Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
PREFACE
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INTRODUCTION
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14
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33
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REFERENCES
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ENDNOTES
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PREFACE
In September 2011 the Runstad Center for Real Estate Studies at the University of
Washington selected a research fellows group to focus on themes of urbanism, real
estate and sustainable development. This interdisciplinary group consisted of two
graduate students and two professors from the College of Built Environments, and
two local professionals who are leaders in the fields of sustainable development.
The advantage of diverse disciplines was clear from the start as the group
exchanged knowledge and perspectives that included urban and architectural
design, real estate development and finance, construction and engineering,
and historic preservation. The research team focused their studies on the city of
Istanbul, Turkey as a case-study to explore sustainable development within citys
experiencing hyper-growth and what lessons could be learned there for places like
Seattle, Washington. Through a year long process of research, writing, interviews,
meetings and tours, the consistent topics that emerged amongst our team were
ones of urban renewal, economic and environmental resiliency and the impact of
an emerging generation of young, creative-class entrepreneurs that have been
flocking to this urban center in recent years. This report summarizes our research
over the past year, which included a seven-day intensive trip to this ancient city
on the Bosporus. More specifically, it outlines our observations on critical and
current urban issues (e.g., how issues surrounding land-use, public space and
transportation are affecting the people, buildings, economics and ecology of
Istanbul).
A great deal has been published on Istanbul. Designated as one of the worlds
so-called mega-cities, it has been a focus for governments, academics and
practitioners in recent years due to its unprecedented economic growth and
emergence as a new cultural capital of Europe. Our readings delved into Istanbuls
varying approaches to urban renewal, sustainable development and economic
growth. With a population nearing 14 million and a vast landscape of urban
fabric that was being impacted by change, we narrowed our research to a few
distinct neighborhoods and projects that illustrated our chosen themes. Interviews
were conducted both here in Seattle and in Istanbul with architects, planners,
academics, activists, policy makers, artists and real estate developers to give us
a broad and diverse perspective on current urban growth trends. These included
presentations by some of the citys primary planners and public-private developers
who are connected with the citys most powerful political elites.
At the end of the research period, conclusions centered on the economic, political
and urban framework of Istanbul and how it is a city riddled with conflicts: old
versus new, growth versus limits, and global versus local. They are conflicts that
will be crucial for Istanbul to address if it aspires to emerge as a 21st century
success story in sustainable urbanism. As journalist Christopher Torchia states,
As Turkey strives for global status, its leading city [Istanbul] strains to channel
expansion that threatens its heritage, environment and even its identity.1 With
explosive population growth, rapid urban expansion, and changing political
leadership, the citys ecological and social future appears fragile, influenced by
both social and economic pressures. This report explores these pressures through
three distinct lenses: urban renewal; environmental considerations in urban growth;
and the role of a young emerging workforce that is rapidly shaping this citys future.
INTRODUCTION
With more than half the worlds population now living in cities, humans have
entered what many consider to be the urban age. With rapid urbanization and the
evolution of mega-cities, the worlds urban areas are facing greater challenges as
we continue into the 21st century. These challenges include the balance of density
and land-use, improved health and livability of dense populations and proper
management of limited ecological resources. Across the globe, there is an ongoing
debate on the potential solutions that cities hold for us in the future and how they
need to evolve to solve a myriad of global crises.
As one of the worlds megacities, Istanbul can be regarded as a 21st century
test case for understanding the challenges in planning for rapid population growth
and highly urbanized consumption patterns.2 Parts of the city are among the
densest in the world, while others are characterized by gated sprawl so familiar to
us here in America. With a population nearing 14 million and a total land area of
approximately 1,930 square miles, it has been estimated that, at current growth
rates, the city could have as many as 23 million inhabitants by 2025 Istanbul has
been a consistent magnet for job-seeking rural Turks, and in the past decade, an
emerging creative class of young artists, designers, architects and entrepreneurs
has led to the establishment of the Istanbul Biennale and the citys nomination
as a European Capital of Culture in 2010.3 With predictions of double-digit
annual economic growth over the next several years, Turkey finds itself relatively
unscathed by the economic crisis that currently grips Europe, and the burgeoning
economy of Istanbul is no doubt fueling this economic miracle.4
Romania
Russia
Black Sea
Istanbul
Greece
Turkey
Mediterranean
Sea
Syria
Egypt
Figure 1: Map
8
However, the past decade or so has introduced new and dramatic challenges to
the melting pot that comprises Istanbuls population. Two distinct urban trends
urban renewal and large urban-scale developments by star architects- and their
supporting policies are rapidly changing the historic nature of this city at multiple
scales and a frenetic pace, with goals that focus on car ownership and large
scale gentrification style developments. Without any overall framework in place to
manage its tremendous growth, Istanbul is facing incredible social, cultural and
architectural transformations at a vast scale in its current rush to be recognized as
a global city.
The citys historic tapestry is richly woven with images of exotic harems, wealthy
sultans, exquisite mosques and Roman ruins. Throughout the 20th century, this
image has slowly faded to the background as the city has joined the ranks of its
more westernized counterparts. The more traditional views and ways of living
were gradually exchanged for those of a secular, more democratic and westernoriented city focusing on modernization and free enterprise. The result, at least
until very recently, has been a uniquely secular Islamic state, one that has tolerated
a diversity of religious and cultural groups living for the most part peacefully
within the city limits. This transition slowly began to emerge with Kemal Ataturk,
founder of the Turkish Republic in 1923, whose pervasive image can be found in
peoples homes and businesses throughout Istanbul as a constant reminder of his
profound influence over modern Turkish governance and culture. In 1935, when
surnames were introduced in Turkey, he was given the name Atatrk, meaning
Father of the Turks, which represent his influence over the modernization of
what is contemporary Turkey.5 Under his economic and social reforms in the first
quarter of the 20th century, polygamy was abolished; civil, not religious, marriages
were introduced; Islam was removed as the state religion; new western-style
legal codes were instituted and womens rights continued to change after they
obtained the right to vote and serve in parliament in 1934. In 1923 Ankara replaced
Constantinople as capital city of Turkey and in 1930 Constantinople was renamed
Istanbul a future sign of the move away from conservative, Islamic values
ushered in by the Ottoman Empire, which had a constant presence in Istanbul
since its invasion of the city in 1453.6
Black Sea
Avrupa Yakas
Anatolia
Marmara Sea
9
Figure 2: Regional Map
While Turkey has always cultivated strong trading relationships with Europe, Asia,
and the Middle East, most recently Istanbul has also become an emerging panregional center of finance and commerce especially for a rapidly growing, young
and ambitious work force. Istanbul took the top global ranking for economic growth
in 2010 according to a Brookings Institution study, as the citys economy expanded
by 5.5 percent on a per-capita basis, and employment rose an astonishing 7.3
percent between 2009 and 2010.7 As Istanbuls economic base has continued to
evolve and diversify from the post-industrial manufacturing to professional and
service sector economies, so too have the expectations and needs of a growing
middle class, that find the center city neighborhoods increasingly run-down and out
of sync with their aspirations for a safe, convenient lifestyle. Yet with increases in
traffic that are overwhelming the cities transportation system, Istanbuls leadership
is looking to the city center for new housing options. As a result, the built landscape
of Istanbuls central neighborhoods - historically diverse and complex - is rapidly
changing to accommodate modern middle class tastes that include car ownership.
As a city, urban organization and codification came relatively late in the 20th
century. It was not until the 1984 Municipal Code was instituted that Istanbul
was an established municipality with privatization of municipal services such as
transportation, housing and natural gas. The Istanbul Metropolitan Planning and
Urban Design Center created to address urban planning in a more systemic way
was only established in 2004.8 As such, Istanbuls recent development has been
driven mostly by it connections to global economic networks, manifesting itself
into free-standing stores, multiple establishments scattered throughout the urban
system under a common ownership, and large purpose-built shopping center
developments.9
mmm
mmmmm
mmmm mmmmm
mmmmm mmmmm
mmmmm mmmmm
2012 Population
m= 1,000,000
10
m= 1,000,000
Visitors to the city can now witness a newly minted and increasingly wealthy
professional class that spend their money on luxury cars, shop at urban megamalls and participate unreservedly in the citys frothy real estate market. It is also
a city with a growing divide between the newly emerging globalized elite and
the urban poor.10 With a population approaching 15 million in the next year, an
increasing percentage of the urban poor find themselves relegated to high-rise
apartments on the citys periphery, with no surrounding grounds and inadequate
access to transportation, food and other basic necessities. In his 2005 study of
socialization and globalization of the city urbanist Caglar Keyder summarizes the
citys transformation, which was witnessed firsthand in a startling way:
On the one hand, Istanbul has tremendous inherent assets, starting with its
breathtaking setting on the banks of the Bosporus and the unforgettable character
of the low-slung, densely packed, multi-colored building stock that hugs the
contours of its hills; a complex, rich history based on being the capital of two major
world empires, and the rich cultural heritage that intertwines modern east and west
sensibilities. On the other hand, unchecked development, both formal and informal,
continues to sprawl outward, increasingly along its southern coastline that hugs the
Sea of Mamara and into the ecologically fragile forest region of the north along the
Black Sea. This peripheral development is being spurred by what many consider
to be warp speed population and economic growth that is increasing middleclass demand for more space and privacy.12 In spite of, or perhaps because of,
its political and economic evolution under the leadership of Prime Minister Recep
11
Tayyip Erdogan, it is not unthinkable that Istanbul could collapse under the weight
of over-scaled investment, population pressure and improper management of its
natural resources. A 2011 documentary called Ekumenopolis: City Without Limits
suggests that congestion, real estate speculation and big projects such as a plan
to build a third bridge over the Bosporus are creating a class-bound sprawl lorded
over by politically connected barons of the real estate and construction industries.
Arguably, the recent real estate trends in Istanbul may be viewed as being heavily
influenced by the unsustainable, car-dominant development paradigm of 20th
century America, a harmful ideological export. Indeed, much of what we saw was
reminiscent of the failed mid-20th century experiment of public housing projects
and urban renewal that was enacted in most U.S. cities.
From a Seattle perspective, we observed certain expected and unexpected
parallels: While Seattle takes environmental resource protection as a much more
urgent priority, Seattle and Istanbul are both among a select number of cities
around the globe that escaped the economic downturn relatively unscathed
and therefore, for better or worse, find themselves awash in a sea of global
real estate capital that seems to have little regard for these cities working class
maritime histories or existing urban and industrial fabric. In Istanbulites quest to
have their city perceived as a modernized world class metropolis, they seem
mostly content to pursue an agenda of sameness in what they build, what they
consume, and how they foster their work force and economy that puts their most
unique and valuable assets including their distinct urban identity at risk. These two
cities, Seattle and Istanbul, are literally worlds apart, yet with some meaningful
similarities; Istanbul The Conflicted City presents many questions that land
close to home. This report presents thoughts on The Conflicted City in three broad
themes; the conflicted built city, the conflicted ecological city, and the conflicted
socio-economic city.
12
13
01
THE CONFLICTED BUILT CITY: OLD CITY /NEW CITY
THE SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL DEMOLITION OF ISTANBULS INNER CITY NEIGHBORHOODS
Above all, we must free ourselves from our tendency to see cities as their
buildings, and remember that the real city is made of flesh, not concrete.
-Ed Glaeser
Much as we have seen happen in American cities since the mid 20th century, cars
are taking over the city of Istanbul. One newspaper reported that traffic is affecting
city and individual life, and that people can easily spend up to three hours a day
in traffic to get to their homes outside the city center.13 This is in part because
as Istanbuls economic base has continued to evolve and diversify away from
manufacturing to service sector economies, so too has a middle class that finds the
center city neighborhoods increasingly run-down and undesirable. But now, while
expansion is continuing to happen to the west and east, middle class housing is on
the rise in the city center. The prime drivers are large developers, often supported
by the government which is looking to revitalize the center city and attract
investment from the growing sector of middle class workers. However, the history
and fabric of these existing houses, along with the inhabitants that live there, often
do not fit with the plans of the citys leaders or the desires of the new Istanbulite
who is accustomed to the vehicular advantages of the suburb.
Currently, Istanbul is undergoing a massive influx of foreign investment as
economic and political barriers dissolve. With land now considered an economic
commodity and with a relatively nascent real estate industry, new developments are
booming on both sides of the Bosporus.14 Infrastructure projects like the undersea
Marmaray tunnel, new arterial highways, and a proposed third bridge across the
Bosporus strait indicate that transportation linkages to the growing corners of
the city limits are inadequate.15 Independent, suburban, gated communities and
shopping areas, some with world renowned starchitects at the design helm, are
being explored at unprecedented scales.16 As a result of this aspirational shift,
the built landscape of Istanbuls central neighborhoods - historically diverse and
complex - is rapidly changing. Political and economic drivers push development of
housing that will be more attractive to an emerging middle class than the narrow,
densely packed three to six story apartment buildings that currently make up the
14
dense urban fabric at the city core. The most targeted locations (the historical
peninsula and urban core areas with water views and/or access to shopping and
nightlife) are prime real estate for the upper classes, but the existing building stock
does not support the self-image of the new Istanbulites.
This is where the urban renewal projects enter, many of which are sanctioned
and administered by TOKI, Turkeys housing development administration. In
addition to constructing low-income and working-class housing and infrastructure,
TOKI is authorized to prepare and modify zoning plans, expropriate property
and develop financial arrangements for large projects with little to no local public
engagement requirements. With international capital backing development, entire
neighborhoods are being demolished in singular acts, new housing over parking
and car-centered shopping malls constructed predominantly in the name of
aesthetic and structural rehabilitation of the city, but with little acknowledgement of
existing neighborhood communities. The goal of these plans, which are currently
slated for nearly 50 distinct neighborhoods in the city, is to demolish and rebuild,
and in fact Turkish Prime Minister Erdoan recently made the statement We will
destroy half of Istanbuls buildings, referring to the semi-legal housing that has
mushroomed within the majority of Istanbuls central city neighborhoods in the last
half a century.17 For the communities who created these existing urban enclaves,
the repercussions of these goals are both social and architectural. Socially they
demolish, rebuild and the resulting gentrification has been at the expense of
longtime culturally diverse inhabitants of the city. Architecturally, historic developed
patterns of both formal and informal typologies are being lost and replaced with
more westernized, bland middle class models.18 The upside of these developments
include better earthquake resistant structures, modernization of water and energy
utility infrastructure, and a return of middle class residents to the city center,
there by reducing long commutes and traffic congestion in the city outskirts. On
the downside, these communities undergo major disruptions and, at times, are
completely displaced making historic, culturally contextual urban fabrics disappear
into the history books.
WE WILL DESTROY
HALF OF ISTANBULS
BUILDINGS.
17
15
Gecekondus were not only near industrial sites at the periphery (since then
engulfed by the expanding boundaries of the city), but also in the gaps in the urban
fabric, in backyards and vegetable gardens, even in the midst of historical building
stock.Initially illegal, gecekondus were tolerated, and eventually sanctioned by later
Turkish governments who, as a result, didnt need to provide cheap mass housing
for rural migrants. In addition, political leaders were also able to secure themselves
Figure 4: View of gecekondus
16
17
LD
GO
EN
A
SE
MARMARA SEA
N
19
Similar to the approach in Tarlaba is the rehabilitation of both the Fener and Balat
Districts. First funded as program grew out of the UN Habitat II Conference (held
in Istanbul in 1996) it was intended to support the rehabilitation of economically
and socially deprived historic districts in the host city. Due to the loss of community
control and wholesale plan for demolition under Law no. 5366, it has disregarded
any UN directives and Fener-Balat, now criticized by UNESCO for improper
preservation techniques, illegal demolition and disregarding environmental goals,
20
Figure 8: Images of Tarlaba before developer rehabilitation
it is now near the final stages of urban renewal. Centrally located on the coast of
the Golden Horn, the area features picturesque, historical shops and houses, a sea
view, and several remains from the Ottoman past. It was here, on invitation from
Sultan Beyazid that Sephardic Jews persecuted in Spain and Portugal during the
16th century originally settled and established trade businesses.
These neighborhoods represent massive destruction-and-rebuild schemes that
are problematic on many levels. Of primary concern is the displacement of specific
social groups such as Orthodox Greeks, Kurds, Roma and other minorities are
losing their historic and cultural homes in some of the oldest neighborhoods
in the city. Architecturally, the existing low-rise highly-dense neighborhoods
steeped in the mahalle tradition and based on early city precedents of community,
connectivity and walkability are being traded in for sometimes larger but lowerdensity models that rely on parking structures. In addition, the speed of which
these transformations are happening is not allowing for the evaluation of individual
properties, larger community needs or broader environmental concerns. From
the perspective of urban scholar Yasar Adanali, The city itself has become so
deliciously profitable that you can make these kinds of real estate projects without
actually involving the inhabitants of the area. The real motive in these plans is the
desire to make a profit.27
These projects are merely microcosms of a larger theme playing out all over
Istanbul, and in fact in rapidly developing cities all over the world. Older city fabric
is unable to accommodate the onslaught of cars and clashes with middle class
tastes, and is seemingly in conflict with economic growth - at least as defined by
real estate activity. Governments relocate poorer populations to public housing
projects on the outskirts of the city, and communities are shattered. Housing
projects, such as those created by TOKI, result in towered cities with little or no
services, transportation or public space. As the German-English social scientist and
author Fredrich Engel once said on reflection of how governments work in cities to
improve them, the upper class never solves these problems, they just move them
around. Neither the resulting architectural fabric nor the social system reflects an
evolution in cities based on good social or planning practices.
21
Figure 9: (left) before (right) after GAP Insaat rehabilitation
22
Figure 11,12: (top) Tago Architects (bottom) Hakan Dalokay & Boran Ekinci Architects
23
02
In other words, no one in leadership positions wants to talk about the forestland
and the water shed.30 Istanbul appears to be on a conventional 20th century
path of resource-intensive economic development with little environmental control
in terms of energy production and green house gas reductions, little recycling of
domestic materials or built assets, and little concern for their natural environment
most notably the richly forested lands to the north considered to be the lungs of
the city.31
There appears to be a major gap between residents and government leaders with
regards to the importance of environmental resource management and anticipated
local impacts of climate change on Istanbul. In 2009, Ipsos, a global research
company, was commissioned by the London Urban Age team to undertake a
survey about the quality of life in Istanbul and assess what residents really think.32
Interestingly, the survey results revealed a clear concern about environmental
issues among Istanbuls population. Almost twice as many people in Istanbul think
that efforts to protect the environment are needed to improve the quality of life than
in cities like London and New York.33 Nearly 60 percent of respondents were aware
of the impacts of climate change on their city, and water shortages came in as the
clear winner with over 80 percent of the responses. Fears about desertification,
extreme humidity and heat waves followed closely with 68%, 63%, and 54%
respectively. The basis of these fears seems to stem from the current populations
desire to keep future generations safe from environmental disasters: 88% of the
respondents are concerned that the future of Istanbuls children and grandchildren
will be threatened by the impact of climate change. These figures indicate a
mismatch between the populous and current political trends that privilege economic
growth over ecological viability, a fact that needs to be taken into account in future
debates about climate change and urban policies in Istanbul.34
prone areas. The economic pressures encourage the new spatial imprint of
urban commerce with its free-standing stores, multiple establishments scattered
throughout the urban system under a common ownership, and large purpose-built
shopping center developments.41 In contrast, those expressing opposition to the
bridge argue that it will exacerbate the unsustainable population growth of the city.
The third bridge actually accelerates the pace of population growth and urban
development. This could be called over development because of increased
accessibility over the areas that the third bridge affects. Because of the increased
accessibility to the land and economic resources of the city, building the third bridge
would increase both problems, and the location of the problems would shift.42
The third bridge is a prototypical example of the tensions between economic
and ecology. Thinking broadly about Istanbuls future and the many pressures a
rapidly growing city puts on the natural resources, this leaves us with the question:
In cities such as Istanbul, can economic pressures be reconciled with ecological
preservation to maintain both shorter-term economic viability as well as longer term
ecological and economic health?
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABILITY
Interviews with developers, architects, planners, and academics as well as
citizens generated three common reactions to the questions about sustainability.
First, there were those who have published on these issues and shared with
us a growing and grave concern that economic drivers would consume the
attention of those in charge and the lungs of the city would collapse under the
pressure. All in this category were passionate about their city and dismayed at
the lack of interest in protecting natural resources. Second, those who manage
development responded that the pressure of the growing population, traffic, and
the need for housing, water, transportation and economic stability overshadowed
any ability to address sustainability. They explained that there were just too many
complex and pressing issues compared to which sustainability is a lower priority.
A third reaction came from official green building organizations, which seemed
to provide guidance but without a great deal of regional vision or a lot of apparent
conviction in the effort.
As we become urban, new generations live in a network of infrastructure where
resources come to us from pipes into sinks (as opposed to from rivers into
basins) - does this disconnection from the source of consumables (water for
example), impact the psychology of urban residents? As people become more
embedded in the city, do they become blind to the need to maintain, protect
and conserve resources for their livelihood, because they do not interact with
or have a daily connection to the origination of that resource? While the 2009
Ipsos survey indicates a high awareness of climate change and the need
to preserve local natural resources, real estate development and consumer
activities tell a different story. Upwardly mobile residents seek to buy larger
homes in new development areas and drive for hours each day to work and
school. Developments fill the city and spread into the natural lands. To be fair,
rural migrants to Istanbuls gecekondus were no different once they got legal
title to their plots, they built on every square inch, not leaving any room for
parks or schools or community services.43 We need to understand how to bring
ecological awareness into the capitalist marketplace. How do we create an
economic system that allows consumers to translate their ecological concern and
awareness into their commercial actions?
28
Just as the view of the earth from space spurred an environmental movement in
the 70s, the creators of the GIS and 3rd bridge maps of Istanbuls development
and resources no doubt hoped they would inspire political and popular awareness
about how the city truly functions, where the resources reside and the importance
of these resources for the citys long-term well-being. As a microcosm, what is
playing out in Istanbul, and Turkey as a whole, is analogous to what is playing
out on the world stage with other emerging economies such as Mexico, Brazil,
China, India and Indonesia. A major problem we will face in the next few
decades is that the citizens of these developing countries aspire to different
living standards. The populations of cities like Istanbul develop these aspirations
through watching television, seeing advertisements of global consumer products
sold in their country, and observing foreign visitors to their country. This can be
seen on the historic streets of Beyoglu where, barring the uniquely eclectic mix
of European and Islamic architecture, the street life and fashion appear very
similar to those in London, New York or Paris. However, the total human impact
of the mass consumption that accompanies this newfound wealth has both local
and global ramifications. In some part, this is the unsustainable Dream that
the U.S. and other more developed countries have exported across the globe.
While it is impossible for developed countries to solve this dilemma of too many
people consuming too few resources by blocking developing countries from
attaining these same living standards, perhaps there is a new Dream, a new
post-growth economic paradigm that can be exported by western cities to define
and demonstrate the tenets and long-term benefits of true sustainable urbanism
so that Istanbul, and its citizens, may flourish as they can and should while
preserving its fragile bio-region.
03
The consumer economy is heating up and both public and private capital are
responding with urban malls, suburban shopping centers, new wide roads and
cross-city tunnels. It is perhaps not surprising that in the city known for the Grand
Bazaar and the Spice Market, when asked the question what do people like to do
here on the weekend? peoples immediate answer was shop. For example, the
local Istanbul paper reports that:
The growing middle class spends weekends at malls and looking at real estate.
There is even talk of replacing the crowded streets and alleys full of fish restaurants
in the old Galata district with a new mall that would obliterate many blocks of
ancient crowded streets that epitomize old Istanbul, although where the demand
for such a project comes from is somewhat unclear. The culture seems to be taking
over much of the existing property to turn it over to a driving, economically driven
trend.
32
Endless new developments spreading beyond the cities are reducing city
and countryside alike to a monotonous, unnourishing gruel.
- Jane Jacobs
Globally, cities like Istanbul are entering an escalating competition for increasingly
mobile talent, jobs and investment. While Istanbul is having considerable recent
success, it is not enough to have well educated, talented people living in your
city. It is well documented49 that Istanbul is striving to diversify from its industrial
roots to become a more service-and professional- based economy, but is it taking
steps to incubate the kind of innovative design- or production-side businesses
that are less vulnerable to real estate bubbles or global financial cycles? In order
to thrive, cities must enable smart people to work collaboratively. Within the kind
of dense urban areas that lend themselves to on-the-ground human interaction,
ideas have the ability to move from person to person, increasing the limits of
human creativity. As Istanbul continues to sprawl outwards, we wonder if the city
is working against this powerful phenomenon. To fully support the burgeoning
Creative Class, connectivity must be emphasized. And yet more highways
are built, more miles are driven, and less time is allocated to the transfer of
knowledge that generates innovation.
Much like Istanbul, cities such as London, New York and Paris benefit from
centuries worth of investment in buildings and cultural amenities, but their
industrious success comes from the ability to integrate their past into their future
and to amplify human interface and creativity. Facilitating collaboration and
promoting openness to new people and ideas are some of the most important
ways to achieve this. What is crucial is that the focus is on the people, and that
they are well served by the bricks and sticks that surround them. Will Istanbul
regret later that, in the process of clearing the way for large new construction
projects, portions of the local informal and/or production side of the urban
economy are being erased or displaced? Will Istanbuls suburban enclaves
be able to generate the intellectual excitement that is possible in a traditional
walkable city?
33
It is not the strongest of the species that survive, nor the most
intelligent, but the one most responsive to change.
-Charles Darwin
Tolerance for diversity is another critical issue for Istanbul. Tolerance is key to
attracting and retaining human capital. Without it, entrepreneurism cannot thrive
and creative people will eventually take their knowledge and ideas elsewhere.
Talented people are a diverse group. They come in all shapes and sizes, ethnicities
and economic statuses, origins and locales. A debate is fully present in Istanbul
about tolerance, religion, street life and freedom of the press. Liberalism is
emerging, but not without pushback. Istanbul is a very dense place with a growing
creative class that energizes the city professionally as well as culturally, but
transportation and linkages between jobs and housing are weak and people are
disconnected from each other. There is growing foreign investment that connects
Istanbul to the world through a web of business relationships. This investment
represents an opportunity to remake the city in many different ways.
34
35
Istanbul, and support its local cultural interactions, commerce and life style.
Such questions are further complicated when we consider the fate of Istanbuls
ecological assets. Its leaders are scrambling to complete new transit projects
to ease overwhelming congestion, but otherwise large-scale environmental
sustainability is apparently a luxury Istanbul does not think it can afford, at least
for now. A new third bridge over the Bosporus, in the relatively unspoiled northern
reaches of the metropolitan region is predicted by some to induce so much sprawl
that it could prove (without hyperbole) to be an environmental disaster for the
region destroying its watersheds and forests.51 Yet its construction is starting,
against the recommendation of the metropolitan planning authority.
As in cities the world over, the costs of wealth creation in general and car
ownership in particular are being externalized, taking their long-term toll on the
quality of the public realm, local business prospects, human interaction and longterm environmental stability, incurring massive long-term social costs in terms of
human displacement. But in the case of Istanbul in particular, it is destroying the
fabric that defines the very essence of what makes the city a magnet for foreigners.
This irony seems lost on most Turks; they are exuberant about car ownership, both
as a symbol of middle class prosperity, and a way to transport their families to the
proliferating global brand malls where they gather and shop on the weekends.
On the other hand, while it is easy to criticize a government that seems to be
consolidating power and dictating development in Istanbul, it is difficult for
outsiders to understand the full story; the motives, long-term goals and decisionmaking process. Turkey has been playing catch-up to western democracies, both
economically and politically, through much of the 20th century, and so Turks are
justifiably proud of their recent progress. And we can hardly blame them for this
love affair with the car, given that the Marshall Plan made post World War II aid
conditional on the removal of Istanbuls streetcar system in order to boost sales of
the US-dominated auto industry.
What we can say with certainty is that Istanbuls current trajectory provides a sharp
contrast to the teams own 21st century focus on sustainability, pedestrianism
and place-making. While in North America and Europe, progressive urban policy
advocates conjecture hopefully about a new era of post-consumerism, post-carculture, the post-cubicle creative worker, and even the post-carbon city, Istanbul
is putting up hundreds of new buildings every year. Turks are not waiting to find
out whether crowd-sourced funding will really drive a new post-professional indie
economy or serve as a viable alternative to the heavy-handed forces of global
institutional capital.52 Nor are they in a very practical position to consider what one
might call the post-density approach to sustainable-city making that is suggested
in the recent writings of urban luminaries such as Richard Florida and Ed
McMahon, which prioritizes quality of place and nurturing of a creative generation
of young workers over production of raw space.53
In places like Istanbul, there is little time for reflection about what is being lost and
gained, or about the longer-term social issues and environmental impacts they
will face a result of how they meet their short-term challenges. Doug Saunders
documents this speed of transformation brilliantly in his book Arrival City as
the hidden story of the 21st century, and appropriately admires the unique
entrepreneurism of Istanbuls migrant class.
37
38
39
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41
ENDNOTES
Christopher Torchia, Istanbul: A straining metropolis dreams big Seattle Times,
March 11, 2012.
1
Ergun zbudun and Ali Kazancigil, Atatrk, founder of a modern state (Hamden,
Conn.: Archon Books, 1981).
5
Ibid.
Metropolitan Policy Program, Global Metro Monitor 2011: Volatility, Growth and
Recovery, (Brookings Institute, 2011).
7
Keyder reports the figures indicate a worsening income distribution resulting from
a Gini coefficient of 0.42 to 0.58 in 1994, which is arguably higher today in 2012.
These numbers do not reflect the change in attitudes and sense of the city most
inhabitants share. See: C. Keyder, Globalization and Social Exclusion in Istanbul.,
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 29(2005).
10
Ibid., p. 24.
11
Deyan Sudjic, The City Too Big to Fail, Urban Age: Istanbul City of Intersections
(2009).
12
13
14
16
Turkish Forum, World Turkish News Coalition, November 12, 2011. Prime
Minister Erdoan was previously the mayor of Istanbul, from 1994-1998.
17
It is important to recognize there are more complex political issues at play, for
recently, after Washington and Europe were praising Turkey as a model of Muslim
democracy for the Arab world, Turkish human rights advocates said in early
January 2012 that the government had been showing an ominous trend toward
18
42
Orhan Esan, The City of Istanbul: Material Production and Production of the
Discourse, Substitute City(2010).
20
Orhan Esan, The City of Istanbul: Material Production and Production of the
Discourse. Note: We would like to thank Orhan Esan for his incredibly detailed,
academic and thought-provoking tours through the city of Istanbul on our trip in
Marh 2012, in which we saw the citys history emerge as we drove endless miles
and walked the city streets. We are indebted to his kindness and knowledge.
22
23
Hacer Foggo, The Sulukule Affair: Roma against Expropriation, Roma Rights
Quarterly 4(2007).
24
27
Ibid.
Carrie Dossick Jason Twill, Kathryn R. Merlino, Carrie S. Dossick, Ian Fishburn, Natalie
Gualy, and Liz Dunn, Personal Interview with Asu Aksoy, (Istanbul, Turkey 2012).
30
31
32
Ibid.
Erisu Dautas Senerdem, Going Green, Still Trying to Take Root in Istanbul,
Hurriyet Daily News 2010.
33
34
36
Ibid.
37
Ibid., p. 129.
38
N. Turan H. Sarkis, A Turkish Triangle: Ankara, Istanbul and Izmar at the Gates
of Europe, ed. Aga Khan Program at the Harvard University Graduate School of
Design (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 2009).
40
41
Doug Saunders, Arrival City: How the Largest Migration in History Is Reshaping
Our World (New York: Pantheon, 2011).
43
44
Ibid.
Real estate sales to foreigners reach $1.1 bln in one month , Hurriyet Daily
News 2012.
47
Kopeykin, Boris Ratings Direct Istanbul (city of), Standard & Poors (2009): n.
pag. Web. 20 October 2012.
49
50
Amanda Erickson, Land Transfer of the Day: 4.1 Million Acres, The Atlantic:
Cities, May 12 2012.
51
Richard Florida, For Creative Cities, the Sky Has Its Limit, The Wall Street
Journal, July 27 2012.
52
44
45