Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections, September 2015 Report

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE
OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

SEPTEMBER 2015 REPORT
MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS
SEPTEMBER 2015 REPORT
Published by
African Centre for Media Excellence
Plot 124 Nanjala Road (Bunga-Soya), off Ggaba Road
P. O Box 11283 Kampala, Uganda
Tel: +256393202351
info@acme.org
www.acme-ug.org
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Twitter: @ACME_Uganda
CopyrightACME 2015
Layout and Design
Harriet Anena
hanena@acme-ug.org
Cover Photo
www.itnews.com
September 2015 Report
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This report is published with support from the Democratic Governance
Facility (DGF), which has funded ACMEs project on monitoring media
coverage of the 2016 elections. We are grateful for the partnership with
DGF.
Several individuals have contributed to the report and we single out a few.
Project Manager Mohles Kalule Segululigamba, technical advisor George
Lugalambi, and statisticians Yusuf Mulumba and Brian Ssenabulya. We
also recognise the contribution of ACME staff Peter G. Mwesige and
Harriet Anena.
ACME would also like to thank the panel of advisors that reviews the
findings every month before they are shared with the public. Panel
members are David Ouma Balikowa, Charlotte Kawesa Ntulume, William
Tayeebwa, Patricia Litho and Joseph Ssemakula.
ACME further thanks the coders who tirelessly entered data and the
research assistants who recorded broadcast content.
ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................3
Background....................................................................................................................3
The Media and Elections............................................................................................4
Monitoring Media Coverage.....................................................................................5
Media Coverage of Previous Elections..................................................................7

Monitoring / Research Questions...........................................................................9
METHODOLOGY................................................................................................11
Scope of the Monitoring........................................................................................11
Sample and Sampling Methods............................................................................11
Methods of Data Collection....................................................................................15
THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT.................................................................................18

Legal Framework.......................................................................................................18
Media Ownership and Diversity...........................................................................21
Standards and Quality of Reporting...................................................................24
Experience..............................................................................................................25
Freedom to Report....................................................................................................25
FINDINGS.........................................................................................................................27
Volume of Election Stories....................................................................................27

Type of Election Covered........................................................................................28
Space Allocation to Elections...............................................................................30
Prominence of Election Stories............................................................................32
Most Covered Presidential Aspirant..................................................................34

Front Page Coverage.................................................................................................36
Most Covered Topics................................................................................................37

Location of Stories....................................................................................................38
Tone........................................................................................................................39
Reporting Approach.................................................................................................42
Issues vs. Personalities...........................................................................................44
Background and Context in Reporting.............................................................46
Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises......................................48

Sources of Information in Election Reporting...............................................50
Gender of Sources.....................................................................................................51
Number of Sources...................................................................................................53
CONCLUSION.........................................................................................55
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This report presents the results of the monitoring of newspaper coverage
of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month of
September 2015. Following are the key findings:
Election stories were generally prominent in newspaper coverage,
appearing above the fold in 72.4% of all cases analysed.
Newspapers carried far more stories (67.7%) on the presidential

than parliamentary elections. New Vision (78.6%), Daily Monitor
(78.3%) and The Observer (73.9%) had the highest proportion of
stories focusing on the presidential election.
The Observer allocated the most space to election coverage (32.4%)
followed by Daily Monitor (20.3%) and Bukedde at 16.1%.
Daily Monitor (27.1%) reported the most stories on elections followed

by the Red Pepper (21.1%) and Bukedde (17.9%).
Go Forwards John Patrick Amama Mbabazi (43.8%) took the biggest
share of print media space, followed by FDCs Kizza Besigye (37.0%).
Incumbent Yoweri Musevenis share was only 16.7%.
Mbabazi similarly took the highest share of front-page coverage
(54.5%), followed by FDCs Kizza Besigye (33.6%). Musevenis share
of front page coverage was only 7.3%.
Politics (electoral competition, power play and the gamesmanship of

political contest) dominated election coverage (66.7%) while issues
on the citizens agenda received far less attention.
The tone of newspaper coverage of the elections was for the most
part (58% of the time) neutral.
1
Most election stories (70.2%) employed the conventional reporting

approach (straight news style), although a small but significant
percentage of stories were based on investigation (14.7%) or provided
interpretation (11.9%).
Although most election coverage (67.7%) contained some background

and context, the percentage of stories that did not (32%), remained
high.
In a majority of stories (61.9%), journalists did not interrogate claims

and/or promises made by the presidential aspirants.
Political party officials (32.6%), presidential and parliamentary
aspirants (20.5%), were the go-to sources, while ordinary people
(2.4%) were rarely used as sources.
Women constituted only 15.7% of the sources.
INTRODUCTION
This report presents the results of the monitoring of newspaper coverage
of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month of
November 2015. Comprehensive findings on the quantity and the quality
of coverage in nine newspapers, five television stations and more than
two dozen radio stations are presented and discussed.
Background
In July 2015, African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) received

funding from the Democratic Governance Facility (DGF) to monitor
media coverage of the 2016 elections. This specialized effort is part of
CEON-Ugandas observation of the elections, which has been funded also
by DGF. CEON-Uganda comprises 18 civil society organisations led by the
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative. The overall objective of CEON-U
is to enhance the integrity of the election process through deterring and
exposing irregularities. CEON-Us specific objectives are:
1. To regularly and objectively document and expose issues related
to or affecting the integrity of the electoral process.
2. To raise awareness and engage key stakeholders on electoral observation findings and recommendations.
3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

women and men in the electoral process.
4. To mitigate the potential for election-related violence.
As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has rightly

noted, given the key role the media play in elections, any observation
effort should pay significant attention to the activities of the media and
their coverage of elections.1 Media monitoring can document whether
1 OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (2012). Handbook on Media Monitoring for Election
Observation Missions. Warsaw, Poland.
coverage contributed to a free and fair election or subverted the process.

But it can also be a process of constructive intervention whereby gaps
in, and concerns about, coverage are addressed before the elections.
ACME intended this project to do both.
The purpose of ACMEs media monitoring project, therefore, is to assess
the nature of media coverage of the 2016 elections, document whether
it contributes to a free and fair election or subverts the electoral process,
and promote professionalism in media coverage. The goal is to contribute
to accurate, fair, impartial and balanced coverage of the 2016 elections.
The specific objectives are:
1. To monitor, document and share trends in media coverage of the
2016 general elections.
2. To monitor media compliance with election reporting guidelines
and regulations.
3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

information that is more accurate, impartial and fair.
4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

professional standards in media coverage of elections.
Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came after

the elections, the innovation with this project is that ACME will issue
monthly reports that will be discussed with stakeholders ranging from
senior media managers to political party representatives well ahead of
the elections.
The media and elections
Fully functioning democracies are associated with periodic free and fair
elections where all contesting political viewpoints are fairly and equitably
communicated through the media so that voters have an opportunity to
make informed choices/decisions as to who their leaders will be. Media
coverage of elections from the process of making electoral laws, the
campaigns, voting, through to the post-polling period is critical in any

democracy. When the media get it right, voters are able to understand the
issues and choices before them by hearing all the different viewpoints.
Voters are also given an opportunity to discuss the issues and express
themselves.
For an electoral process to qualify as free and fair, not only must the
election unfold in adequate political and administrative conditions,
but citizens must also have access to sufficient information about the
parties, candidates and voting procedures to ensure that they will make
an enlightened and valid choice. Elections will only be free if all players
candidates, political parties, citizens, civil society and, of course,
journalists can express themselves on all matters of public concern.
The media play five essential roles in the electoral process:
Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.
Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of

opinions amongst the different contending groups and citizens.
Acting as a watchdog for fairness during election campaigning and
polling.
Educating the public about election processes.
Providing voice to the voters.2
Monitoring media coverage
Media monitoring is anchored in the ethical and professional standards

that are expected to help the media perform the essential roles already
identified. The standards include, but are not limited to, the following:
Accuracy of reporting
2 Marie-Soleil Frre (2010). The Media and Elections in Post-Conflict Central African Countries. Brussels: University
of Brussels.
Dedication of space and time to elections
Distinguishing between news and opinion

Use of and reliance on multiple sources
Corrections and the right of reply
Focus on a diversity of issues
Equitable coverage of the candidates

Balance and fairness in reporting
A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage

Interrogation of candidate promises and claims
Provision of adequate background and context
Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the voters

Rejection of bribery of journalists
Independence of media houses and journalists
Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

for Media Coverage of Elections in Uganda against which the media
monitoring was benchmarked. Based on international standards and
best practices but sensitive to the Ugandan context, these guidelines,
which were published by ACME, highlight the responsibilities and
obligations of the media regarding election coverage and reporting. They
were developed through a participatory process, and most media houses
signed on to them. In August and September 2015, ACME engaged media
owners and managers in order to generate consensus on the use of the
guidelines as the yardstick for media coverage and monitoring.
Media coverage of previous elections

Previous media monitoring reports on Ugandan elections indicate that
the media often fall short of the roles and standards already outlined. In
particular, the following gaps have been observed in media coverage of
elections in Uganda.3
Disproportionate coverage of the incumbent (president) and ruling
party on state/public media
Although both the Constitution and electoral laws provide for equal
access to candidates on state or public media, in all previous elections
the latter have been accused of paying disproportionate attention to
the activities of the incumbent and ruling party at the expense of the
challengers and the opposition. This practice denies the viewing/
listening public access to adequate information against which to judge
all sides in the election.
Denial of access to state/public media by opposition candidates
State/public media have also been accused of denying access to

opposition candidates in complete violation of the Constitution and
electoral laws. This was one of the grounds cited by opposition leader
Kizza Besigye in his unsuccessful petition against the re-election of
President Yoweri Museveni in 2006. During the campaigns ahead of the
2011 elections, Dr Besigye, the main challenger, was again denied access
to public/state broadcaster UBC and the campaign advertisements he
had paid for were never featured. Again, this practice denies the viewing
public access to adequate information against which to judge all sides in
an electoral contest.
Predominance of episodic reporting and dearth of issue-based coverage
The media have also been accused of focusing more on the drama and
daily routine of the election campaign at the expense of the issues. They
3 See e.g. Memonet (2011). Uganda media coverage of the 2011 elections: final media monitoring report. Kampala.
also tend to report the election as an event rather than a process. This
practice denies the public not only information but also the context
within which to judge candidates, parties, electoral authorities, as well
the process.
No serious interrogation of candidate claims and promises
The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

promises made by candidates similarly denies the public access to
complete information against which to judge those offering themselves
for public office.
Disproportionate attention to candidates and political parties at the
expense of voters
It has been said that voters are the most critical players in elections.
Unfortunately, it has been pointed out that media coverage in Uganda, as
in many other countries, tends to pay far more attention to the candidates
and their parties than to the voters. Lost in this kind of reporting, for
instance, are the issues that matter most to the voters as well as their
own evolving evaluation of the electoral process.
Attempts by political actors, especially those in government, to influence
visuals in newspapers and on television
The Ugandan media have also been accused of succumbing to pressure

from political operatives to overplay visuals of certain candidates.
In the last two elections, for instance, the New Vision was accused
of overplaying, under pressure, pictures that showed huge crowds
at President Musevenis rallies and downplaying those of his main
opponent, even where Dr Besigye had attracted similar or higher
numbers of people. This practice denies voters the complete picture of
the real popularity of candidates judged by attendance of their rallies.
Lack of fairness and balance
Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

all candidates and parties in a fair and balanced manner. For instance,
the media are supposed to give candidates the right to reply to attacks
from their opponents. They are also supposed to give candidates and
parties similar opportunity to respond to issues. This has not always
been the case in the coverage of elections in Uganda.
Other concerns and gaps in media coverage of elections have revolved
around the following:
Bias.
Inaccurate reporting.
Bribery of journalists.
Self-censorship.
Poor portrayal of women candidates.
It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor comprehensively

media coverage of the 2016 elections.
Monitoring / Research questions
The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.
1. What is the operating environment for the media ahead of the elections?
2. What topics do the media focus on in their coverage of the elections?
3. What type of reports do the media produce (news, commentary/

opinion, features/special reports, etc)?
4. What is the nature of the reporting (conventional, interpretative,

investigative)?
5. Who are the sources in media coverage (ordinary people, party
officials, candidates, regulators, civil society, diplomats, religious
leaders, central government officials, local leaders, police/security,
etc)?
6. What is the number and gender of the sources?
7. Which political parties are focused on in media coverage?
8. Which presidential candidates are focused on in media coverage?

9. How much time or space is dedicated to each party?
10. How much time or space is dedicated to each presidential candidate?

11. What is the tone of coverage?
12. What is the frequency of personal attacks in media coverage?

13. Do media houses offer the right of reply?
14. How often do news stories interrogate candidate or party promises?

15. How often do news stories include background and context?
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METHODOLOGY
This section presents the scope of the monitoring exercise, the sample
and sampling methods, methods of data collection as well as the tools
that we used.
Scope of the monitoring
ACME set off to monitor a purposive sample of print, electronic, and

online media, focusing on coverage related to the presidential and
parliamentary elections during the pre- and post-electoral periods from
1 September 2015 to 29 February 2016.4 The election-related content
being monitored across the media landscape has been defined in terms
of, and broadly classified under three genres: news, current affairs, and
commentary.
Inevitably, however, there will be variations in the emphasis and breadth

of the monitoring exercise because of the differences among, and unique
elements of, the media platforms from which the data were drawn. In
other words, whereas certain variables are applicable to all the content
of interest news, current affairs, and commentary some are
inapplicable to particular media platforms. For the electronic media,
for instance, the primary content of interest comprises news bulletins
and current affairs talk shows that do not, by the nature of TV and radio
content, bear the same characteristics as print media content. Similarly,
the unique features of social media messages necessitate a different
approach that recognises the specific characteristics of this form of
political discourse.
Sample and sampling methods
The sample of channels selected for monitoring represents print,

electronic, and social media platforms and is composed of nine
newspapers, five television channels, 33 radio stations, and Twitter. This
choice of channels constitutes a purposive sample designed to capture
4 Due to logistical delays in setting up the electronic media monitoring infrastructure, the first two reports
focus on newspapers only.
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all facets of the election coverage that the electorate in its diversity is
exposed to.
Print media
All the major national and regional publications (eight newspapers

and one magazine) are included to ensure a balanced representation,
to the extent possible, of every major language group. There are five
English-language publications and one each in key regional languages
and language groupings: Luganda, Ateso, Luo, and Runyakitara. Five of
the newspapers in this sample (New Vision, Bukedde, Etop, Rupiny and
Orumuri) are published by the Vision Group, a listed company whose
ownership is split more or less equally between the government and
private shareholders. The nine titles together account for nearly all
mainstream print media circulation in Uganda. The Vision Group
publications arguably control about three-quarters of the national
readership or market.
The titles that make up the newspaper sample, with their publication
cycles, are:
1. New Vision (daily; national)
2. Daily Monitor (daily; national)

3. The Observer (tri-weekly; national)
4. The Independent (weekly news magazine)
5. Red Pepper (daily; national)
6. Bukedde (daily; central)
7. Etop (weekly; eastern)
8. Rupiny (weekly; northern)
9. Orumuri (weekly; western)
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Television
The five TV channels included in the sample collectively cover the whole
country. All but one broadcast primarily in English. Bukedde broadcasts
in Luganda and is one of the platforms owned by the Vision Group.
Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) is the public broadcaster. The
rest of the stations are privately owned. The channels included in the TV
samples are:
1. Bukedde
2. NBS
3. NTV
4. UBC
5. WBS
Radio
The radio stations selected for monitoring collectively cover the entire
country and represent Ugandas seven major regions: Kampala, central,
eastern, western, south-western, northern, and North-Western/West
Nile. This sample constitutes about 13% of the 250 or so stations in
operation across the country. The selected radio stations generally
accommodate all audience profiles as defined by social class, language,
religion, ethnicity, and geography/geo-politics. Except UBC, the public
broadcaster, all the other channels are either private, faith-based, or
community radio stations. The stations that make up the radio sample
are presented by region on Page 14.
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Table 1: The radio stations monitored

REGION
MEDIA
FREQUENCY
Kampala (5)
Capital Radio
KFM
Top Radio
Simba FM
UBC Blue Channel
FM 91.3
FM 93.3
FM 89.6
FM 97.3
FM 98
Baba
Open Gate
Rock Mambo
Kioga Veritas
Voice of Teso
Signal FM
FM 87.7
FM 103.2
FM 106.8
FM 91.5
FM 88.4
FM 88.1
Central (5)
Eastern (6)
Western (5)
South-Western (2)
Northern (4)
Radio Sapientia
Voice of Africa
Central Broadcasting Services
Buddu
Spice FM
Kasese Guide
Voice of Toro
Bushenyi
Bunyoro Broadcasting Services
Radio West
Rukungiri FM
Voice of Kigezi
Mighty Fire
Dokolo FM
Mega FM
Rhino
North-Western/West Nile (6) Radio Amani

Nile
Voice of Life
Radio Paidha
Arua One
Radio Pacis
14
FM 94.8
FM 92.3
FM 89.2
FM 101.9
FM 89.9
FM 100.5
FM 101
FM 92.2
FM 98.2
FM 100.2
FM 96.7
FM 89.5
FM 91.5
FM 102.4
FM 102.1
FM 96.1
FM 89.1
FM 94.1
FM 100.9
FM 87.8
FM 88.7
FM 90.9
Social media
Twitter will be monitored in the coming months. It has been selected
over other social media platforms on pragmatic grounds. The objectives
is to ascertain the extent to which the main presidential candidates use
Twitter as an alternative media form during and after the campaign
season as well as to assess candidates use of Twitter to listen to and
respond to queries, demands and debates from the electorate online.
Methods of data collection
The monitoring has relied on quantitative content analysis, although

where appropriate and possible, informant interviews have been
conducted to provide context for the findings.
Content analysis
Content analysis provides a detailed and multi-faceted picture of the

nature and extent of election coverage in the media as measured on
various journalistic and content dimensions of quantity and quality.
The universe of interest consists of election-related articles that fell

under any three of the primary content genres: news, current affairs,
and commentary. Stories are coded and analysed for the degree to
which they reflect various pre-determined characteristics of election
coverage. Specifically, stories are coded on a number of variables ranging
from manifest characteristics (size, format, prominence, sources, and
location) to the latent features of the reporting (tone, interrogation of
candidate promises, background and context).5
A standard coding scheme is employed. It outlines the categories or

aspects on which monitoring information was needed and how that
information was to be captured. Coders are instructed to select an
appropriate digit known as a code that is entered on the coding form,
5 The research (monitoring) questions outlined in the Introduction section will be the foundation of the media
content analysis, which will be based on a systematic coding scheme.
15
which is the primary data collection instrument. Coders underwent

training before they embarked on coding. A sample of media content
was coded under a pilot to ensure that the measures and definitions
were reliable before the full-scale coding started. Standard inter-coder
reliability tests were conducted to ensure that the findings were
dependable.
A detailed codebook contains definitions of all the content categories
that were to be monitored.
Coding is done manually and electronically by trained coders and the
data entered directly into an MS Access database where it is stored and
retrieved for statistical analysis.
In short, the coding procedure involves a rigorous and methodical

process of identifying and analysing election-related stories.
Print media content
The census method of sampling was employed in selecting the

newspaper content included in the monitoring of print media
coverage of the presidential and parliamentary elections. This implies
that all content that fell within the universe of interest was tracked
and analysed. For news content, the story was the unit of analysis.
Accordingly, each story was treated as a unique record and the findings
will be primarily and whenever applicable presented in terms of how
the stories play out on the different measures of election coverage or
variables of interest. Similarly, for comment, the opinion article or letter
to the editor was the unit of analysis.
Radio and TV content
16
For radio news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most
important daily news bulletins broadcast around the top of the hour
during the morning and evening prime listening times between 7 a.m.
9 a.m. and 7 p.m. 9 p.m.
For TV news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most

important daily news bulletins broadcast at the top of the hour during
the morning and evening prime viewing times between 7 a.m. 9 a.m.
and 7 p.m. 10 p.m. The scheduling of these programmes generally
varied by TV station within those time segments.
With regard to radio and TV talk shows, a systematic random sampling

approach has been used to select the shows to monitor for those stations
that run daily talk shows.
Twitter
ACME plans to pay for and receive comprehensive analytics from the
online monitoring company, Social Bakers as well as internal Twitter
analytics. Areas of interest will include number of followers, change in
followers over time, incoming and outgoing interactions, as well as total
and frequency of tweets.
Key Informant Interviews
Key informant interviews provide insight into the environment under

which journalists and media houses are operating as well as the
patterns in coverage that the results of the content analysis reveal. For
the latter aspect, the interviews will continue to be informed by the
issues, observations, and insights generated by the content analysis.
The interviews provide an opportunity to interrogate and illuminate
the pertinent issues with the perspectives of individualsjournalists,
civil society activities, political party workers, and regulators who are
familiar with the election-related issues under investigation.
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THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT

The media landscape in Uganda continues to be characterised by a
liberal regime of investment, and (at least on paper) stringent regulation
across print, radio and television channels. Online and social media
are increasingly becoming a major source of information and debate
for middle class Ugandans, and the government is beginning to closely
watch what is going on in the digital space.
Radio remains the biggest source of information for most Ugandans (55
per cent of households receive information through radio, according
to the 2014 census report)6 although newspapers are influential
agenda-setters for the public, political class, as well as other media.
Although Uganda has some of the most vibrant media in east and
southern Africa, in the last five years, the country has been characterised
by Freedom House as partly free. In one of its more recent reports,
the international press freedom watchdog concluded that although the
countrys constitution provides for freedom of expression and press
freedom, several laws negate these guarantees, and the government
continues to crack down on critical journalists and media houses using
both subtle and blatant methods7.
Legal framework
The Constitution of Uganda provides for the rights to freedom of

expression as well as access to information, although the enabling laws
continue to attract criticism for derogating from these onstitutional
guarantees. The media in Uganda are governed mainly by the Press and
Journalist Act (Cap 105), the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Act,
2005, and the Uganda Communications Act, 2013, which merged the
Electronic Media Act (Cap 104) and the Uganda Communications Act,
1997.
6 http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/NPHC/2014%20National%20Census%20Main%20Report.
pdf
7 Uganda, Freedom of the Press 2012, Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/free-
18
dom-press/2011/uganda
These laws provide for statutory regulation and establish the Media
Council as the primary regulator of the print media but also aspects
of broadcast media, and the Uganda Communications Commission
as the regulator of electronic media and telecommunications. All
journalists are supposed to be licensed by the Media Council, which is
by law required to recognise only those enrolled under the National
Institute of Journalists of Uganda (NIJU). Journalists require university
degrees to become full members of NIJU. These regulations have not
been followed strictly in the last 15 years although they continue to
attract criticism from media freedom watchers, who also fault Ugandas
regulatory regime for not having the necessary independence from the
government.
The fourth Schedule of the Press and Journalist Act provides for a
professional code of ethics that lists nine commandments:
1. No journalist shall disseminate information or an allegation without
establishing its correctness or truth.
2. No journalist shall disclose the source of his or her information; he or she

shall only divulge the source in the event of an overriding consideration of
public interest and within the framework of the law of Uganda.
3. No journalist shall solicit or accept bribes in an attempt to publish or
suppress the publication of a story.
4. A journalist shall not plagiarise the professional work of others or
expropriate works or results of research by scholars without acknowledging
their contribution and naming his or her sources of information.
5. A journalist shall obtain his or her information through the skillful
application of journalistic principles and shall never bribe or offer
inducements to his or her source.
6. No journalist shall deny any person with legitimate claim a right to
reply to a statement. Corrections and rejoinders are to be published in
appropriate form without delay and in a way that they will be noticed by
19
those who have received the original information.

7. A journalist shall at all times strive to separate his or her own opinions
from factual news. Where personal opinions are expressed, the public shall
be made to know.
8. A journalist shall take the necessary steps to correct any damaging
report he or she has made on any individual or organisation.
9. A journalist shall not originate or encourage the dissemination of
information designed to promote or which may have the effect of promoting
tribalism, racism or any other form of discrimination.
Schedule 4 of the Uganda Communications Act on the other hand provides
for minimum broadcasting standards. It states:
A broadcaster or video operator shall ensure that
(a) any programme which is broadcast
(i) is not contrary to public morality;
(ii) does not promote the culture of violence or ethnical prejudice among
the public, especially the children and the youth;
(iii) in the case of a news broadcast, is free from distortion of facts;
(iv) is not likely to create public insecurity or violence;
(v) is in compliance with the existing law;
(b) programmes that are broadcast are balanced to ensure harmony in
such programmes;
(c) adult-oriented programmes are appropriately scheduled;
(d) where a programme that is broadcast is in respect to a contender for
a public office, that each contender is given equal opportunity on such a
programme;
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(e) where a broadcast relates to national security, the contents of the

broadcast are verified before broadcasting.
Ugandas electoral laws also have some specific provisions relating to
the media. For instance, Article 23 of the Presidential Elections Act,
2005, provides for equal treatment, freedom of expression and access
to information of candidates. Clause 1 of that article enjoins public
authorities and institutions to give equal treatment to all candidates
and their agents. Article 24 provides that All presidential candidates
shall be given equal treatment on the State owned media to present their
programmes to the people.
Media ownership and diversity
Ugandas media industry continues to be dominated by two

conglomerates with interests in radio, television, print and online
the majority state-owned Vision Group and Nation Media Group,
a Nairobi-based privately owned company. In addition to the two
market leaders, there are a number of smaller privately owned entities:
Red Pepper, a daily tabloid whose affiliates include Kamunye, Entatsi and
Hello!Uganda publications, and Juice FM; the tri-weekly The Observer;
and weekly news magazine The Independent.
According to the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) third

quarter report of 2015,8 there were 292 operational FM radio stations,
a jump from 253 in the second quarter of the same year. Media experts
say that the large and sudden jump was the function of licence owners
who had dormant stations reviving them to target election money that
was bound to come through adverts and paid-for talk shows and other
such programming. The same report says there were 33 operational TV
stations (28 analogue, 3 digital terrestrial, and 2 digital satellite). The
state-run UBC has the widest TV and radio reach, broadcasting in multiple
local languages as well as in English and Kiswahili across the country.
8 See http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Q3-Market%20Report%20%20for%20Third%20Quarter%20
-%20July-September%202015.pdf.
21
Its FM radio affiliates include the community station Mega FM, based
in Gulu, and the Kampala-based Magic FM, a sports and music outlet.
Although UBC was expected to have transformed into a public broadcaster, it remains very much a state entity that is largely subservient to
President Museveni9 and the ruling party and rarely provides for views
critical of the government.
Concerns remain that many private stations are owned by politicians

in the NRM or business people who were close to the ruling party.
Although the regulator puts radio ownership by politicians at about
15 per cent, some media watchers contend that it could be well over
70 per cent, especially in the countryside.10 Such ownership patterns
have raised concerns about media diversity, especially given that many
radio stations owned by politicians have been known to turn away
members of the opposition and other voices of dissent. For example,
on 21 July 2015, Baba FM in Jinja was taken off air after 15 minutes of
an hour-long interview with presidential challenger Kizza Besigye. The
station managers blamed a technical glitch; Dr Besigyes campaign said
it was sabotage. Within days the station, owned by a ruling party MP,11
had suspended the journalists involved in the talk show. There have
been such occurrences over the years.12
Threats to diversity do not only emanate from ownership patterns. In loud
and quiet ways, the government uses the regulatory regime to influence
coverage. Broadcast regulator UCCs tactics have drawn scrutiny.
Similarly, there are also fears that conglomeration could in future
undermine the media pluralism and diversity that democracy demands.
On the new media side, a growing number of Ugandans are turning to

9 The bias shows more during election period. See http://observer.ug/news-headlines/42308-report-ubc-denies-opposition-airtime
10 Report of the International Mission on Freedom of Expression in Uganda, September 2010.

11 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Radio-goes-off-air-15-minutes-into-Dr-Besigyes-talkshow/-/688334/2803274/-/kcvksr/-/index.html
22
12 https://hrnjuganda.org/?p=1438
the Internet as a major source of information. By June 2015, according

to UCC, the number of Internet users stood at 13 million, representing
37 per cent penetration. The number of users stood at 8.5 million a year
before.13 Freedom House has reported that this growth is partly due to
the proliferation of smart phones, especially as Ugandas mobile phone
usage has spiked dramatically from less than one million users in 2001
to 22 million as at June 2015. The June 2014 number was 19 million.14
This has been accompanied by lower mobile phone tariffs and cheaper
bandwidth costs.
Social media platforms such as Facebook, Google+, Twitter, Instagram,
LinkedIn, WhatsApp are among the 15 most popular sites in Uganda.15
Journalists are one section of Ugandans increasingly embracing social
media to enhance their reporting, and this has come to the fore in this
electioneering season. But government actions continue to affect how
much freedom Ugandans have in using social media. It announced in
2013 that it was setting up a social-media monitoring centre to track the
spread of content that potentially harms national security. In June 2015,
the police arrested and put on trial Mr Robert Shaka16, a USAID employee
it suspected to be Tom Voltaire Okwalinga17 or TVO18, an indefatigable
yet anonymous Facebook critic of President Museveni, his key political
and family figures, and his government. His offences are promotion of
sectarianism under Section 41 of the Penal Code Act, and misuse of
computers, in contravention of Section 25 of the Computer Misuse Act.19
However, while Mr Shaka (Maverick Blutaski on Facebook) was being
13 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%202014-15-%20October%2019-2015.pdf
14 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%202014-15-%20October%2019-2015.pdf.
15 http://www.contadorharrison.com/social-media-use-in-uganda/
16 http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/38278-who-s-tom-voltaire-okwalinga-tvo
17 https://www.facebook.com/tom.okwalinga?fref=ts
18 https://www.facebook.com/Tvo-Uganda-654610647943658/?fref=ts
19 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Lawyers-demand-release-of-social-media-critic-/-/688334/2747382/-/r3f7qaz/-/index.html
23
held, the Tom Voltaire Okwalinga Facebook page stayed active, carrying
posts that mocked the government for holding the wrong person.
Although journalists have increasingly embraced social media to enhance

their reporting, the opportunities offered by the Internet and new
media are yet to be exploited fully. In particular, the many initiatives to
harness the public voice and hold the government accountable through
social media and digital platforms are often not amplified through the
mainstream media, especially radio, which remains the major source of
information for a majority of Ugandans.
Standards and quality of reporting
The major media houses in Uganda show some degree of professionalism

through the kind of content they produce. They are often comprehensive,
bold and independent in their reporting. This is especially true for
newspapers and some television stations.
Broadly, however, the quality of Ugandan journalism could improve.

Concerns persist over professionalism and ethical standards. Most
stories still contain little enterprise, depth, analysis and investigation.
Elementary mistakes, single-source stories, poor news judgement, and
glaring inaccuracies in the news coverage of many media outlets as well
as cases of brown envelope journalism undermine the credibility of
media institutions.
24
In-depth reporting and investigation of public affairs such as health

care delivery, education, energy, human rights, land use, environment,
infrastructural development, corruption, and local governance is
rare or inconsistent. Perhaps with the exception of the output of the
Uganda Radio Network programmes, radio news is very often full of
episodic event-based reporting that does not interrogate issues. Radio
stations continue to pay disproportionate attention to music and
entertainment-based programming over public affairs programming. The
quality of television news has improved with the growing competition
engendered more recently by the massive rebranding of NBS Television,
but in-depth reporting and investigation are still not common.
The Ugandan media also rely too much on politicians, government

officials and business executives in their reporting. The voices of civil
society and ordinary people are not often dominant in media coverage.20
Ugandan journalists cite poor pay, lack of knowledge/skills and pressure

not to publish as the biggest obstacles to their work.21 Pressure not to
publish comes from both the government and major advertisers. Lack
of resources and limited access to information are also cited as major
hindrances to investigative journalism and public affairs reporting. The
glorification of private profit at the expense of the public interest has
also been blamed for the average quality of Ugandan journalism.
Experience
The rate of occupational mobility in political reporting, and Ugandan

journalism generally, remains high. Many experienced journalists
have moved on to other fields such as marketing and public relations.
Commentators note that such haemorrhage weakens institutional
memory and diminishes the intellectual capital and credibility of news
organisations.22
Freedom to report
Although a majority of journalists that ACME interviewed reported that

they were free to cover the electoral process, a significant number did
not feel free because of threats and intimidation. The major threats to
independent political reporting, according to the informants, come from
media owners, ruling party and government officials, candidates or their
20 Mwesige, P.G. (2006). The Media and Civil Society in Uganda: Exploring Relations and Possibilities.
Paper Presented at Breakfast Meeting for Media Owners Hosted by the Civil Society Capacity Building Programme. Kampala, November 15, 2006
21Colmery, B. et al. (2009). There Will be Ink.

22 Mwesige, P.G & D.K. Kalinaki (2007). East Africa: 50 years of media, in E. Barratt & G. Berger (Eds.). 50
Years of Journalism: African media since Ghanas independence. (pp. 97-109). Johannesburg: African Editors Forum,
Highway Africa, and Media Foundation for West Africa.
25
agents, as well as police officers.
The other threat to independent journalism during the electioneering

period includes bribery of journalists by candidates or political
parties. Although most journalists do not support the practice, many
openly admit to receiving money from political parties, candidates or
their agents during the election season. In most cases, the money is
described as transport refund or facilitation.
A NRM supporter flashes a wad of money during a rally in the recent 2016 elections. Several
journalists interviewed admitted to receiving money from politicians and their agents during
the 2016 elections. Photo by ACFIM.
26
FINDINGS
Volume of election stories
Although the media monitoring is for both presidential and
parliamentary elections, these results mainly focus on the presidential
elections as they dominated media coverage in September.
A total of 336 articles were analysed, of which 319 were news stories
and the others opinions or letters to the editor. Daily Monitor (27.1%)
carried the most articles on elections followed by the Red Pepper (21.1%)
and Bukedde (17.9%). The tri-weekly, The Observer, had more election
articles than the leading daily, New Vision. The regional local language
titles Rupiny and Orumuri contributed very little to the election article
basket.
Figure 1: Number of election articles
27
Type of election covered

Most newspaper election-related reporting in September focused on the
presidential election (67.7%). Parliamentary elections accounted for
only 23.5% of the election-related stories.
Figure 2: Type of election covered
28
The New Vision (78.6%), Daily Monitor (78.3%) and The Observer (73.9%)
all gave a far higher proportion of their coverage to the presidential
election. Vision Groups local language regional titles, Orumuri (100%)
and Etop (50%), paid far more attention to the parliamentary elections.
Perhaps this is because the English-language newspapers target a
national audience while the regional publications serve more of a local
readership.
Figure 2-1: Type of election by newspaper
29
Space allocation to elections

Overall, the newspapers dedicated nearly 245,000 CM2 of space to
election coverage. The tri-weekly The Observer accorded the most space
to the elections (32.4%), followed by Daily Monitor (20.3%) and Bukedde
(16.1%) and Red Pepper (14.9%).
Figure 3: Space accorded to elections by newspapers
30
Among the dailies, Daily Monitor (32.7%) accorded the most space to
the elections with Bukedde following at 26%. At 17.4%, the New Vision
dedicated significantly less space.
Figure 3-1: Space to elections by dailies
31
Prominence of election stories

Prominence is the relative importance attached to a story. It can be
measured in several ways, including by looking at the page or section
where the story is carried, or its placement in relation to the fold. In the
period under review, 72.4% of election stories were prominently placed
above the fold by newspapers.
Figure 4: Prominence of election stories
32
Among the dailies, Daily Monitor (88%) and Red Pepper (87.3%) gave far
more prominence to election stories by placing them above the fold than
New Vision (54.8%).
Figure 4-1: Prominence of election stories by publication
33
Most covered presidential aspirant

With 43.8%, Amama Mbabazi took the biggest share of newspaper
election space in September, followed by Kizza Besigye at 37.0%
and incumbent Yoweri Museveni (16.7%). It was during this period
that Mbabazi attempted to or conducted his highly publicised voter
consultation tours in Jinja, Mbale, and Soroti which were characterised
by running battles with the police and sharp exchanges with the Electoral
Commission.
Besigyes second place showing could be explained by the fact that the
opposition FDC conducted its primaries during this period, which saw
him emerge as the partys flag bearer. September was also the height
of the search by The Democratic Alliance (TDA) for a joint presidential
candidate, with Mbabazi and Besigye leading the pack.
Figure 5: Newspaper space to presidential aspirants
34
In proportionate terms, Red Pepper (61.2%) gave the most space to

Mbabazi, followed by New Vision (50%), The Independent (44.7%)
and Bukedde (43%). Daily Monitor gave significantly more coverage to
Besigye (49.3%) compared to Mbabazi (32.3%), while Etop dedicated
most of its limited coverage to fringe candidates.
Chart 5-1: Space to presidential candidates by publication
35
Front page coverage

Mbabazi also had the biggest share of newspaper front page coverage
(54.5%) in September, followed by FDCs Kizza Besigye (33.6%).
Incumbent Yoweri Museveni occupied only 7.3% of the front page.
Most of the stories about Mbabazi revolved around his contested
consultation meetings as well as the battle with Besigye over who would
be The Democratic Alliance (TDA) flag bearer. Mr Mbabazi dominated
front page coverage across most of the newspapers monitored.
Figure 6: Front page coverage of presidential aspirants
36
Most covered topics

Topics are themes selected for monitoring as derived from the citizens
agenda and public opinion surveys by reputable organisations. Most of
the topics also appear as issues in candidate and party manifestos.
The findings show politics dominated as the topical issue, eating up

66.7% of the space. For purposes of this study, an election-related story
was coded as politics if it focused on electoral competition, power
play, the gamesmanship of political contest (e.g. campaign strategies
of the different candidates or parties), and/or the contention between
candidates or parties, without being specific to a sector or particular
public policy/public affairs issue. Stories on (the demand for) electoral
reform and relevant election administration actions/issues by regulators
such as the Electoral Commission and Parliament would also fall under
politics.
The economy came a distant second at 6.6%. Other topics that featured
were human rights (6.1%) and security (5.0%).
Figure 7: Most covered topics
37
Location of stories
Location of coverage was used to show the region where the subject
of the story (event) took place or in case of issue-based stories, the
geographical origin of the article.
In this period, most election reporting (75.9%) originated from the

central region, followed by eastern, which took up 15.2%. This appears
to be largely because most election-related events took place in the
capital Kampala and surrounding areas, where most newspapers and
journalists are concentrated. The eastern region appears to have stood
out because of the interest generated by Amama Mbabazis contested
consultation tours there.
Figure 8: Location of election stories by region
38
Tone
This is the general character portrayed by the story. For purposes of this
study it applies only to stories that focus on the presidential aspirants
and parties.
The tone is negative when the article in general paints the candidate or
party in bad light, or is critical of or questions the candidate, party or a
particular issue raised by these actors.
The tone is positive when the article expresses promise about or

celebrates a particular candidate or party or in general paints the
candidate or party in good light.
The tone is neutral when the article is neither negative nor positive.
The findings show that the general tone of newspaper coverage of the
candidates and parties was in most cases neutral (58.0%). Orumuri had
the highest incidence of articles with a neutral tone (100%), followed by
New Vision (82.6%) and The Observer (66.7%).
The number of articles with a positive and negative tone were just about
the same.
Figure 9: General newspaper tone
39
Red Pepper (39.4%) and Etop (37.5%) had far higher proportion of articles
with a negative tone than any of the other newspapers. Interestingly,
Etop also had the highest proportion of articles with a positive tone
(50%) followed by The Independent (36.4%).
Figure 9-1: Tone of coverage by publication
40
The tone for coverage of most presidential candidates was neutral.

Incumbent Museveni had the highest proportion of stories in a positive
tone (28%) but he also had the highest in a negative tone (24%).
Figure 9-2: Tone of newspaper coverage by presidential candidate
41
Reporting approach
The reporting approach is the style in which the election stories are
reported. Conventional reporting tends to focus on events (hard news)
with fact-reporting as the dominant posture. In interpretive reporting,
explanation is the dominant posture. Under the enterprise reporting
approach, the journalists own initiative and effort are critical in
originating the story, whereas in investigative reporting, exposition is
the dominant posture (i.e. the reporting uncovers information that an
individual or entity may have tried to conceal from public scrutiny, or
information that an individual or entity may have had an interest in
keeping out of the public domain).
The findings show that most of the reporting in September followed
the conventional approach (70.2%). There was a small but significant
proportion of investigative stories (14.7%), some interpretive reporting
(11.9%), and very little enterprise (3.1%)
Figure 10: Reporting approach for election-related stories
42
Perhaps not surprising, the dailies had the highest proportion of

conventional reporting, with Orumuri registering 100%, Bukedde
86.2%, New Vision 85.7% and Daily Monitor 72.3%. The weekly
Independent registered the highest proportion of investigative reporting
(40%) whereas the tri-weekly The Observer led the way on interpretive
reporting (23.9%).
Figure 10-1: Reporting approach by newspapers
43
Issues vs. Personalities

This variable examines whether the story focuses on a personality, an
issue, or a combination of the two. The ideal is for more election reporting
to focus on issues rather than personalities.
The findings show that whereas there were more stories that focused
on personalities (37.1%) than on issues (24.2%), the highest proportion
(38.7%) focused on both.
Figure 11: Issues vs. Personalities reporting
44
The findings show that Etop (62.5%) and Bukedde (59.6%) paid far more
attention to personalities than issues. The Observer (45.7%) and Daily
Monitor (42.2%) also paid high attention to personalities whereas New
Vision (47.6%) followed by The Independent (40%) carried the highest
proportion of stories that focused on issues.
Figure 11-1: Issue vs personality reporting by publication
45
Background and context in reporting

The use of background and context provides readers with information
that puts new developments or issues into perspective. It allows the
audience to gain a holistic appreciation of what is going on. The absence
of background and context, on the other hand, can mislead audiences
(voters).
The results show that most of the election reporting in the newspapers
(67.7%) provided readers with background and context. However, the
proportion of stories that did not provide background and context (32%)
was significant.
Figure 12: Use of background and context in stories
46
The Independent, Orumuri and Etop (100%) each employed the use of
background and context in all their election stories which required it.
New Vision (53.3%) and Bukedde (50%) had the lowest proportion of
background and reporting.
Figure 12-1: Use of background & context by publication
47
Interrogation of candidate claims and promises

By interrogating claims and promises made by candidates or parties,
the media act as watchdogs for voters, verifying the accuracy of what
politicians say and also holding them to account.
In September, most of the election-reporting (61.9%) did not interrogate

claims and promises made by the presidential aspirants. However, the
proportion of stories in which candidate claims and promises were
questioned (38.1%) was significant.
Figure 13: Interrogation of candidate claims & promises
48
The findings further show that Orumuri (100%) did not question
candidate claims or promises at all, while Bukedde (75%) and New Vision
(66.7%) also made it easy for candidates most of the time. Etop (100%),
The Independent (50%) and Daily Monitor (42.6%) and Red Pepper
(42.5%) led the way in interrogating candidate claims and promises.
Figure 13-1: Breakdown of interrogation of claims by publication
49
Sources of information in election reporting

(Human) sources are the persons to whom any information and views in
an article are directly or indirectly attributed.
Note: Multiple responses were allowed in the coding of this variable given
that one story can have several sources. The percentages presented,
therefore, are based on the number of sources and not stories.
The results show that party officials (32.6%) and presidential aspirants
(14.8%) were the most frequently cited sources in election stories.
Ordinary people (2.4%) and civil society (1.2%) were rarely used as
sources. In short, the political class (elite) dominated the election
discourse while ordinary Ugandans were for the most part bystanders
or onlookers.
Figure 14: Sources in election reporting
50
Gender of sources
Gender was coded only if it was stated in the story or if it was obvious.
Once again, multiple responses were allowed in the coding of this
variable given that one story can have several sources. The percentages
presented, therefore, are based on the number of sources and not stories.
The findings show that male sources (84.3%) dominated the reporting,
with women constituting only 15.7%.
Figure 15: Sources of election stories by gender
51
A breakdown of the findings by publication shows that Etop had, by far,

the highest proportion of women as sources (62.5%) followed by Daily
Monitor (17.7%) and The Observer (15.7%).
Figure 15-1: Gender of sources by publication
52
Number of sources
At 54%, single-sourced stories dominated newspaper election coverage
in September. Only 23% of the stories had the desirable three or more
sources.
Figure 16: Number of sources
53
Red Pepper had the highest proportion of single-source stories (68.6%)

while The Independent had the highest percentage of stories based on
three or more sources.
Figure 16-1: Number of sources by publication
54
CONCLUSION
The results show a mixed bag. Newspapers published a relatively high
number of election stories in September, but they did not always cover
all the aspects that would help readers make informed decisions.
Following are the key findings from the monitoring of newspaper
coverage in September:
Considering that only four of the newspapers in the sample are daily
another four are weekly and one is tri-weeklythe results suggest a
relatively high volume of election stories in the newspapers.
An overwhelming majority of these stories (slightly over two thirds)

focused on the presidential election, with the parliamentary elections
accounting for slightly under a quarter.
The tone of the coverage was mostly neutral.
A high proportion of stories focused on personalities although an

equally high fraction focused on both personalities and issues.
Former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi received the highest coverage

in general and on the front pages, followed by FDC flag bearer Kizza
Besigye. Incumbent Yoweri Museveni received far less coverage in
the first month monitored.
The conventional straight news reporting style (he-said/she-said) was

the most dominant approach with a small but significant percentage of
stories employing either the investigative or interpretive approaches.
Although a majority of newspaper stories provided background and
context, a significant proportion did not. Moreover, in most of the
cases where it was required, stories did not interrogate the claims or
promises made by the aspirants.
55
Members of the political class, especially party officials

and presidential aspirants, were the most frequently cited sources in
election stories while ordinary people were rarely used.
Women constituted just 15.7% of sources in election stories.
Most election stories relied on single sources. Slightly under a quarter

of the stories had the desirable three or more sources.
These findings suggest that media, in particular newspapers, have so far

shown high interest and enthusiasm to tell the developing election story.
However, more work needs to be done to ensure these stories provide
enough information to help voters make sense of what is unfolding
before them and the choices they will have to contend with in the coming
months. In particular, the media will have to do more to ask the right
questions, provide perspective, interrogate the claims and promises of
the politicians, focus a lot more on the issues, and diversify their source
base to include more women and ordinary voters.
56
ACME 2015

Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections, September 2015 Report

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MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

September 2015 Report

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

The Media and Elections............................................................................................4

Monitoring Media Coverage.....................................................................................5

Media Coverage of Previous Elections..................................................................7

THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT.................................................................................18

Media Ownership and Diversity...........................................................................21

Standards and Quality of Reporting...................................................................24

Volume of Election Stories....................................................................................27

Space Allocation to Elections...............................................................................30

Prominence of Election Stories............................................................................32

September 2015 Report

Most Covered Presidential Aspirant..................................................................34

Most Covered Topics................................................................................................37

Issues vs. Personalities...........................................................................................44

Background and Context in Reporting.............................................................46

Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises......................................48

September 2015 Report

Newspapers carried far more stories (67.7%) on the presidential

Daily Monitor (27.1%) reported the most stories on elections followed

Politics (electoral competition, power play and the gamesmanship of

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Most election stories (70.2%) employed the conventional reporting

Although most election coverage (67.7%) contained some background

In a majority of stories (61.9%), journalists did not interrogate claims

September 2015 Report

In July 2015, African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) received

3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has rightly

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

coverage contributed to a free and fair election or subverted the process.

3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came after

September 2015 Report

campaigns, voting, through to the post-polling period is critical in any

Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.

Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of

Media monitoring is anchored in the ethical and professional standards

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Dedication of space and time to elections

Distinguishing between news and opinion

Equitable coverage of the candidates

A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage

Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the voters

Independence of media houses and journalists

Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

September 2015 Report

Media coverage of previous elections

State/public media have also been accused of denying access to

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

The Ugandan media have also been accused of succumbing to pressure

Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

September 2015 Report

Poor portrayal of women candidates.

It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor comprehensively

The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.

3. What type of reports do the media produce (news, commentary/

4. What is the nature of the reporting (conventional, interpretative,