JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH, 46(6), 558567, 2009

Copyright # The Society for the Scientic Study of Sexuality

ISSN: 0022-4499 print=1559-8519 online
DOI: 10.1080/00224490902878993

Masturbation Among Young Women and Associations with Sexual Health:

An Exploratory Study
Harriet Hogarth and Roger Ingham
Centre for Sexual Health Research, School of Psychology, University of Southampton
Much research into young peoples developing sexuality is concerned with risk avoidance and
the reduction of negative outcomes. Little research has been conducted into sexual selfexploration and, in particular, masturbation among young people, and this has generally
been concerned merely with its prevalence. Little is known about the potential role of masturbation in relation to young peoples developing sexuality, especially among young women.
This study aimed to explore, using a qualitative approach, how young women reported their
experiences of masturbation and whether and how these related to other aspects of their sexual activity. Thematic analysis of interview transcripts was employed to identify the range of
reported experiences across participants, as well as the relations between various aspects of
sexual development and experiences within participants. The ndings revealed a broad continuum of views and opinions on female masturbation, which had strong links with parent
and partner communication and the young womens beliefs and values concerning their sexual
selves. The article concludes by drawing attention to the apparent relation between positive
early childhood communication, young womens positive views of their sexual self, and their
subsequent sexual activity.

Research into sexual self-exploration and, in particular,

masturbation among young people has often been conned to its prevalence, usually comparing young men
and women where ndings have indicated that a higher
percentage of young men masturbate than young
women, start earlier, and with more frequency (Gagnon,
1985; Hyde & Jaffee, 2000; Smith, Rosenthal, &
Reichler, 1996). However, little is known about the role
of masturbation in relation to young peoples developing sexuality, especially young women. Ingham (2005)
argued that the emphasis in much school-based sex
and relationships education is placed on risk avoidance
rather than on more positive aspects of sexual experiences. The qualitative data reported in this article have
been extracted from a larger study that consisted of a
number of in-depth interviews conducted with young
women, covering various aspects of their sexual development and experiences, and which included their views on
masturbation.

The research described in this article was funded through a Collaborative Awards in Science and Engineering studentship to Harriet
Hogarth jointly funded by the Economic and Social Research Council
and the United Kingdom Department of Health. The views expressed
are the authors and not necessarily those of the sponsoring bodies.
Correspondence should be addressed to Roger Ingham, Centre for
Sexual Health Research, School of Psychology, University of
Southampton, Southampton SO7 1BJ, England. E-mail: ri@soton.ac.uk

There is more than a lingering historical perception

that, in many cultures, masturbation is a shameful and
problematic activity (often based on religious doctrines),
despite the fact that many modern cultures appear to
accept this sexual practice as a normal part of human
sexuality (Smith et al., 1996). This may have led to a
belief among previous researchers that investigation of
this intimate behavior is too difcult and too invasive
given the social norms about sexual privacy. It may be
argued that this fundamental belief has, in some small
way, perpetuated this historical perception. Further,
because the relatively recent growth of interest in teenage
sexual activity has been largely fuelled by concerns over
HIV (and other sexually transmitted infections [STIs])
transmission, as well as early pregnancy, then interest
in solo sex may not have been seen as directly relevant.
In 1994, Joycelyn Elders, the American Surgeon
General, was forced to resign because of the controversy
that erupted around her support for the public discussion of masturbation as an appropriate topic in school
sexuality education programs (Roberts, 1994). Elderss
acknowledgment of masturbation was part of an effort
to prevent the increase of HIV and other STIs, as well
as unintended pregnancies. Her enforced resignation
was a powerful reminder that the act and discussion of
masturbation remain highly controversial and that,
historically, social and religious attitudes toward
masturbation have been extremely negative.

MASTURBATION AMONG YOUNG WOMEN

Where researchers have investigated masturbation,

primarily outside the United Kingdom, they have
emphasized that masturbation remains the most signicant source of orgasmic pleasure for young people
(Smith et al., 1996) and becomes an integral component
of the sexual repertoire of most adults. Although the
promotion of masturbation remains controversial, it
remains the safest form of sexual pleasure, as well as
having a possible role in the ability to establish mature
intimate relationships (Chilman, 1990; Davidson &
Moore, 1994; Shulman & Horne, 2003). What is often
missing from psychological studies of young peoples
sexuality is a good understanding of how sexual exploration (other than sexual intercourse) and, particularly,
masturbation and orgasmic responsiveness may contribute to perceptions of sexual well-being. Some studies
have highlighted that masturbation is part of a normative developmental process of sexuality; moreover, they
have emphasized that it has the potential to provide
young people with greater self-understanding leading
to increased social competence, positive self-development, and well-being, culminating in greater acquisition
of the skills necessary for the establishment of intimate
and fullling long-term relationships (Haffner, 1998;
Horne & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2005; Moore & Rosenthal,
1993).
In U.S. studies, it has been found that, in early puberty, girls and boys typically have different experiences
of sexual arousal. Most boys begin masturbating
between the ages of 12 and 15, although some parents
reported that their sons had experimented with masturbation during earlier childhood (Gagnon, 1985). Boys
earliest experiences involve learning how to arouse
themselves and discovering that orgasm can quickly
and easily follow arousal (Hyde & Jaffee, 2000). These
sexual experiences occur in the absence of a material
relationship or sexual encounter and, more important,
prior to their sexual activity with a partner. Two studies
found that girls are less likely to masturbate (Gagnon,
1985; Smith et al., 1996), and Gagnon (1985) reported
that girls started later than boys, although Smith et al.
(1996) found no signicant difference in age. The concurrence among these researchers was that the majority
of girls earliest experiences of arousal were much more
likely to occur in a heterosexual dating situation. Consequently, it is suggested that they are less likely than
young men to have learned how to arouse themselves
and have not experienced the sensation of an orgasm.
Hyde and Jaffee (2000) argued that girls learn that
boys turn them on and that arousal occurs in the context
of a relationship (p. 285). In other words, girls learn
about their sexuality through boys, whereas boys learn
about it through themselves. Moreover, because many
women and girls have difculty in reaching orgasm from
heterosexual intercourse, girls are less likely to have
early experiences in which orgasm occurs quickly and
easily following arousal (Hyde & Jaffee, 2000).

Despite an apparent cultural shift in recent decades

for Western women to take greater responsibility for
their own bodies, results show that women continue to
engage in much less sexual self-exploration than men
(Leitenberg, Detzer, & Srebnik, 1993). This U.S. study
found that twice as many men as women had ever
masturbated, and that the men who did masturbate
did so three times more frequently during early adolescence and young adulthood than did the women who
masturbated during these same age periods.
Another study of young people between 15 and 18
years of age in Australia reported surprisingly low rates
of masturbation, with 58.5% of young men and 42.7% of
young women reporting that they had masturbated, and
with 38.2% of young men reporting masturbating three
or more times per week compared to only 8.7% of young
women (Smith et al., 1996). It was suggested by Smith
et al. that the participants of this questionnaire study
may have responded in such a way as a result of some
form of social desirability bias, as these rates do appear
exceptionally low when compared with other data. The
implication is that the lingering historical perception
that masturbation is a shameful and problematic activity still holds true. In contrast, although the authors
were unable to resolve whether sexual intercourse
replaced or supplemented masturbation as a sexual
practice, there was evidence that masturbation was positively correlated with sexual self-esteem. Furthermore,
young people whose parents provided a more open
environment for the discussion of sexuality were more
likely to report having masturbated, although the
authors did point out that there was a complex relation
between the social and contextual factors that affected
this important component of young peoples sexual
experience (Smith et al., 1996).
There appears to be a dearth of studies exploring ethnicity or race and how these might impact on attitudes
among young people. One comparative study in the
United Statesbetween African American and
European women aged 18 to 49reported signicantly
different masturbatory prevalence of 51% compared to
69%, respectively. The frequency of masturbation was
also signicantly different, with African Americans
reporting lower frequency; only 12% reporting seven
times or more per month compared to 26% of European
American women. Further, this study provided signicant evidence that European American women who
reported higher frequency of masturbation (seven to
10 times per month) had signicantly more positive
attitudes to discrete body parts compared with those
European American women who reported only masturbating one to three times per month; however, this was
not the case for African American women (Shulman &
Horne, 2003).
Shulman and Horne (2003) stressed that the nature of
the relationship between masturbatory practices and
body image is strictly correlational, and it remains to
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HOGARTH AND INGHAM

be investigated whether masturbating contributes to better body image or vice versa. The differences observed in
this comparative study may be due to sociocultural messages received by different ethnic groups about female
masturbation, where it is suggested that it is more
restricted in African American culture. Shulman and
Horne (2003) suggest that qualitative methodologies
are especially useful as an exploratory tool to gain a
greater understanding of cultural messages received
about masturbation and womens masturbatory experiences. In any event, it is not clear how any such cultural
attitudes are transmitted across generations, especially
when the topic is so rarely discussed.
A further study, in Australia, compared 449 women
aged 16 to 20 with different sexual experiencessuch
as masturbation, orgasmic responsiveness, and sexual
intercourseusing a multidimensional measure of
female sexual subjectivity. The variables for this measure included sexual body esteem, perceived entitlement
to pleasure, efcacy in achieving sexual pleasure, and
sexual self-reection (Horne & Zimmer-Gembeck,
2005). Horne and Zimmer-Gembeck reported that
women with a history of masturbation and non-coital
orgasmic responsiveness had higher levels of sexual subjectivity and felt more entitled to sexual pleasure
through masturbation, more efcacious in achieving
pleasure, and reected more on the sexual aspects of
their lives than those who had never experienced a
non-coital orgasm. Further, these women were more
expressive in their intimate relationships and more
resistant to gendered double standards.
Taking a wider viewpoint, Holland, Ramazanoglu,
Sharpe, and Thomson (1992), although they did not
investigate masturbation directly, pointed out that as
young women begin to explore their sexual identities,
there is often much they do not know. They argued that,
in the absence of personal experience, young women can
only draw on often contradictory information that they
have obtained from their own childhood experiences,
school sex education, their parents, siblings and peers,
and the mass media. Such experiences may include, for
example, being praised as a young girl for looking
sweet in pretty clothes, and yet being chastised as a
teenager for dressing in a way that encourages young
men to behave inappropriatelythe fault apparently
lying with the young womens dress sense, not the potential behavior of the young men. This contradictory
information is often shrouded in secrecy and mystication that does not allow young women to question
and examine these mixed messages, with one of the
results being that this can deny young women access
to feelings of comfort with their bodies. It may be
argued that boys are also subjected to this secrecy and
mystication, for instance, from their parents, as well
as receiving culturally contradictory information, such
as portraying a macho image while behaving as an emotional and sensitive man. However, there is one funda560

mental difference that may appear a priori, and yet

could have a profound effect on the individuals sexuality and, in particular, initial sexual encounters. The vast
majority of boys, if not all boys, have added to their personal experience by experiencing an orgasm prior to
their rst sexual intercourse. They have explored their
own bodies; they have learned to understand what gives
them pleasure and how to reach orgasm.
Due to the lack of research that directly explores how
young women view masturbation, the research described
in this article addresses this gap in the literature by using
a suitable methodology to explore the area in the United
Kingdom. The key research questions were as follows:
What are young womens views on masturbation?, and
Do these views relate to their sexual activity in any
way? This work was undertaken during the initial phase
of a larger study that was designed to explore young
womens sexual development and experience.

Method
Participants
Twenty participants aged between 16 and 18 years
were recruited from a comprehensive, co-educational
school in a city in the south of England. The pupil catchment area for this school extends beyond its immediate
vicinity and includes a number of surrounding villages
that incorporate a wide range of housing, with varied
pupil educational background and socioeconomic status.
There was no screening of the young women per se,
just their willingness to partake in one-to-one interviews,
as it was their openness to talk freely that was deemed
most advantageous to this exploratory study rather than
a specic background or set of experiences.

Procedure
Potential participants were approached through the
school where they responded, after a short sexual health
presentation, on an information sheet that explained the
research and included a form as to whether they were
willing to take part in the study. Seventy-six students
(90%) responded positively.
Potential participants were contacted via their mobile
phones using the messaging facility and, within 10 days,
20 young women had agreed to be interviewed with the
date and time arranged. Recruitment ceased at this
point, so it is not possible to calculate an accurate
response rate. Interviews ranged in length from 45 to
90 min, and relevant demographic details were obtained
during the interview. The question route covered early
friendships, general relationships with parents, discussions with parents about sex and relationships, the
participants own relationship histories, their attitude
to their own body and masturbation, attitudes to safer

MASTURBATION AMONG YOUNG WOMEN

sex, feelings of control in sexual situations, and other

related issues. The style adopted was conversational to
encourage a relaxed atmosphere, and participants were
invited to elaborate on how they felt about issues in
addition to merely describing. Any additional probe
questions asked by the researcher were phrased echoing
the type of language that the participants had used (e.g.,
horny for feeling sexually aroused). Interview transcripts
were not subsequently shown to participants for verication. At the end of the interview, participants were
thanked and given a list of helpline numbers and Web
site addresses to consult if the interview had raised any
anxieties or concerns, or if any arose subsequently.
The young women came from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds with different family structures
and levels of educational attainment. They all talked
in terms of being heterosexual and had all experienced
intercourse. The study received prior approval from
the Ethics Committee of the School of Psychology at
the University of Southampton.
Data Analysis
The audiotaped interviews were listened to numerous
times by Harriet Hogarth, transcribed verbatim, and
edited to remove identiers. All of the transcripts were
read a number of times to ensure immersion in the data
and complete familiarity with each transcript. Thematic
analysis was employed and was virtually data-driven
due to the paucity of previous research in this particular
arena. Roger Ingham read a sample of transcripts and
carried out separate thematic coding on a sample once
the key themes of interest had been identied; high
agreement was evident. The aims of the analyses were
to identify the range of responses that occurred under
the headings of interest; so, for example, discussions
with parents (mother, father, or caregiver) were categorized as open, restricted, closed, nonexistent, moralistic,
liberal, and so on. Attitudes toward masturbationthe
main focus of this articlefell into one of four
categories, as described in the following section.
Findings
Reactions to Self-Exploration and Masturbation
The reactions of the young women in this study to
being asked about comfort with their own bodies, and
in particular masturbation, were extremely diverse.
The vast majority initially greeted this private and
under-researched topic with silence, giggles, and embarrassment but, once the topic was opened up for discussion, many revealed strong views and were open about
their experiences, whether they were negative, positive,
or just enveloped in confusion.
The diversity of these young womens views on masturbation was immense. These views ranged from the

extremely negative through to extremely positive, from

discomfort with their own bodies through mystication
and disinterest, to viewing masturbation as a positive
part of their lives that enhanced their feelings of
self-worth.
Negative Views on Female Masturbation and Discomfort
with Own Body
These young women expressed shock at being asked
about masturbation in relation to themselves, although
a few indicated that it was acceptable for boys to masturbate. They were not so much embarrassed by the
question, but more incredulous that they should be
asked about it. For example, Stephanie,1 who was an
exceptionally quiet girl and appeared to nd it difcult
to settle into the interview, lived with her mother, who
worked in a pub, and two half-siblings. Her childhood
had been relatively unstable and dominated by her
mothers transient partners, with little knowledge of
her natural father. She spoke of the importance of being
in some kind of relationship, having to feel something
for her partner, before sex could occur. This did not
necessarily have a long temporal aspect to ither sexual
debut occurred within two weeks of meeting her partner.
She found it difcult to talk to her partners, especially
about their previous sexual histories, and she often worried about this aspect of her sexual activity. In relation
to comfort with her own body, Stephanie spoke in terms
of her body, especially her genital area, being almost the
property of boysa place that only they could touch:
I would never touch myself . . . you know . . . I think
thats really disgusting . . . you know . . . its just not right
cos only a boy suppose to touch you there and even
then its not that great [laughs] . . . . (Stephanie, age 17)

She spoke of a dichotomy within her own body, inasmuch that she would only allow boys to touch her and
yet, when they did, it was not pleasurable.
Another exemplar is Chloe who lived with her
motherher stepfather having left about two years previously. She described having been very attached to him
and missed him a great deal. She felt strongly about the
relational aspect of her sexual activity, but often felt
pressured into sex that frequently was not enjoyable,
and she reported experiencing high levels of regret.
Chloe was equally as shocked to be asked about masturbation, and produced a tirade with very strong views as
to why it was wrong, disbelieving that women do
masturbate and, moreover, if they do, attaching certain
connotations to these women:
God no . . . I mean only slags do that, dont
they . . . sorry. . . . I mean I would never feel myself . . . you
1

All names have been changed.

561

HOGARTH AND INGHAM

know . . . well . . . I just wouldnt cos it cant feel right

without a bloke can it? I mean sex is only part of a
relationship and then its ok. . . . Do girls really touch
themselves? I cant believe that. . . . I know people sometimes talk about . . . like . . . I think Ive read it or seen it
on the telly . . . but thats for older women or ones who
cant get boyfriends and I think thats really sad you
know like just cos they cant get boyfriends they touch
themselves up . . . its not on you know . . . cos girls
shouldnt have to do that . . . you know what I mean.
(Chloe, age 17)

Her usage of the derogatory term slag in relation to

female masturbation is interesting inasmuch as this is normally used to denote high non-selective sexual activity
among young women. Her reference to only being touched
in her genital area by a man and sex being conned to relationships may indicate that she perceives her body only in
those terms. For Chloe, masturbation has negative attributes, a sign of desperation, loneliness, and getting old;
she distances herself from women who do masturbate by
stating that it is for older women, and those not able to
get boyfriendsall things that she is apparently not.

Lack of Knowledge and Understanding About Own Body

A few of the young women described their attempts
at masturbation with a sense of sadness. Their attempts
had ended in failure and, with this, they talked in terms
of a number of negative emotions such as feeling dirty,
bad, or guilty. There are three examples of young
women who expressed these experiences. The rst is
Laura, who lived with her father and stepmother and
two younger stepsisters. Laura sees her biological
mother on a regular basis, but wished she had a closer
relationship with her. Her sexual debut was at the age
of 15, and she has been in her current relationship for
eight months, but feels that it is probably going to end
soon as she has heard rumors that her boyfriend is seeing someone else. This lengthy quote from Laura is not
only full of negativity toward herself, but also continually asking questions of the interviewer; it appeared as
if she was asking for conrmation, or at least reafrmation, of what she was trying to do:
Ive tried but nothing happened. . . . I dont know what
to do . . . oh god . . . am I normal? I mean . . . it just felt
wrong . . . I felt guilty . . . I mean girls shouldnt do that
should they? I mean why didnt I feel anything I should
of should I? I just felt silly . . . as if I was doing something
that wasnt right . . . kind of dirty . . . some kind of freak
and as if I had done something really bad and I felt so
bad. . . . I thought it would be good but it wasnt and I
wanted it to be but it wasnt and now I dont understand. . . . (Laura, age 18)

Laura also makes a direct reference to whether girls

should indeed masturbate, rst making a statement that
562

they should not, and then immediately turning this into

a question; it appeared as much a question for herself as
well as for the interviewer. This differentiation between
male and female masturbation could seem to imply, in
one sense, as condoning male masturbation but
perceiving female masturbation as being prohibited.
The next exemplar is Olivia, who lived with her
mother and stepfather; she has an older sister and
younger brother. She has been with her current boyfriend for three months, and spoke of her confusion
about her relationship as she felt her sexual activity
was all about him with little thought about her needs
and desires: I like pleasing him but it would be nice
to have like my own pleasure. To a certain extent,
her communication with her mother appeared to be
open and frank, and she reported feeling able to talk
to her about her sexual self, although it tended to be
about the positive aspects with her boyfriend, whereas
the negative aspects were left unsaid. She felt that it
was sad that she could not discuss these with her
mother. Olivia began joking about her exploits with
masturbation but, by the end, was expressing negative
feelings in connection with it:
I sort of know what to do but it never seems to work.
[laughs] . . . I have tried a couple of times but its just
not right . . . you know . . . I mean . . . I think I kind of feel
bad . . . you know . . . not right . . . dont know why . . . Ive
never spoken to anybody it . . . well, apart from now. . . .
(Olivia, age 17)

Like Olivia, the vast majority of these young women

revealed that they had never spoken to anyone, including friends, about female masturbation. Both these
young women expressed feeling bad, as doing something
that was not right.
The third exemplar is Becky, who lived with her
father and three younger brothers. Her mother had left
home when Becky was about nine years old, and it
appeared that she had taken on a large number of the
domestic chores at a relatively early age. She described
her relationship with her father as being strained, as
she found him very dictatorial in relation to her social
life. He continually warned her about boys only being
after one thing and, although she realized that he only
wanted what was best for her, she did see the irony that
what he was preaching applied to himself as well as
other men. Beckys discomfort with her own body, especially her genital area, has even prohibited her from
using internal menstrual protection:
Id like to try but its difcult cos I dont really know
whether I want to touch myself down there in that
way. . . . I dont even use tampons cos Im scared of
them . . . you know . . . having to touch myself in that
way. . . . I dont know why I feel like this . . . I just do.
(Becky, age 16)

MASTURBATION AMONG YOUNG WOMEN

The reticence that Becky indicates is that even

touching herself in a non-sexual way is difcult for
her; she would like to try and touch herself in a sexual
way, and yet she is fearful. She says that she is scared
of tampons, but it seems not to be the tampons that
frighten her, but touching that part of her body.

Disinterest in Own Body

There were a few young women who almost appeared
surprised by being asked about masturbation, as it had
never crossed their minds. One exemplar was Emily
who lived with her mother and father and two younger
brothers. She currently is not in any form of relationship
and experienced her sexual debut at the age of 13. When
Emily was asked if she masturbated, she gave the
slightly confused impression that her physical sexual
arousal only occurred in relation to her boyfriends:
No I dont. . . . Ive never really thought about it . . . just
havent felt the need. [Harriet Hogarth: Dont you ever
feel horny?] Um . . . no not really . . . not that Ive been
aware of. . . . I mean I do get like that when Im with a
bloke but not . . . you know . . . when Im on my
own . . . at least I dont think I do. . . . (Emily, age 17)

The last part of this quotation, at least I dont think

I do, was spoken almost in a whisper, as if she was
reecting on what she had just said; there followed a
long silence that appeared quite comfortable for both
Emily and the researcher. It was hoped that Emily
would verbalize her thoughts but, when at last she did
speak, she made it apparent that she wanted to move
onto another topic, and this was respected.
The next quote is from Hannah, who lived with her
mother and father and one younger brother. Her current
relationship had started six weeks previously, and she
had experienced her sexual debut at the age of 15,
although she had not had sexual intercourse with her
current boyfriend. Hannah uses the analogy of watching
a romantic lm with a fairly strong sexual content that
may arouse her but, even then, would not use this as a
prelude to masturbation:
Gawd . . . I dont think its ever crossed my mind you
know . . . er . . . no I dont think it has . . . um . . . I mean I
like watching a romantic . . . you know . . . a lm that
makes you feel good . . . like . . . oh I cant think but
something sexy . . . but I wouldnt go away and do anything . . . you know . . . to myself. . . . I just wouldnt. . . .
(Hannah, age 17)

It is not clear whether romantic lms sexually arouse

Hannah, but the implications are that she is unsure as to
how her own body is reacting to these lms and, in turn,
unsure as to how to react to her own body. Her last
words, I just wouldnt, were spoken with a note of

deance, almost indicating that she did not want to be

pursued on this point, and this was respected.

Positive Views on Female Masturbation and Comfort

with Own Body
These young women described their discovery of
masturbation as a positive and fullling event, with
feelings of amazement, a sense of release, and inner
calmness afterward. Quotes from all these young women
have been included, as they offer an insight into different facets of the positive aspects of their masturbation,
although some do imply that they have to deal with
some mixed emotions.
The rst quote is from Daisy, who is the most positive about her relationship with her own body. She lived
with both her parents (both solicitors) and one younger
brother. She is going to university in the autumn and has
been in her current relationship for just over a year.
When asked to talk about masturbation, Daisy needed
to be given permission to do so, as she was not sure that
such a private matter could or should be discussed. Once
she was reassured, primarily in terms of the complete
condentiality and anonymity of the study, she opened
up and appeared to really enjoy talking about it. Her
narrative was full of laughter and warmth, and she
appeared to speak not only for herself, but also to
encourage other young women:
Giving myself so much pleasure and orgasms when ever
I want one is just great and I cant imagine being without that . . . you know . . . knowing how to do it . . . god
did I use it when I was revising. [laughs] . . . I think every
girl should be encouraged to do it . . . there is nothing
worse than feeling horny [sexually aroused] and not
knowing what to do about it [laughs]. (Daisy, age 18)

Daisys ability to understand her physical sexual

feelings came over very strongly in the interview. She
had discovered that her physical release gave her psychological release, especially during the tense period of
exam revision.
The next exemplar is Sarah, who described how one
day she had confused her own physical arousal with
being attracted to a boy at school, whom she did not
even like: When I was about 15 and I kind of kept of
having these feelings at school . . . and I kept of thinking
about this particular boy . . . and I didnt even like
him . . . but the feelings I got were sort of horny. It
was only when she started experimenting with her own
body that she realized that it was her own physical
desires and not necessarily attraction to this boy and,
hence, her personal experience left her feeling good
about herself:
It felt really good . . . I felt a million dollars and then so
calm and feeling so good inside myself . . . it was as if

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I had at last done something just for me . . . it was mine

and no one elses . . . sort of content. . . . It was this
incredible release and I knew that if I ever felt . . . you
know . . . really uptight I could do this again and I could
feel good again. . . . (Sarah, age 18)

The nal exemplar is from Jessica. She lived with her

mother and father with one younger sister in a small
village about ve miles from the city. She spoke little
of childhood, just describing it as idyllic but not expanding on this. When she was probed about this, she seemed
to imply that nothing else needed to be stated. However,
when the interviewer started asking about masturbation,
although she was initially surprised by the topic, she
seemed to enjoy talking about it openly:
You know the rst I ever touched myself down
there . . . oh my god . . . it was amazing . . . I mean really
amazing. . . . It was like discovering the pot of honey
[giggles] it was like my secret. (Jessica, age 18)

Jessica went on to describe the anticipation of

masturbating when alone, and indicated how she had
incorporated it into her life so that it has become part
of her. However, she did highlight the conundrum of
the feeling of pleasure against the feeling of being bad
and even dirty. In the last part of the quote, she raises
the issue of the need to keep an air of secrecy surrounding masturbation, conrmed to a certain extent, as she
also stated that this was the rst time that she had ever
spoken to anyone about this.
Links Between Feelings About Masturbation
and Other Areas
Although the main aim of this article is to report the
range of attitudes toward masturbation, there were
some tentative indications in the data that the continuum from negative to positive experiences was mirrored in other areas of their sexuality. The small
sample size makes it difcult to make too strong a claim
for these links, but they are of interest as potential areas
for further exploration. First, in areas of control, some
young women talked about their inability to take
control of sexual situations, often resulting in sexual
activities that they regretted, felt ashamed of, or even
guilty for, whereas others felt a great sense of control
with the ability to make decisions on their desires, needs,
and own pleasures.
These contrasting views are nicely illustrated in the
following examples:
[The interview] made me think more about the things
that have happened to me. I realize that Ive done so
many things that I have sort of just given into . . . it
wasnt like me making decisions . . . it was me just going
with the ow . . . almost just wanting to get it over and
done with . . . isnt that awful?

564

This is so personal I nd it difcult to talk about. . . .

I think I have more control over things like I can just
put a stop to things that Im not happy with . . . you
know . . . when its not right.

Second, some failed to talk about their own pleasure

at all and, even when asked, did not feel that it was a
part of their sexual activity:
All my mates say how great sex is and I sort of
agree . . . but Im thinking inside . . . no its not . . . its crap
and I cant see what all the fuss is about . . . so theres
gotta be something wrong hasnt there? I mean . . . you
know . . . whats it all about?

Yet, others were very aware of their personal pleasure

and felt empowered to expect it:
Sex is really important to me. . . . I want something out
of it as well and they need to know that . . . you
know . . . I let them know. [Harriet Hogarth: How?]
Well . . . I tell them . . . its not always easy cos theyre
all horny . . . but sorry. . . . I just say, if its a quick shag
youre after . . . forget it cos Im here too. . . . Know
what I mean?

Third, their experiences of rst-time intercourse

varied from all having high expectations, but with some
experiencing high levels of disappointment and others
nding it a fullling and enjoyable experience:
It wasnt good the rst time you know it was bad actually you know it didnt feel good I mean it was like me
not being in control. . . . I know youre supposed to feel
out of control but I was out of control for all the wrong
reasons . . . sorry. . . . I know that dont sound right but
thats how I feel.
We just thought about it . . . you know . . . like I didnt
want to rush into it and he didnt either. . . . I never felt
I was being pushed into anything and when it happened
we both really enjoyed it. . . . I mean it was a bit quick
[laughs] but it was still nice.

Finally, other ndings indicated inconsistent levels of

condom use, ranging from the ability to always insist
on themno condoms, no sexto reporting on feeling
somewhat powerless to insist. Some of the young women
talked about the recognition of their sexual self, whereas
others appeared to see their sexual activity as just that, an
impersonal activity that somehow was not part of
themselves but which seemed to just happen to them.

Discussion
The ndings of this study have revealed diverse
and complex relations between these young womens

MASTURBATION AMONG YOUNG WOMEN

awareness of their sexual selves and their relation to

masturbation. It is worthy of note that, within this
relatively small group of young women, such a diversity
of opinions, beliefs, and practices about comfort
with their own bodies, including masturbation, were
found.
The rst small group of young women held strong
negative views about masturbation, to the extent that
they found the very idea of it abhorrent. There were
commonalities between these young women inasmuch
that they predominantly came from lone or singleparent families with either half- or stepsiblings, with a
relatively early age at rst intercourse, although these
factors were not exclusive to these young women. Their
views on sex appeared to be based on strong beliefs that
sex should not be casual, but occur within romantic relationships; however, the temporal formations of these
relationships were often short, with intercourse occurring relatively early on in the relationship. Their sexual
activity was often disappointing, with unfullled expectations, and with little inference of desires or pleasures.
Their communication with their partners in relation to
their desires and, in particular, discussing safety in the
form of condom use was often limited and confrontational. They even found it difcult to discuss their family
background, and indicated that conversations with their
mothers were often stilted and unidirectional.
The second and third groups are those who appeared
relatively indifferent to masturbation; the second group
talked in terms of having never thought about it,
whereas the third group had attempted masturbation
and found it unfullling, as they were unsure how to
take it further, mainly due to lack of knowledge about
their own bodies. These young women came from a mixture of backgrounds, consisting of one or both parents,
with a variety of siblings. They often perceived their own
sexuality in terms of their boyfriends needs and pleasures, treating sex as almost a pastime, but not with
any level of enjoyment or excitement. The commonalities between these young women were that they all
found it difcult to talk to their sexual partners about
their own emotional needs, sexual desires, and safety
(physical and sexual). Communication with their parents was usually described as being awkward,
although they spoke in terms of wishing it was different
and that they could be more open with, in particular,
their mothers.
For these two groups of young women, their rst sexual experiences were either negative or indicated limited
satisfaction. They were neither perceived as pleasurable,
nor an achievement, nor a positive step toward womanhood. This is contrary to research with young men, who
often talk about their rst experiences in very positive
terms (Dowsett, 2003; Holland, Ramazanoglu, Sharpe,
& Thomson, 2000; Hooke, Capewell, & Whyte, 2000;
Murphy, Rotheram-Borus, & Reid, 1998; Schubotz,
Rolston, & Simpson, 2004; Wight, 1996). A number of

these young women had experienced unwanted sexual

intercourse in response to pressure from young men.
These pressures varied from mild insistence, physically
pushing the young women to intercourse, to verbal
threats. Other researchers have reported cases of child
abuse and rape (Kahn, Jackson, Kully, Badger, &
Halvorsen, 2003; Thompson, 1990), although neither
of these was directly reported in this study. The young
women in these groups gave accounts of situations in
which they had to deal with various forms of pressure
and had to make sense of the extent to which they could
exercise control over their own sexuality. For a number,
they appeared to have incorporated this level of male
pressure into the conventions of normal heterosexuality,
whereby they suggested that this was the role of men
to be aggressiveand the role of women was to be
passive. Other researchers have highlighted that this
gendered double standard is often the cultural context
within which young women have to negotiate their
own sexual safety (e.g., Holland, Ramazanoglu, Scott,
Sharpe, & Thomson, 1992).
In line with previous qualitative studies, these young
women also highlighted that their passage through
sexual experience was ambiguous and contradictory, as
they had high expectations in terms of romantic attachment and sexual enjoyment, and yet often had to deal
with disappointment and negative emotions after the
event. Holland, Ramazanoglu, Sharpe, and Thomson
(1998) suggested that, for young women, their sexual
experiences can only be accessed through the respectable language of romance (p. 7), whereas young men
have access to a public language of instrumental sexuality, which is inappropriate for young women. Other
researchers have argued that even prepubescent girls
are socialized by each other into norms about the feelings
associated with romantic love (Connolly, Craig, Goldberg, & Pepler, 2004). For young women, it is
suggested that romance is the master narrative in the template for gender relations under the institution of heterosexuality (Tolman, 2002). It provides the script not only
for expectations, but also behavior for young men and
womens interactions. It is argued that, although romantic relationships offer a safe place for young women to
express their feelings, this is often solely in emotional
terms as opposed to their physical feelings. Moreover,
it is suggested here that this master narrative is so pervasive that it prohibits some young women from being able
to differentiate between their emotional and physical sexual feelings. It is only when young women became aware
of these two aspects experientially, and were thus able to
separate their emotional and physical needs, could they
then combine them with understanding and clarity, not
only for themselves but also with their sexual partners.
Hence, this resulted in difculty nding expressions of
a positive heterosexual feminine identity among certain
young women due to their inability to separate their
emotional desires and bodily pleasures.
565

HOGARTH AND INGHAM

The nal group represented about one-fourth of the

young women, who regularly practiced masturbation
and found it rewarding and pleasurable. However, a
few still battled with negative emotions associated with
this, which they had to try to overcome. Their family
backgrounds varied, but the consistent theme was that
they experienced open and relaxed communication with
their parents about sexual matters. They were able to
talk about all topics (not only sex) in a way that was free
from embarrassment and discomfort. They described
their mothers as often using their own experiences to
describe events of enjoyment, confusion, or pressure,
and imparting knowledge and views to their daughters
in an atmosphere of shared communication, in contrast
to being talked ata complaint that was frequently
made by the other groups of young women.
It is interesting to note that, in 1994, a report on
young peoples sexual health from the Sexuality
Information and Education Council of the United
States recommended that adults, in particular, parents
and care providers, should talk to young people
about pleasure and desire, thereby increasing young
peoples readiness for a mature sexual relationship.
Further investigation has revealed no developments
in this particular area of the report, and it certainly
has not inltrated the sex education arena in the
United States, nor does it appear to have been picked
up in the United Kingdom or many other countries
sex education policies (Allen, 2004; Cooks & Chyng,
2002; Elliot, 2003; Green, 1998; Haywood, 1996).
Indeed, in the United States it can be argued that exactly
the opposite movement has been occurring (Fine &
McClelland, 2006; Santelli et al., 2006), although the
Netherlands appears to provide an exception (Ferguson,
Vanwesenbeeck, & Knijn, 2008).
The study is clearly limited in a number of ways.
First, as with much qualitative research, the sample size
is limited in size, so little can be said beyond the connes
of this particular sample. Second, as with all research,
and especially that involving sensitive areas, there are
no reliable means by which a potential volunteer bias
can be ascertained. However, the wide range of experiences reported does suggest that the method of recruitment did not attract only those who were either
particularly positive or particular negative regarding
their own sexual attitudes and experiences. Third, the
study relies on participants self-reports of events and
reactions, and there is no way of validating these. However, the sheer strength of the views expressed at times
during the interviews would seem to indicate that they
were not invented. Finally, any associations observed
between different aspects of these young womens sexual
lives can only be regarded as being purely correlational.
Although it seems highly plausible that there are some
kind of causal links between an open relationship with
parents, relaxed feelings toward ones own body, an
awareness of ones own desires and needs, the ability
566

to communicate with partners, and adopting safer

sexual practices, these can only be surmised.
In conclusion, and despite these possible drawbacks,
this study has highlighted that there is a need to take
young womens comfort with their own bodies seriously,
inasmuch as there may be a need to revise the status of
the levels of pleasure in research. This may be needed
not only in research, but also as part of the socialization,
communication, and sex education of young people, as
it may offer a different approach to young people and
their sexual safety.
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