Department of Law, Humanities and the Arts

Talkin Tough Bout Boats

The media treatment of the Oceanic Viking stand-off

Honours thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of
the degree
BACHELOR OF COMMUNICATIONS MEDIA STUDIES (HONOURS)
From
UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG

By

Aidan Simmons, Bachelor of Journalism/Arts (Majors: Philosophy & Politics,

Minor: Marketing)

December 2014

ABSTRACT
In late October, 2009, a group of 78 asylum-seekers refused to disembark from the
Australian Customs vessel, the Oceanic Viking. The group, following their rescue in
international waters, were taken to the nearest port located in Indonesia; the destination
from which these 78 asylum-seekers had embarked. Their refusal to leave the vessel
defied the instructions of the Australian and Indonesian governments, leading to a
stand-off between the three parties. This thesis investigates the media coverage of this
highly charged event, which has thus far, gone understudied. It does so by examining
46 newspaper articles, gathered with the aid of the Factiva database, from the Sydney
Morning Herald and, The Australian newspapers. Through the use of Critical and
Historical Discourse Analysis, this thesis shows a clear and consistent negative bias in
the ch these 78 asylum-seekers had embarked. Their refusal to leave the vessel defied
the instructions of the Australian this new group of boatpeople from Indonesia.

DECLARATION
I certify that this thesis is entirely my own work except where I have given full
documented references to the work of others, and that the material contained in this
thesis has not been submitted for formal assessment in any formal course and the word
length is 17, 779

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To my supervisors, Susan and David, I owe an immense debt of gratitude, without your
assistance, your suggestions and, your relentless (see ruthless) editing, I would not have
produced a work that I am so immensely proud of upon its conclusion. My thanks to
both of you. Id also like to thank my friends and family who spent painstaking hours
editing and discussing this work with me. This list is not exhaustive, but they are the
main people that spring to mind at this point; a massive thanks to the following: my
father and diligent editor, Christopher Simmons; my other editors; Travis Holland and,
Emily Blackbourn, my numbers man, Zachary Fitzpatrick; and finally, Patricia-Maree
Brown for her help and support at times when the challenge that is a thesis, seemed too
great to bear.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 1
DECLARATION ........................................................................................................... 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................... 3
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................... 4
LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... 6
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................... 7
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 8
CHAPTER TWO: HISTORY LESSONS ............................................................... 12
Advance Australia Afraid......................................................................................... 12
The first wave The high-water mark ..................................................................... 14
The Second Wave 'Choppy be the sea' .................................................................. 14
The Third Wave The crash begins ........................................................................ 15
The Howard Years Fear and Loathing on the campaign trail ............................... 17
The Tampa Incident .............................................................................................. 18
September 11 ........................................................................................................ 21
Children Overboard .............................................................................................. 21
Challenging Howard ................................................................................................ 25
CHAPTER THREE: FRAMING THE MEDIA ..................................................... 28
Making sense of the world ....................................................................................... 28
Making sense of my analysis ................................................................................... 30
Discourse Analysis ................................................................................................... 32
Cultural Hegemony .................................................................................................. 36
Politics and Language .............................................................................................. 40
CHAPTER FOUR: A NOTE ON METHOD .......................................................... 42
Data Collection ......................................................................................................... 42
Data Analysis ........................................................................................................... 43

iv

Discourse Analysis of the Oceanic Viking Incident ................................................ 46

Paragraph 1 ........................................................................................................... 47
Paragraph 2 ........................................................................................................... 50
Paragraphs 3 & 4 .................................................................................................. 52
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS.................................................................................. 53
Chronology of the Coverage .................................................................................... 53
Week One ............................................................................................................. 53
Week Two............................................................................................................. 54
Discussion of both weeks ..................................................................................... 56
Negative Framing ..................................................................................................... 61
Construction of Asylum-seekers .......................................................................... 62
Discourse of Nations ............................................................................................ 69
CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION ............................................................................. 74
Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 77
Appendices ................................................................................................................... 81
Appendix 1: Data Categories:............................................................................... 81
Appendix 2: Rudd Can't Budge Coding Breakdown ............................................ 85
Appendix 3: Other sources breakdown (total) ...................................................... 86
Appendix 4: Asylum Seeker full coding table...................................................... 87

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: BZO Party Poster taken from Wodak (2001) ............................................... 35
Figure 2: Article Scoring System at work.................................................................... 45
Figure 3: Deconstructed text extract from Rudd cant budge on asylum-seekers .... 47
Figure 4: Asylum-seeker Keywords in Context........................................................... 63
Figure 5: Australia vs OECD asylum inflows ............................................................ 73

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Coding Categories ......................................................................................... 44
Table 2: Coding Categories in the Data set ................................................................. 57
Table 3: Total sources quoted ...................................................................................... 57
Table 4: Asylum-seeker coding categories .................................................................. 64
Table 5 Usage of Indonesia and Australia in articles .................................................. 70

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

Over the 2012-13 financial year, the Australian Federal Government spent over one
billion dollars1 on the maintenance of two offshore detention centres in the quest to stop the
boats. For a Government that attempted to deliver the 'harshest budget in more than a decade,2
with widespread cuts to services,[3][4] the exorbitant spending on asylum-seeker policy was
most assuredly designed for domestic political reward and stands in stark contrast to the fiscal
conservatism which otherwise categorises the Coalitions budget policy. Recent times have
seen the question of: how to deal with maritime asylum-seekers remerge as a contested
political issue. Both major Australian political parties have exploited the problem for political
gain, and this thesis grapples with this notion.
Australian political debate on the topic of maritime asylum-seekers has a long and
nuanced history. Generally seen to begin with the first wave of Vietnamese Boatpeople in the
1970s (McMaster, 2002), the response to that particular crisis (Hugo, 2001) was widely praised
as humane (McMaster, 2002). From 1975 85, Australia resettled approximately 100,000
refugees, raising the yearly intake to a peak of 21,900 arrivals in 1980-81 (Price, 1986) the
highest yearly influx in Australian history. Crucial to the success of such an ambitious policy
was the presence of bipartisan support from the Labor opposition of the time, that resisted the
temptation to exploit underlying racist or anti refugee-sentiment (Manne, 2010).

Whyte, S, 2014, Offshore detention centres: annual costs hit $1 billion, Sydney Morning Herald, 20 October,
<http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/offshore-detention-centres-annual-costs-hit-1-billion-20141020118s6i.html?utm_source=social&utm_medium=facebook&utm_campaign=nc&eid=socialn%3Afac-13omn1676-edtrlother%3Annn-17%2F02%2F2014-edtrs_socialshare-all-nnn-nnn-vars-o>
2
Shepherd, T, 2014, Australian Federal Budget 2014: Treasurer Joe Hockey and Tony Abbott defend health reforms in
harsh Federal Budget, The Advertiser, 14 May, <http://www.adelaidenow.com.au/news/south-australia/australian-federalbudget-2014-treasurer-joe-hockey-and-tony-abbott-defend-health-reforms-in-harsh-federal-budget/story-fni6uo1m1226916611625?nk=c3c57119fc2ae12d11c6aedbffe579e9>
3
Federal budget 2014: Winners and losers, Sydney Morning Herald, May 13, 2014,
<http://www.smh.com.au/business/federal-budget/federal-budget-2014-winners-and-losers-20140513-38802.html>
4
Leslie, T, 2014, Winners and Losers of the 2014 budget, ABC News, May 13, 2014, <http://www.abc.net.au/news/201405-13/budget-winners-and-losers/5433178>

It is against this open, welcoming and generous treatment that all future Australian
policy has been judged. From the second wave of arrivals (the Cambodian boatpeople) in the
early 1990s, Australian policy changed markedly. The introduction of mandatory detention, by
the Keating Labor Government, began to situate Australian responses along a continuum of
deterrence producing a hegemonic representation of refugees as criminals (Pickering, 2001)
thus used to justify increasingly punitive Australian policy. This negative construction of
maritime asylum-seekers deepened during the Howard years (1996 2007), which marked the
increased securitisation of Australias approach to unauthorised arrivals and undocumented
migrants (Neumann, Gifford, Lems and, Scherr 2014) culminating in the draconian policies
of 2001 (McMaster, 2002a).
The first Rudd Ministry (2007-2010) is unique amongst Australian governments of the
last 20 years and merits further study. A significant part of its uniqueness came from the
challenge it presented to the bipartisan consensus on maritime asylum-seekers, which had
existed since the introduction of mandatory detention by Paul Keating. After winning the 2007
election, Rudd implemented sweeping changes aimed to restore compassionate policy. 5 His
actions are all the more interesting given their rather obvious failure, shown by the stunning
policy reversals of 2010 and 2013.
In 2010 the Gillard Labor Government abandoned its previous principled stance of
2007. It has been argued that this was done in the wake of rapidly increasing maritime arrivals
and growing domestic political tensions (Fleay, 2011). It has been made apparent that the
problem was weighing heavily on the mind of Julia Gillard before she replaced Kevin Rudd
in 2010 as Prime Minister. In his book Rudd, Gillard and Beyond, Troy Bramston (2014)
publishes an explosive email from Gillard titled Asylum seekers written on the 21st of June,

Sweeping changes to mandatory detention announced, ABC News, 30 July, 2008, <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2008-0729/sweeping-changes-to-mandatory-detention-announced/456652>

2010. In this email, Gillard links government handling of the issue with the extraordinarily
low Labor primary vote at the time, a position from which she thought Labor was unable to
win the next election. Gillard also consistently refers to the issue as one of the key negative
areas impacting on public appraisal of the government. Fearing that the loss of control of the
borders [was] feeding into a narrative of a government that was incompetent and out of control
Gillard took the incredible step to displace a sitting Prime Minister.
While the trials and tribulations of the Rudd/Gillard years are well known, what is less
known is how media coverage of maritime asylum-seekers leading up to 2010 was framed.
This is the problematic of this thesis, which considers the ways in which the media reported on
and, constructed, maritime asylum-seekers during the Oceanic Viking stand-off. In
exploring this topic, this thesis focuses specifically on the period from 20 October 2009 to 3
November 2009, roughly the first two weeks of the media coverage. This topic has rarely been
addressed in existing literature, with no study (seemingly) attempting a detailed analysis of this
event. The Oceanic Viking stand-off was also chosen for its rhetorical links to the Tampa
incident, a key event of the Howard years. The writer Robert Manne (2010) called the Oceanic
Viking standoff Tampa in reverse. This phrase provided the Eureka moment that inspired
this thesis.
Detailed textual analysis of 46 newspaper articles, gathered from The Sydney Morning
Herald and The Australian, was undertaken over the course of roughly a month in August and
September. These articles were gathered with the aid of the Factiva database. Research for this
thesis was carried out in the tradition of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA henceforth). CDA
focusses on the problems facing the losers of social life e.g. the poor, the socially excluded,
those subject to oppressive gender or race relations (Fairclough, 2001), and seeks to determine
how social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by
text and talk in the social and political context (van Dijk, 2001). In seeking to make clear these
10

oppressive power relationships, CDA is seen as having an emancipatory objective in that

practitioners frequently take explicit positions in seeking to understand, expose, and ultimately
resist social inequality (van Dijk, 2001). This thesis takes inspiration from van Dijk (2001)
and defines power as the ability to excise control over people and processes.
In undertaking analysis of the Oceanic Viking standoff, history is important. Many
articles about the event, which are analysed in this thesis, make reference to the Howard years
and the bulk of academic work-to-date has focused on this period. In combination with CDA,
this thesis therefore also draws on the Discourse-Historical Approach or Historical Discourse
Analysis (HDA), which holds that all discourses can only be understood with reference to
their context (Myer, 2001). With this in mind, Chapter Two draws a detailed picture of the
background surrounding Australian debates on asylum-seekers and Immigration; embarked
upon to make salient the connections between the history surrounding the issue and the
articles analysed. Chapter Three focusses on the theoretical underpinnings to this work,
explaining how CDA, HDA, Social Constructionism, Media Framing and Gramscis theory of
Hegemony are all used in this research and analysis. Chapter Four explains the coding
categories that have been used to fracture the data set and includes an example of how I
conducted discourse analysis. This sets up my analysis of the data set, which is undertaken in
Chapter Five where the findings of this thesis are discussed.

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CHAPTER TWO: HISTORY LESSONS

Within Australian law, immigration policy also incorporates refugee policy. Despite
the fact that these are two different and distinct areas, refugee policy is subordinate to
immigration policy, in that immigration control overrides the obligations and objectives of
refugee protection (McMaster, 2002a). It should be noted that Australia did not have a formal
refugee program before the 1970s and refugees were therefore viewed as part of the general
migration scheme. While it may be tempting to take a narrow focus on refugee resettlement
beginning this history with the first wave of Vietnamese arrivals, the earlier history of
migration to Australia is also of relevance. This section therefore begins with pre-Federation
racial tensions, touching briefly on Australian attitudes to migration following the Second
World War, before arriving at the events leading up to the Oceanic Viking stand-off.

Advance Australia Afraid

It might be noted that the first act passed by the Australian Federal Parliament in 1901
was the Immigration Restriction Act (1901), commonly known as the White Australia Policy.
This Act being the first piece of legislation passed by the new Federal Government, is seen to
be of immense significance by scholars including: Piper (2000), McMaster (2002 a, b & c),
Devetak (2004), Gale (2004), ODoherty and Augoustinos (2008), and Every & Augoustinos
(2007 & 2008). This infamous act of parliament had its roots in the pre-Federation ethnic
tensions that flared between Chinese and European migrants on the gold fields of Victoria,
New South Wales and Queensland. Rapid population growth, fierce economic competition and
segregated Chinese quarters led to tensions, becoming so severe that they erupted into riots
between 1857 and 1877, (McMaster 2002b). This hostility towards the Chinese and European
migrants, demonstrates Australias long history of racism, fear of cultural difference and
12

simmering ethnic tensions. The white Australia policy was an outcome of these factors and a
perceived collective national desire to remain white and British (McMaster 2002a). It is
commonly argued that the fear of immigrants from Australias populous northern neighbours
flooding through porous and unprotected coastal borders, (Howard, 2003) has had a defining
role on the Australian political psyche. This fear has often crystallised in the perceived need to
keep them out. In a speech from Mr Henry Willis, the member for Robertson in 1901, he
stated it was our plain duty to prevent any further influx of these aliens into our midst, (Every
& Augoustinos 2007). This hostile treatment of the culturally different, who are viewed as a
threat to the nation, has been a continuing justification underlying all Australian immigration
policy.
Following the end of the Second World War, populate or perish6 became the
Australian Governments mantra. The Australian experience of war in the Pacific reinforced
the fear of our northern neighbours in the minds of many including the political leaders of the
time. The first Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell famously said: we cannot continue
to hold our island continent for ourselves and our dependants, unless we greatly increase our
numbers.7 In response, an enthusiastic migration scheme was embarked upon and the
Australian population grew by approximately six million people, between 1945 and 1975. It is
important to note, however, that the Government remained selective about who they would
let in, determined to maintain a balanced intake so as not to threaten Australias Anglo-Celtic
identity and culture.8 In this period Australia welcomed 170,000 refugees the largest groups

The Immigration Journey, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, 2014, Accessed 11/06/14
<https://www.immi.gov.au/about/anniversary/journey.htm>
7
ibid
8
ibid
6

13

being from Poland, Yugoslavia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Ukraine, Czechoslovakia and
Hungary, this figure also included 25,000 Jewish refugees.[9][10]

The first wave The high-water mark

The brief Labor government of Edward Gough Whitlam focussed on correcting
inequality in society, typifying the reformist spirit of the 1970s, which is generally regarded as
an era of immense social change.11 Whitlam officially ended White Australia in 1973, winding
back the last racially discriminatory elements of Immigration policy.12 The 1970s therefore saw
the rethinking and reorganising of Australias refugee program (Price, 1986). This reform was
also partly triggered by the Fall of Saigon and, the end of the Vietnam War. In response to this
crisis, the Australian Government over the period of 1975 85, resettled approximately
100,000 Vietnamese refugees. This was done partly out of a genuine feeling of responsibility
for those in the region and partly to ensure control of the selection process (Price 1986).

The Second Wave 'Choppy be the sea'

Within Australian immigration policy, a detention clause had existed since 1901, but
had remained largely unused until the 1990s. This changed with the arrival of the Cambodian
boat people in 1989 who became the first group to be detained by Australia (McMaster,
2002b, Dialogue). The Hawke Labor governments response to this second wave of arrivals

History of Australias Refugee Program, Refugee Council of Australia, viewed, 10th June, 2014
<http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/f/rhp-hist.php>
10
The changing face of modern Australia 1950s to 1970s, Australian Government, 2013, viewed 11th June, 2014
<http://australia.gov.au/about-australia/australian-story/changing-face-of-modern-australia-1950s-to-1970s>
11
Prof Jakubowicz, A, Power to the people?, a MULTICULTURAL History of Australia, viewed, 30th August, 2014
<http://www.multiculturalaustralia.edu.au/library/media/Timeline-Commentary/id/14.A-time-of-social-change>
12
Fact Sheet 8 Abolition of the 'White Australia' Policy, Department of Immigration and Border Protection, viewed 31st
August, 2014, <https://www.immi.gov.au/media/fact-sheets/08abolition.htm>

14

is generally seen as being nuanced. According to Pickering and Lambert (2002), while there
was a growing awareness of deterrence as a mitigating factor in refugee policy, signified by
increasing reference to pull factors, negativity on the topic was frequently diffused by the
moderate rhetoric of key Labor politicians. For example, Robert Ray, then Immigration
Minister, was often careful to contextualise his comments within a broader statement of the
humanitarian principles of the program (Pickering and Lambert, 2002). This moderate Labor
approach presented a stark contrast to that of John Howard, then leader of the Liberal Party,
who had attempted to place political pressure on the Government by seeking to reopen debate
on immigration, opposing an increase to Asian migrants on the grounds of social cohesion
(Skulan, 2006).

The Third Wave The crash begins

With unemployment skyrocketing during the recession we had to have in the early
1990s (Dawkins, 2000), Australian attitudes towards immigration began to sour. In 1991
commercial polls showed that 73% of respondents felt the immigration intake was too high,
while detailed breakdowns of this result are unavailable, comprehensive data analysis from the
Australian Electoral Study in 2004 shows that negative attitudes towards immigration were
more prevalent in blue-collar workers (Betts 2005). Traditionally speaking this demographic
is seen to be a vitally important part of Labors support-base. It seems plausible then, that
appealing to this group factored into Keatings decisions in 1994, when he enacted Mandatory
Detention for all maritime arrivals reaching Australia without a visa.

15

Australia remains, one of, if not the only country in the world to detain all unlawful
non-citizens13 until they are granted a visa or removed from Australia. 14 It has been argued
that this policy disproportionately affects asylum seekers who arrive in Australia by boat
without authorisation (Refugee Council of Australia, 2014). The justification for the
introduction of the policy, by the Keating Government, was framed around the argument that
mandatory detention allowed faster processing, cost less than maintaining asylum seekers in
the community, and ensured the availability of failed protection visa applicants for removal at
the end of their appeals processes (Millbank, 2009). In practice, however, many commentators
have associated the policy with Australias preoccupation regarding border security, marking
a turning point in debates surrounding maritime asylum-seekers (McMaster, 2002 a, b & c,
Pickering and Lambert, 2002, Jupp, 2002, Tazreiter, 2003 and Milbank, 2009). These
commentators argue that the true intent of this policy change was the further delegitimisation
of maritime asylum-seekers. In effect, the discourse of deterrence, drawn upon by politicians
in this period, worked to ensure that maritime asylum-seekers were never regarded as
legitimate refugees, deserving of Australias compassion and assistance. Thus maritime
asylum-seekers cannot and should not be seen as victims. Instead, the governments strategy
was designed to position asylum-seekers as wrong-doers and Australia as the innocent victim
(Devetak, 2004).
Political debates during the 1990s were increasingly underpinned by a binary logic in
their representation of asylum seekers (Howard, 2003). The two major parties categorised
maritime asylum-seekers as either bogus or genuine, a refugee or a boatperson, and legal or
illegal. Such use of oppositional terms polarizes the subject, removing ambivalence through

13

Mandatory Detention, Refugee Council of Australia, May 2014, viewed, 4th August, 2014
<http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/f/as-det.php>
14
Immigration detention and human rights, Australian Human Rights Commission, January 2014, viewed, 5th August, 2014
<https://www.humanrights.gov.au/immigration-detention-and-human-rights>

16

the dichotomy of either/or. This binary relationship is used purposefully to construct one
subject as normal refugees waiting offshore in UNHCR camps and the other as the
strange/other boatpeople arriving irregularly on our shores (Pickering, 2001). This form
of binary representation was used to drive a wedge between those coming through camps
offshore and those attempting to enact Australian onshore protection responsibilities.
However, it is important to note that frequent negative constructions pre-date the
Howard era, a fact frequently skimmed over by scholars, showing the clear bipartisan
consensus on the Immigration issue (Tazreiter, 2003). In reaction to the increasingly harsh
policies of the Australian Government, a second distinct branch of academic inquiry emerged
spawning broad critiques of the Government (Neumann et. al. 2014). The bulk of this
scholarship focusses on the increasingly racialized, deviant and, negative constructions of
asylum seekers which gained increased political currency from 2001 and onwards.

The Howard Years Fear and Loathing on the campaign trail

Building on the existing discourse of deterrence, the Howard years are notable for their
escalation and exploitation of the asylum-seeker problem. The politics of 2001 saw the
calculated manipulation of public opinion in the pursuit of an election victory. Through the
selective release of information, John Howard was able to promote attitudes of fear and
resentment towards asylum seekers (Hugo, 2001 and Leach, 2003), while simultaneously
claiming to be the political strong-man standing up for Australia.
Government response to maritime asylum-seekers during the Howard years were
typified by: increasing militarization with a marked emphasis on the need to protect
Australian borders (after September 2001, within the war on terror), increasingly nationalist
and exclusionary rhetoric, an escalation in new racism in political debates, and finally,
17

increasingly harsh policy measures enacted against boatpeople in the form of amendments to
the Migration Act. The White Australia Policy and the politics of 2001 are seen as representing
a clear causal and historical link, showing a continuity of racially exclusionary practices in the
protection of the nation against a vaguely defined cultural threat (McMaster, 2002a & b). In
examining the way rhetoric, fear, insecurity and racism were constructed in these two eras,
McMaster (2002a & b) concludes that the Asiatic Menace of 1901 had been reframed as the
Muslim Menace by 2001. In understanding this reframing process we must turn to three
crucial events that occurred in the lead up to the 2001 election, the Tampa incident was the first
of these.

The Tampa Incident

On the 26th of August, 2001, the Norwegian merchant vessel Tampa, responded to a
call for assistance from a vessel in distress within international waters. The crew of the Tampa
rescued 438 people from the sea and set course for Indonesia. This bearing was changed after
the asylum seekers threatened to jump overboard if they were returned to their destination of
origin [Indonesia] (Saxton, 2003). In response to the increasingly tense situation on board, the
ships captain Arne Rinnan set a new bearing for the Australian territory of Christmas Island.
This action prompted a reply from the highest levels of the Australian Government. Rinnan
was informed by Prime Minister Howard that his ship would be seized and he would be thrown
in prison for people smuggling should he bring his human cargo into Australian waters. 15
Thus began one of the first boat-related stand-offs.
As the medical condition of those on board worsened and no help arrived, Rinnan
decided he had to reach Christmas Island and ignored the threats of the Australian

15

Timeline: Tampa to Children Overboard, ABC Blogs, 2011, viewed, 14th June, 2014
<http://blogs.abc.net.au/abc_tv/2011/07/leaky-boat-timeline.html>

18

Government16. In reply, Howard deployed a unit of the Special Air Service Regiment (SASR),
an elite unit of Australian Infantry, to board and seize the ship. This move has been seen as
possessing immense symbolic value (Briskman, 2013). The use of the SASR in this manner,
sent a clear message to the Australian community about the threat that boatpeople presented
and how far Howard was willing to go to combat it (Gale, 2004). The Military response to
Tampa stand-off sent a signal to the wider community that harsh responses were an essential
part of Australias armoury of deterrence and defence (Briskman, 2013).
The Tampa incident thus provided the Australian Government with a highly visible
symbol on which to focus its border protection agenda. In his election speech Howard promised
the Australian people that under his government we will decide who comes to this country and
the circumstances in which they come [my emphasis].17 The Tampa incident and the
Government response has since become a significant site for academic study. ODoherty and
Augoustinos (2008) analysed media texts, drawing on nationalistic discourses in relation to the
event. Within this nationalistic framework, they suggest there was a clear positive selfpresentation of Australians as compassionate, fair and tolerant people, contrasted against a
negative other-presentation of asylum seekers as opportunist, law-breaking and potentially
undesirable elements in Australian society, (ODoherty and Augoustinos, 2008). Nationalism
in other words was being deployed to legitimize the exclusion of minorities in this case
maritime asylum seekers.
Within these nationalistic accounts, it is argued that greater preference was given to the
rights of Australia, than those of maritime asylum-seekers. In essence the Australian
government was placing a higher value on maintaining national sovereignty than on treating

16Gentry,

K, 2007, How Tampa became a turning point, Amnesty International, viewed 14th June, 2014
<http://www.amnesty.org.au/refugees/comments/how_tampa_became_a_turning_point/>
17
John Howards 2001 election campaign policy launch speech, Museum Victoria, 2014, viewed 11th June, 2014
<http://museumvictoria.com.au/immigrationmuseum/discoverycentre/identity/videos/politics-videos/john-howards-2001election-campaign-policy-launch-speech/>

19

asylum-seekers with sympathy (McMaster, 2002). In analysing these nationalistic arguments

Saxton (2003) contends that the Australian media and public have a preoccupation with the
management of the physical space that defines the nation. Saxton is critical of this nationalistic
discourse, questioning the concept of nation as a common-sense category. It is interesting
to note that her scepticism is not found in the speeches of refugee advocates. Every&
Augoustinos (2007), who analysed these texts, found that constructions of the nation and the
national interest were deployed in defence of asylum seekers. They assert in the conditions of
2001 talk about the nation as racist could be tantamount to political suicide. Therefore in
many ways the Governments self-justifying nationalist discourse was rarely made morally
accountable, (Every & Augoustinos, 2007) as the common-sense concept of national rights
was never adequately questioned. As a result many damaging negative constructions of
maritime asylum-seekers were able to gain traction in media coverage of the 2001 election. As
Klocker and Dunn (2003) revealed the press largely perpetuated the Government line.
Throughout 2001, debate on maritime asylum seekers was intermeshed with topics
surrounding war and deviance, which in turn were encompassed by a rhetoric of nationhood
against which alternative voices became voices against the nation (Pickering, 2001). Within
these discourses, the Tampa crisis was used by the Howard Government to draw a link
between security and populist-nationalism as a result of the strong emphasis placed on policing
borders and identifying threats (Devak, 2004). This link remains active in current political
emphasis on border security, a topic frequently discussed in relation to maritime asylum
seekers.
Conversely, the Tampa incident was used to construct and foster a sense of insecurity
(McMaster, 2001a, b & c and Tazreiter, 2003). Following the Tampa, Leach (2003) notes an
increasing use of terms such as floods or waves of refugees in the media, resulting in

20

unauthorized arrivals portrayed as a threat to the very integrity of the nation-state. The fear
and loathing that this boatload of people instilled was heightened by the next series of events.

September 11
At 8:46am, on September the 11th, American Airlines Flight 11 crashed into floors 9399 of the North Tower of the World Trade Centre in New York City18. For the first time since
World War Two, there was a direct attack on American soil, sending shockwaves reverberating
around the western world. A clear division between us and them was constructed by George
Bush in his address to the nation after September 11. In this new world people were either with
us or against us (cited in (Mummery & Rodan, 2007). In New York at the time, John Howard
became leader of a nation at war and was determined to protect it from any invasion of
refugees from Afghanistan or the Middle East (cited in, Hugo, 2001). In this politically fraught
environment, Howard did not miss the chance for opportunistic politics, saying there is a
possibility some people having links with organizations that we dont want in this country
might use the path of an asylum seeker in order to get here (as cited in Leach, 2003). Following
the attacks on New York, Howard linked terrorists with maritime arrivals without any evidence
to justify this connection (Corlett, 2002). The final event of note from the 2001 election is the
Children Overboard incident.

Children Overboard
According to the Senate Inquiry into A certain Maritime Incident the HMAS
Adelaide, following its interception of SIEV 4, in accordance with the aims of Operation Relex,
sought to deter the vessel from entering Australian waters. Between 6.13pm on the 6th of
October and 4.32am on the 7th of October, HMAS Adelaide issued various warning notices to
the vessel. By 2:30am that day, SIEV 4 entered the Australian contiguous zone. Shots were

18

9/11: Timeline of Events, history.com, 2011, viewed 16th June, 2014 <http://www.history.com/topics/9-11-timeline>

21

fired into the water in front of the vessel from 3.59am and by 4.45am, the Adelaides boarding
party took control of the vessel. During this event a communiqu from HMAS Adelaide
reported that there was an asylum seeker preparing to throw a child overboard.
At some point in the chain of reportage, the word child became children, and the word
preparing was dropped altogether. At 9:50 a.m. Minister Ruddock was informed [of the
incident]. Without any supporting documentary evidence, a press conference was called at
11:30 a.m. With the intention of putting us under duress, Ruddock announced, asylum seekers
had thrown their children in the water (Leach, 2003)

Following the explosive allegations the Prime Minister, John Howard, the Immigration
Minister, Phillip Ruddock, the Defence Minister, Peter Reith and the Foreign Minister,
Alexander Downer all circulated, supported and commented on the claims, lending credibility
to the them and driving media reporting.
The actions of the asylum seekers were portrayed as a deliberate attempt at moral
blackmail, often cited by the Howard Government as offending the natural instincts of
Australian values of goodness and family (Slattery, 2003) entrenching the image of the
deviant boatperson (Saxton, 2003). Corlett (2002) argues that discourse surrounding the
Children Overboard event is a textbook example of new-racism. This concept is differentiated
from old-fashioned racism, which was rooted in the concept of biological differences, to
focus on discourse that denies, rationalizes and excuses the dehumanization and
marginalization of, and discrimination against, minority out-groups (Every & Augoustinos,
2007). Wetherell and Potter (as cited in Every & Augoustinos, 2007) note the example of Le
Pen in France, an advocate of racism, who learned to modify his speech to exclude biological
categorisations, instead making use of opposing terms like: advanced and primitive,
negative and positive, superior and inferior.

22

In examining the Children Overboard event, Corlett (2002) argues that government
responses show clear examples of racism as cultural difference, perpetuating negative
stereotypes and attitudes towards the out-group (maritime asylum-seekers). To show this,
Corlett (2002) focusses on the statements of several senior Howard Ministers (including
Howard himself) to show this process in action. For example, Alexander Downer is quoted at
the time as saying these people had behaved abominably right from the start. The disgraceful
way they treat their own children. Any civilised person would never dream of treating their
own children in that way (cited in Corlett, 2002). Phrases and statements such as these were
frequently found in the media and politics. As shown by Klocker and Dunn (2003) these views
were rarely challenged, in the period of heightened tensions following 9/11. In the tradition of
new-racism, claims like the above are defended as not racist on the grounds that speakers
are not referring to race (Saxton, 2003). They do however draw a stark divide between the ingroup, the white Australian we (Gale, 2004), and the out-group, the deviant boatperson.
It should be noted that the events of the Children Overboard incident have been
publically revealed to be falsified by then Defence Minister Peter Reith. In the words of the
Senate Select Committee on a Certain Maritime Incident (2002):
No children were thrown overboard from SIEV 4 Minister Reith made a number of misleading
statements, implying that the published photographs and a video supported the original report that
children had been thrown overboard well after he had received definitive advice to the contrary.
The Committee finds that Mr Reith deceived the Australian people during the 2001 Federal Election
campaign concerning the state of the evidence for the claim that children had been thrown
overboard from SIEV 4.

These three events the Tampa incident, the attacks of September the 11th and Children
Overboard served to crystallise the notion that maritime asylum-seekers were a threat to the
nation (Saxton, 2003).
23

Pickering and Lambert (2002) argue that Gramscian notions of hegemony are instrumental
in understanding the way debate on this contentious issue has been obscured and distorted. This
is evidenced through the language of exclusion, which permeates through every element of
refugee policy and requires Australian politicians to reinforce the alien nature of onshore
refugee applicants through harsh policy. In the Howard era, this was expressed in sweeping
changes to the Migration Act (1958). ODoherty & Augoustinos (2008) have detailed the five
main changes which included:

Removing the right to appeal asylum decisions in the Federal Court

Allowing the immigration minister to draw adverse inferences about asylum seekers
who do not have identity documents like a visa

Excising islands from Australias migration zone preventing people landing in these
locations from claiming asylum in Australia

Allowing Australian authorities to board vessels, tow them back out to sea, detain
the passengers and remove them to another country

Redefining persecution and serious harm more narrowly

These changes were enacted in the Border Protection Bill and the Migration Amendment Bills
1 & 2, which colloquially came to be referred to as the Pacific Solution (McMaster, 2002c).
Howard won the 2001 election, in no small part due to the asylum seeker issue (Hugo, 2001).
With what he perceived as his mandate Howard maintained Australias draconian detention
system regardless of criticisms from the UN or Human Rights groups (McMaster, 2002a).
While scholarship on the issue of maritime asylum-seekers tended to focus on the
controversial events of 2001, the period following was not covered in the same detail. What
follows is an attempt to fill in some of the gaps in the period of 2002 - 2009.

24

Challenging Howard
In 2004 asylum-seekers were again briefly in the media spotlight, with public interest
generated by a damning report into children in detention by the Australian Human Rights
Commission. The report titled A last resort? National Inquiry into Children in Immigration
Detention was scathing of the practice of detaining children indefinitely, citing the severe
mental health effects it was having. This report and the cases of Cornelia Rau and Vivian
Alvarez Solon, two women who were wrongly detained for 10 months in different
circumstances and wrongfully deported respectively.19 These examples revealed systematic
failures within Australias mandatory detention regime20 and drove backbench pressure on
Howard to soften immigration policy, which he did subsequently on the 17th of June 2005.
Changes included: the release of families with children into community detention, the
empowerment of the Ombudsman to investigate cases of long-term detention, and the rapid
processing of thousands of people on Temporary Protection Visas (Submission to the Joint
Select Committee on Australias Immigration Detention Network, 2011). Howard argued that
these changes preserved the broad framework and principle of mandatory detention with a
softer edge (Boat arrivals in Australia since 1976).
In late 2006, discontent in the Labor opposition ranks began to emerge with the
leadership of Kim Beazley. According to opinion polls21 Rudd and Gillard had become the
preferred leaders of the Labor party, and as such Beazley called a leadership ballot for the 1st
of December 2006, in an attempt to settle the matter. He subsequently lost this vote to Kevin

19

We owe Rau and Alvarez apologies: PM, Sydney Morning Herald, July 14, 2005, viewed, 31st July, 2014
<http://www.smh.com.au/news/national/we-owe-rau-and-alvarez-apologies-pm/2005/07/14/1120934347260.html>
20
Miller, B, 2007, Ombudsman condemns immigration failings, ABC The World Today, viewed, 31st July, 2014
<http://www.abc.net.au/worldtoday/content/2007/s1967170.htm>
21
Newspoll Market Research, 2006, Best choice of leadership team to lead federal Labor Party, viewed 1st August, 2014
<http://polling.newspoll.com.au.tmp.anchor.net.au/image_uploads/1108%20Fed%20&%20ALP%20leadership.pdf>

25

Rudd, who in his victory speech promised to offer the Australian people a genuine alternative
rather than an echo of Howard-style government at the next Federal Election.22
The Labor party platform in 2007 unfortunately included a reference to keeping
Australias borders secure, this was counter-balanced however, by otherwise humane
language and aims. Labor promised to ensure that the processing and detention of asylum
seekers is fair (Australian Labor Party, National Platform and Constitution, 2007), proposing
to update detention values and comply with both the letter and the spirit of the Refugee
Convention.
Upon winning the 2007 election, Rudd kept his promises and went on to deliver
sweeping changes to Australian policy aimed at implementing a more compassionate23
approach to the treatment of maritime asylum-seekers. The new Labor government ended the
Pacific Solution by closing offshore processing centres on Nauru and Manus Island, granting
refugee status to the last 21 occupants.24 They also implemented a major overhaul to mandatory
detention, shifting the focus towards keeping people in detention only as a last resort for the
shortest practicable time (Evans, 2008). Detention of unauthorised arrivals was to be used for
identity, health, and security checks. Once completed the onus fell on the Department to justify
why a person should continue to be detained (Boat Arrivals since 1976). In addition to the
changes to mandatory detention, the Rudd Government also abolished Temporary Protection
Visas, granting permanent refugee status to the 1000 people still holding them, (Submission to
the Joint Select Committee, 2011), and ceased the policy of turning back boats.

22

Rudd, K, 2006, New Labor Leadership Team, press release, Australian Labor Party, viewed 4th August, 2014
<http://web.archive.org/web/20061206020206/http://www.alp.org.au/media/1206/pcloo040.php>
23
Sweeping changes to mandatory detention announced, ABC News, op cit.
24
Australia winds up the Pacific Solution, Amnesty International, February 2008, viewed 4th August, 2014
<http://www.amnesty.org.au/refugees/comments/9152/>

26

It is, and will likely remain, the subject of debate for some time whether the unpicking
of Howard era approaches caused the fifth wave of arrivals. What cannot be argued is there
was a significant spike in irregular maritime arrivals from 2008 and onwards. Though small by
international standards, the figures below show both the more recent spike and the historical
waves discussed earlier.

27

CHAPTER THREE: FRAMING THE MEDIA

As the primary mechanism through which ideas and issues are debated (Bainbridge,
2008) the media are generally seen as being undeniably powerful (van Dijk, 2001) and
according to Hall (as cited in Altheide, 1984) a key tool for the hegemonic manipulation of
society. In making such arguments it is frequently asserted that the media have an effect on
people's understandings of the world they inhabit, though it remains contentious as to how far
this effect extends. It is not the object of this thesis to engage in a protracted debate about
epistemology, although a brief consideration of such matters is unavoidable in this context.
Understood broadly, epistemology is about issues to do with the creation and
dissemination of knowledge. The central question being; what does it mean to know
something? Whilst this same question underpins media studies, the field tends to focus on the
practical implications of knowledge acquisition. Put simply by Katz (as cited in Neuman and
Guggenheim, 2011) communications research is about effect. The received wisdom about
the history of the field posits an opposition [between] minimal versus significant effects
(Neuman and Guggenheim, 2011). Though the problem of effect remains a controversial and
engaging topic, the focus of this study remains solely on how the event was portrayed in the
media. In seeking to answer this question, an analysis of those portrayals was undertaken using
a combination of Frame theory, Critical Discourse Analysis and Historical Discourse Analysis.
This analysis was also informed by a social constructionist view of the reality, which will be
discussed in the following section.

Making sense of the world

White (2004) provides a useful summary of social constructionism, arguing that the
theory rests on the philosophical assumptions that multiple versions of the world are
28

legitimate; that texts are open to multiple readings; and that language is non-representational.
A social constructionist approach is a relativist position and as such (to varying degrees)
rejects an objective reality, focussing instead on the process by which people jointly
construct their understandings of the world (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2009). This thesis takes a
cautious approach to constructionism, suggesting that there is an underlying physical reality
upon which social constructions are based. For example:
There is a mountain, but the common understanding of a mountain as a challenge to hikers is a
human addition; there is a rainbow, but the various connotations (from the biblical promise not
to impose a second flood, to its use as a symbol of gay pride) are social constructions (LeedsHurwitz, 2009).

In understanding the process of meaning making, social constructionism places an emphasis

on language which is the most important system through which reality is constructed (LeedsHurwitz, 2009). The inverse relationship of Social constructionism, i.e. deconstruction, is also
of explanatory use to this analysis as will be discussed below
I take the definition of a media frame from Gamson and Modigliani (as cited in
Scheufele, 1999) to be a central organising idea or story line that provides meaning to an
unfolding strip of events the frame suggests what the controversy is about. This is achieved
through selecting some aspects of a perceived reality and making them more salient in a
communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal
interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation (Entman, 1993).
Gamson and Modigliani (1989) in their paper in the American Journal of Sociology
examined the relationship between media discourse and public opinion on nuclear power. In
this paper they suggest that media discourse is a key part of the process by which individuals
construct meaning, doing so by drawing on their own life histories, social interactions, and

29

psychological bias and, that public opinion is part of the process by which journalists and other
cultural entrepreneurs develop and crystallize meaning in public discourse. By thinking of the
relationship in this way, certain causal assumptions are avoided, predominately that media
discourse can cause changes in public opinion.

Making sense of my analysis

Using the cautious social constructionist position above, in relation to the Oceanic
Viking stand-off, it is known that certain events occurred in the real world. For instance, it was
generally reported and agreed that the asylum-seekers refused to disembark from the vessel on
October 20. It is how this incident was reported, however, where the process of meaning
making becomes more complex and is the primary interest of this thesis. In understanding this
process the value of deconstructionism is evidenced. Maze (2001) holds that the theory is
particularly useful in explaining how particular concepts misrepresent the social phenomena
to which they are applied. A common example of this process is the construction of racist
discourses (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2009), which frequently depict minority groups in an unequal way,
often associating the out-group with stereotypically negative portrayals relating to crime,
deviance and threat (van Dijk, 2001). This process is sometimes referred to as othering (van
Dijk, 2001) and forms a link to the discussion of media framing/effects.
In his essay Framing Bias, Entman (2007) makes an effort to integrate theories of
framing, priming, and agenda-setting under the organising concept of bias. This integration
is achieved by examining the connections and overlaps between the three approaches. Framing
(as discussed above) essentially involves the selection and salience of information in
communicating texts. To briefly address the other two areas, a useful summation is given by
Scheufele and Tewksbury (2007) who write: by making some issues more salient in peoples
30

minds (agenda setting), mass media can also shape the considerations that people take into
account when making judgments about political candidates or issues (priming). According to
Entman (2007) agenda setting can be seen as performing the first function of framing:
defining problems worthy of public and government attention and, priming can be seen as
the intended goal/effect of strategic actors framing activities. The net result of this framing
process is that political actors exert their power by shaping the texts that influence society
(Entman, 2007). The full significance of Entmans views is articulated when the framing
process is linked to the concept of bias.
Entman (2007) outlines three major types of bias, they are the following: distortion
bias which is news that purportedly distorts or falsifies reality, content bias which is news
that favours one side rather than providing equivalent treatment to both sides in a political
conflict and finally, decision making bias which refers to the personal motivations and
mindsets of individual journalists. Entmans primary interest is in the second and third types
of bias, while this thesis is interested only in the second. In his essay Entman draws an early
and distinct divide between bias and a news slant. According to Entman (2007) a news slant
characterizes individual news reports and editorials in which the framing favours one side over
the other in a current or potential dispute. The consequence of slanted framing is that if patterns
persist across time, it means that the media may be systematically assisting certain entities to
induce their preferred behaviour in others. That is to say, the media may be helping to distribute
political power to particular groups, causes, or individuals. Thus perpetuating content bias
(Entman, 2007). A news slant Entman holds is not a rare exception and forms the building
block of biased coverage. In uncovering bias Entman steers us towards considering issues over
time, in other words, he holds that the history surrounding political debates is important. This
interest in history is shared by many proponents of Critical Discourse Analysis and is a key
part of the next subsection.
31

It is stated by Gamson and Modigliani (1989) that every policy issue has a culture
providing interpretations and meanings for relevant events. In understanding the culture
surrounding debates on maritime asylum-seekers I have drawn on Critical Discourse Analysis
and Historical Discourse Analysis. The latter claims that all discourses are historical and can
only be understood with reference to their context (Meyer, 2001). In conducting my analysis,
I have therefore drawn heavily on prior understandings of the asylum-seeker issue. This was
done so as to examine if prior biases had remained in the coverage of the Oceanic Viking standoff. Before examining my results, there are two final areas left for discussion, they are: how
this thesis has made use of Critical Discourse Analysis and Historical Discourse Analysis and,
Gramscis theory of Hegemony looking briefly at its implications for society and linguistic
analysis.

Discourse Analysis
Discourse in an academic context is distinguished from its common usage to
encompass a vastly expanded meaning. This enhanced scope is articulated by Jeger (2001)
who defines discourse in the academic sense (the way in which it is used henceforth), as: the
flow of knowledge and/or all societal knowledge stored throughout all time, which
determines individual and collective doing and/or formative action that shapes society. Such
a broad definition (and subject area) has led the field to propose multiple approaches in
undertaking discourse analysis. According to van Dijk (2001) this diversity however, is a
central reason for the strength of the method. The best work in CDA van Dijk claims
incorporates many different disciplines and scholars. I shall, however, attempt a narrower
perspective of what I mean by discourse.

32

According to Lemke (as cited in Wodak, 2001) discourse is understood as a complex

bundle of simultaneous and sequential interrelated linguistic acts, which manifest themselves
within and across the social fields of action as thematically interrelated semiotic, oral or written
tokens. In understanding the interplay, intertextuality and, complexity of discourse the concept
is best realised when looking at specific examples in use. Political discourse on
unemployment is the area by chosen by Lemke to articulate the concept. In arguing for
policies to combat unemployment, a politician may draw on a racist example from the discourse
on immigration restriction by arguing for tighter controls to combat cheap illegal labour. The
significance of this example shows the way that discourse is an open and hybrid system for
meaning making. Such an open free-flowing system allows actors to generate a staggering
variety of sub-topics under the conceptual umbrella of a macro-topic. This is achieved as
shown, with the aid of intertextuality and interdiscursivity. For instance political discussions
on unemployment could also easily encompass topics like: market, trade unions, social
welfare, global market, hire and fire policies and many more. This broad concept is clearly
socially constitutive as well as socially shaped (Wodak, 2001). Discourse, particularly
political ones, are frequently seen to sustain and reproduce the social status quo, thus discursive
practices often have major ideological effects (Wodak, 2001 and, van Dijk, 2001). In
examining and unravelling these effects, this thesis turns firstly to the critical branch of the
field and then examines the historical approach.
Critical discourse analysis tries to avoid positing a simple deterministic relation
between texts and the social (Wodak, 2001). In doing so it takes into account that discourse
is structured by dominance [and] legitimated by the ideologies of powerful groups (Wodak,
2001). In reacting to these forces, historical discourse analysis aims to study how social power
abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in social
and political contexts (van Dijk, 2001). In doing so CDA focuses upon the problems
33

confronting what we can loosely refer to as the losers within particular forms of social life
the poor, the socially excluded, those subject to oppressive gender or race relations, and so
forth (Fairclough, 2001). CDA is unique in that not only does it examine the social problems
of the disenfranchised, but it does so from their perspective. Unlike much other scholarship,
CDA does not deny but instead explicitly defines and defends its own sociopolitical position.
In the words of van Dijk (2001) CDA is biased and proud of it. As has been demonstrated
in the previous Historical Overview section, maritime asylum-seekers have been the obvious
target-group of successive Australian Governments; it is therefore argued that they fit the above
definition as losers in social life.
A CDA perspective has informed this thesis in the development of a coding framework.
Over-arching codes have been consistently arranged as: positive, neutral and, negative, these
value judgements are taken from the point of view of the maritime asylum-seekers. This choice
was inspired by the advocatory role that CDA takes up. Specifics regarding the categories will
be elaborated in the Methodology. However, this thesis argues that discourses can only be fully
understood in reference to their context, which is will be addressed now with reference to
Historical Discourse Analysis (HDA).
HDA was pioneered by Ruth Wodak in her study of postwar anti-Semitism in Austrian
political discourse. Devised as an interdisciplinary field of study, the approach sought to
integrate systematically all available background information in the analysis and interpretation
of the many layers of a written or spoken text (Wodak, 2001). The specific example that
captured Wodaks attention was the Presidential campaign of Kurt Waldheim in 1986. In her
chapter in the Continuum Companion to Discourse Analysis (2001), Wodak gives an overview
of this event and other racist political campaigns in Austria.

34

For the sake of brevity, I will focus on only one example from the aforementioned
chapter by Wodak an Austrian poster from the Bndnis Zukunft sterreich (BZO) political
party. The image comes from a campaign by Peter Westenthaler and Gerald Grosz (shown
below as Figure 1) depicting both men sweeping the streets of Graz, cleansing them of
corruption, asylum abuse, beggars, and criminality by foreigners (Wodak, 2001). This is
visually represented via words being swept away by the two men (Wodak, 2001). Wodak
connects the poster to Austrias Nazi past, linking the two through word choice and the visual
metaphors/symbols present. The significance of this example is that it illustrates the core
strength of the discourse-historical approach, a focus on the latent meaning of texts. In the
words of Wodak (2001) the DHA is designed to enable the analysis of implicit, coded
prejudiced utterances, as well as to identify and expose the allusions contained in prejudiced
discourse.

Figure 1: BZO Party Poster taken from Wodak (2001)

35

This goal is achieved by acknowledging how discursive events are embedded in social
and political relations. Thus, the discourse-historical approach adheres to the sociophilosophical orientation of critical theory. As such, it follows a complex concept of social
critique, (Wodak, 2001) embracing at least three types: the immanent critique, the sociodiagnostic-critique and, the prognostic critique. This thesis takes an interest in the second of
these, the socio-diagnostic-critique, which utilizes the above focus on understanding events
through embedding them in a wider frame of social and political relations, processes and
circumstances by applying social theories to interpret the discursive events. (Wodak, 2001).
In keeping with this approach, this thesis applies Gramsis theory of hegemony, to help explain
Australian political debates on Maritime asylum-seekers.

Cultural Hegemony
Gramscis theory of hegemony looms large over academia with over 14,500
publications on Gramsci in 33 different languages throughout every field in the humanities and
social sciences (Ives, 2004). One of the core concepts articulated in his Prison Notebooks
(compiled posthumously in 1971), hegemony is seen by Bates (1975) to represent the sum
totality of Gramscis political experience and is the unifying aspect of his work. The continued
significance of Gramsci lies in his insightful and wide-ranging analysis of the politics of culture
and, the operations of power in industrialized democratic capitalist countries (Ives, 2004). In
analysing the ways in which society functioned, earlier socialist critiques had dealt primary in
economic data. However, such a narrow focus fails to adequately explain why the capitalist
superstructure didnt collapse after an event like the Wall Street Crash of 1929 (Cox, 1983),
and conversely why the state did collapse in the case of the Russian Revolution (Brandist,
2012). In response to this puzzling dynamic Gramsci argued for the upgrading of cultural

36

leadership as a key factor in history (Bates, 1975) arguing that the state constituted a form of
hegemony protected by the armour of coercion (Ives, 2004). The basic premise of hegemony
is therefore that society is not ruled by force alone, but also by ideas which are themselves
coercive. In the view of Gramsci, it is this coercive aspect that underlies the survival of
capitalist nations.
In a hegemonic interpretation of the world, political leaders shore-up their position
based on the consent of those that they lead, a consent which is secured by the diffusion and
popularization of the world view of the ruling class (Bates, 1975). In holding such views
Gramsci sought to break down previous socialist arguments regarding the state as a
superstructure, proposing that there were in fact two main floors of action civil society
and political society. Gramscis political society mirrors common conceptions of the state,
which excises direct domination through public institutions the government, courts, police,
and army for example. It is how power is enacted through the second floor (the civil society)
that his work transcends previous socialist critique.
Civil society, according to Gramsci (as cited in Bates, 1975) is composed of private
organisms schools, churches, clubs, journals, and parties which contribute to the formation
of social and political consciousness (Bates, 1975). Gramsci theorised that the ideology of the
ruling class was extended throughout the civil society primarily by intellectuals; who assisted
with the developing and sustaining of mental images, technologies and organisations which
bind together the members of a class and of an historic bloc into a common identity thereby
playing a crucial role in securing the consent of the masses (Cox, 1983).
Writing in 1976 Louis Athusser (2006) further developed understandings of the
relationship between the powerful elite and the civil society. He examined the role of
Ideological State Apparatuses (ISA), which can be roughly thought of as the specialised

37

institutions in the hegemonic domination of the masses. Through these institutions, he

examined the way ideology influenced the actions of people living in the civil society. His
example of a religious person is a good example of this process: if he believes in God, he goes
to Church to attend Mass, kneels, prays, confesses, does penance (once it was material in the
ordinary sense of the term) and naturally repents and so on (Althusser, 2006). Thus, a subject
acts in a very specific manner, participating in certain regular practices, which are dependent
on the ideological apparatus of his religion.
Whilst it seems the subject has freely chosen these ideas, Althusser calls this into
question, asserting that there is a double functioning throughout both of Gramscis floors of
action. In demonstrating this he observes: schools and churches use suitable methods of
punishment, expulsion, selection, etc., to discipline not only their shepherds, but also their
flocks (Althusser, 2006). This double functioning ensures the consent of subjects through a
secondary element of repression embedded within ideological intuitions. The force of this
example is to make transparent the manipulative effect of ideology on the individual. A key
example of this manipulative relationship according to Althusser is the media; which is the
focus of the next paragraph.
Due to their key role in disseminating information to the public, the mass media have
often been seen as a key agent in hegemonic control of society. Some researchers have even
gone as far as to argue that TV news departments can been viewed as a further extension of
the capitalistic economic order (Altheide, 1984). For example Hall (as cited in, Altheide, 1984)
has argued that media products are messages in code about the nature of society, the nature of
productive institutional domains and, have an effect on the organisation of social processes. A
similar position is taken by Chomsky (1988) in his seminal work on the Propaganda Model,
where he argues that the mass media serve as a powerful tool for the dominant elite to
inculcate individuals into society.
38

Another interesting parallel between Chomsky and Gramsci is their shared interest in
the role of intellectuals in society. This is shown in the Propaganda Model through
Chomskys focus on media sources. Which draws attention to not only the symbiotic
relationship between the media and politics, but also the way in which powerful elites have
attempted to co-opt the supply of experts through corporate funding and a sophisticated
propaganda effort (Chomsky, 1988). In arguing for this conclusion, Chomsky gives a
comprehensive breakdown of Terrorism and Defence experts that appeared on the McNeilLehrer News Hour from January 14, 1985 to January 27, 1986. 54% of these were present or
former government officials, the next highest category came from conservative think tanks
(Chomsky, 1988). The significance of this disparity harks back to earlier considerations of
media effects; by controlling the experts, the media, is subtly attempting to influence what
we think about.
This subtle dissemination of views throughout society, mirrors Gramscis arguments
about language use. An important feature of this similarity is Gramscis rejection that an
individual makes a free choice over the language they use. According to Ives (2004) the
decisions about how we speak are clearly affected by institutional resources including the
existence of grammar books and dictionaries, government sponsored training of teachers and
many other policies. Importantly Gramci realised, that language use was intricately connected
to how we think about, and make sense of, the world. He therefore held that language was
inextricably connected to culture, politics and society (Ives, 2004).
In expanding Gramscis theory of Hegemony, Ives (2004) gives significant weight to
Gramscis education in Linguistics and his unique experience as a Sardinian in the period
following the unification of Italy. It is estimated that in 1861 (post-unification) only between
two and twelve of the Italian population spoke anything that could be called standard Italian
(Ives, 2004). The significance of establishing a national language commonly referred to as
39

the language question by other scholars post-unification had a substantive effect on

Gramscis thoughts about the power of language (Salamini, 1981). In tackling the language
question the Italian state selected the Tuscan dialect as the national language. This dialect was
significantly removed from various southern examples such as Gramscis native Sardinian. The
imposition of the Tuscan dialect as the national language caused a friction between the
educated and urbane North and the more agrarian South from which Gramsci hailed (Cox,
1983). These formative experiences crystallised Gramcis views on the transformative impact
of language on society and, its unique role in making sense of the world we inhabit

Politics and Language

The great enemy of clear language is insincerity. When there is a gap between ones
real and ones declared aims, one turns as it were instinctively to long words and exhausted
idioms, (Orwell, 1946). As the name of his essay 'Politics and the English Language' suggests,
Orwell focussed on the obfuscation in language use for political communication. It is hardly
surprising that the author of the seminal futuristic and dystopian novel 1984 thought political
writing was frequently bad writing. Guilty of: dying metaphors, verbal false limbs,
pretentious diction and, usage of meaningless words the connecting element between
these four concepts, is that they all work to obscure the meaning of what was actually being
said. The most important and potent example of this, Orwell suggests, is the use of the word
pacification in political dialogues:
Defenceless villages are bombed from the air, the inhabitants driven out into the countryside,
the cattle machine-gunned, the huts set on fire with incendiary bullets: this is called pacification
(Orwell, 1946)

40

It is clear that such a sanitising term is required to hide the horror of reality, the aim being to
name things without calling up mental picture of them (Orwell, 1946). Orwell (1946) thus
demonstrates that political language and writing are frequently used in the defence of the
indefensible.
Orwell's scathing critique of politics, combined with Gramscian notions of hegemony
have explanatory use when making sense of the asylum-seeker debate in Australia and will be
taken up in the conclusion.

41

CHAPTER FOUR: A NOTE ON METHOD

Data Collection
The articles for analysis were gathered using the Factiva Database. The following
search query was used to compile the data set:
(asylum seeker* OR illegal immigrant* OR boatpeople OR refugee) AND Oceanic Viking.

The presence of the asterisk symbol indicates the use of truncation, utilized here to broaden the
results returned. The bracketed section above represents the common identity labels/social
categorisations used in the media (and politics) to refer to maritime asylum-seekers. What is
unique about this search is the use of and Oceanic Viking which kept a tight focus on content
of articles returned, 99% of which focused specifically on the event itself with limited articles
being not directly relevant. It should be noted that there was no discrepancy in total results
returned between using asylum-seeker (the common styling in articles) and asylum seeker;
this has been checked twice for confirmation. Letters to the editor were excluded from the final
data set as the specific focus of this thesis has been the news coverage of this event.
The results were then sorted by the oldest first to give the start date of the coverage
the 20th of October, 2009. The search was then run again using the time period 20 th Ocotober,
2009 03 November, 2009. Searching using the above restrictions for news articles in the
Australian and The Sydney Morning Herald yielded 33 identical duplicate articles (which
were excluded by Factiva) and one duplicate which was not picked up and was manually culled.
The final result was 46 articles as the complete data set for analysis.

42

Data Analysis
The analysis of the 46 news articles was undertaken in three stages. The first involved
a reading of the data set which was focused on identifying and tallying the sources that were
cited. This was of interest given that prior analysis by Klocker and Dunn (2003) and SulaimanHill et. al. (2011) had revealed a media preference for Government sources in covering this
issue. There had not, however, been a comprehensive breakdown of sources quoted in any prior
literature that I had read, so this study has sought to rectify this as will be shown in the results
section. The following two stages involved a categorisation of the individual articles.
Beginning with a rough classification into positive, neutral, negative based on the coding
categories (to be discussed) and then confirming these results with a more quantitative,
numerical approach.
Inductive reasoning25 was applied in solidifying the coding categories, they were
identified based on a reaction to the data set and prior literature surrounding the debate. In total
8 positive and 9 negative codes were identified and decided on. These codes are outlined in the
table below.

25

Butte College, Deductive, Inductive, and Abductive Reasoning, viewed 5th August, 2014
https://www.butte.edu/departments/cas/tipsheets/thinking/reasoning.html

43

Table 1: Coding Categories

Identification of these codes was based on phrases, individual words and, sometimes
how information was structured. A more comprehensive analysis of how these codes were
identified is included in Appendix 1. For now I will explain the quantitative/numerical element
to this work. Articles were numbered 1 46, moving forwards chronologically in time (which
was how they were ordered in Factiva). Using an Excel document, the numbers 1 to 46 were
labelled on the x axis and the codes were arranged on the y axis. This document was used to
determine the number value for each article. This was done by assigning the value +1.125 for
every positive code and -1 for each negative code. It should be noted that positive codes were
given a weighted value as there was one less code. For each individual article positive and
negative scores were combined to deliver a final number value. A snapshot from my Excel
document is included on the adjacent page for an illustration of this system at work.

44

Figure 2: Article Scoring System at work

It has probably been noticed that there are no neutral coding categories, this is not a mistake;
any article that fell within +2 and -2 was coded as neutral. These articles often either contained
a mixture of views or a complete absence of classifications.
How this system works can best be seen in the negative half of the figure above.
Consider, for example, article 9 which had 7 references to asylum-seekers as a threat and 12
negative constructions in total, this was counterbalanced by only 1 positive code thus the
article demonstrated a clear slant towards a negative construction of maritime asylum-seekers
and was scored -10.875 as a result. In short, through using this system, negative articles were
those that received a net negative score and positive articles those with a positive net score.
All classification took into account salience (which was particularly relevant within
classification of longer articles), if an abundance of negative constructions was found in the
opening paragraphs and then more sympathetic views buried later in the article it was coded as

45

negative due to the choice to lead with these negative constructions. There was however no
need to assign a category based on this.

Discourse Analysis of the Oceanic Viking Incident

The extract below is taken from the article Rudd cant budge on asylum-seekers from
The Australian. This article scored -17.75 based on the scoring system outlined above in Figure
2. For a full breakdown of this result see the coding table listed as Appendix 2. However, before
discussing this extract, it should be placed in the context of the stand-off. Published on
October the 31st, this article occurs late in the data set. By this point those on board the Oceanic
Viking have refused to disembark. Solving the problem of what to do about this has become
a key focus of the coverage. In resolving the stand-off, relations between Australia and
Indonesia have grown increasingly tense. From this point onwards negative coverage increases,
as the media turns against those on the vessel.
Within the extract below, the three groups/voices have been displayed in different
colours to make them easily distinguishable. Australia/Australians are displayed in red,
Indonesia/Indonesians are displayed in blue and, the asylum-seekers (and phrases related to
them) are shown in green. Bolded terms draw attention to constructions/salient elements of the
sentence and, analysis is undertaken paragraph at a time.

46

Figure 3: Deconstructed text extract from Rudd cant budge on asylum-seekers

Paragraph 1
Within this paragraph Australia is positioned as a passive agent, while the asylum
seekers on board the Oceanic Viking are attributed agency through self-selecting a country.
As has been elaborated on earlier, the subtext of this argument rests on the notion of choice.
Through making the choice to undertake a boat-journey, maritime asylum-seekers are
electing not to join the migration queue (Gelber, 2003). They are therefore constructed as
deviants forcing their way into Australia, displacing genuine refugees waiting patiently in
UNHCR camps (Pickering and Lambert, 2002). Further proof of the group's deviance is offered
through their resistance to cooperate with the UNHCR. It is important to note the authors
position is subtly reinforced by comments from Stephen Smith, the then Minister for Foreign
Affairs. Smith seeks to humanise his statements by explicitly defending the right to asylum.
He does not call into doubt that those on board the Viking to are entitled to this right but, instead
attempts a rhetorical shift. By arguing that these people are seeking to specify a location for

47

their resettlement, a right not afforded to a refugee, Smith seeks to position the claims of those
on the Viking as invalid. In constructing this dichotomy, Smith is implying that those on-board
the Viking are seeking a migration outcome rather than final status as refugees. Within this
first paragraph, Smith is perpetuating the established binary between asylum seekers as either
legitimate humanitarian refugees or illegitimate boat arrivals (Rowe and OBrien, 2014).
Therefore, if those on board were serious about being found to be genuine refugees, they
would cooperate with the UNHCR. This argument seeks to deflect Australias onshore
processing obligations under the refugee convention and, furthermore, ignores the manifest
difficulty of the refugee resettlement process.
It was later alleged by refugee advocates, in an article on November the 2nd, that 37 of
the 78 Tamils on board the Viking had already been assessed (and found to be) refugees by the
UNHCR, with many spending up to five years in Indonesian camps.26 Such occurrences are
not uncommon and highlight the protracted situation that many refugees worldwide face. This
desperate and complex situation is elaborated on by Stephen Castles in an article for The
Conversation website. In it he cites figures supplied the UNHCR, based on data from 2011,
which states there were then 7.1 million refugees worldwide in a protracted situation
meaning they had been in exile for more than five years and that based on then-current
resettlement arrangements it would take 70 years (without any increase in numbers) to resettle
all of these people.27 In short, A 70-year queue is not a realistic life prospect it is not a queue
at all (Castles, 2012). Such arguments are regrettably never touched on during the articles
studied. The concept of a queue largely goes unchallenged, as important contextual information
rarely makes it into the simplistic news-narratives surrounding maritime arrivals.

26

Maiden, S, Dodd, M, 2009, Unions attack PM on asylum -- ACTU calls for Tamils to be brought to Christmas Island,
The Australian, 2 November
27
Castles, S, 2012, What role does Australia play in accepting the worlds refugees?, The Conversation, 26 July, viewed,
1st September, <https://theconversation.com/what-role-does-australia-play-in-accepting-the-worlds-refugees-8328>

48

As mentioned earlier, it is clear that paragraph 1 (from Figure 3 above), that by

attributing agency to the asylum-seekers, Smith is attempting to utilize burden shifting tactics.
By calling into question the rights of the asylum-seekers, he deliberately downplays Australias
obligations to those on the vessel. In essence, Smith is attempting to nullify Australias duty to
accept responsibility for processing asylum-seekers that make it to our shores. This
downplaying of Australias on-shore obligations to maritime asylum-seekers represents a clear
causal link to the continuum of deterrence (Pickering, 2001) utilised by previous Australian
Governments. It should be noted here that throughout the stand-off, the Australian
Government consistently sought to minimize its own responsibilities and position the asylumseekers on the Viking as Indonesias problem, frequently insisting that a resettlement deal had
already been arrived at ending Australias obligations to those on the Viking.
One of the larger issue underlying this paragraph is the notion of secondary movement
from countries of first safe asylum.

28

Historically, Australian political discourses has

commonly asserted that genuine refugees must come directly from their country of origin. This
is based on Article 31 of the refugee convention which states:
The Contracting States shall not impose penalties, on account of their illegal entry or presence,
on refugees who, coming directly [my emphasis] from a territory where their life or freedom
was threatened in the sense of article 1, enter or are present in their territory without
authorization, provided they present themselves without delay to the authorities and show good
cause for their illegal entry or presence.

The deployment of article 31 to justify exclusionary policies within Australian politics has been
linked by Goodwin-Gill (2001) to the practice of mandatory detention and Temporary
Protection Visas. Following parliamentary amendments in September of 2001, the Howard

28

Spinks, H, 2013, Destination anywhere? Factors affecting asylum seekers choice of destination country, Parliament of
Australia, viewed 4th September
<http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1213/13rp01>

49

Government altered an already punitive system, to further complicate matters for maritime
asylum-seekers. Under the new amendments unauthorized maritime arrivals who had spent at
least seven days in another safe-country, where they could have sought and obtained effective
protection, were disallowed to apply for a permanent protection visa (Goodwin-Gill, 2001).
This meant that they could never be settled as a permanent resident of Australia, even should
they be found to be a genuine refugee. What is omitted from the current and historical
discourses are the reasons for this secondary movement. It has been found in other studies that
asylum-seekers may technically find sanctuary from the immediate threat(s) which have forced
them to flee their homeland. However, they often transit countries in which they may continue
to feel unsafe. This is a common experience for many asylum seekers and refugees, particularly
those in countries where their presence is tolerated, but, they have no legal status. Within the
Asia-pacific, this includes Malaysia and, significantly for this thesis, Indonesia,29 which during
the time period of 2009 was not a signatory of the Refugee Convention and at time of writing
is still is not a signatory to the convention.

Paragraph 2
Paragraph 2, from Figure 3, continues to construct Australia in a passive position. In
this paragraph it is argued that if Rudd is defeated, Australia will become a victim of the
campaign waged by boatpeople to force their way into our nation. The use of the terms
retreat and campaign in combination with border protection and in conjunction with talkabout the nation has military overtones. Asylum-seekers on boats are once more being
constructed as the invading deviant (Pickering, 2001) and as a threat to Australia. This
paragraph therefore, displays the clear rhetorical link between this stand-off and the wider
issue of an increase of boat bound asylum-seekers from Indonesia. This rhetorical link was

29 Ibid

50

made frequently by various groups within the coverage, most prominently it was deployed by
those arguing for tighter border controls.
Building on this argument, the author of paragraph 2, alleges that if Rudd is to fail in
his attempt to stem this invasion, his credibility as a leader will be destroyed and the
floodgates will be thrown open. It is clear that the author views Rudds first duty as revolving
around the so called need to protect the nation. The author is clearly drawing on Howard era
approaches, in pushing for a firm stance on immigration. As with paragraph 1, from Figure 3,
there are clear connections being made by the author to historical discourses on maritime
arrivals, a clear example underlying paragraph 2 is a subtle reference to the hordes from the
north (McMaster, 2002).
This historical fear of a wave of arrivals emanating from our populous regional
neighbours, is implicated by supposed campaign by boatpeople to self-select Australia as
their home. This phrasing implies a continual increase to numbers, resulting in the
destruction of Rudds credibility on border protection, and by proxy, the defeat of the
Australian immigration program. The paragraph is demonstrable of the unique Australian
preoccupation with the management of the physical space that defines the nation (Saxton,
2003). This focus on increasing numbers and maintaining a rigid control of Australias
borders draws on the politics of fear and the nexus between immigration and security
(Tazreiter, 2003).
The final point I wish to touch on, in relation to the deconstruction of paragraph 2, is
the role of fear in the arguments of the author. Drawing on work by Gale (2004), who focuses
on the Howard years, paragraph two, seeks to position maritime asylum-seekers as a threat
to the nation through a focus on the need for border protection (Gale, 2004). It is clear that
the author of the paragraph agrees with Howard era arguments about the maintenance of strong

51

borders as a preeminent matter of national interest. Within this framework the sea represents a
clear point of vulnerability to be exploited by the invading boatpeople, who during Howard
era discourse were linked with terrorists (Corlett, 2002 and Gale, 2004). This link remains
active in articles studied, for example, Wilson Tuckey, a Liberal MP, voiced his concerns over
terrorists masquerading as asylum-seekers aboard the boats30. Though this link was widely
discredited, it is still indicative of the way fear can be exploited in political discourse.

Paragraphs 3 & 4
For the first time in the paragraphs shown above in Figure 3, Australia is attributed
agency and given an active voice. However, despite this, the author continues to marginalise
and exclude those on board the Viking. The Australian Government, the reader is reassured,
has no obligation to these people. It is emphasised that we have acted in line with our
international obligations and, we could not, and should not, have been expected to do
otherwise. The purpose of this shift is to shore up the Australian position of moral and legal
superiority. The presence of Indonesia in these two paragraphs serves to justify what has
occurred, Indonesia is framed as Australia's partner and the governments are portrayed as
working together towards a solution. This implies that through diplomatic negotiations,
Australia has successfully shifted the burden of processing the asylum seekers to Indonesia,
thus ending our obligations.

Fitzpatrick, S, Franklin, F, Maley, P, & Dodd, M, 2009, Latest boat arrives direct from Sri Lanka -- PM's $50m Indon
solution, The Australian, 23 October, p.12
30

52

CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS

This section begins with a chronology of the coverage, presented first to give an
overview of the Oceanic Viking stand-off and familiarise the reader with important events
that will be discussed throughout these findings. The following section considers more specific
details, doing so by examining the negative framing of articles through the key themes of the
coverage. These themes are considered through the use of the keywords asylum-seeker and
Australia, which provide useful examples of how negative coverage was constructed in
articles studied.

Chronology of the Coverage

This section begins with a weekly analysis of the articles, undertaken to demonstrate
the fluctuations in the news coverage between the two weeks studied. Employing the scoring
system from the methodology (shown in Figure 2) articles were given a number value and then
classified as positive, neutral or, negative. After discussing the coverage weekly, the results
then turn towards an examination of both weeks combined, thus enabling the consideration of
overall trends in article framing, sources quoted and, codes used. This discussion helps to
establish the key thematic elements analysed in the negative framing subsection, which
directly follows the chronology of the coverage.

Week One
Media coverage during the first week of the stand-off was negatively slanted, though
less so than the overall coverage and that of week two. During this first week 47% of articles
were negative (9), 26% were neutral (5) and, 21% were positive (4). The hostile reception to
this new group of maritime asylum-seekers seems to point to the existence of prior biases,
perhaps giving credence to the fears expressed in Julia Gillards email cited earlier in the
53

Introduction. Within this first week the most popular term used was burden, deployed a total
of 41 times and used on average 2.28 times per-article-per-day (PAPD). The heavy use of this
term (which is much less prevalent in the second week), is due to the initial coverage focusing
on maritime asylum-seekers as a burden for the two governments involved in the stand-off
Indonesia and Australia. The term is also popular due to the strong presence of burden-shifting
arguments shown through Rudds tough but fair rhetoric, which seeks to reframe the peoplesmugglers as the core problem and, a focus on the monetary burden asylum-seekers carry for
Australia. The next most popular categories were threat, which was used 24 times and on
average 1.33 times PAPD and, 'problem' which was used 23 times and on average 1.28 times
PAPD.

Week Two
Negative coverage increases during the second week as the asylum-seekers continue to
refuse to leave the vessel, thereby prolonging the stand-off. In this second week 57% of articles
(16) were framed negatively, this represents a 21% increase of article percentage-share from
the first week. Meaning, there were fewer negative and neutral articles found in week two
compared to week one, this is signified by a 3.85 and 14.29 percentage-share change
respectively, thus 25% of articles were neutral (7) and 18% were positive (5). Significantly,
there was no substantive difference in the sources quoted from week to week. The dominant
voice in each week was the Australian government, which was responsible for 32% of all
quotations in each week. In seeking to explain the stronger negative slant in week 2, it is
necessary to consider the coding categories.
In week two, the three most frequent negative constructions were: deviant, problem
and, threat. These were mentioned 59, 56 and, 38 times respectively, being used 2.19, 2.07
and, 1.40 times PAPD. The framing of asylum-seekers as a deviant group is demonstrably
more prevalent after their refusal to disembark from the vessel; which entered the media
54

narrative around the 24th of October, 2009. Examining the negative coding totals before and
after this date, shows the substantive differences in the frequency of asylum-seekers being
constructed as deviants. Before the 24th this code was the 5th most popular code used (of
negative coding categorises) garnering 11% of the total percentage-share. However after the
24th the refusal to disembark from the vessel was increasingly emphasised in news articles,
doubling in popularity to occupy 22% of the percentage-share, becoming the most popular code
used for the remainder of the coverage studied.
Reportage surrounding this refusal to disembark often emphasised the manipulative
character of maritime asylum-seekers. For example, several references were made to the
actions of those on board amounting to moral blackmail. On these occasions, significant
emphasis was placed on the way this group made demands of us. This rhetoric is
symptomatic of Howard era discourse, which often privileged national rights above those of
individual maritime asylum-seekers (McMaster, 2001). Inferred in this notion of choice,
which was drawn on frequently by various groups in the articles, is the concept of a migration
queue. By choosing to come here, it is commonly argued, those on the boats are leapfrogging less mobile asylum-seekers languishing in UNHCR camps. Such a construction has
been shown by Gelber (2003) to offend the Australian sense of fairness and portray maritime
asylum-seekers as being of deficient moral character. The undercurrent of these arguments
works to justify the so-called-need to keep them out. As shown in the Discourse Analysis of
the Viking subsection in the methodology, this concept of a queue is a gross simplification of
the asylum-seeking process and works to obfuscate the difficulties faced by many refugees
caught in a protracted situation around the world.
It should also be noted that there is a clear shift within the problem code during week
two. Whilst there are still questions about responsibility (for those on the Viking) which was
the primary problem of the first week there is a shift away from this and towards a focus on
55

the difficult issue of how to remove the asylum-seekers from the vessel. This removal process
proved problematic and, consistent with other events, involved complex negotiations between
various parties. Towards the end of the study-period, various commentators called on the
government to break the deadlock through force. This aggressive response infers that the
asylum-seekers pose a physical threat. In making these calls for a use of force, various authors
make references to the Tampa incident; which as discussed in the historical overview, was
resolved when John Howard dispatched a unit of the SASR to board and seize the ship. By
drawing a link between these two events, authors seek to entrench the notion that this new
group of asylum-seekers on the Viking are like those who came before them. This linkage
supports the notion that maritime asylum-seekers are of poor moral character, due to the
connected concepts and events, which were discussed in the History Lessons Chapter.
It should also be noted that for both weeks of the coverage the threat code was widely
used, shown primarily through linking maritime arrivals to the problem of Australian bordersecurity. This important connection will be discussed in greater during the Discourse of
Nations subsection.

Discussion of both weeks

Considered as a whole, the overall-classification for the 46 articles analysed was as
follows: 9 positive articles, 12 neutral articles and, 25 negative articles. When the total negative
and positive (weighted number used) codes for the data set were combined the result was a
score of 176.625. This is shown in Table 2 below which outlines the full 608 constructions
(with weighting removed from positive constructions) contained within articles analysed.

56

Table 2: Coding Categories in the Data set

Positive

Weighted Raw

Negative

Sympathy for asylumseekers

124.875

111

Problem

-79

Humane

42.75

38

Deviant

-76

2001 as bad

20.25

18

Threat

-62

16.875

15

Burden

-57

13.5

12

Increasing Numbers

-47

Negative Politics

4.5

Political Pressure

-42

Do our share

4.5

Boatpeople/illegal
Immigrant

-30

Provide Protection

1.125

2001 as good

-11

Race

-1

Total

-405

Criticism of
Government/Politics
Contextualising
Information

Total

228.375

203

-176.625

Net score (weighted)

The next table details the sources quoted throughout the data set. For a full breakdown of the
other category see Appendix 3. Sources quoted have been included alongside the discussion
of the codes used, because the notion of what is being said, is relevant to who was saying
it.
Table 3: Total sources quoted

Sources Quoted

Total
113

Other
Government

93

Indonesian Central
Government

48

Liberal Party

29

Indonesian Local
Authorities
57

It should be noted that there is a strong presence of other voices31 coming through the articles.
If the voices of the asylum seekers; refugee advocates/groups; unions; academics; international
humanitarian groups; and, Tamil groups, were combined into a Humanitarian category, their
quotes would add up to 72 the second largest category throughout the coverage. It is therefore
a puzzle as to why these humanitarian voices didnt have more impact, a topic that is outside
the scope of this discussion, though it would certainly be an interesting area for further study.
To visually illustrate the fluctuations in the coverage included below is a graph
depicting article framing over time. Linear trend lines have been inserted into this graph to
show the trajectory of the coverage, they indicate the increasing frequency of articles in all
three categories, however, the strongest increases occur from both neutral and negative articles.
3.5

Number of Articles

3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0

20th
Oct
Positive
1
Neutral
0
Negative
1

21st
Oct
0
1
2

22nd 23rd
Oct Oct
0
0
0
0
2
3

24th
Oct
1
0
0

25th
Oct
0
0
0

26th
Oct
1
2
1

27th
Oct
1
2
0

28th
Oct
0
1
2

29th
Oct
0
2
2

30th
Oct
2
0
3

31st
Oct
0
1
3

1st
Nov
0
0
0

Date
Positive

Neutral

Negative

Linear (Positive)

Linear (Neutral )

Linear (Negative)

Graph 1: Article Framing over time

For a full breakdown of other sources quoted, see Appendix 3

31

58

2nd
Nov
2
0
3

3rd
Nov
1
3
3

Based on the graph above, it can be seen, that the first four days of the coverage feature the
most negative concentration, of total articles published, from the whole data set; with 73% of
all articles in this period (8) coded as negative. Negativity diminishes towards the middle point
of the coverage, where there is a brief assertion of neutral and positive articles. However,
negative coverage reasserts itself as the stand-off intensifies and the political situation
becomes increasingly fraught.
To further articulate this trend, a number value was given to the individual days of the
coverage, by using the same scoring system as above (combining positive and negative
constructions). Over the course of the coverage, 11 days were negative, 1 was neutral and, 1
was positive full numerical results are included beneath the graph for convenience. It should
be noted that there were no articles published on the 26th of October and on the 1st of November,
which slightly alters the trajectory of the line graph. Despite this mitigating factor, confirmation
of earlier results is clearly shown in Graph 2 below. That is, initial coverage is strongly
negatively slanted, normalising towards the middle of the data set and returning to the negative
as the political situation rapidly degrades and the stand-off continues without resolution. A
linear trend line has also been inserted into Graph 2 to show the overall trajectory of the
coverage. This trend line clearly displays the increasing negativity of articles studied.

59

30
20
10
0
-10

20th 21st 22nd 23rd 24th 25th 26th 27th 28th 29th 30th 31st
Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct Oct

1st
Nov

2nd
Nov

3rd
Nov

-20
-30
-40
-50
Graph 2: Over-all daily coding

The positive spike on October the 24th can partially be explained by the fact that only
one article was published on this day. However, the contents of this article, which focused on
explosive allegations of detainee abuse, do briefly impact the narrative of the coverage. The
article, Life of brutality in crowded lock-up, is the first to focus on specific allegations of
detainee mistreatment, it is also the most positive article of the data set scoring +21.875. The
article is significant as it is the first piece to give a strong sense of voice to asylum-seekers and
was told almost entirely from their point of view. Through this first-hand perspective and the
vivid descriptions of the author, the piece goes into great significant in describing the appalling
conditions of the Tanjung Pinang detention centre; in which: people were kept in crowded
conditions, with 20 to a room sleeping on mattresses on the floor with no airconditioning
in the uncomfortable tropical Indonesian climate. Through elaboration of these details asylumseekers are positioned as people deserving of sympathy. It is shown in this article that their
plight is terrible and their treatment at the hands of the Indonesians borders on the inhumane.
The article does not make widespread use of the other positive descriptors, making only
singular references to calls for humanity and 2001 as negative.
60

Looking briefly at the opposite end of the spectrum, the most negative coverage occurs
on October the 31st on which day there were four articles published. These articles have a
significant focus on: increasing numbers, deviancy, threat and a greater-than-usual use of the
term 'boatpeople'. The article Asylum centre doubles -- Rudd ready for influx EXCLUSIVE
is (interestingly enough) the most negative article within the data set as a whole scoring
21.875. The article contains 8 of the 9 negative coding categories; which was the most-varied
of any one article from the data set. The dominant issue in this piece is increasing numbers.
Like many other negative articles, it situates the Oceanic Viking stand-off within a broader
perspective, doing so by integrating discussion of the stand-off into the recent surge of
maritime arrivals to Australia. Within this broader perspective, the Oceanic Viking is seen as
a symbolic event. In such a construction, the stand-off is viewed as a test of the
Governments determination to take a firm stance on the asylum-seeker issue. It is argued,
particularly by the Liberal Party, that if those on the Viking are allowed to triumph, more
boatpeople will surely follow their example and our country will be inundated.
It is clear from the above discussion that coverage of the Oceanic Viking stand-off
was negatively slanted. This finding is complicated by the strong representation of
humanitarian voices and a clear sympathy for asylum-seekers. In examining this finding, I
turn to a closer, thematic analysis of the data, to seek to explain this outcome.

Negative Framing
As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, two clear examples of negative framing
can be seen in the use of asylum-seeker and Australia in context. To illustrate this, two
figures are included in the subsections below, both of these figures compile relevant keyword
in context examples taken from various articles in the data set. These examples are then
61

discussed by the key thematic concerns expressed in the examples, shown through close
analysis of word choice and the construction of latent meaning. Before this attempted however,
this subsection begins with a consideration of the over-all construction of asylum-seekers, to
provide important contextual information required before discussing the negative framing
associated with this term.

Construction of Asylum-seekers
As mentioned in the introduction, it was my hypothesis (at the beginning of this thesis)
that 'asylum-seeker' would be used in a neutral, or better yet, positive manner. This was
argued on the basis that the term is a far less pejorative identity-label than 'boatpeople' and
'illegal immigrant'; terms which as shown in Chapter Two carry a particular set of connotations.
It was also hoped asylum-seeker would be used with the sensitivity called for by the Press
Council of Australia, who, in their current guidelines recognise the complexity of classification
that exists between these various identity-labels32.
For the sake of clarity in further discussions, it should be made clear that this thesis
uses the definition of an asylum-seeker, as per that of the UNCHR, which define the term as:
people who are seeking international protection. An asylum-seeker is someone whose claim
has not yet been finally decided by UNHCR or authorities of the country in which he or she has
requested refugee status. Not every asylum-seeker will ultimately be recognized as a refugee,
but every refugee is initially an asylum-seeker.33

Asylum-seekers, plainly stated, are therefore persons seeking refugee determination. As noted
in the above definition, there is the ability for an asylum-seeker to not be granted refugee status.
However, it should be stressed that year-on-year final visa grant rates for maritime asylum-

32

'Asylum seekers', 'illegal immigrants' and entry without a visa, Press Council of Australia, March 2012, viewed 5th
September, 2014, <http://www.presscouncil.org.au/document-search/asylum-seekers/>
33
About Refugees, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, viewed, 6th of September,
<http://unhcr.org.au/unhcr/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=179&Itemid=54>

62

seekers are substantially higher than those seeking onshore protection arriving by plane34. It is
therefore held that undue suspicion of this group as illegitimate is unwarranted, though
symptomatic of Australian political discourse.
As mentioned earlier, asylum-seeker was the most common identity-label (of those
used to generate the data set) in the articles analysed, used a total of 168 times. This was
discovered by entering article text into the web-based voyant-tools.org. With this website it
was possible to analyse the data set in great detail and investigate the use of key-terms in
context. By applying a limit of 15 words either side of the keyword, examples were kept
focussed on one or two key ideas, making detailed analysis manageable. A full table of results
for asylum-seeker can be found in Appendix 4. An example of this system at work is shown
as Figure 4 below.

Figure 4: Asylum-seeker Keywords in Context

As can be seen above, similar codes from the methodology were applied to these keyword examples a full coding breakdown is given in Table 4 below. A phrase was therefore
classified based on the codes present in the contextual information (as shown in the context

34

Statisticts on asylum seekers arriving in Australia, Refugee Council of Australia, updated February 2014, viewed 7th
September, 2014, <http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/r/stat-as.php>

63

columns). In these examples mixed has been split from neutral. This has been done to indicate
a phrase featuring positive and negative elements, differentiated from neutral articles which
were phrases with an absence of constructions entirely. A positive construction was an
example with only positive codes present and, a negative example contained only negative
constructions.
Applying this system to an analysis of asylum-seeker used in context, generated the
following results: Mixed = 11, Negative = 71, Neutral = 50, Positive = 36. A breakdown of the
coding categories used in generating this result is shown in the table below. This table shows
that it was more than twice as likely for a negative code to be used in conjunction with asylumseeker than a positive one.

Table 4: Asylum-seeker coding categories

Negative

Positive

Deviant

37

Sympathy

32

Increasing Numbers

17

Humane

14

Problem

17

Critique of Government

Burden between states

16

Contextualising Information

Threat

14

Political Pressure

12

Burden-shifting

Boatpeople

Financial Burden

Race

Total

129

50

The results from this analysis comprehensively disprove my initial hypothesis that: asylumseeker would be as used primarily as a positive or neutral category. It is clearly

64

demonstrable, based on the above, that it was not. In continuing to unpack this finding, I turn
towards a thematic analysis of the ways asylum-seeker was used negatively in the data-set.
Examples of asylum-seeker deployed in a negative context
Within the extract below it is apparent that asylum-seekers are constructed as a burden
(#3, #5, #9 & #10), a deviant group (#2, #6, #11 & #12) and a problem to be managed by
states of the region (#4, #7, #8 & #9). Asylum-seekers were also seen to be a contentious
political problem for the Rudd Government, one producing increasing political pressure
domestically, as evidenced in examples #1, #7 & #8. Whilst it is arguable that negative
constructions function to create domestic political pressure, examples #1, #7 & #8, are
interesting due to the direct casual links made between the issue and Australian politics. The
below extract will now be analysed in detail, to expand thoroughly on how asylum-seekers
have been portrayed in the manners indicated.

65

Constructing Burden
The two main ways asylum-seekers were shown to be a burden, was as a direct
financial burden (#5 & #9) or through the production of negative, burdensome, effects (#3 &
#9). The latter usage was frequently linked to the complications caused by the increasing
numbers of maritime asylum-seekers coming to Australia. This wave of arrivals led to
growing frustration amongst politicians being forced to cope with this surge, this fact is
evident throughout many of the examples above. This increased traffic is often argued to have
damaging impacts on the Australian and Indonesian Immigration programs. These
burdensome arguments echo the historical fears surrounding the inundation of the nation from
a flood of maritime asylum-seekers (Leach, 2003).
66

Responsibility for the actual 78 persons on the Oceanic Viking was also a contested
topic and will be further discussed in discourse of nations subsection to follow. For now it
suffices to say, that those on board the Viking were frequently positioned between the
governments of the two nations (as in #10), with neither nation being overly welcoming or
receptive to the asylum-seekers. Therefore, responsibility for the welfare of the group was
frequently shifted back and forth by various government officials.
Finally, it is also extremely important to note the use of the derogatory category label
'boatpeople' within examples #5 & #9. This points to a continued conflation of terms which
was symptomatic of Howard era coverage (Briskman, 2013). By deploying boatpeople in the
same breath as asylum-seeker the author collapses the important distinctions between these
identity-labels. They are in other words, being used interchangeably. This same tactic was
noted by Goodman and Speer (2007) who examined the asylum-seeker issue in Britain. Their
analysis showed that asylum-seeker and illegal immigrant were used interchangeably as if
one and thus conflated.
Constructing Deviance
The construction of deviance relied primarily on emphasising the deficient moral
character of maritime asylum-seekers. Within such constructions there was a strong focus on
the negative behaviours of asylum-seekers for example: engaging in hunger strikes (#6) and
making threats of suicide should their demands not be met. The effect of such drastic actions
was to morally blackmail Australia and manipulate us by emphasising their plight. In this
discourse of deviance, logical power-roles are reversed and asylum seekers cannot be regarded
as real victims as they are the real aggressors (Pickering and Lambert, 2002) making
unreasonable claims upon the nation states where they arrive. Within these constructions of
deviance, the notion of notion of choice (#12) is often emphasised, thus linking maritime

67

asylum-seekers to one of most damaging slurs used against them that of the queue-jumper.
According to Pickering and Lambert (2002):
The queue jumper is understood as an individual who makes a choice to subvert appropriate
procedures and hence colludes in their own illegality In having a choice, asylum seekers
should choose to be part of the offshore program, they should choose not to jump the queue and
invoke onshore protection obligations The choice is theirs

Within the articles analysed, asylum-seekers were frequently represented as individuals

possessing agency, choosing to come here and subvert the system. By self-selecting
Australia, maritime asylum-seekers can therefore never be seen as genuine refugees.
Constructing a Problem
The construction of asylum seekers as a problem often relied on direct statements or
descriptors (#7). The most popular direct descriptor applied was issue; used a total of 52 times
throughout the data. The choice of the word dilemma is significant in examples #4 and #8. In
example #8, Australian officials are caught between the equally unpalatable choices of forcibly
removing them from the boat and bringing them here. The question of what should be
done is apparent. It relates not only to the specific circumstances of the Oceanic Viking standoff, but also to addressing the wider problem of asylum-seeker movements in the Asia-Pacific
region. In example #4 dilemma is being used in its secondary meaning referring to a difficult
situation or problem as defined by the Oxford Dictionary Online.
It is clear from the examples above that asylum-seekers have been constructed as a
burdensome problem to be managed/dealt/coped with by the states of the region, who are
portrayed as victims. The task of managing this problem is exacerbated by the rising flood of
boat-people arrivals. Again it should be noted, that greater preference is clearly given to the

68

rights of nations, over the rights of maritime asylum-seekers, this point will be taken up in the
next subsection.

Discourse of Nations
A defining feature of the Oceanic Viking coverage was the way the 78 asylum-seekers
on board the vessel were trapped between the machinations of the two governments (Indonesia
and Australia), each seeking a domestically favourable end to the stand-off. Within these
discourse(s) of nation(s), asylum-seekers were often portrayed in an extremely negative
manner. This subsection begins with snapshot of the bilateral relations between Australia and
Indonesia, seeking to show how this relationship was constructed in the articles studied. It then
moves into a consideration of how arguments surrounding national sovereignty seek to frame
maritime asylum-seekers as a threat to the nation.

69

Bilateral relations between Australia and Indonesia

As suggested earlier, initial coverage of the stand-off was focused on the question of
which country should take responsibility for the 78 asylum-seekers on the Viking. This theme
of contested responsibility was continued throughout the coverage and became a frequent
sticking point in the bilateral relations between the nations. Given this bilateral nature, it is
therefore unsurprising that Australia and Indonesia are often mentioned in conjunction, as in
examples #1, #2, #5 & #6. The countries were referred to roughly the same amount of times
throughout the data, which is shown in the table below. Within the above examples asylumseekers are portrayed as: a problem (#1), a financial (#2) and political (#6) burden and, as
deviants (#1, #5 &, #7).
Table 5 Usage of Indonesia and Australia in articles

Indonesian

202

Australian

200

Australia

186

Indonesia

143

Within example #1, the Australian government is seen to be the primary driving force
for a solution to the boatpeople crisis. The notion of Australia/Rudd personally appealing to
Indonesia for assistance with asylum-seekers is a common theme throughout the data. Within
example #1, Prime Minister Rudd becomes the primary mover, reassuring the Australian public
that through cooperation with Indonesia the flow of boats will be stemmed, just like they were
during the Howard years. Thus cooperation is constructed as a solution to the problem of
maritime arrivals. The use of the word crisis in this example also warrants special mention.
It is indicative of earlier arguments regarding fear and insecurity, such as those of Gale (2004)
and Tazreiter (2003) respectively.

70

Examples #5 & #6 make direct references to agreements/relations between Australia

and Indonesia. Discussion of the various agreements negotiated between the two countries was
prevalent throughout the data. These discussions often took on two approaches, either opting
for the more general form of examples #1 and #2, focusing on the nebulous cooperation
between nations, as opposed to the more specific examples of #5 and #6, which make direct
reference to arrangements made between Kevin Rudd and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
(SBY). In constructing the relationship between Australia and Indonesia, there was a
preference for the use of the word deal, which occurred in the data a total of 32 times. Within
these examples 15 relate directly to the agreements regarding the 78 asylum-seekers on board
the Oceanic Viking. The reaction to this deal varied significantly depending on the voices
present. For example, the resettlement deal agreed to by Indonesian and Australian officials,
which intended for those on the vessel to be processed in Indonesia, was perceived to be
unpopular with the asylum-seekers on the Oceanic Viking and with local authorities in Tanjung
Pinang. This deal was, in fact, actively resisted by both of these groups, which is evident in
examples #5 and #6. Due to the resistance of these groups, the negotiation of a successful
solution to the situation was frustrated. Contained within this negotiation/problem solving
process is the notion of national responsibilities. Though due to the multilateral nature of the
stand-off, it was difficult to precisely and accurately state who was responsible for what. It is
clear however that SBY, in examples #5 and #6, is shown to be having immense political
difficulty in keeping his promise and enforcing his agreements.
A Threat to the Nation
Positioned within the discourse of nation(s) the ever increasing number of arrivals
(#1, #3 & #8) are constructed as a threat due to Australias historical fears of invasion from
the hordes from the north (McMaster 2002a, b & c, Tazreiter 2003). Talk of increasing
numbers, the reference to a crisis and to throwing the doors open work to promote a
71

powerful sense of insecurity. Compounding this insecurity is the passive way the two nations
are constructed, positioned as the victims of asylum-seekers, who are self-selecting (#7) their
new homes and disrupting the orderly immigration programs of the two governments.
Caught up in this narrative of threat/security are a number of historical elements (#3 &
#8). Within example #3 the extremes are viewed as a choice between throwing the doors
open and letting every asylum-seeker settle in Australia, or, winding back to the policies of
the Howard years. In this construction, the policies of the Howard years are portrayed in a
negative manner, as the opposite of an open border policy.
In example #8, which constructs a positive portrayal of the Howard era, it should be
noted that speaker here was the then current leader of the opposition (and the Liberal Party of
Australia) Malcolm Turnbull. It is therefore clear why the policies of previous Government
are lauded for their effectiveness. In example #9 Turnbull seeks to link the new influx in
arrivals to the removal of Howard era policy. This has the dual effect of lending credibility to
the previous government (and by proxy Turnbull himself), whilst at the same time portraying
the Rudd Government as ineffective. Turnbull argues that through enacting a tough stance to
Australias borders, Howard fixed the asylum-seeker problem. This tough stance is
portrayed as the sole reason for a reduction in boat arrivals to Australia. Whilst the claim of
Turnbull looks prima-facie reasonable it is statistically verifiable that the boats did come to
a halt during the Howard era it is also a gross simplification and ignores worldwide trends.
According to figures from the UNCHR, asylum-seeker applications to OECD countries
declined over the period of 2002 2006, then began to rise again due to a surge in applications
from Iraq, almost doubling in 2006 according to figures from the UNHCR35. What is rarely, if
ever, acknowledged in Australian politics, is that the fall in numbers during the Howard years

35

Iraqi crisis fuels rise in asylum seekers in industrialized world, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, March,
2008, viewed, 31st October, 2014, <http://www.unhcr.org/47de91da2.html>

72

is also consistent with the declines shown throughout world. This fact is reflected in the figure
below and complicates Turnbulls simplistic analysis of the situation.

Figure 5: Australia vs OECD asylum inflows 36

36

Phillips, J, 2013, Australia vs OECD asylum inflows, Parliament of Australia, viewed, 30th October, 2014,
<http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/BN/20122013/AsylumFacts>

73

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION

A detailed analysis of the 46 articles in the data set makes clear the strong and consistent
bias in the media treatment of maritime asylum-seekers. Within the articles analysed, this group
were consistently constructed as: a problem to be dealt with; deviant-others seeking to
manipulate Australia; queue-jumpers deciding to come here and, a burden financially and
politically to both governments. As revealed in Chapter Two, many of these negative portrayals
have their roots in both Howard era and earlier historical contexts. It is therefore clear that the
coverage of the Oceanic Viking was impacted by the prior discourse of deterrence. Drawing
on these historical dimensions, built on by both major political parties from the introduction of
Mandatory detention, maritime asylum-seekers were portrayed in an overwhelmingly negative
manner. The primary effect of this negatively-slanted portrayal, was the binary construction of
asylum-seeker as either good people waiting patiently in UNHCR camps, or, as deviant
boatpeople attempting to force their way into Australia.
Following a change of leadership to Kevin Rudd in late 2006, the Australian Labor
Party began to make well documented calls for compassion and humanity in redressing the
overreaches of Howard-era asylum-seeker policy. This compassionate stance was
effectively enacted into sweeping policy changes by 2008. However, this humane response to
the vulnerable stranger in our midst, led many key Labor ministers (including Rudd himself)
into increasingly compromised positions throughout the stand-off. In addressing the situation
on the Oceanic Viking, against a backdrop of surging maritime arrivals, the Labor
government became snared in arguments regarding border-protection and the associated
paradox of being both tough but fair.
Framed by commentary that was often both nationalist and exclusionary, maritime
asylum-seekers were consistently presented as a threat by both major Australian political

74

parties. It is clear that the deep historical fears of the horde from the north, flooding through
porous northern borders, had once again found pride of place in the arguments of Australian
Parliamentarians. This observation lends credence to the arguments of previous authors who
have discussed Australias unique preoccupation with the management of the physical space
surrounding the nation; represented by the obsession of successive governments concerning
the control of our borders. Essentially the culture of fortress Australia remained alive and
well in 2009.
By focusing solely on the apparent choice made by those on the Oceanic Viking, the
consideration of why these 78 people sought to leave Indonesia in the first place is obscured.
Instead, these people are framed as deviants seeking to break the rules and force their
way to the front of the queue. Speaking about the stand-off in such a manner, clearly ignores
and obfuscates the complexities of the refugee resettlement process.
Applying a combination of Critical and Historical discourse analysis, and Gramscian
notions of hegemony, the triumph of negative framing is made clear. Throughout the
coverage, various historical ideas were presented in a common sense manner, for example,
the concept of a refugee queue to Australia. This notion is never challenged at any point in
the coverage, despite the fact that the idea does not stand up to close analysis. A more nuanced
take on the migration process, as found in this thesis and other academic commentary, was
rarely taken up by the mainstream media, which frequently covered topics in a simplistic
manner. It could also be argued that the failure of the humanitarian narrative can be partly
attributed to this distorting, hegemonic, process.
In conclusion, this thesis finds that media coverage of the Oceanic Viking stand-off was
overwhelmingly negatively-slanted. This finding is at odds with both the time period that the
articles are taken from, situated as they were during a period in which Government policy had

75

softened and, the strong presence of Humanitarian sources quoted in the data set. This thesis
has also conclusively disproved the initial hypothesis that asylum-seeker would be used in a
neutral or positive manner. Instead it has revealed that this terminology referring to
maritime arrivals bound for Australia was often used in a negative context with negative
implications.
Given the unexpected negativity of the data during this period, it is suggested that the
years of the first Rudd Prime Ministership (2007-2010) should be pursued as a future site of
study. Doing so through a historical perspective would further illuminate how the latent,
negative, treatment of maritime asylum-seekers was sustained by a government that had
initially embraced the concept of compassion and advocated a humanitarian response. Such
work could shed further light on the historical tensions and political pressures underlying
current Australian debates about maritime asylum-seekers and immigration, which have in
recent times, increased in both their relevance and negativity.

76

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Continuum Companion to Discourse Analysis, Continuum International Publishing Group,
New York

80

Appendices
Appendix 1: Data Categories:

Positive

Examples and explanation

Humane/Calls for Humanity the deal would enjoy support provided: that asylum-seekers
were treated humanely37
DOCTORS, academics and social workers have slammed
the Indonesian solution as inhumane38

Sympathy

Contextualising information

Category often shown by direct reference to need for great

humanity towards asylum-seekers, or criticism because of
perceived inhumanity towards asylum-seekers.
detainees yesterday claimed they were beaten and robbed by
guards, and slept 20 to a room on mattresses on the floor with
no airconditioning39
Focus on the conditions those in Indonesia and on the boats
endure. By focussing on these aspects of the refugee
experience we are encouraged towards pity. The
refugee/asylum-seeker is reasserted as someone undergoing
social turmoil in stark difference to the negative constructions
above.
The news followed admissions by Australasian Federation of
Tamil Associations secretary Victor Rajakulendran that excombatants would be among those fleeing Sri Lanka by boat.
Yesterday, Dr Rajakulendran said it was important not to
demonise all Tamil refugees as a result. Professor Gunaratna
said his research suggested a full 60 per cent of Tamil Tigers
recruited since 2004 had been recruited forcibly, some at the
age of 14.40

37

Mayley, P, Perpitch, N, 2009, Jakarta solution could be lifesaver, The Australian, 26 October
Akerman, P, 2009, Treatment of Boatpeople inhumane , The Australian, 30 October
39
Kearney, S, &, Fitzpatrick, S, 2009, Life of brutality in crowded lock-up, The Australian, 24 October
40
Maley, P, &, Franklin, M, Tamil Tigers in detention: expert, The Australian, 28 October
38

81

Negative Politics

2001 as bad

The presence of the threatening construction ex-combatants

here is negated by the presence of the contextualising
information about forced recruitment Tamil children. The
second paragraph therefore is an example of contextualising
information used to dispel concerns.
``But what really concerns me is sometimes I feel that both
sides of politics are playing with the lives of these refugees,''
Labor MP Julia Irwin said.41
A similar category to criticism of Government, though, as can
be evidenced broadened to encompass displeasure with the
Liberal and Labor party. Shown by overt references of groups
with the handling of the issue by their political leaders.
We're seeing the same rhetoric being ramped up, Mr
Howes said, referring to the 2001 federal election
Mr Howes's concerns were echoed by the CFMEU's national
secretary for construction, David Noonan, who warned
politicians against revisiting the dark days'' of Tampa, 42

Criticism of Government

Provide Protection

These constructions by and large were found most typically

being deployed by Labor MPs and humanitarian voices. As
the name would suggest, they take the actions and policies of
2001 and the Howard years as being negative. There are
frequent mentions of the Tampa affair and Children
Overboard, two key events interpreted by the left wing as
symbolic of the overreaches of the Howard Years.
As unions and church groups joined the condemnation of
the Government's handling of asylum seekers, the customs
vessel, Oceanic Viking, was anchored 10 nautical miles off
Tanjung Pinang.43
Direct statements by groups calling into question the
Government response to asylum-seekers and their actions
regarding the Oceanic Viking. Often overlap other
constructions, like calls for humanity, however, as above
some are more flat reproaches from other groups.
As a stable and wealthy country in the region, Australia has a
responsibility to lead by example in providing protection to
refugees.44
Not a popular category (with the above being the only
reference in the data set) but should the framework given in

Fitzpatrick, S, Franklin, F, Maley, P, Dodd, M, &, Maiden, S, 2009, Asylum deadline ticking -- Prime Minister refuses to
rule out force to end standoff, The Australian, 29 October
42
Maley, P, 2009, Unions warn PM over boatpeople, The Australian, 20 October
43
Coorey, P, &, Murdoch, L, 2009, Indonesia told to go easy on boat people by Labor, The Sydney Morning Herald, 27
October
44
Fitzpatrick, S, &, Maley, P, 2009, Asylum-seekers' ploy -- Boat was scuttled to force a rescue, The Australian, 22
October
41

82

Do our share

this thesis be operationalised by others, this code was seeking

examples of groups calling for Australia to fulfil its
international obligations in providing protection to
refugees/asylum-seekers.
expecting Indonesia to carry the lion's share of the region's
responsibility is unfair45
In the above it is fair to say that Australia is being positioned
as the lion. The example implies that we need to do more to
assist with the asylum-seeker problem. Other examples cited
greater need for assistance to the UNCHR.

Negative

Examples and explanation

Burden

KEVIN Rudd's boatpeople strategy will cost more than

$50million to process asylum-seekers on Indonesian soil46.
References to the financial burden asylum-seekers represent
like the above were common throughout the data set, with
direct focus on the monetary value Australia contributed. The
other common referential strategy was as a burden to be
shifted. Often occurred with the 78 on the Oceanic Viking and
asylum-seekers in general being agentless objects deployed
between Australian and Indonesian (and respective officials),
take for example: President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last
night resolved their [Rudd] standoff, with Jakarta agreeing to
accept 78 asylum-seekers rescued by Australia at the
weekend.
Categorised by direct descriptors like issue, dilemma, crisis
and of course problem itself. Used for both the stand-off and
the wider topic of asylum-seekers.
Sources said the boat had been deliberately disabled, by
punching or drilling holes into the hull, effectively forcing the
navy to take the passengers on board.47
These constructions focussed on the negative or manipulating
behaviours of asylum-seekers. Contained within these
constructions was often the notion of choice, most commonly
how maritime asylum-seekers were choosing to come here.
This choice is evocative of the queue-jumper a common
construction from the Howard years and earlier.
Categorised by direct references to border security and
terrorism asylum-seekers were often linked to these
sensitive issues and occasionally too disease risks.
References to flood, surge, increase and another boat
arrived were captured by this category. There were also
references to swelling numbers in detention and increases in
the size of facilities.

Problem

Deviant

Threat

Increasing Numbers

Narushima, Y, 2009, Relationships strained by PM's crackdown, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 October
Fitzpatrick, S, Franklin, F, Maley, P, &, Dodd, M, 2009, Latest boat arrives direct from Sri Lanka -- PM's $50m Indon
solution, The Australian, 23 October, p.12
47
Fitzpatrick, S, &, Maley, P, 2009, Asylum-seekers' ploy -- Boat was scuttled to force a rescue, The Australian, 22
October
45
46

83

Political Pressure

Race

2001 as good

Boatpeople/illegal
Immigrant

Often framed in reference to the government and categorised

by direct references, e.g. Under pressure domestically, Mr.
Rudd48.
Overt references to race or racial politics were rare, Rudd
made one reference to the liberals being culpable of dog
whistle49 politics, this is a descriptor used to imply a subtle
form of racism sitting underneath comments. If it were more
prevalent the descriptor would be used for derogatory
references to race or racial characteristics of asylum-seekers.
Shown by descriptors lauding the conduct of the Howard
years, again categorised by direct references like: Rudd
government's
changes to the tough-as-nails Howard government policies
have created a pull factor.50 It can be seen that the phrase is
approving of the Howard years for their tough approach the
issue evidenced by contrasting them against current policies.
Any reference to this descriptors was considered prima facie
negative due to their long history and misleading nature.

Murdoch, L, Davis, M, &, Coorey, P, 2009, Labor all at sea on asylum promises, The Sydney Morning Herald, 23
October
49
Shanahan, D, 2009, Coalition misses boat, The Australian, 23 October
50
INERTIA AS IMPASSE ENTERS THIRD WEEK, The Australian, 2 November
48

84

Appendix 2: Rudd Can't Budge Coding Breakdown

Positive

Weighted Raw

Negative

Humane

1.125

Deviant

-9

Criticism of Govt

1.125

Threat

-4

Sympathy

Boatpeople

-4

Context

Problem

-3

Negative Politics

Burden

2001 as bad

Increasing Numbers

Provide Protection

Political Pressure

Do our share

Race

2001 as good

Total

-20

Total

2.25

-17.75

Net score (weighted)

85

Appendix 3: Other sources breakdown (total)

Other

Total

Asylum Seekers

18

Refugee Advocacy Groups/Individuals

13

Unions

11

Academics/Experts

11

Unattributed

11

Aust. Gov. Agencies/Officials

10

International Humanitarian
Groups

Tamil Groups

Indonesian Authorities

Editorial

Boat Companies

Religious Groups

Historic Sources

Indonesian Locals

Health Professionals

86

Appendix 4: Asylum Seeker full coding table

Context
The Australian revealed
Mr Rudd planned to pay
the Indonesian
government to intercept
and process
in touch with the Tamil
boatpeople in Merak told
The Australian yesterday
more than 30
line on people-smugglers
and being humane to
refugees yesterday, but
after a fortnight's impasse
with
little empty. Health and
sanitation conditions
have worsened aboard a
boat crammed with
about 250
the Rudd government's
``Indonesia solution'', it
represented a grim
development. ``If they
are in fact

Keyword

Context

Categorization

asylumseekers

before they made the

hazardous journey by
boat to Australia. But
news of the expansion

Mixed

Burden;
Humanitarian

Mixed

Neg Lang;
Sympathy

Mixed

Burden shift;
Sympathy

Mixed

Sympathy;
Deviant

Mixed

Problem;
Sympathy

Mixed

Deviant;
Sympathy

Mixed

Problem;
Sympathy

Mixed

Burden
between the
states

Mixed

Burden
between the
states;
Problem;
Humane

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

communicating with
Tamil figures abroad to
co-ordinate their protest,
as had his own group of

asylumseekers

Labor is in government
and that means Labor
must explain how it
intends to deter

asylumseekers

President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono last
night resolved their
standoff, with Jakarta
agreeing to accept 78
the costs. Co-operation
offers the most
constructive pathway to
an effective,
compassionate solution
for managing

, including children,
were infected with
conjunctivitis. That
boat was intercepted in
Indonesian waters
following a
on the high seas it is
sounding a little
empty. Health and
sanitation conditions
have
off the Indonesian port
of Merak. And 78 Sir
Lankans remain
stubborn in refusing
to
, if they are in fact
from Sri Lanka and
they've taken a longer
route around
. Yesterday, lawyer
and refugee advocate
Jessie Taylor said
conditions in
Indonesian detention
centres often left
making the perilous
journey by sea, or
solve the standoff on
the Oceanic Viking.
And

asylumseekers

rescued by Australia
at the weekend, citing
the plight of a sick
child on board

asylumseekers

, but it is already clear

that there are no easy
solutions to this
dilemma, and

87

Code

considering giving to
Jakarta to manage the
boats would be
provisional on Indonesian
authorities treating

asylumseekers

requires the government

to balance the need to
have a proper system of
dealing with

asylumseekers

permission for the

Oceanic Viking to remain
off Bintan island, where
the 78 Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

visas, after the

introduction of which we
saw 10,000 people come
to Australia as

asylumseekers

in Indonesia". Asylumseekers' ploy -- Boat was

scuttled to force a rescue
A BOAT carrying 78

asylumseekers

miles north of Ashmore

Reef. The interception
was the 34th this year.
The debate over

asylumseekers

board. The revelation

gives credence to claims
by the opposition's
immigration
spokeswoman, Sharman
Stone, that

asylumseekers

officer in the Indonesian

navy's western fleet said.
``If it was Australia that
helped (the

asylumseekers

named Arifin expressed

disgust at the thought of
having to admit yet
another round of

asylumseekers

start of any lasting

solution to the region's
dilemma about coping
with increasing numbers
of

asylumseekers

according to certain
humanitarian
standards. A
spokesman for Mr
Rudd said it would be
inappropriate
with the need to
ensure they are dealt
with in a humane
manner,'' said one
onboard are refusing
to leave the ship. Last
night, talks were
continuing between
Indonesian and
?'' Jakarta and
Canberra were last
night locked in talks
over who would take
78 boatpeople
whose case was
personally taken up by
Kevin Rudd with the
Indonesian President
was rescued
continued to gather
heat yesterday, with
the Uniting Church
writing to the Prime
Minister urging
were manipulating
Australian goodwill to
ensure their passage to
Australia, a suggestion
angrily rejected by
), Australia that
answered the distress
call, why should they
be brought to
Indonesia? It's strange
into the already
overloaded
Indonesian system.
``We don't even know
what kind of people
these
. Yesterday,
Indonesian officials
expressed extreme
irritation at the deal.
Even before the socalled ``Indonesian
solution''

88

Mixed

Problem;
Humanitarian

Mixed

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Neg Lang
(boatpeople)

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Increasing
tension/numbe
rs

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Burden
between states

Neg

Increasing
numbers;
burden

Neg

Problem;
Increasing
numbers;
Political
pressure

Commission for
Refugees, the
international organisation
for migration, and to
Indonesian authorities.
The movement of

asylumseekers

PM's $50m Indon

solution KEVIN Rudd's
boatpeople strategy will
cost more than
$50million to process

asylumseekers

As another boat
arrived off the coast of
Western Australia
yesterday, the 78 Sri
Lankan

asylumseekers

Wilson Tuckey said as he

arrived at Parliament
House that terrorists
could be masquerading
as
take them to,''
presidential spokesman
Dino Patti Djalal said.
Another boat containing
255 Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

by officials to fingerprint
and photograph the Sri
Lankans were met with
resistance, and the

asylumseekers

Labor's immigration
policy by outlining its
alternatives approaches to
deal with the recent
increase in

asylumseekers

innuendo. There's hardly

been an honest or brave
word uttered since the
new season of

asylumseekers

the opportunity to
hammer home an
advantage that may last
for decades. The debate
on

asylumseekers

detention for security

and health checks, some

asylumseekers

is a regional problem,
and if increasing
numbers of Afghans,
Sri Lankans and
Pakistanis are
on Indonesian soil as
the political row
surrounding the
nation's border
security escalates. As
another
rescued by the
Oceanic Viking were
diverted to an
Australian-built
detention centre near
Singapore after
aboard the boats.
Speaking to reporters a
short time later, Mr
Rudd demanded Mr
Turnbull
remained tied up on
the dock at Merak,
where the occupants
yesterday refused to
be
later declared the
incident had hardened
their resolve to stay
on the boat.
``Afterwards there
heading to Australia
by boat. Arguing that
Mr Tuckey was
attempting to
demonise asylumseekers, Mr
began and the issues
of immigration,
border security,
terrorism, health,
employment and
refugee intakes
instantly
has the potential to
fundamentally change
the politics of border
security and give
Labor the
; and turning
boatloads of asylumseekers back to

89

Neg

Problem;
Increasing
numbers;

Neg

Burden;
Threat;
Neg Lang
(boatpeople)

Neg

Increasing
numbers

Neg

Threat

Neg

Increasing
numbers;
Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Increase
numbers

Neg

Problem;
Threat;
Neg Lang

Neg

Threat

Neg

Threat;
Deviant

of which have resulted in

the deportation of
checks, some of which
have resulted in the
deportation of asylumseekers; and turning
boatloads of

asylumseekers

396 million detention

centre and erect fencing
around them. The arrival
yesterday of 19 male

asylumseekers

brought the number of

people in immigration
detention on the territory
to 1148. Another 22

asylumseekers

came as opposition
foreign affairs
spokeswoman Julie
Bishop said a hunger
strike by the 78

asylumseekers

said yesterday he was

confident talks with
Indonesian officials
would clear the way for
the

asylumseekers

landed. The issue of

people-smuggling
yesterday dominated
question time in federal
parliament. Kevin Rudd
said

asylumseekers

world, as it confronts
other countries as well,''
Mr Rudd said, adding that
15,000

asylumseekers

to indicate Australia is a
destination of choice for
an increasing number of
Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

the letter and was taking

a tough approach to
people-smugglers but a
human approach to

asylumseekers

night in chaos as
Indonesian officials
confirmed they were

asylumseekers

Indonesia. This week,

of course, we have the
back to Indonesia.
This week, of course,
we have the new
Indonesian solution, to
keep
on Christmas,
believed to be mostly
Afghans, brought the
number of people in
immigration detention
are expected to arrive
today, after being
intercepted near
Ashmore Reef on
Tuesday. `Jakarta
solution'
aboard the Customs
vessel the Oceanic
Viking was a ``tragic
consequence'' of the
Prime Minister's
to be landed. The
issue of peoplesmuggling yesterday
dominated question
time in federal
parliament. Kevin
had been recognised
as a regional problem
by the 16 governments
attending last week's
East
arrived by boat in
Australian waters
during John Howard's
term in office. But his
comments
. Mr Smith welcomed
Jakarta's promise to
investigate claims of
detainee abuse at
Tanjung Pinang. ``If
. But he warned that
the Coalition would
continue what he
described as ``dog
whistle politics''
who were refusing to
leave an Australian
Customs vessel.
Indonesian

90

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Burden

Neg

Increasing
numbers

Neg

Deviant;
Political
pressure

Neg

Burden shift;
Political
pressure

Neg

Burden shift;
Political
pressure;
Problem

Neg

Problem;
Neg Lang

Neg

Deviant;
Increasing
numbers

Neg

Burden shift;
Political
exploitation;
Race

Neg

Deviant

locked in a standoff with

78
Australian officials
grappled with how to
handle the 78, new
figures showed 19 of the

asylumseekers

Kijang harbour in Bintan

yesterday, would look bad
and could lead to some of
the

asylumseekers

managing Australiabound asylum-seekers to

Indonesia. THE
JOURNEY SO FAR How
the saga of the 78

asylumseekers

are refused for security

reasons. Wednesday,
October 21 * Sources
reveal the boat carrying
the 78

asylumseekers

The Oceanic Viking

remains moored 10nm
south of the island of
Bintan with the 78

asylumseekers

to leave the boat. `We'd

rather die than go ashore
here' THE 78 Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

good solution better we

will close our life in
here,'' the unsigned letter
said. The

asylumseekers

not to allow any foreign

ships to dock. * Sources
reveal the boat carrying
the 78

asylumseekers

The Oceanic Viking

remains moored 10nm
south of the island of
Bintan with the 78

asylumseekers

Bintan, where Indonesian

officials are waiting to

asylumseekers

government sources
told The Australian
to arrive on
Australia's shore were
return visitors, with
eight having been
issued temporary
protection
deliberately jumping
into the water.
However, they have
also decided to
abandon the pretence
that
unfolded Sunday,
October 18 *
Australian authorities
receive distress calls
about a vessel 20
nautical miles
had been deliberately
disabled, by punching
or drilling holes into
the hull, forcing the
Australian
, including five
women and five
children, refusing to
leave the boat. `We'd
rather die than
aboard the Oceanic
Viking have
threatened to kill
themselves rather than
walk off the ship
were able to throw
three messages in
bottles overboard
before Customs
officials herded them
away
had been deliberately
disabled, by punching
or drilling holes into
the hull, forcing the
Australian
, including five
children, refusing to
leave the boat and
saying they'd rather
die than be
do not want to leave
the boat for fear it will

91

Neg

Problem;
Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Problem;
Neg lang
(saga)

Neg

Threat;
Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

neg

Deviant

process their claims for

refugee status. But the
on Australian Federal
Police or Defence backup in the event of a
forced removal of
fear of provoking a
confrontation with the 78
passengers or igniting a
potentially combustible
situation.
vessel and disputing his
claim that the government
was tough on peoplesmugglers but humane
towards

asylumseekers

Asylumseekers

asylumseekers

he had not been given

any instructions on
providing security for
the removal of the

asylumseekers

instil discipline in a
political party -- even on
an emotive issue like the
handling of

asylumseekers

of moderate but
necessary force was
always implicit in the
decision to pick up the

asylumseekers

directly to Australia.
Europe has seen many
such battles of will
between democratic
governments and

asylumseekers

Island detention centre in

a stark confirmation that
his government expects a
continuing flood of

asylumseekers

Australia's border
security has faced a stiff
challenge in recent
weeks with a stream of

asylumseekers

Senator Evans to lift the

capacity of the centre in
response to increased
traffic of

asylumseekers

destroy their chances

of
from the ship. In
addition, it was
revealed the Oceanic
Viking had a
maximum capacity
said yesterday they
had recommenced a
hunger strike. With
the passengers still on
board, the
. ``This is a debacle,''
Malcolm Turnbull told
parliament. ``More
than that it is a
disgrace
from the ship. The
insistence on strict
bureaucratic procedure
at all levels in the
standoff
. Despite increasing
political tension
surrounding the
Oceanic Viking
standoff, Kevin
Rudd's caucus has
been remarkably
. It would probably
be necessary to send
some federal police,
or some Australian
navy personnel
. Rudd was right on
radio nearly two weeks
ago when, confronted
with emotional pleas
from
from Sri Lanka. The
multi-million-dollar
upgrade, sparked by a
sharp increase in
boatpeople arrivals in
fleeing civil strife in
Sri Lanka resorting to
people-smugglers to
make their way into
Australian
from nations
including Sri Lanka
and Afghanistan.
Senator Evans last

92

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Threat;
Deviant

Neg

Burden-shift;
Problem;
Neg lang

Neg

Threat

Neg

Political
tension;
Problem;

Neg

Threat;

Neg

Threat;
Neg lang

Neg

Increasing
numbers;
Neg lang

Neg

Threat;
Increasing
numbers

Neg

Increased
numbers

night confirmed the

government was
shambles and that since
the Prime Minister
changed the previous
government's
arrangements last
August, 2100

asylumseekers

place policies that will

over time stop this surge
in boats.'' Rudd can't
budge on

asylumseekers

positions on the Right

and Left. There are two
boats in Indonesia with
Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

nerve and patience to

prevail or will he crack
before the political
blackmail of the

asylumseekers

seemed unable or
unwilling to describe
what was happening
before its eyes: the
Oceanic Viking

asylumseekers

to Christmas Island
where they could be
processed. As Smith
signalled, this is a case of

asylumseekers

their claims and what

country will become
their new home if those
claims are upheld.

Asylumseekers

given wide currency this

week. Far from Australia
ignoring its obligations
under the convention, the

asylumseekers

ignominious retreat now

overhangs Rudd and
Smith that would see
them forced to bring the

asylumseekers

from Canberra to
Tanjung Pinang, the
government finds itself
in an even deeper hole on

asylumseekers

had come to Australia

in boats. ``For a long
time the boat arrivals
were nil
THIS week Kevin
Rudd issued a
passionate statement
of faith. He believes in
a ``big
refusing to
disembark, the first
intercepted by the
Indonesians within
their own waters with
250
and reluctance of
local Indonesian
authorities? This week
the Australian media
seemed unable or
unwilling
, by refusing to
disembark in
Indonesia, exploited
their moral plight as a
device to intimidate
trying to decide what
country will process
their claims and what
country will become
their
have no such rights
under the 1951
Refugee Convention.
The situation is exactly
the reverse
are insisting on rights
they do not possess
under the convention.
It is obvious what
to this country. Such
a move would destroy
Rudd's credibility on
border protection and
represent
. Mr Rudd may prove
to have the patience of
Job and wait out the 78

93

Neg

Increased
numbers;

Neg

Increased
numbers;
Political
problem

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant;
Political
pressure

neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant;
Threat

Neg

Problem;

of the Christmas Island

facility is an admission by
the government that the
number of

asylumseekers

Danby and Julia Irwin

the only to publicly
question elements of Mr
Rudd's approach. The

asylumseekers

the people-smuggling
route to a better life in
Australia. Mr Rudd said
his policy on

asylumseekers

national interest what's

required is a responsible
policy on immigration,
hardline on peoplesmugglers, humane on

asylumseekers

Howard government
policies have created a
``pull'' factor, at least in
the minds of the

asylumseekers

remain in Indonesian
waters off the city of
Tanjung Pinang with 78
protesting Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

across the nation, follows

a fortnight of heavy
parliamentary sparring
over the government's
policy on
remain in Indonesian
waters off the city of
Tanjung Pinang with 78
protesting Sri Lankan
seekers on the Oceanic
Viking for a long period
or, for that matter, the
other

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

Rudd will face as he

increasingly looks to
Jakarta to manage the
influx of Australia-bound

asylumseekers

our new life in your

country.'' One of the
letters written in
Indonesian says the

asylumseekers

trying to gain entry

to Australia is likely to
increase. We welcome
this practical move
refusing to leave the
Oceanic Viking are
entering their third
week on the vessel
after
was clear cut: ``We
believe that in the
national interest
what's required is a
responsible
.'' Refugee advocates
in touch with the
Tamil boatpeople in
Merak told The
Australian yesterday
more
and the peoplesmugglers who
exploit their misery.
Mr Rudd is walking a
tightrope, but he
on board would be
extended beyond
Friday. Describing the
crisis talks as a ``very,
very
, which the opposition
has attacked as
encouraging peoplesmugglers. And the
survey was taken as 78
on board would be
extended beyond this
Friday. Describing the
crisis talks as a ``very
expected to flow
through the
archipelago in the
future. "We have to
respect what the
. The standoff creates
a dilemma for
Australian officials,
with government
sources confirming
any forcible removals
do not want to get
off the Oceanic
Viking. ``We were in
the ocean between

94

Neg

Increasing
number;
Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Threat;
Problem

Neg

Threat;
Burden shift;
Neg Lang

Neg

Burden shift

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Political
pressure;
Burden shift

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Increasing
numbers

Neg

Rising
numbers;
Problem
Burden
between states

Neg

Deviant

Last night, talks were

continuing between
Indonesian and Australian
officials about how to get
the
local authorities who
have accused Australia of
using the region as a
dumping ground for
Sunday by HMAS
Armidale after a request
from the Indonesian
Search and Rescue
Authority. The
their vessel unseaworthy.
It is understood the Rudd
government expects
Jakarta will eventually
accept the
asylum boats to Australia
as Indonesian officials
cast doubt on whether
Jakarta would accept 78
spokesman Teuku
Faizasyah cautioned
against reports that a deal
had been struck to take
the

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

Lankans. Despite the

delay, Australian officials
remained confident the
Indonesian government
would take the 78

asylumseekers

be slowing the process.

But Mr Faizasyah cast
doubt on Jakarta's
willingness to take the

asylumseekers

spend their third night

aboard the Australian
Customs vessel the
Oceanic Viking,
Indonesia agreed the
is, that is what every
Australian expects of their
government,'' said Mr
Turnbull. The 78
by a succession of Rudd
government ministers. On
Tuesday, SBY announced
Indonesia would take the

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

off the boat while

Customs officials on
board the vessel were
negotiating with the
Sri
and the people on the
boat who do not want
their claims processed
in Indonesia. A
, who included five
women and five
children under the age
of seven, were
transferred to
because the boat was
intercepted in the
Indonesian zone. Mr
Rudd is preparing to
negotiate
rescued by Australia.
As the 78 Sri Lankans
prepared to spend their
third night aboard
. ``The circumstances
of the latest boat
involving Sri Lankans
is very much different
to those
, citing Jakarta's
obligations to those
rescued within its
search and rescue
zone. Bureaucratic
inertia, the
whatever the
circumstances.
Contrasting the
circumstances of this
boat to the one
intercepted last week
rescued by HMAS
Armidale in the Sunda
Strait on Sunday
would be brought to
shore
transferred from their
boat to the Oceanic
Viking after issuing a
distress call in the
after Mr Rudd
personally raised their
plight. It followed an
hour-long meeting
between the two

95

Neg

Deviant

Neg

Deviant

Neu

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Neu

Burden
between the
states

said of the deal. But

international law experts
said Indonesia was
obliged to allow the

asylumseekers

for Mr Rudd denied the

Indonesians had been
offered any inducements
to take the 78

asylumseekers

halt. Hard work ahead to

cope with refugees
Australia needs a more
mature debate about

asylumseekers

agreement between
Kevin Rudd and
Indonesian President
Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono clearing the
way for 78

asylumseekers

solution'' got under way,

senior Indonesian naval
officers were reluctant to
help bring the 78

asylumseekers

as the Prime Minister

accused Malcolm
Turnbull of allowing
opposition MPs to spread
hatred against

asylumseekers

in asylum-seekers
heading to Australia by
boat. Arguing that Mr
Tuckey was attempting to
demonise

asylumseekers

leader gets into serious

trouble, out comes old
faithful, which is how to
whack the
wake THERE is so much
cant, hypocrisy and
dissembling in parliament
on the issue of
end of World War II
including 150,000 during
the Howard government,
with 15,000

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

to land anyway.
International law
expert Don Rothwell
of the Australian
National University
said once
, who according to
Senator Evans were
expected to arrive in
Merak today. But
yesterday a
THE agreement
between Kevin Rudd
and Indonesian
President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono
clearing the way for
, including five
children, picked up by
an Australian Customs
vessel to land in
Indonesia was
, currently aboard the
Australian Customs
vessel Oceanic Viking,
to port in Merak. They
were unclear
, demanding he
exercise ``moral
leadership''. The
fireworks started when
outspoken West
Australian Liberal MP
Wilson
, Mr Rudd said: ``It's
time Mr Turnbull
showed some
leadership, some
character, some
backbone and
card. I think as a
country we are better
then that. It's time to
move
now it'd choke a big
brown dog. But, as
both sides of politics
abrogate policy
who arrived by boat.
These numbers, and
those of recent Labor
governments, are not
the

96

Neu

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Burden
between the
states

Neu

Neu

Political
exploitation

Neu

Political
exploitation

Neu

Neu

the Coalition appears

incapable of defending
itself. More than a year
ago the process on

asylumseekers

provincial immigration
chief has put down to
``construction mistakes''.
In June at least 14 Afghan

asylumseekers

would arrive at 10am

local time (2pm AEDT) in
the port of Kijang, where
the

asylumseekers

for a site inspection of

facilities at Tanjung
Pinang, final destination
for 78 Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

overboard'' and saying

the Howard Government
had refused to co-operate
with the UN in processing

asylumseekers

the governor's remarks

had been limited to the
detention centre's
capabilities, not to
whether the

asylumseekers

the decision to detour the

Viking from the port of
Merak where 255 Sri
Lankan

asylumseekers

by Dr Yudhoyono to
placate the national
media, suspicious that the
deal to accept the

asylumseekers

for the swearing-in of the

Indonesian cabinet and
takes up the cause of the
78

asylumseekers

with Indonesian
President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono. Tuesday,
October 20 * Yudhoyono
agrees to accept the 78
the swearing-in,
Indonesian authorities

began when
Immigration Minister
Chris Evans
announced that, under
a new set of values to
fled the centre, and
another four were
discovered hiding in
the ceiling waiting to
lower
would be loaded on to
buses for the 30minute drive to
Tanjung Pinang. The
news
held for more than a
week on board the
Australian Customs
vessel, Oceanic
Viking. ``If
.His taunts sparked
wild scenes and angry
denials, with former
immigration minister
Philip Ruddock
insisting
would be allowed to
comeashore. The
confusion underlines
the difficulties Kevin
Rudd will face as
intercepted at Mr
Rudd's request were
landed. Those on
board the Viking
yesterday voiced their
had been at Australia's
insistence. The Bintan
standoff came as local
officials questioned
the readiness
with Indonesian
President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono.
Tuesday, October 20 *
Yudhoyono agrees to
accept the 78

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

asylumseekers

and gives consent for

the Oceanic Viking to
go to Merak in West
Java. Australian

Neu

asylumseekers

are to be loaded on to
buses for the 30-

Neu

97

Burden
between states

redirect the vessel to the

Indonesian port of Kijang,
where the

minute drive to
Tanjung Pinang, an

had been arrested by

Australia. ----- THE
JOURNEY SO FAR ----How the saga of the 78

asylumseekers

for the swearing-in of the

Indonesian President and
takes up the cause of the
78

asylumseekers

October 20 ----- * The

two leaders strike a deal,
with Yudhoyono agreeing
to accept the 78
overshadowing the
swearing-in of
Yudhoyono's cabinet,
Indonesian authorities
redirect the vessel to
Kijang, where the
Indonesian authorities.
Government sources said
last night the government
was focused on
negotiating with the
the truth. How
inconvenient. The ABC
also wanted to know what
would happen if the
standards on detention.
Australian naval ship
HMAS Armidale,
responding to a distress
call, rescued the
refugee "Alex", on board
the Jaya Lestari 5, a
wooden cargo boat
moored with 251
all victims, not
terrorists, asylumseekers insist -EXCLUSIVE --INDONESIAN
STANDOFF Tanjung
Pinang FOR the 78 Tamil
for long stints with a
surge capacity of 1200.
As of yesterday, there
were 1156

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

unfolded ----- Sunday,

October 18 ----- *
Australian authorities
receive distress calls
about a vessel 20
nautical miles
with Indonesian
President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono.
----- Tuesday, October
20 ----- * The two
leaders strike a deal
and giving consent for
the Oceanic Viking to
go to Merak in West
Java. Australian
are to be loaded on to
buses for the 30minute drive to
Tanjung Pinang, an
and was prepared to
see the incident
prolonged, even if it
was politically
damaging. Others
refused to get off the
boat. Smith wriggled
and pouted and puffed,
saying: ``Well, it's
in Indonesian waters
on October 18. They
were transferred to the
Customs vessel
Oceanic Viking
at the port of Merak in
western Java, said he
could confirm that
those on

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

asylumseekers

aboard the Australian

Customs vessel
Oceanic Viking, one
thing is certain: so
long as the

Neu

asylumseekers

on Christmas Island,
including 883 men
detained at the

Neu

98

Political
pressure

waters with 250 people

aboard and the Oceanic
Viking, an Australian boat
that rescued 78

asylumseekers

to Australia. As Rudd
said, Australia took two
decisions in relation to the
Oceanic Viking

asylumseekers

Natalegawa told ABC1's

Lateline on Wednesday
that Indonesia would not
use force to remove the

asylumseekers

following a request for

help from Indonesia. As
the Indonesians are
refusing to remove the

asylumseekers

Kevin Rudd said

yesterday he was unaware
of the status of the 78 Sri
Lankan
domestic political reward
WHEN it comes to Kevin
Rudd personally the
present political drama
over
mess. And that is
damaging enough. But
what of the character
questions his approach to
on to Australia's political
horizon only months after
9/11''. In fact, the Tampa
rescued
out the possibility of the
Customs ship eventually
being sent to Christmas
Island for the

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

The Australian last night

that the 39 people on
board the boat were Sri
Lankan

asylumseekers

SENIOR Indonesian
officials have rejected
outright a claim by Kevin
Rudd that women and
children

asylumseekers

Immigration Detention
Centre, 146 at a
at Indonesia's request
in Indonesia's rescue
zone. Rudd and his
Foreign Minister are
standing firm
: it engaged in rescue
when a vessel was in
distress and, having
collected the people
and said: ``We have
an abundance of
patience''. Yet he
intensified the
pressure, saying if
by force, the Rudd
government has been
locked in a standoff
with local authorities
who
on the Customs ship.
``I am unaware of
what the outcome of
any initial processing
is being played out at
two levels: that of
strategy and that of
character. Ultimately
is raising within the
broader Labor
movement. Whether
Rudd realises it or not
the Oceanic
and brought them to
Australia in August
2001. A news report
on page 4 the
to be processed there,
if they continued to
hold out on the
Indonesian offer of
believed to have
sailed direct from Sri
Lanka. Eighteen
people had last night
been rescued
aboard the Oceanic
Viking could be
accommodated in
regular housing,
rather than behind
razor wire

99

Neu

Burden
between states

Neu

Neu

Neu

Problem

neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Neu

Pos

Sympathy;

protection policy failures.

`Life of brutality' in
crowded lock-up A
TOTAL of 78 Sri Lankan
to 12 months.'' She said
she had grave misgivings
about ceding
responsibility for
managing Australiabound

asylumseekers

on board an
Australian Customs
vessel were to be
transferred today to an
Indonesian detention

Pos

Sympathy

asylumseekers

to Indonesia. THE
JOURNEY SO FAR
How the saga of the 78
asylum-seekers
unfolded Sunday

Pos

Sympathy

a mature approach.''
Later, as Mr Tuckey
released a statement
saying he was not
attacking

asylumseekers

is playing the hard man

on populist appeal and,
while his ministers talk
about treating

asylumseekers

treated like ``animals''

and pleaded for Australia
to help them. The
Oceanic Viking, carrying
78

asylumseekers

them sleeping on the

floor, Mr Nadyr said,
standing next to the young
man. The
been given the
provisional thumbs-up
from key players in the
refugee lobby, who say
intercepting
welcomed the deepening
partnership with Jakarta.
Mr Gibson said greater
support for Indonesia in
managing

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

asylumseekers

deal would enjoy the

support of the Refugee
Council provided four
conditions were met: that

asylumseekers

their refugee status was

determined swiftly; that
there was a ``credible''
return process for
unsuccessful

asylumseekers

, Mr Turnbull rejected
Mr Rudd's demands as
``bogus'' and
``contrived
indignation'' designed
to distract people
humanely and with
dignity, he's catching
the Coalition in a cleft
stick while trying to
, including a sick 12year-old girl, was
today expected to
arrive near the
Australian-funded
detention centre
who had hoped for a
better, safer life in
Australia vied with
each other for
in the archipelago
could save lives. As
new details about the
controversial approach
began to
had the potential to
improve the lot of
refugees already in
immigration detention
centres in
were treated
humanely; that their
refugee status was
determined swiftly;
that there was a
``credible''
; and that refugees
were resettled
promptly. ``Whatever
arrangements are
arrived at, if they meet
these

100

Pos

Pos

Humane

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Humane

Pos

Humane

Pos

Humane

Pos

Humane

there.'' The claims of

abuse include allegations
of beatings by Indonesian
guards and
overcrowding, with

asylumseekers

the Rudd government and

Indonesia to uphold
``international human
rights standards'' in its
treatment of

asylumseekers

the government should

seek guarantees from
Jakarta that it will not
tolerate any ill-treatment
of

asylumseekers

the HMAS Armidale.*

When the Armidale
arrives at the boat it
discovers 78 Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

her arms and three

children peered over the
railings. The messages
thrown overboard by the

asylumseekers

the HMAS Armidale. *

When the Armidale
arrives at the boat it
discovers 78 Sri Lankan

asylumseekers

Inmates at the detention

centre tell of beatings and
abuse. ----- Saturday,
October 24 ----- * The 78

asylumseekers

dealt with in a humane

manner,'' said one MP.
We are all victims, not
terrorists,

asylumseekers

armed Customs officials

confirming they had been
directed to prevent
communication between
journalists and the

asylumseekers

in Adelaide. Branding the

Indonesian solution
``abhorrent'',
psychiatrist Jon Jureidini

asylumseekers

allegedly crammed
20 to a room with
mattresses on the
floor and no airconditioning. Last
. ACTU president
Sharan Burrow also
stepped into the
debate, saying the
government should
seek guarantees
. Meanwhile senior
Indonesian officials
will arrive on
Christmas Island
tomorrow to inspect
detention facilities as
on board, including a
12-year-old girl with
severe dehydration. *
A conclusion is
reached that the
detailed how there
were 78 of them on
board, including five
children and five
women
on board, including a
12-year-old girl with
severe dehydration. *
A conclusion is
reached that the
are due to be
transferred to the
Tanjung Pinang
detention centre, but
instead begin a
insist -- EXCLUSIVE
--- INDONESIAN
STANDOFF Tanjung
Pinang FOR the 78
Tamil asylum-seekers
aboard the Australian
Customs
. However, the
group of Tamils also
appeared relaxed and
engaged in everyday
activities, with
washing
such as those aboard
the Oceanic Viking
into the hands of other
nations without being

101

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Humane
Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Humane
Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

said Australia should not

send
asylumseekers

. Speaking to The
Australian later, she
said the longer the
people aboard the
Oceanic Viking

Pos

Humane

asylumseekers

and allow 78 people

in limbo on board the
Oceanic Viking to
enter Australia for

Pos

Humane
Sympathy

in The Australian today,

calling on the government
to take a more humane
approach to

asylumseekers

. The union push

comes amid claims
that Indonesian
authorities restricted
water supplies on the
weekend

Pos

Sympathy
Humane

authorities restricted
water supplies on the
weekend to another
wooden refugee boat with
255 Australia-bound

asylumseekers

anchored off the

Indonesian port of
Merak in a bid to force
them off the

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Humane;
Critique
Government

Pos

Humane;
Critique
Government

Pos

Context;
Critique
Government

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Lacey told the conference

Australia needed stronger
and more humane
leadership on the issue of
Christmas Island THE
union movement will
today demand Kevin
Rudd adopt a softer
approach to

to force them off the

boat. Three people had
been hospitalised and
more than 30

asylumseekers

president Sharan Burrow

said blue-collar workers
would back Mr Rudd if he
showed leadership on

asylumseekers

waters. Technically, this

is Indonesia's
responsibility. But that's
not the point. You can't
have 78

asylumseekers

than a blind adherence

to hardline border
security policy.'' Ms
Burrow said that, as more

asylumseekers

up to five years in
Indonesian camps. Mr
Rudd said he was
unaware whether the

asylumseekers

following a tip-off from

Australia. Saradha Nathan

asylumseekers

, including sick
children, are suffering
from conjunctivitis.
ACTU president
Sharan Burrow said
blue-collar workers
would
rather than ``blind
adherence to hardline
border security
policy'', adding that it
was time for
floating around
indefinitely.
``Working Australians
will respect strong
political leadership
that shows a humane
response
were fleeing Sri
Lanka, Afghanistan
and the Middle East,
the Rudd government
should work with
had already been
declared refugees. The
Prime Minister
conceded lack of
access to Sri Lankan
had just one
communal toilet to

102

of the Australian Tamil

Congress said the Merak
just one communal
toilet to share between
more than 250 people.
Health concerns for
Tamil

asylumseekers

between more than 250

people. Health concerns
for Tamil asylum-seekers
THE health of 255
Australia-bound

asylumseekers

Australia. Refugee
advocates in touch with
the Sri Lankan Tamils
said yesterday more than
30

asylumseekers

Lankan Tamils said

yesterday more than 30
asylum-seekers,
including children, had
contracted
conjunctivitis. The
Merak
Twelve lost in asylum
sea tragedy -- Newspoll:
boat crisis hits ALP A
DOZEN Sri Lankan

share between more

than 250 people.
Health concerns for
THE health of 255
Australia-bound
asylum-seekers
crammed on a
wooden boat that is
anchored off
crammed on a
wooden boat that is
anchored off the
Indonesian port of
Merak is
, including children,
had contracted
conjunctivitis. The
Merak asylum-seekers
have just one
communal toilet for
more

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

Pos

Sympathy

asylumseekers

have just one

communal toilet for
more than 250 people,
said Saradha Nathan,
of the

Pos

Sympathy

asylumseekers

are feared dead after

their vessel capsized
in heavy seas as they
sailed direct from

Pos

Sympathy

103