From the first contact with Europeans to the present day, First Peoples faced

traumatic experiences that directly influenced their ways of living and the way they dealt
with the repercussions of this trauma. Indeed, before the Europeans colonialist rule, First
Peoples were autonomous communities with deterministic will, which means they had
control over their own political, economic, religious, familial, and educational
institutionsi. From colonization arose many negative social and cultural impacts for First
Peoples, starting with the devastating effect of major epidemics of influenza, smallpox, or
tuberculosis, which killed a big portion of the First Peoples populations ii. Other
components of colonization such as conquest, warfare, slavery, [], proselytization,
famine and starvation obviously also impacted the historical memories of First Peoplesiii.
When taking into consideration all those elements, in addition to the more recent
troubling period of the residential schools and the omnipresent fear of assimilation, it
seems that First Peoples have been suffering from all those ills for a very long time now,
which led them to develop, what is known as, intergenerational trauma. Broadly
described, this phenomena results in the transmission of historical oppression and its
negative consequences across generationsiv, which means that even generations that
have not directly experienced traumatic events can suffer from the same vivid trauma.
Intergenerational trauma is thus a delicate and complex issue that has been studied only
in recent times, which raised the question of how intergenerational trauma has been
influencing First Peoples nowadays and how it can be solved? In this paper, I will argue
that intergenerational trauma has caused the development of complex forms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and many other societal disorders, which can be solved
by a thorough process of decolonization. There are many solutions that could be

discussed here, especially since specific First People communities would have their own
coping mechanisms associated with their distinct values and culture. However, looking at
the broader picture, I will analyze the three main pillars proposed by the Aboriginal
Healing Foundation as viable solutions to heal intergenerational trauma and I will
incorporate

other

ideas

from

academic

papers

into

this

framework.

This paper will thus first give a more thorough explanation of what intergenerational
trauma is really about in order to explain its influence on many societal issues
experienced by First Peoples nowadays such as substance abuses, depression, and
violence. The three main solutions to solve intergenerational trauma will then be studied.
They are: reclaiming history as an educating tool, cultural interventions as an identity
reassessment, and therapeutic interventions as a mix of traditional and western healing
processes. These three themes are seen as essential to attain a whole healthv.
Intergenerational Trauma
To achieve a better comprehension of intergenerational trauma, it is important to
know that it has been given different names such as Historic Trauma, Collective trauma,
Trans-generational grief, [and] Historic griefvi. Altogether, those terms refer to the idea
of a trauma, coming from one or several troubling historical events, which can be lived
by a whole community and passed through generation as a relentless grief. Brave Heart
defines historical trauma as a cumulative emotional and psychological wounding, over
the lifespan and across generations, emanating from massive group trauma
experiencesvii. This trauma can have intergenerational impacts that completely separate
the individual or the community from their point of reference in terms of their social and
cultural identity. It can result from the loss of language, spirituality, family members due

to war and disease, land, political autonomy, and many other reasonsviii. Different
responses can be expected from this historical trauma, but one of the most well-known
would be the substance abuse which is used as a way to reach numbness and kill the pain
related to the trauma.
First Peoples experiencing historical trauma response can also have selfdestructive behaviour that leads them to a depressive state, to anger, or even suicidal
acts. In fact, when comparing with the rest of the population, suicide completion rates are
1.5 to 4 times higher for First Peoples than other ethnic groups; it is actually three times
higher for Canadian Inuit and Metis when comparing people of the same age and two
times higher when looking from a gender perspective ix. The same conclusion can be held
when analyzing general mortality statistics in Canada. Although mortality causes are
usually not a good indicator of the population health in developed countries, Health
Canada indicates that mortality rates remain a useful indicator due to the evident
mortality gap between First Peoples and the western population x. First Peoples, especially
men, are more at risk of dying from external causes of morbidity and mortality,
especially poisoning, transport accident and intentional self-harm, than the rest of the
Canadian populationxi. Problems related to alcohol and drug use actually contribute to
more than 60% of the morbidity and mortality among First Peoples xii. Those high
mortality rates then have repercussions on the surviving community who has to deal with
those losses and the mourning process, which then may create traumatic memoriesxiii.
The concept of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is also often mentioned
when looking at First Peoples experiences with colonization, which then relates to the
issue of intergenerational trauma. To give a concrete example, a study made in British

Columbia, evaluating the mental health of 127 survivors of residential schools, showed
that 64.2% of these individuals met the diagnostic criteria for PTSD xiv. In comparison,
the PTSD rate of military members is said to be similar to that of the general population
(5.3%), while the veterans have the highest proportion of individuals suffering from
PTSD with 42.5% among veterans receiving services from Veterans Affairs Canada xv.
The transmission of traumatic memories can be done from different perspectives.
Culturally, they can be transmitted through story-telling; socially, through violent abuses;
and psychologically, through memory processes. Furthermore, it is also believed that
traumatic memories can be transmitted biologically since descendants of First Peoples
can develop hereditary predispositions to PTSD xvi. In that sense, PTSD would then be
part of intergenerational trauma and contribute to its increasing effects over the years that
keep First Peoples in a position of identity crisis and perpetual suffering.
How to solve intergenerational trauma
Several solutions have been thought and tried in order to remedy those devastating
consequences on the lives of First Peoples. The most recognized, but also the most
complex one, has to do with the concept of reconciliation between First Peoples and the
perpetuators of the traumatic colonialist behaviours, which some would identify as the
Canadian government. Indeed, chief Phil Lafontaine and Bernie Farber wrote a letter in
2013 to the United Nations Rapporteur for Indigenous People to demand the UNs
recognition of the genocide committed by Canada against First Peoples. In their letter,
Lafontaine and Farber refer to MacDonalds policy of starving First Nations to death in
order to make way for the Western expansion of European settlers and the whole period
of the residential schools which aggravated the spread of tuberculosis and removed First

Nations children from their communitiesxvii. In order to deal with those accusations and to
find a way to repair those errors from the past, Canadian governments over the years
have attempted to initiate different reconciliation processes such as the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission of Canada, which created contentious results. Although the
concept of reconciliation is often brought up as the first measure to identify the problems
of colonization and to talk them through, it also seems to be the most dangerous process,
often creating unwanted responses from both parties. In this paper, the solution of
reconciliation will not be analysed. Instead, I examine healing processes that focus on
First Nations communities and the reassessment of their identities through
decolonization.
The Aboriginal Healing Foundation proposes three broad healing practices that
can then be transposed in specific sub-sections of actions and behaviours. The importance
of aboriginal values and ways of thinking about the world is the first element that needs
to be taken into consideration when initiating a healing process. Notions of balance,
harmony, relationship, connection to the land and the environment are imperative to
conceptualize the main setting of First Peoples culturexviii. Establishing personal and
cultural safety is mandatory to get rid of the negative outcomes of intergenerational
trauma and this can be accomplished through a positive environment that is respectful of
First Peoples culture and traditions. Finally, there is a crucial part that has to do with the
capacity to heal which can be achieved with the help of skilled, non-judgemental
healersxix. Although a lot of emphasis is usually put on the last component, it is important
to seek healing practices that, ideally, touch upon all three elements, since they represent

the pillars to the whole health balancing physical, mental, emotional and spiritual
aspects of lifexx.
A balanced and healthy life then starts with the notion of reclaiming history
which entails a study and understanding of intergenerational trauma outcomes through a
process of legacy educationxxi. Individuals are invited to learn about the legacy of a
traumatic event, i.e. the residential schools, and to understand it within a social context
where guilt and isolation is replaced by the healing process of mourning what has been
lost. Aho and Liu have tried this approach with the Maori youth in New Zealand to deal
with high rate of suicide. By engag[ing] in their own development and reclaiming their
own cultural identity, it gives them purpose, meaning, and thereby a will to live, which
then place them in opposition to the colonialist framework and decrease the need for
suicide preventionxxii.The second pillar demands the practice of cultural interventions. By
recognizing and recovering their distinctive culture, First Peoples allow themselves to
reconnect with the basis of their identity as individuals, but also as a community. The
interventions can then be made throughout informal social activities such as feasts,
pow wows, [and] cultural events that enhance a sense of belonging primordial for the
healing processxxiii. The transmissions of traditional knowledge and language are essential
components, especially for the sake of having the youth to connect with their culturexxiv.
The final pillar of healing focuses on the therapies available to resolve deep issues
of trauma such as sexual abuse or various dependencies. Traditional, Western, and
alternative healing can be used for different reasons and can give various successful
results depending on the problem and the expected results. Traditional healing includes
practices such as sweat lodges, fasting, and the use of the medicine wheel in

counsellingxxv. Traditional healing circles are also used as a way to come together and
share ones own healing experience as a healing journeyxxvi. Western healing focuses
more on the individual or the family rather than the community. Practices such as
nonverbal therapies and individual and familial counselling are used to promote
uniformity and to come up with a specific diagnosis or curexxvii. Finally, alternative
approaches to healing are regarded as alternative therapies to Western medicine. Practices
such as acupuncture or massage therapy are part of this category xxviii. Conversely, in the
view of Duran, Duran, and Brave Heart, hybrid therapy, which implies that the healers
are both trained from a Western and Native American perspective, is another favourable
alternative. It allows a more inclusive approach where the roots of betrayal or the
traumatic experiences are acknowledged while working on the internalized oppression in
order to [reimage] the selfxxix. The involvement of elders or other cultural leaders is also
important within the tradition framework of healing practices to ensure the sharing of
knowledge and good relationshipxxx.
Conclusion
The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples acknowledges that self-reliance,
self-determination, self-government and economic development will not be achieved
unless the people enjoy health and wellness, be this on an individual, family or
community basisxxxi. This statement is crucial when thinking about the repercussions of
intergenerational trauma on First Peoples health and sense of identity. By perpetuating
the traumatic experiences across generations, historical trauma is preventing First Peoples
from claiming their self-determination outside of the colonialist worldview. The solutions
proposed are related to broad themes emphasizing the importance of education, cultural

recognition, and the capacity to heal. Intergenerational trauma is obviously not an

exclusive phenomenon to First Peoples and it could be interesting to ask ourselves if,
considering the historical heritage of most Canadians, the vast majority of the Canadian
population would not be affected by intergenerational trauma. The case of Scottish
descendants, who would have suffered from starvation, or the case of French-Canadians
battle against Englishs assimilation, comes to mind. However it manifests itself,
intergenerational trauma is a severe impediment to the emancipation of many groups,
including First Peoples, which calls for further research studies that could give concrete
examples of successful healing practices.

i Ashley Quinn, Reflections on Intergenerational Trauma: Healing as a Critical Intervention, First

Peoples Child & Family Review 3, no. 4 (2007): 72.

University of Calgary, Intervention to Address Intergenerational Trauma: Overcoming, Resisting and
Preventing Structural Violence (Calgary: University of Calgary, 2012), 6.
ii

iii Aboriginal Healing

Foundation, Final Report of the Aboriginal Healing Foundation Volume III

Promising Healing Practices in Aboriginal Communities (Ottawa: Aboriginal Healing Foundation,
2006), 19.

iv

University of Calgary, 4.

v Royal

Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Gathering Strength, Volume 3: Health and Healing

(Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996), Chapter 3.

vi

University of Calgary, p.4.

vii Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart, The Historical Trauma Response Among Natives and its

Relationship with Substance Abuse: A Lakota Illustration, Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 35, no. 1
(2003): 7.
viii Aboriginal Healing

Foundation, 15.

Keri Lawson-Te Aho and James H.Liu, Indigenous Suicide and Colonization: The Legacy of
Violence and the Necessity of Self-Determination, International Journal of Conflict and Violence 4,
no. 1 (2010): 125.
ix

x Health

Canada, First Nations and Inuit Health, Health Canada, 2011, http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/fniahspnia/pubs/aborig-autoch/stats-profil-atlant/index-eng.php#a635.

xi

Ibid.

Bonnie Duran, Eduardo Duran, and Marie Yellow Horse Brave Heart. Native Americans and the
Trauma of History. In Studying Native America: Problems and Prospects, ed. Russell Thornton
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998), 61.
xii

xiii

Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 8.

xiv Terry L.

Mitchell and Dawn T. Maracle, Healing the Generations: Post-Traumatic Stress and the
Health Status of Aboriginal Populations in Canada, Journal of Aboriginal Health 2, no. 1 (2005): 16.

Jean-Rodrigue Par, Post-traumatic Stress Disorder and the Mental Health of Military Personnel
and Veterans, Parliament of Canada, 2013,
http://www.parl.gc.ca/Content/LOP/ResearchPublications/2011-97-e.htm#a7.
xv

xvi Aboriginal

Healing Foundation, 20.

Phil Fontaine and Bernie Farber, What Canada committed against First Nations was genocide.
The UN should recognize it, The Globe and Mail, 2013, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globedebate/what-canada-committed-against-first-nations-was-genocide-the-un-should-recognizeit/article14853747/.
xvii

xviii

Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 18.

xix

Ibid.

xx

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Chapter 3.

xxi Aboriginal

xxii

Healing Foundation, 39.

Keri Lawson-Te Aho and James H.Liu, 127.

xxiii Aboriginal Healing

Foundation, 18.

xxiv

University of Calgary, 11.

xxv

Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 55.

xxvi

Ashley Quinn, 75.

xxvii

Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 54.

xxviii

Ibid, 65

xxix

Duran, Bonnie, Eduardo Duran, and Marie Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 71.

xxx Ashley Quinn,

75.

xxxi Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Chapter 3.

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