Final Paper Gender & Sexuality

Astrid Zwinkels, 6125182

Coalitionproject 1012
The invisible power of the municipality
1. Introduction
In 2007 the Van Traa-team published the report Limits to Law
Enforcement (Grenzen aan de Handhaving). This report would form
the basis of the new policy that would transform the city centre of
Amsterdam: Coalitionproject 1012. A project that would costs
millions of euros and that would have an enormous impact on
people that owned brothels in the city centre and the prostitutes
working in them.
Even though Coalitionproject is explicitly defined as a project
that deals with public space and not a project that forms prostitution
policy, it nevertheless has had, and still has, a large influence on
prostitution policy in Amsterdam. One of the reasons for this is that
the report Limits to Law Enforcement has created a frame through
which prostitution in Amsterdam is still viewed by policy makers.
Through this paper, I want to make the implicit explicit. Firstly,
my aim is to provide an in depth discourse analysis of the
Coalitionproject from the moment Limits to Law Enforcement was
published until the present day. Secondly, I wanted to see in what
ways the municipality has tried to keep issues related to prostitution
of the public agenda. This is closely linked to the second dimension
of power by Lukes, which will be discussed later. Thirdly, I want to
make explicit those voices that have little or not at all heard in the
policy documents dealing with Coalitionproject 1012. I will especially
focus on the issues that have been kept of the public agenda.
I will start this paper by providing an outline of some theories
bases in gender studies that form the basis of the analyses in this
paper. This will be done in the first subcategory (nr 2). Furthermore,

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I will analyse and criticize Coalitionproject 1012 through 10 separate
sections. Section 3 to 5 will mainly focus on an in depth analysis of
the policy and its frames. Section 6 to 11 will focus on making
explicit what the municipality tried to keep of the agenda. Finally, I
will summarize my findings in my conclusion.

2. Gender-based theory
Discourse analysis
For this paper, I will make use of discourse analysis. Bacchi argues
against providing a definition for discourse since the whole idea of
discourse is that definitions play an important part in delineating
knowledge. Because definitions have these effects, they require
scrutiny, not replication. (Bacchi 2000: 46) However, even though I
believe that definitions are quite powerful tools in the structuring of
knowledge, I also believe that definitions are very useful tools in
making sure your reader understands your argument. For this
reason I will use a definition of discourse analysis in this paper, to be
precise, the one provided by Bryman.
According to Bryman, discourse analysis emphasizes the way
versions of the world, of society, events and inner psychological
worlds are produced in discourse. Language is depicted in discourse
analysis as constituting or producing the social world. (Bryman
2012: 529) According to discourse analysis, there is no objective
way to get meaning out of a text.
Providing a definition of discourse is not the only problem
Bacchi has with scholars using discourse as a concept. She
furthermore states that:
In policy-as-discourse analysis, there is a tendency to concentrate
on the ability of some groups rather than others to make discourse,
and on some groups rather than others as effected or constituted in

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discourse. To put the point briefly, those who are deemed to hold
power are described as constituted in discourse. (Bacchi 2000: 52)

In her article she criticizes this idea. However, even though it might
be the case that in certain policy forms the people in power are not
able to create a discourse and to further marginalize a group
through this discourse, I do feel this is the case when it comes to
Coalitionproject 1012. As will be discussed in this paper, the main
assumption in the policy is that prostitution and crime are
intertwined. When one reads the policy papers, it seems to be
unlikely that prostitution without crime could exist. Here it seems to
be the case that it is the municipality that has been successful in
the creation of this discourse and in keeping the complaints of
prostitutes and brothel owners off the agenda.

Framing
Strongly related to discourse analysis is the concept of framing,
which involves the social construction of a social phenomenon
through language.

Postman, quoted in Bacchi, provides a clear

example of framing and its importance:

One priests asks, Is it permissible to smoke while praying, and
was told that it is not, since prayer should be the focus of ones
whole attention. The other priest asks, Is it permissible to pray
while smoking, and was told that it is, since it is always appropriate
to pray. (Bacchi 2000: 50)

This quote shows that the answer to ones question is determined to

a great extend by the question that is asked and the frame that it is
put in. Framing is therefore very important in policy documents. A
previous study conducting a discourse analysis of the Strategy Note
has identified three frames in the document: the metropolis, the

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trafficking of women, and money laundering (Projectgroep 8 2009:
19-20). As will become clear in this paper, framing will be very
important in the way the municipality deals with prostitution in
Coalitionproject 1012.

Standpoint feminism and situated knowledges

Both standpoint feminism as well as the idea of situated knowledges
are ideas created within gender studies that I can identify with.
Standpoint feminism is a reaction to feminist empiricism. In feminist
empiricism they argue that female scientists find other findings from
their male colleagues because they are more precise and therefore
conduct better science. Conflicts in feminist empiricism arise over
how science is done. Standpoint feminists, however, do not think
that it is sufficient to just add women to the pool of scientists and
then stir. If one does this, the positivistic assumptions of science are
left intact. The starting point of standpoint theory is that in
societies stratified by race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, or
some other such politics shaping the very structure of a society, the
activities of those at the top both organize and set limits on what
persons

who

perform

such

activities

can

understand

about

themselves and the world around them. [] Ones social situation

enable and sets limits on what one can know (Harding 1993: 54)
Donna Haraway came up with the term concept situated
knowledge. Feminist objectivity means quite simply situated
knowledges. (Haraway 1988: 581) According to her, knowledge and
truth are partial, situated, subjective, power imbued and relational.
A common heard argument in science is that you should not put in
your own perspective, since this would create subjective results
instead of objective ones. Haraway however argues that showing
your own position in science actually makes it more objective. The
moral is simple: only partial perspective promises objective vision.
(Haraway 1988: 583) Another argument made by Haraway is that
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situated knowledges are about communities, not about isolated
individuals (Haraway 1988: 590) I will address both theories while
analysing the policy document connected to Coalitionproject 1012.

Dimensions of power - Lukes

An important scholar in political science is Steven Lukes. In 1974 he
wrote a book where he distinguishes between three dimensions of
power. The first dimension of power is the behaviourist, decisionmaking approach. It is positivist in outlook and focuses on making
decisions at points where there is a clear and open conflict between
the interests of different actors exists. Powerful is the person that is
able to fulfil its interest to the biggest extent. The second dimension
of power is broader than the first. Instead of focussing on what
happens, it focuses on what does not happen. In other words, it
focuses on the power of non-decision making. Agenda setting power
plays a large part in this dimension. Finally, the third dimension of
Lukes deals with power that is rooted so deeply in forms of political
socialization that actors unwilling follow the dictates of power even
against their best interest (Lukes 1974).
It is especially the second dimension of power that plays an
enormous important role in this papers analysis. As it turns out,
almost every subsection of this paper shows how the municipality
has, in one way or another, exercised this second dimension of
power. It will be my aim to make what does not happen explicit
again.

3. General goals
The core policy document for Project 1012 is the Strategy Note. The
two goals of the Strategy Note are (1) to address criminogenic and
low quality functions and (2) to realise a high quality entrance of the

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city and to strengthen its economic function (ProjectManagement
Bureau 2009: 1). Getting a little bit more concrete, the Strategy
Note names five concrete goals, which are the following:
-

to dismantle the criminal infrastructure;

to reduce the size and concentration of functions that are
criminogenic,

economically

of

low

quality

and

causing

nuisance;
to stop and reverse the deterioration;
to restore the balance of functions;
to realise a high-quality and diverse entrance area (Gemeente
Amsterdam & stadsdeel Centrum 2009a: 12)

Finally, the Base Report adds five concrete project goals that it took
out of the Strategy Note:
-

the refurbishment of sixteen streets, including parts of the Red

Carpet (Rode Loper) that are part of the area under the postal

code 1012
the initiation and promotion of 10 key projects
the limiting of window prostitution to two (enforceable) areas;
the reduction of coffeeshops by about a third;
the partial replacement of criminogenic functions and
functions that are economically of low quality through a
street-oriented approach (Project Management Office 2010:
7).

The general tendency here becomes clear quite easily: criminogenic

functions should be limited, reduced or replaced so that the criminal
infrastructure could be dismantled and the balance of functions
could be restored. In other words, the city centre wants to severely
reduce all the institutes that may give them a bad name, of which
window prostitution is one.

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4. Criminogenic what does it mean?

Criminogenous, together with the concept economically of low value
(economisch laagwaardig), is the term that is at the core of Project
1012. Before we will zoom in on the frames and assumptions that lie
under the surface of the policies, it is necessary to take a closer look
at its main concept. However, this becomes instantly problematic,
since the exact meaning of the term remains vague throughout the
documents.
An important political tool to create general support for a new
project is the use of ambiguity (Projectgroep 8 2009: 19). The
Amsterdam Court of Auditors also refer to ambiguity when they
state that in a useful policy framework the direction of the policies is
formulated in such a way that political ambition is still recognizable,
while clear goals help executive officers to be able to conduct their
work (De Rekenkamer Amsterdam 2011: 7). They furthermore argue
that the terms used in the Coalitionproject 1012 are very
ambiguous. The difference between criminogenous functions and
functions that are economically of low value is undistinguishable,
which is why they state that they will use them as equivalents (De
Rekenkamer Amsterdam 2011: 7).
The first clue of what criminogenous branches refer to can be
found in the document on which the whole policy is based: Limits to
Law Enforcement (Grenzen aan de Handhaving) by the Van Traateam. This document has introduced the term in the policy.
However, they are not the ones who created the concept. They refer
to Fijnaut et al, who, when they use the concept criminogenous
branches, refer to branches that:
1. are through their nature trusted by criminals, where they store
their personal networks and where they know the techniques
and finances;
2. know a low threshold for entry, no diplomas needed, are easy
to get the right papers for and easily financed;

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3. know a lot of small enterprises, with a tough competition
among themselves, a lot of cash and options for tax evasion;
4. are poorly regulated, too complex, know contradictory or
unmanageable rules, use cheap illegal work forces, where
criminality disappears in no time;
5. are oftentimes victims of criminal behaviour, which may cause
norm violating behaviour. (Van Traa-team 2007: 5)
So, even though this is quite an extensive list, what exactly is
meant with criminogenous branches remains vague. In the brochure
Vision 1012: Heart of Amsterdam (Toekomstbeeld 1012: Hart van
Amsterdam) criminogenous functions are defined as companies that
have in principle been duly registered, but that are excessively
prone to criminal activities (Werkgroep toekomstperspectief 1012
2009:7).

Quite

similarly,

the

Court

of

Auditors

defined

criminogenous functions as functions where there is a high chance

of criminal influence or criminal activities are large.
In an interview conducted by students of the University of
Amsterdam with Pierre van Rossum, the project director of Project
1012, he acknowledges the vagueness of the terms criminogenous
and economically of low value. Here he states that they are playing
with both concepts. According to Van Rossum criminogenous is a
concept that is consciously chosen, and that implies a gliding scale
to low quality, economically of low quality (Van Rossum in
Projectgroep 8 2009: 35). This quote says a lot about the
municipalitys intentions for the Red Light District: it should be
cleaned up.

5. Human trafficking, forced prostitution and

abuse
When looking at the policy documents, there seem to be three
different concepts that are used to describe problems with

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prostitution: human trafficking; forced prostitution; and abuse
(misstanden). These terms are not exclusive, but can actually
overlap. Human trafficking and forced prostitution are often used
interchangeably. Furthermore, both human trafficking and forced
prostitution are one particular form of abuse.
Tackling human trafficking has been given higher priority over
the years (Gemeente van Amsterdam 2012b: 33). In the Note on
Prostitution 2007-2010 it is argued that the Public Prosecution has
named human trafficking a priority since human trafficking is a form
of organized crime, in which, by definition, the physical integrity of
victims is gravely offended and where huge financial interests play a
role (Operationeel team 2007: 8). However, making use of
standpoint feminisms shows that the reason provided here are only
partly true. The current law dealing with human trafficking is very
open. In principle, if you give a ride to a person you do now know
from Belgian to the Netherlands where this person is planning to
work in the sex industry, you could be charged with human
trafficking (trouw 2013). This is of course an extreme example, but it
shows that it is not at all clear what being a victim of human
trafficking entails. This is furthermore shown when one takes a look
at the extent that gender plays a role in ideas about human
trafficking. The following excerpt is translated from the Note on
Prostitution 2007-2010:
In the women-for-men segment human trafficking is visible,
especially in the middle and lower part of the market for escorts.
The situation is worrying. Currently the abuse seems to be
concentrated around the largest group of escorts in this part of the
industry: young Romanian women. [] Extensive abuse does not
seem to exist in the men-to-men industry. [] Compulsion, coercion
or human trafficking seems to be hardly or even non-existent
(Operationeel team 2007: 34-5).

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The distinction that is made between women and men
working in the sex industry and the extent of abuse and human
trafficking taking place is quite surprising. For neither groups
evidence is provided in the Note. This statement seems to imply
that women will only work in sex work when they are forced, even
when they think they are making a rational decision based on their
financial situation. Men, on the other hand, are implied to be
completely able to decide that they want to work in the sex
industry, for example because they want to make money out of it.
The underlying frame contains quite explicit assumptions about
men, women and sex.
One person that has explicitly voiced his concern about the
human trafficking frame used by policy makers is Henk Wagenaar.
When interviewed by the Dutch newspaper Trouw in 2013 he stated
that the attention paid to human trafficking is clouding the debate
on prostitution. Prostitution policy is too often the same as policies
tackling human trafficking.
According to Wagenaar there are multiple reasons not to use
the term human trafficking. One of these is that it does not match
the experiences of prostitutes themselves. Terms like human
trafficking push women into the role of a victim, which does not do
justice to all the time the women take their own decisions.
Wagenaar states that the prostitutes are pulled to the Netherlands
by their hair. He and his team propose to use the term exploitation
instead (trouw 2013).
The second concept in relation to problems with prostitution is
forced prostitution. The Note on Prostitution 2007-2010 describes
that according to the Public Prosecution one can speak of forced
prostitution when there is coercion or exploitation, which can further
be described as a lack of voluntariness. This can be determined
through two questions: (1) has the person be able to take its own
decisions?

(2)

has

the

person

been

able

to

foresee

the

consequences of the decision? (Operationeel team 2007: 9). This

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again leaves room for interpretation. Who decides whether or not a
person was able to oversee the consequences of their decision?
Thirdly,

abuse

plays

large

role

in

the

portrayal

of

prostitution. Reducing abuse is often the aim of prostitution policies.

The Note of Principles for examples argues that its aim is to reduce
abuse in the industry, so that one can speak of a clean and safe
prostitution industry (Gemeente van Amsterdam 2012b: 6).

The

Note defines abuse as an undesirable situation that deviates from

the normal situation or from what would be regarded as acceptable
(Gemeente Amsterdam 2012b: 12). This, again, is an extremely
ambiguous and vague definition. Getting somewhat more concrete,
the Note distinguishes three categories of abuse, between which
there could exist overlap. Firstly, there is human trafficking, which is
seen as the most severe one out of the three categories. Secondly,
there are violations of the licence requirements. The third category
exists of other unacceptable situations that are (yet) uncovered by
the licence requirements (Gemeente van Amsterdam 2012b: 6)
This hierarchy is also displayed in the following graph,
although they seem to have changed the categories somewhat
again:

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Categorisation of abuse in the prostitution industry
Source: Gemeente van Amsterdam 2012b: 12

These three concepts return time and time again when

prostitution policy is discussed. They are furthermore firmly
engrained in some of the basic assumptions underlying the
Coalitionproject 1012 policies, which will be discussed next.

6. Criminality and window prostitution are

linked
One of the basic assumptions of the Coalitionproject 1012 is that
window brothels are susceptible to criminal influences or that they
are themselves criminogenic. This is something that is stressed an
enormous amount of times.
The legal window brothels are regularly used as a workplace for women
who are forced by pimps to provide their services. (Van Traa-team 2007:
12)
Abuse in the industry, such as forced prostitution, is commonplace.
(Operationeel team 2007: 43)
Prostitution is sensible to crime, it is a criminogenic industry. The
relationship with criminality manifests itself in two aspects. First, criminals
invest in the sector to launder money. [] Second, forced prostitution is a
widespread phenomenon. (Operationeel team 2007: 43)
There are many coffee shops, smart shops, convenience stores, souvenir
shops, head shops, call shops and sex shops in the are, that are located at
the lower end of the market. These functions are susceptible to criminal
influences, since by nature they lend themselves easily for money
laundering, tax evasion and other crimes. (Gemeente Amsterdam en
stadsdeel Centrum 2011: 60)

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Furthermore, it is not just stressed that prostitution is
criminogenic, but that it is most criminogenic of all criminogenic
functions. This is stressed in the following graph originally depicted
in the Progress Report of 2010:

Source: Gemeente Amsterdam 2010: 17

Oftentimes, the municipality refers to studies or experts to

provide proof that the prostitution industry in the Red Light District
is indeed criminogenic. A source is rarely provided. The Note of
Consultation for example states that severe abuse in prostitution
has

been

proven

through

diverse

(criminal)

investigations

(Gemeente Amsterdam 2013b: 5) and the Note on Prostitution 20072012 states that police as well as Care as well as science argue that
forced prostitution occurs on a large scale (Operationeel team 2007:
11). However, to my knowledge there are only two studies or that
the policy documents refer to directly: Limits to Law Enforcement
and the Sneep case.

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Limits

to

Law

Enforcement

forms

the

back

bone

of

Coalitionproject 1012 and is often addressed in that way in the

introductions of the Progress Reports. However, Limits to Law
Enforcement is not a study that has gathered empirical data itself,
but a literature study that refers to other studies, and is not always
satisfactory to this extend.
The Sneep case is referred to on a couple of occasions. The
Sneep investigation dealt with a gang of human traffickers who were
active in the Red Light District. The Sneep case was extremely
controversial back in 2007 and 2008. It is mentioned two times in
the report Limits to Law Enforcement. Here the Van Traa-team states
that the Sneep case shows that the prostitution industry is closely
intertwined with organized crime and that there are many excesses
in prostitution (Van Traa-team 2007: 4, 9) The Sneep case is one of
the studies they refer to, to proof that the windows in the Red Light
District are filled with criminal activities. However, as anyone
familiar with the Sneep case would argue: the Sneep case is one
example of abuse in the prostitution industry and should certainly
not function as representative of the sector. The Sneep case should
function as one standpoint among a lot of others.
Brothel owners challenge the assumption that prostitution is a
criminal industry. An example of this is the attribution of Klaver van
der Hooft Posch. Van der Hoofd Posch, part of the Foundation
Collaborative

Consultation

Window

prostitution,

expresses

his

concern about the assumption underlying Project 1012 that the

criminal infrastructure can be demolished by reducing the number
of window brothels. Furthermore, he wants to argue against the idea
that there is a link between running a window brothel and being a
criminal. Finally, he argues that crime should not be addressed
through a zoning plan but through administrative and criminal
procedures (Gemeente Amsterdam en stadsdeel Centrum 2011: 71).
In its answer the municipality argues that the zoning plan certainly
is a tool that can be used to achieve the necessary improvement of

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the living environment in the area (Gemeente Amsterdam en
stadsdeel Centrum 2011: 74). In other words, they do not react to
the part where Van der Hoofd Posch challenges the assumption that
there is a link between prostitution and criminality. The attribution
could be seen as another truth from the perspective of standpoint
feminism. The fact that it is nevertheless kept from the agenda is an
example of the second dimension of power that the municipality
exercises.

7. Prostitution as an occupation
Even though the municipality often states that prostitution is a legal
and that Amsterdam is known for its liberal standpoints, prostitution
nevertheless is often portrayed as something that one is forced into.
Furthermore, in the policy documents prostitution is rarely portrayed
as normal work. One of the only neutral portrayals of prostitution
can be found in Note on Prostitution 2007-2010 where they state
that one the one hand there is a group of women who have chose
the occupation voluntarily and that on the other hand there is a
group that has ended up in the industry by force (Operationeel team
2007: 40). However, oftentimes the position of the prostitute as an
independent worker is not supported. A frame of prostitution as
something women get forced into is often implicit and sometimes
even explicitly mentioned. An explicit example can be found in Note
of Common Principles. Here they state that the Chamber of
Commerce could receive signs of force, since independent working
prostitutes have to register there (Gemeente van Amsterdam
2012b: 28). The fact that independent is written between quotation
marks is a clear sign that they question their independence.
More

implicit

examples

of

the

questioning

of

the

independence of the prostitutes are phrases such as Not all of the

prostitution industry is based on criminality: part of the prostitutes
works independently and Not all prostitutes are the victim of
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human trafficking. There are also prostitutes who have consciously
chosen this work. (Operationeel team 2007 6; Gemeente van
Amsterdam 2012b: 18) Even though these quotes seem to
acknowledge the independence of prostitutes, the stress still
remains on prostitutes that are forced in the industry. These kinds of
remarks play a large role in the framing of prostitution in
Coalitionproject 1012.
Something else that is often argued is that nobody actually
wants to work as a prostitute or that the prostitutes are sometimes
just not yet aware of the fact that they are a victim. For example,
the Note on Prostitution 2007-2010 argues that human traffickers
easily find women who want to work for them (Operationeel team
2007: 20). The focus here is again on the quotation marks. In the
same document they argue that some women do not see
themselves as victims, because they are in love with their exploiter
or because they are now in a better situation than they were in their
country of origin (Operationeel team 2007: 21). Another document
that implies that prostitutes will sooner or later want to flee from the
business is the Note of Common Principles, where they state that
there

are

also

women

who

are

independently

working

in

prostitution, but who can nevertheless use the services of P&G292 if

in a later stage something changes in their situation (Gemeente van
Amsterdam 2012b: 35).
Finally, to be able to work in prostitution independently, it is
important to see prostitution as work. That the municipality does not
view prostitution as an occupation becomes clearest from the
Progress Report of 2014, where it states the following:
The former window brothel alleys Bergstraat and Korsjespoortsteeg
have now completely been refurbished. People now live and work
here, as elsewhere in the western canal area. (Gemeente
Amsterdam 2014: 8)

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This

quote

states

that

whereas

the

alleys

first

held

prostitution, people now work there. This clearly implies that

prostitution is not seen as work. Frames like these may not be too
explicit in the policy documents; this does however not make them
less important.

8. Brothel owners as black sheep

In the policy document of Coalitionproject 1012 brothel owners are
often negatively depicted or depersonalized. For example, the report
Limits to Law Enforcement state that the reason for the idea that
women in the Red Light District are getting exploited is because a
lot of money can be earned in window prostitution and that people
(implying brothel owners) are greedy (Van Traa-team 2007: 9). A
little bit later in the text they state that they do not want to state
that all brothel owners are criminal or that all women working
behind the windows are forced, but that it is a fact that window
prostitution is a distribution channel for organized crime. (Van Traateam 2007: 11). Here they use an apophasis, or paralipsis, which is
a rhetorical device wherein the writer brings up a subject by either
denying it, of denying that it should be brought up. By stating that
they do not want to say that all brothel owners are criminal, they
put the idea in peoples heads that all brothel owners are criminal, or
that at least a significant percentage is.
The report Limits to Law Enforcement is the only document
that explicitly describes brothel owners in a negative way. For
example, it is argued in the Start Note Coalitionproject 1012 that if
no amicable solution is found, the buildings will eventually be
expropriated

by

the

municipality

(Gemeente

Amsterdam

&

stadsdeel Centrum 2009b: 9). This concept of amicable acquisition

is used quite often in the following Progress Reports. In practice, it is
a very neutral way of saying that they will expropriate the brothel
owners.
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Brothel owners themselves have also voiced the complaint
that they are portrayed way to negatively in the Coalitionproject
1012. A.J. Noordman, a brothel owner himself, for example states
that the municipality pressures the brothel owners in a defensive
position by labelling them as criminogenic. He argues that
oftentimes brothel owners have had their business for decades, and
have been heavily screened multiple times. This should prove that
they are not susceptible to crime (ProjectManagement Bureau 2009:
7). The municipality has refrained from answering this complained
and has therefore succeeded in keeping this issue of the agenda.

9. Positive consequences of the reduction

The municipality addresses multiple positive consequences of the
closing down of the windows. I will address three of them and come
up with some counter arguments. The first argument they make is
that closing down the windows will cause a possible decrease in
demand for prostitution (Operationeel team 2007: 22). However, a
study conducted for the municipality disproves this theory. It states
that the demand for window prostitution may only decrease slightly
when the amount of windows is cut in half (DSP-groep 2009: 35).
Furthermore, the municipality does not explain why it would be a
positive consequence if the demand for prostitution would decrease.
Another argument made by the municipality is that decreasing
the amount of windows would strengthen the position of the
prostitutes that are left (Gemeente Amsterdam & stadsdeel Centrum
2009a: 26). However, in the same year the municipality accepted
Motion 439 that argues that decreasing the amount of windows
could increase illegal prostitution, and that this could lead to forms
of abuse in illegal prostitution that would be considerably worse
than in the regulated sector. So even though the position of
prostitutes still working in the windows may increase, the position of
prostitutes no longer allowed to work will worsen. When looked at it
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from this perspective the consequences seems to be more negative
than positive.
The

third

argument

that

is

oftentimes

made

by

the

municipality is that the reduction of window brothels will lead to a

reduction of criminogenic functions (Het Besturlijk Overleg 1012
2007a: 1; 2007b: 1; Gemeente Amsterdam & stadsdeel Centrum
2009a:

26;

Werkgroep

Toekomstperspectief

1012

2009:

66;

Gemeente Amsterdam en stadsdeel Centrum 2012: 8). One

document for example states: Because we want to reduce the size
and concentration of criminogenic functions, we will concretely and
substantially

reduce

the

number

of

window

brothels.

(Het

Bestuurlijk Overleg 1012 2007a: 1) The reason that this is

problematic window prostitution, together with coffee shops and the
catering industry at the lower end of the spectrum, is defined as
criminogenic. Since window prostitution is an example of a
criminogenic function you are left with the argument that the
municipality wants to reduce criminogenic functions because they
want to reduce criminogenic functions. This argument is an example
of circular reasoning.
Sexworkers and brothel owners have often criticized the
reasons provided by the municipality. Moreover, a study conducted
by DSP-groep shows that clients are also unhappy with the
arguments provided by the municipality. One particular client is
quotes, who does not believe closing down the windows to be a
good way to tackle abuse in prostitution because: You would not
tackle the problem of domestic violence by reducing the number of
homes, but the city seems to be taking this approach with the
Wallen. It makes no sense. (DSP-groep 2009: 38) Once again, the
municipality ignores the standpoints of prostitutes, brothel owners
and now clients as well. Even though the quoted client can be found
in a study that has been conducted in name of the municipality, this
is one of the findings that they decided not to look further into.

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Astrid Zwinkels, 6125182

10. The waterbed effect

As has now been shown, quite some input from brothel owners and
prostitutes have been kept of the agenda. The waterbed effect, or
the idea that closing down the windows will lead to an increase in
illegal prostitution, is another issue that has been kept of the
agenda, even though multiple sexworkers as well as brothel owners
as well as studies have addressed the issue. The previously
mentioned study of the DSP-group argued that: we can predict that
the demand for window prostitution will only decrease slightly as the
number is cut in half. (DSP-groep 2009: 35) This implies that, since
demand will not be halved, there will be a flight of prostitution into
illegality.
This is a fear that is voiced by multiple brothel owners as well
as prostitutes. In 2013 the following two concerns are voiced:
Closing times will cause a flight to the illegal circuit and The
women who can not work because of this rule (because of their
age

language

problems)

will

start

working

in

the

illegal

prostitution (Gemeente Amsterdam 2013b: 23; 39).

The municipality replied that they are aware of the risks of the
waterbed effect but that this risk is present at practically every
measure aimed at combatting abuse in prostitution. They however
plan to closely monitor the developments (Gemeente Amsterdam
2013b: 23; 39). Here one can see that when the municipality is
forced to provide an answer to such questions (over 200 written
questions were asked) it shows that it is aware of the dangers of its
policy, but that is has decided to try to deal with these problems in
other ways. Apart from the answer to these questions, the waterbed
effect is generally ignored.
There seems to be only one occasion where the people in the
Amsterdam politics themselves address the possibility of the
waterbed effect. In 2009 Motion 439 was filed, of which part could
be translated as follows:
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Final Paper Gender & Sexuality

Astrid Zwinkels, 6125182
Whereas:
-

the reduction of the amount of regulated workplaces for

prostitutes could lead to an increase in the amount of non-

regulated workplaces;
the lack of control is likely to lead to abuse in the nonregulated prostitution sector that is likely to be considerably
higher than in the regulated sector; []

Asks of the college of mayo rand alderman, to stimulate the

possibility for prostitutes to unite, so that they can defend their
interests and can act as a sounding board for the municipality
where necessary (Gemeente Amsterdam 2009: 1-2).

Interestingly, the motion has immediately been delegated to

Housing and Social Support (Gemeente Amsterdam 2011: 22) and
later to Programme Prostitution (Gemeente Amsterdam 2014: 54). It
was only at the beginning of 2015 that here they succeeded in
creating a sounding board consisting of prostitutes. The creation of a
sounding board is the only thing the municipality seems to have
taken out of this motion. The parts addressing other forms of
unification for prostitutes and the idea that the reduction of the
windows could have negative consequences is not addressed. This
seems to be another classic example of the second dimension of
power.

11. Getting rid of the term criminogenic

As argued at the beginning of this paper, the term criminogenic
function forms the backbone of Coalitionproject 1012. However, the
term seemed to slowly have disappeared from the Progress Reports.
It was clearly introduced in the report Limits to Law Enforcement.
Even though this report was only 17 pages long, the term
criminogenic is found 22 times. In the Base Report the term still
plays a lead role. In the introduction it states that the direct
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Final Paper Gender & Sexuality

Astrid Zwinkels, 6125182
motivation for the Coalition Project was the report Limits to Law
Enforcement, which found that the 1012 area contained a high
number of criminal activities, which arose from the large number of
criminogenic functions in the area (ProjectManagment Bureau 2010:
5) In the Progress Report of 2010 and 2011, in the introduction it is
only mentioned that the project is aimed at the demolishing of the
criminal infrastructure and at realisation of an economical upgrading
of the area (Gemeente van Amsterdam 2010: 4; Gemeente van
Amsterdam 2011: 4). The term criminogenic is still mentioned 8
times in the Progress Report of 2010 and even mentioned 12 times
in the Progress Report of 2011.
In the Progress Report of 2012 the term returns in the
introduction. It states that Coalitionproject 1012 is aimed at
demolishing the criminal infrastructure through reducing the size of
the criminogenic function and through realising an economical
upgrading of the area, the so-called transformation (Gemeente
Amsterdam 2012a: 4). The fact that the term plays a really large
role in this piece is furthermore underlined by the fact that it is
found 36 times. This is quite an increase compared to the years
2010 and 2011.
Then something surprising happens in the introduction of the
Progress

Report

of

2013.

When

they

describe

the

aim

of

Coalitionproject 1012 they state that the aim is to demolish the

mono functionality of sensitive functions and the realisation of an
economical upgrading of the area, the so called transformation
(Gemeente Amsterdam: 4). You can see that they have taken an
effort to take out the terms criminal infrastructure and criminogenic
function, and replaced it with the mono functionality of sensitive
functions. The term criminogenic can only be found 4 times in the
report.
Finally, the latest Progress Report that has been published at
this moment, the Progress Report of 2014 clearly attempts to delete
the terms criminal infrastructure (3 times) as well as criminogenic (4

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Final Paper Gender & Sexuality

Astrid Zwinkels, 6125182
times). Even in the description of the report Limits to Law
Enforcement

the

term

criminogenic

has

disappeared.

In

its

description they state that the municipality found that in the area
one could speak of an expanding criminal infrastructure and that
mere Law Enforcement provided insufficient control over this
infrastructure (Gemeente Amsterdam 2014: 7). A clear effort has
been made to get rid of the term.
This is furthermore underlined by analysing a letter from the
major of Amsterdam, who is responsible for Project 1012 at this
time, that was sent to the Minister of Security and Justice of the
Dutch National Government shows. Here the major states that
important goals of the Amsterdam approach are combatting abuse
in the prostitution industry, the prevention of an influx of vulnerable
people in the industry, as well as the increase of self-sufficiency of
sexworkers that are working in the industry (Gemeente Amsterdam
2015: 1). The term criminogenic is nowhere to be found.
Something very interesting has happened here. Even though it
was the municipality that introduced the concept criminogenic
functions into prostitution policy, after a couple of years it was the
same institution that tried to remove the term again. Here both the
first as well as the second dimension of power can be distinguished.

12. Conclusion
As argued in the beginning, the paper served three functions. First
of all, I wanted to provide an in depth discourse analysis of
Coalitionproject 1012 from 2007 until 2015. Secondly, I wanted to
see where the municipality exercised the second dimension of
power. In other words, I wanted to see what arguments or issues
that municipality tried to keep of the agenda when it comes to
Coalitionproject 1012 and prostitution policy in Amsterdam. Finally, I
wanted to provide an alternative standpoint to the main arguments

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Final Paper Gender & Sexuality

Astrid Zwinkels, 6125182
provided by the municipality and to make the issues that have been
kept of the agenda explicit.
I started by providing an in depth approach of the general
goals of Coalitionproject 1012, an analysis of the meaning of the
term criminogenic and an analysis of the frames human trafficking,
forced prostitution and abuse within the policy. In sections 6 to 11 I
studied the issues where the municipality used its second dimension
of power. I found that the underlying frames in Coalitionproject 1012
are that criminality and window prostitution are linked; that
prostitution is not a normal occupation; that brothel owners are
often related to the criminal circuit; that reduction of the windows
has only positive consequences; that the waterbed effect is not
important; and that the term criminogenic should no longer be used
extensively. I furthermore tried to show in what ways people that
were affected by the reduction of the windows brothel owners,
prostitutes and clients contradicted these frames.
To conclude, it has become clear that the municipality
exercised the second dimension of power to a great extent. The
complaints voiced by brothel owners, prostitutes and clients have
been hardly incorporated in the Coalitionproject 1012. Hopefully this
paper can serve as a tool for the people affected by the policy to
enter into a new discussion with the municipality.

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