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LOUISE M. ANTONY
Oedipus marriedJocastaintentionally
Jocastais Oedipus'smother.
(I'll call sentences like (1) and (2) 'attributionsof intentional action',
or 'A.I.A.'s for short.)
Well, we've seen this sort of thing before. We know that from:
(4)
And so we know just what to do - we must declare (1) and (2) and
their ilk (i.e., sentences containing the adverb "intentionally")to be
intensional contexts, thereby ensuring that at least one third of all
college studentswill loathe philosophy forever.
Obviously, recognizing that "intentionally"creates an intensional
context is simply a labeling, and not a solution, of the problem.' But
it may be a step on the way to a solution, if it helps us recognize its
Philosophical Studies 51 (1987) 311-323.
312
LOUISE M. ANTONY
Oedipus marriedJocasta.
On Davidson's view, (6) should be construed as asserting the existence of a particularevent, a marryingof Jocastaby Oedipus. Its logical form is something like this:
(7)
(Ex) [Married(Oedipus,Jocasta,x)]
where the object satisfying the sentence will be a particular, nonrepeatableevent, one which occurredat a definite place and time. As
a concrete particular, the event can be referredto or described in
many differentways, so that it can figurein true identity-claims,like:
(7)
Oedipus marriedJocastaquickly
That doesn't seem so bad, but what happens when we apply Davidson's analysis to the adverb "intentionally" appears to be very bad
indeed. For if events are concrete particulars,subject to the law of
ATTRIBUTIONSOF INTENTIONALACTION
313
indiscemibility of identicals, and if adverbs mark properties of individual events, then it looks like the logical analysis of (1) ought to be
(10)
(Ex) [Married(Oedipus,Jocasta,x)]
314
LOUISE M. ANTONY.
would presum-
...'
...'.
315
the event, Oedipus, and a certain description, have a relation that does not obtain
betweenthe same event, Oedipus,and a differentdescription(p. 195).
316
LOUISE M. ANTONY
317
318
LOUISE M. ANTONY
319
320
LOUISE M. ANTONY
ties, or the view doesn't permit a systematic treatmentof the semantics of action ascriptions. These two sets of concerns add up to the
overarchingconcern he makes explicit in defendinghis own analysis,
which requires quantification over extensionally-treated events:
"nothing now stands in the way ... of giving a coherent and constructive account of how the meanings (truth conditions) of those sentences depend upon their structure".14It is clear, therefore, that
Davidson's study of action gets a great deal of its impetus from
Davidson's desire to get action sentences accommodated by his
programof truth-conditionalsemantics.
I am very doubtful that Davidson's approach to meaning in
natural language is the correct one. In general, I am skeptical that
model-theoretic treatments of "regimented" natural language are
going to offer answers to questions about the nature of semantic
competence, which I view as centralto the theory of meaning. Thus, I
do not offer my analysis of A.I.A.'s as an analysis of their meaning. I
view it as an account of their truth-conditions;an account of what the
world must be like insofar as they are true. Such an account will
provide, to a limited extent, a "logical" analysis, since any claim
entailed by an A.I.A. must be part of its truth-conditions.But beyond
that, I make no claims about the "logic" of A.I.A.'s - questions about
the "form"of A.I.A.'s I referto an empirical theory of syntax.
As I said, I don't view my proposal as a theory of the meaning
(except in the sense of extension) of A.I.A.'s. Thus, it's not a consequence of my view that people must believe in mental representations
in order to make A.I.A.'s. Thus it's not an objection to my view that
many people make A.I.A.'s without believing in mental representations. (The point holds generally for Fodor's theory of propositional
attitudes - the theory is not meant as a theory of the intention of
propositional attitude ascriptions, but as an empirical account of
what their truth consists in.) Still, I don't think my account is
unnatural. Reference to something representational is usually just
below the surface in an A.I.A., as Davidson himself notes. He seems
willing, as I've noted, to construe A.I.A.'s as involving quantifications
over utterances;it's the mental part that I think would bother him.'5
While we're on the subject of people's objections to mental
representations,let me say something about the issue of the contents
321
This article was written while I held a fellowship from the American Council of
LearnedSocieties:I would like to thank the ACLS for its support.I would also like to
thankJosephLevine for his helpfulcommentson an earlierversion.
322
LOUISE M. ANTONY
NOTES
1
Although not everyone finds this obvious. Consider Davidson's remarks in the
appendixto 'The LogicalFormof Action Sentences'.Concernedabout the fact that one
and the same action can be said to have been performedintentionallyor unintentionally, dependingupon how it's described,he suggeststhat the "obvious solution ... is to
take 'intentionally' as creating a semantically opaque context in which one would
expect substitutivityof identityto seem to fail".(Davidson[1967], p. 147)
2 See Kiparskyand Kiparsky[1970] for a full account.
3 I have in mind especially Jaegwon Kim (Kim [1966]) and Roderick Chisholm
(Chisholm[1970] and [1971]), both of whom proposeto individuateevents intentionally, invoking data about A.I.A.'s in support of their views. Davidson discusses Kim's
theoryin Davidson [1969], and Chisholm'sview in Davidson [1971].
4 Davidson, [1968].
5 See Davidson [1963].
6 For example, HilaryPutnam[1963], and Ned Block, [1980].
7 Fodor's theory of internal representationis presented in full in Fodor [1975]. He
concentrateson philosophicalargumentsfor treatingpropositionalattitudesas relations
to mental representationsin Fodor [1978].
8 Following Fodor [1978], I assume the existence of a function that takes the publiclanguageexpressionsthat a person uses to expresshis or her propositionalattitudesto
the internalrepresentationsinvolved in those attitudes.This makes it possibleto designate particularm.r.'s by means of public-languagesentences.For more on the precise
relation between the two kinds of representations,see the discussion of m.r. content
below.
9 I see no way to avoid the use of indexicals in the specificationof the contents of
propositionalattitudes,since, as Perry(see Perry[1979]) and others have argued,how
one behaves can depend crucially upon whether some feature of one's situation is
representedindexicallyor non-indexically.(The same point will be apparentlaterwhen
I discussA.I.A.'s.)
Indexicals are notorious for complicating semantic theory. But I don't think the
problemsthey pose make any special difficultiesfor me apartfromthe generalproblem
that my view of the relation between public and mental language presupposesthe
existence of some semanticanalysisof naturallanguage.I don't see any particulardifficulty, for example, about there being tokens of mentalese that function precisely the
way public language indexical expressions function. A mentalese "I", for example,
might be nomologicallyconstrained(whereasthe public languagetoken would only be
constrainedby convention)to referto the organismin which it gets tokened,and to so
refer regardlessof what other resourcesfor self-reference(like a name or identifying
description)the organismhas availableto it.
10 For comment on the use of indexical expressionslike "this" in the specificationof
an m.r., see the previousnote.
1l When I say "desiringy" and "believingz", I mean, of course,"standingin the desire
relationto y" and "standingin the belief relationto z". I shall continue to use this sort
of shorthand.
12 Davidson,[1978].
'3 Davidson[1967], p. 122.
14 Davidson[1967], p. 119.
1 See
Antony [forthcoming]for a defenseof this diagnosis.
16 Fodor believes that m.r.'s have both "wide"and "narrow"contents (as these terms
are explained in Putnam's 'The Meaning of "Meaning"'), although it's only narrow
contentsthat have psychologicalrelevance.But his scheme has come underattackfrom
differentcorners:Burge [1979]) has attackedthe notion of narrowor "individualistic"
323
content, arguing that meaning is socially determined. Schiffer [1981] contends that
psychology can make do with the syntactic properties of m.r.'s, together with the
assumption that they possess wide contents. Stich [1983], has arguedthat there's no
suitable match-upbetween the semanticsof belief ascriptionand the computationally
relevant propertiesof internal tokens, so that there are neither narrownor wide contents - psychologyis purelysyntactic.
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