable Professor Dhammavihari (JotiyaDhirasekera), A. Tilakaratne et al. (eds.), Colombo: Sri Lanka Association for Buddhist Studies.
8. Vaidya P.L (1961). Svalpaksaraprajnaparamita Based on the ed. by in: Mahayanasutra-Samgrahah, Part 1.Darbhanga: The Mithila Institute (Buddhist Sanskrit Texts,
p.17)
154
SIJBS Volume 3
Websites
1. Commentary to the Anguttaranikya from the Chattasangyana Version from the
website: http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0402a.att3.xml
2. Commentary to the Anguttaranikya from the ChattasangyanaVersionfrom the
website: http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0404a.att2.xml
3. Commentary to the Vinayapitaka from the ChattasangyanaVersionfrom the website: http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/vin04t.nrf5.xml
4. The Commentary to the Suttanipta from the Chattasangyana Version from the
website: http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/s0501a.att9.xml
5. Visuddhimagga Commentary from the Chattasangyana Versionfrom the website:
http://tipitaka.org/romn/cscd/e0103n.att9.xml
155
Introduction
The term lay Buddhism in the title means the religious thoughts, practice, and social
activities of lay Buddhists. The Buddhist monastic community (Sagha) is traditionally
viewed as the major force in spreading Buddhism, with laypeople supporting them financially. However, when Buddhism spreads from one civilization to another, it has to form a
new local Sagha from local laypeople, while faced with doubts, challenges and even hostility from local ideology and political power. In such context, laypeoples responsibility for
Buddhism is far beyond financial and organizational support. They must negotiate with
power, debate with criticizers, and interpret the doctrine in a most acceptable way for local
people, together with the Sagha.
The development of Chinese lay Buddhism is a typical example. Within the first 200
years of Chinese Buddhist history, there was no local Sagha at all. In this situation, the task
of interpreting and spreading Buddhism was naturally attributed to Chinese laypeople.One
of the most important results of their efforts is the birth of Chinese Buddhist Sects: Chan,
Pure Land, Tiantai ((, etc.
The time range covered in this thesis started from 1st century B.C. (when Buddhism first
spread to China) up to late 13th century (the end of Song Dynasty). The whole history is divided into five periods chronologically, namely Early Period (2 B.C. - 280 A.D.), Localiza156
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tion Period I (280 420 A.D.), Localization Period II (420 589 A.D.), Sectarian period I
(589 907 A.D.), Sectarian period II (907 1279 A.D.).
The narrative account of following chapters follows two lines, the intellectual line and
the popular line, with the first line taken major part. For lay Buddhist intellectuals, the
thesis focuses on their own writings and relevant historical records; for popular Buddhism,
the discussion will regard to their belief, organizations and activities.
Early period
There are some controversies on the exact date when Buddhism first spread to China.
According to an official dynastic history book Sanguozhi( ,(on year 2 B.C. at the
reign of Emperor Liu Xin ( 1-27 ,/B.C.) of Western Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-9
A.D.), an envoy from Dayuezhi ( ((predecessor of Kushan Empire) taught a Chinese
scholar named Jinglu ( (Buddhist sutras. In these sutras, there were terms such as
Buddha, Bhiku, ramaa and Upsaka ((45 ,.
Buddha as a God
At the time of Eastern Han Dynasty, Buddhism was spread mostly among aristocrats. Lay
Buddhists could not tell the difference between Buddha and the Taoist gods. From historical
records such as Houhanshu (English translation: Book of the Later Han, an
official historical record of Later Han dynasty ), it can be seen that there already Upsaka-s
who were treated together with foreign ramaa-s in this period, but their practice was often
mixed up with Taoist cults without proper understanding of the Buddhist doctrine. ( ,
(98
Cong Yuan
Xiao (filial piety)? 3) Why did Buddhism talk about reincarnation, karma and life after
death without factual basis?
For the first question, Mouzi stated that Buddhism was able to show the truth, and the fact
that the Buddha was a foreigner does not necessarily mean he was not a saint. Furthermore,
the theory of Buddhism could be consistent with Confucianism. For the second question,
Mouzi explained that Buddhist renunciation can be justified with two reasons: firstly it is
done for the sake of a spiritual goal which is even nobler than filial piety; secondly, even
filial piety can also be completed through the merits earned from Buddhist practice. For the
last question, Mouzi pointed out that the existence of soul is already taken as true in Chinese
funeral rituals, and it should be considered as true for the sake of moral restraint (by way of
Karma and its effect).However, Mouzisunderstanding of Karma and rebirth is not exactly in
accordance with the original teaching of the Buddha, for he was suggesting that a soul
was enjoying or suffering from the effects of deeds.(T52 No. 2102 P2-3)
Localization Period I
Lay Buddhist Groups Centered with Eminent Monks
During Jin Dynasty (-265 ,420 A.D.)Chinese lay Buddhists began to form groups
to have discussion on Dharma, promoted by the widespread influence of eminent monks.
There were mainly three kinds of people engaged in such groups: emperors, government
officials, and hermits. Buddhist emperors generally showed great respect to eminent monks,
while supporting their groups financially and helping them with their sermons. They also
honored the monks with titles and positions. The leadership of eminent monks in such
groups was based on their vast knowledge and impressive virtue. Started by Ven. Huiyuan(
417-334 ,A.D.), the White Lotus Society( ( is regarded as the first Pure Land
lay Buddhist group in China. Members of this group practicedSamdhi of mindfulness of
the Buddha (Chinese:(, the textual source of which is Amityurdhyna-Stra.(
, T50 No.2059 P358)
Feng Fa Yao: The First Local Guidebook for Lay Buddhist Practice
Feng Fa Yao ( (is a summary of lay Buddhist practice written by Xi Chao( ,
377-336A.D.), who was one of the major ministers of the government at his time.The essay
is the first attempt in Chinese Buddhist history to elaborate the whole path to liberation speciallyfor lay Buddhists, with emphasis on precepts and rituals, as well as interpretation on
the compatibility between Buddhist and Confucian morality. Its content includes three refuges, five/eight precepts, six recollections (on Triple Gem, offering, precepts and heavenly
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SIJBS Volume 3
beings), ten wholesome ways of action, five realms (heaven, human world, animals, hungry
ghosts and hell), five aggregates, five hindrances (sensory desire, ill-will, sloth and torpor,
restlessness, doubt), and six sensual bases (together with their objects). Besides, the author
also attempted to implant Confucian ideas such as Shendu ( ,literal meaning: be
mindful when alone)into Buddhist practice. However, he was unable to show Buddhist
meditation techniques in detailand his illustration of Nirva was inadequate, which may be
resulted to the fact that he couldnt see enough Chinese translation of sutras at his time.A
more possible reason is that born in a Confucian culture, Chinese lay Buddhists often tended
to focus more on the theory of Karma and the practice of morality, on which they were already well-learned, rather than specific techniques of meditation. Another point that deserves attention is that Early Buddhist text and Mahyna text spread into China almost at
the same period of time, but Chinese Buddhists knew little about the historical evolution of
Buddhist thoughts in India, so they naturally took both as the original teaching of the Buddha, which can be reflected from Feng Fa Yaos description on Nirva.( ,T52 No.
2102 P86-87)
Localization Period II
Lay Buddhists Response to the Censure of Buddhism from Taoist Side
Starting from 2nd century B.C., Taoists began to develop a new aboriginal religion out of
the early Taoist philosophy founded by Laozi (6 ,th century B.C.). This movement
accelerated at the time of Southern and Northern Dynasties, when Taoists began to censure
Buddhism as a foreign religion which is not suitable for Chinese culture.
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Cong Yuan
In 4th century, a Taoist priest named Wang Fu (3rd -4thcentury) made a fake sutra
calledLaoziHuahu Jing ( .)The story in this sutra says that Laozi, the founder of
Chinese Taoist philosophy, went west through the Gobi desert and transformed his appearance into Shakyamuni Buddha to preach deep doctrine to Indian people. This fake sutra appeared as the beginning of continuous Taoist effort to create new texts attempting to show
the advantage of Taoism over Buddhism by saying the Buddha was in fact an avatar or disciple of Laozi.
In 5th century, another Taoist priest named Zhang Rong(
,T52
Such groundless fabrications seriously irritated Buddhist people, who started refuting San
Po Lun with numerous articles. Mie HuoLun ( (is one of such articles written by Liu
Xie ( 520-?465 ,A.D.), a famous literary critic, writer and lay Buddhist. In this work, he
responded that Laozi had been a hermit for most of the time when he was in China.He went
abroad most probably for the sake of ascetic life, how come he suddenly turned himself into
a popular teacher with thousands of disciples in India? Besides, Liu Xie pointed out that the
popular version of Taoism was quite different from the original philosophy of Laozi. They
were either practicing supernatural powers or taking advantage of peoples desire and
cheating them with tricks. (Ibid. P51)
The adequate counter-arguments proposed in Mie HuoLun shows that as early as 5th century, Chinese lay Buddhists already realized the uniqueness of Buddhist doctrine and were
able to apply the Buddhist Right View to distinguish Buddhism from superstitious religions.Furthermore, their counter-criticism to the doctrines of Taoism and the popular practice
of Taoists in turn stipulated Taoists to reform their religious belief by re-editing Buddhist
texts into Neo-Taoist texts, which will start another stage of Buddhist-Taoist relationship in
the following centuries.
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161
Cong Yuan
the road will stop and listen to him; when Ven. Sengbian ( (chants, sometimes the birds
will wander over the temple to enjoy it. ( ,T50 No.2059 P417)
Changdao (,literal meaning propagating) is a kind of dramatic public speech on
Buddhist doctrine. It is said to be started by Ven. Huiyuan, who always gave a Dharma talk
on Karma and rebirth at the beginning of every ceremony he joined (Ibid. P417). The effect
of Changdao was described as follows:
When they talked about impermanence, people trembled with worry; when they talked
about hell, people became horrified and burst into tearseverybody was moved, some knelt
down and some started kowtow while revealing their own bad karma, and some were chanting the name of the Buddha. (Ibid. P418)
Although Changdao was usually meant for lower class people, the script for it was often
written by famous monks, lay scholars and sometimes even emperors. Ten scripts written by
Emperor Xiao Gang (551-503 , A.D., the son of Xiao Yan) can be found in the
TaishShinshDaizky. ( ,T52 No. 2103, P205-206)
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peaceful world or a good harvest. The statues built during this period were not only the statues of the historical Buddha, but also Buddhas in other realms such as Amitbha Buddha
and Bodhisattvas such as Avalokitevara and Maitreya. In some places, Bodhisattva statues
obviously outnumbered Buddha statues, (Inscriptions on Buddhist Statues in
the Period of the Northern Dynasties, 7) which showed the increasing popularity of Bodhisattva belief of that time.
Sectarian Period I :
Fu Xing ShuEmotions and Human Nature
The prominent status of Buddhism in Chinese culture began to decline as the dynasty and
central government declined as well during the late 8thcentury to 9thcentury. Buddhist temples that were exempt from state taxes beforehand were targeted by the state for taxation.
On year 845 Emperor Li Chan ( 846-814 ,/A.D.) finally forced 4,600 Buddhist
monasteries to shut down along with 40,000 temples and shrines, forcing 260,000 Buddhist
monks and nuns to return to secular life. Although the ban would be lifted just a few years
after, Buddhism never regained its once dominant status. However, Chan Buddhism continued to flourish for it was mostly autarky and not much dependent on monastic manor economy.
The practice of Chan Buddhism is generally based on the theory of Buddha nature. According to texts such as MahynaMahparinirvaStra, the Buddha nature is shared by
all sentient beings, and could be viewed as part of the human nature. Therefore Buddha nature becomes the intersection between Chan Buddhism and Confucianism, since Confucius
suggested that human nature is originally wholesome, and perfect human nature could be
attained through the cultivation of mind. Confucian scholars saw the possibility to reconstruct their theory with the philosophy of Chan. Their achievement was represented by the
essay Fu Xing Shu (,( which was written by Li Ao ( 836-774 ,A.D.), a wellknown Confucian scholar in Tang Dynasty. In this work, Li Ao tried to integrate Buddhist
philosophy into the Confucian theory of emotion (Qing, (and Human Nature (Xing,
.(As he wrote in Fu Xing Shu:
Human Nature is the reason why people are able to become saints; emotions are what
hinder people from realizing their Human Nature. Joy, anger, sadness, fear, love, hatred and
desire, these are all emotions. Once people are distracted by their emotions, their Human
Nature will be covered, but this is not the problem of the Human Nature itself.
Some of the emotions are wholesome, some are not, but the Human nature is always
wholesome.The Human Nature of the Saints are not different from that of ordinary people. However, ordinary peoples Human Nature was covered by their emotions so that they
163
Cong Yuan
are always engaged in hurting and killing each other. They cannot realize their nature
throughout their life.
It should be noted that although Confucius himself mentioned that Human Nature is originally wholesome, but it is never mentioned in Confucian texts before Li Ao that Human Nature of all the people are equal, and that Human Nature covered by emotions is the cause of
unwholesome. The relationship between emotion and Human Nature in Fu Xing Shu is obviously related to the (Chan) Buddhist theory of Buddha-nature and afflictions.
Fu Xing Shu is one of the earliest attempts in Chinese history to reconstruct Confucian
philosophy with reference to Buddhist theory, which was succeeded by Neo-Confucians in
Song Dynasty (960-1279 A.D.), and finally flourished as the mainstream of Chinese
philosophy.
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of his time, together with his own answers to frequently asked questions about Pure Land, as
well as compiled stories of how devoted people got blessed from the Amitbha Buddha.
Along with the vast spread of Pure Land Buddhism among laypeople, different kinds of
Pure Land Buddhist society also began to flourish in China, especially in big cities. Some of
these societies were similar to the previously mentioned White Lotus Society in 5th century,
the common form of which is that people regularly gathered in a certain place to practice
Pure Land meditation, either chanting or visualization. Other kinds of societies include the
societies of setting free animals ( ,(the societies of vegetarians, the societies of
building statues, etc.
Although activities such as keeping vegetarian diet and setting free animals are common
practices shared by many Mahyna sects, most of the participants of these societies were
Pure Land Buddhists, which could be proved by the usual Huixiang ( ,dedication of
merits) ritual at the end of their gathering. Wishes such as May every participant successfully get rebirth in the Pure Land or May we get the highest level of rebirth were often
found in the chanting books of such societies. ((134 ,
Conclusion
Ever since Buddhism spread to China, its development has been structured in three kinds of
relationships: the relationship between Buddhist Sagha and Chinese autocratic monarchy;
the relationship between Buddhism and Confucianism, the dominant ideology in imperial
China (sometimes together with the aboriginal religion Taoism); and the relationship between Buddhism and Chinese patriarchal society.
Lay people functioned as lobbyists and negotiators between the Sagha and imperial government. The tension lies in the fact that although Shakyamuni Buddha advised monks not
to violate state laws, Buddhist Sagha, as a social organization, is still out of the normal imperial administration. It is free from any taxes and labor request from the government. When
the government showed its ambition to put the Sagha into imperial order, Buddhist laypeople spoke out at the right time to negotiate with them, which can be seen in the debate of
whether monks should worship the emperors.
Lay people functioned as communicators and compromisers between Buddhist intellectuals
and Confucian/Taoist scholars.The historical criticism against Buddhism from either Confucian or Taoist side mostly focused on whether Buddhist monasticism is a violation to social
and family responsibility. Chinese lay Buddhists solved the problem with twofold counterarguments. Firstly, they pointed out Buddhists consisted not only monks, the majority of
them were laypeople; secondly they explained the consistency of Buddhist and Confucian
ethics, for which they emphasized the doctrine of Karma and rebirth for it is helpful to
maintain Confucian moral code.
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Cong Yuan
Lay people functioned as interpreters and innovators of Buddhist doctrine. The tension
between Buddhism and the patriarchal society of imperial China lies in the fact that personal, spiritual attempt for liberation was considered inferior to social and family roleplaying in Chinese feudal system, and the dominant ideology (Confucianism) did not encourage people to think beyond the mundane world. As a result, Chinese lay people were
not capable of abandoning their career and family, in most cases they could not engage
themselves into intensive, long-standing meditation retreats as Indian Buddhists often
did.Therefore they were in need of easy, short-cut meditation techniques, which resulted to
the flourishing of localized meditation: Chan for intellectuals (mostly), and Pure Land for
ordinary people. Much of these philosophical innovations were led by monks, but they
could not win much recognition and popularity without the support and propaganda of laypeople.
End Notes
1
References to canonical texts will be given with the original Chinese title of the text, plus a single-letter ab-
breviation followed by volume number, order number, and page number(s). For example, T52 No.
2102 P5 refers to a text titled as ,numbered 2102 in TaishShinshDaizky, and it can be found on
vol. 52, page 5 of the canon. For editions and abbreviations, see the bibliography. Note that the canonical
sources used in this thesis were all written in classical Chinese, and there was no available complete English
translation for the time being. Therefore all the quotations in English were translated by the author of the thesis. Citations from other works will be given only in title and page number, with detailed information provided
in the bibliography. For example, A History of Buddhist Philosophy, 56 refers to page 56 of David J. KalupahanasA History of Buddhist Philosophy, Continuities and Discontinuites, University of Hawaii Press: 1992.
Citations from online resources will be given footnotes showing the link, with details in the bibliography.
2
http://www.eurasianhistory.com/data/articles/l01/486.html
http://zh.wikisource.org/zh/%E5%BE%A9%E6%80%A7%E6%9B%B8
See note 1 on page 2 for a description of the citation methodology used for the canonical texts.
SIJBS Volume 3
) .Nanshi). 1986 , :.
Chisui, Sato ((. Inscriptions on Buddhist Statues in the Period of the Northern
Dynasties (( Shigakuzasshi:86(10), 1421-1467, 1561-1562, 1977-10-20
Wikisource.http://zh.wikisource.org/zh/%E5%BE%A9%E6%80%A7%E6%9B%
B8Accessed: February 2014
2001 .
167
168