1

Subject

: The fallout of positivistic urbanism on Heritage in Lebanon: the case of Tyre.

RE

: NDU / Articles / Final+Pic.doc

Since its creation in the early sixties, the DGU (Directorate General of Urbanism) has exerted a functionalist /
modernist policy in managing the urban issues in Lebanon. During the last forty years, this policy has, in most
cases, provoked an antagonistic relationship with respect to Heritage.
This paper will try to examine the urbanism / heritage interface, via a critical analysis of the official urban
discourse in Lebanon, the latter being the outspoken expression of the positivistic / systematic paradigm and its
reductionistic approach in the face of a much more complex situation.
The context of the study is the city of Tyre (World Heritage), whereas the official discourse is respectively that of
the three master plans proposed by the DGU in 1964, 1991 and 1999.
Modernist planning in Lebanon:
To have a better understanding of how this Modernist policy has been implemented in Lebanon, one should
retrace its roots in the late Ottoman, and the French mandate periods, mainly between the early 1920s and the
1940s. It was at the beginning of this period that, in Beirut, the Ottoman building code was applied, with some
minor adjustments.
The first zoning plan ever proposed for the city of Beirut was the plan dextension et dembellissement (expansion
and embellishment plan) of the Frres Danger, a French consultancy firm, in 1932. It was mainly a zoning plan
quintessentially implementing the functionalist concept of the city.
In 1940, a new building code, inspired from the French model, was implemented in Beirut. It dealt mainly with
heights, setbacks, safety measures, etc.
1943 was the date of the first Master Plan proposed for Beirut by the famous French architect / planner Michel
Ecochard. Ecochard proposed the division of the city into twelve zones (commercial, residential and industrial) with
different density for each zone and this after having defined the main road network according to the following
principle:1
The general planning of the city, bound to the economical, social and demographic problems of the whole
country, transcribes by anticipating expansion areas and by organizing neighborhoods inside one circulation
network linked to ports and aerodromes. The design of these districts is based on a certain concept of the city that
is applied to a social cell. This conception of life should be valid for all inhabitants, because they all have the same
needs for light, space, hygiene, education and work. 2
Although neither of the above-mentioned plans was adopted, the idea of dividing the city into different zones was
kept in most of the subsequent plans. It is worth stating in this respect that zoning as a planning tool was
institutionalized in France in 1935.3 Other plans by Ecochard followed, such as the master plan for Saida in 1958,
for Jounieh and Byblos in 1959 and, for the second time, the master plan of Beirut in 1962.
It was at the beginning of the 1950s that the Lebanese State undertook its first planning policy. Approving the first
master plan of 1950-54 was, in fact, the most significant herald of this policy.
Official institutionalization of urban policy took place at the beginning of the 1960s, during President Chehabs
mandate. Although it was a pioneering attempt to put order in a seemingly chaotic system, this policy was accused
of being part of the civil war. The daily paper lOrient le Jour states it as follows: Once in power, President Fouad
Chehab tries to set up a real territory lay-out policy in order to reduce the between areas and social groups. This
policy will only bear partial success and its failure is one of the factors that will lead to the onset of the war in 1975.
4

During the following forty years, additions, amendments and modifications have led to a two-aspect planning;
namely the Statutory (rglementaire) and the Operational (oprationnel):5
The first, statutory, known as the zoning, is substantially the passive, non-interventionist policy of the official
authority, awaiting the private sector to take action so that it will implement regulations. This is a typical example of
the centralized statist policy that aims at assuming an authoritative role, imposing obligations and creating a new
social order.
The second aspect of the official planning policy, implemented in the second half of the twentieth century, is the
Operational planning that affirms the preponderant authority of the state by means of statutory orders (Loi dcret).
The panoply of the modes of intervention is strictly limited to five tools, namely:
Expropriation for reasons of public utility / interest, in French: lexpropriation pour cause dutilit publique.
Legislated in France in 1953 and in Lebanon in 1954.
Expropriation by zones. 1983.
Regrouping (remembrement urbain), 1954.
The Socit foncire mixte, Solidere being the example in Beirut.

2
The government-owned corporation (ltablissement public), Elissar being the example in the southern suburb of
Beirut.
Whereas the last two tools have been rarely used, in fact only once, throughout the history of urban planning in
Lebanon, the remaining three constitute the core of the toolbox at the disposal of the DGU.
Context: the city of Tyre.
Tyre, Mediterranean City on the southern coast of Lebanon, is also the heir of eight civilizations and of a fivemillennia history. It was classified World Heritage by the UNESCO in 1984. Tyre is also the administrative center of
the caza of Soor. Despite its sizeable potentialities, in particular in the field of archeology, Tyre is still incapable of
exploiting its assets in a vision hinged on sustainable development.
A quick overview on the map will help us locate the major spatial components of Tyre, and obtain a feel for their
potentials as well as, in some cases, for their conflictual interrelationship.
The old city is, first of all, the embodiment, not only of history, but also of social and patrimonial specificities such
as the mix of functions (souk / retailing, residence, fishing, commerce, etc.) and the diversity of religions and
cultures. Its geographical location gives the old harbor a fishing vocation and a promising touristic role. The
pedestrian mobility is undoubtedly a seminal constituent of its three-hundred-year-old urban fabric. These
peculiarities confer on it a considerable touristic importance but are, paradoxically, at the same time the handicaps
facing its development and its adaptation to modern needs. It is impressive how the infringements, the state of
neglect, the isolation and the poverty virtually retrace the ramparts of the intra-mural city.
This very old city is being delimited by several adjoining entities such as:
The first archeological site (known as the alle des colonnes) to the south.
The cemeteries on the southwest side, which despite their symbolic, socio-cultural and religious value, block the
access to the seashore and are occupying for those who passed away the best space available for the living.
Directly to the east, another growth stopper of the old city, the large compound of the Al Jaafarieh school, a Shiite
cultural & educational legacy for most Tyreans.
To the north, a square called Al Mawkaf (meaning the parking in Arabic), completing the sealing off of the city.
This enclosure has partly participated in the first demographic fluctuation towards Hayy el Ramel the new
extension of the city. The latter is blocked in turn by the second archeological site (site of the Hippodrome), by the
nature reserve Al Jaftalek (a 100-hectare property of the Lebanese government), and by the Palestinian refugee
camp, El Bass. Another fluctuation, then, has occurred towards the surrounding hills.
What seems to be interesting in such a context is on one hand the variety of types of heritage and on the other the
conflictual interrelationship between them. For instance, the nature reserve Al Jaftalek is a national heirloom, an
environmental need and at the same time a handicap for the growth of the city.
The archeological sites are without doubt a national wealth but from the point of view of the owners of surrounding
lots and properties, they are perceived as a curse instead of a blessing. The much-awaited expropriation, which
has frozen their small heritages for more than twenty years in some cases, is definitely the main reason behind
this misconception. Need we add that in such cases, the owner can neither invest nor sell his wealth, which may
explains the dilapidated, nay, decaying condition of the entourage of both archeological sites?
It is worth pointing out in this respect another form of heritage, namely the famous citrus fields of Tyre whose scent
in springtime is spread over the whole area of Tyre. This green belt surrounding the city is the generator of
traditional crafts and know-how in addition to having considerable economic importance.
Although critical or sensitive, as they may appear, it is in the very problematical aspect of these components that
their potential interest resides. The problem is, therefore, how to manage this complexity, or even how to reconcile
antagonistic stakes. One could also look into how decision is taking shape and try to discern the multileveled
aspect of influences on the Tyrean milieu. That being said, three levels of influence may be considered;
The first is the international level, where the World Bank aims at investing in prospective touristic projects. Also
internationally, UNESCO is mainly concerned with the archeological sites and their preservation. Not meeting its
requirements may jeopardize the World Heritage classification of Tyre. Another international factor is the AraboIsraeli conflict, which could affect any future planning unpredictably.
The second level of influence is the national or even the statist policy in managing the territory. This policy is mainly
implemented through organisms such as the DGU (Directorate General of Urbanism), the DGA (Directorate
General of Antiquities), the CDR (Council for Development and Reconstruction) and of course the related
ministries.
The third level is that of the local authority, that is to say the elected municipality, the NGOs, the political parties,
the confessional communities, etc.

3
We cannot but mention in passing the presence of the refugee camps, which constitute an interface between
these three levels of influence.
The three Master Plans for Tyre.
The city of Tyre has been the subject of three master plans, the first in 1964 by Pierre El Khoury, the second in
1991 by Mostafa Fawaz and the third by Nabil Kanafani in 1999. The latter is still awaiting final approbation by the
government.
In what follows we shall try to analogize the ideological discourse inherent in the three Master Plans of Tyre with
the discourse expressed by the western planners of the Modern era (a joined table will show the parallelism
between both discourses).
In 1962, the DGU wanted to pore over the areas facing problems or what they use to call sensitive zones. Tyre is
one of those cities where great potentialities are confronted with irreversible risks of degradation. The political
incidents (in P. Khourys words) of 1958 had provoked in Tyre, like elsewhere, a disorganized and incoherent
development of some neighborhoods. We are in the presence of constructions encroaching upon the public
domain and other neighboring lots. The Master Plan will take account of this in order to straighten out this
situation. 6
The influence of the triumphant Modernist thought of the 1930s is clearly apparent in Khourys text: Tyre presents
three essential functions; 1- Tyre is a tertiary pole, 2- its second function is agriculture, 3- it finally possesses a
touristic role. 7 Pierre Khoury perceives the the old city as being very dense, partially insalubrious but its
coherence and its homogeneity are inseparable from its character and from the physiognomy of all neighborhoods
that should serve as the basis for the touristic program of Tyre. It appears logical to preserve this urban character
and highlight it by carrying out curettage of the old city and by installing appropriate sanitary equipment A
decongestion program of the city will displace a part of the population of high-density districts. An authentic popular
way of life should continue to liven up the old Tyre, and this is as necessary for urbanism same as for tourism. 8
Moreover, in the third page of chapter two of his analytical study of Tyre, Pierre Khoury enumerates a set of
guidelines for the Master Plan:
With the present situation of the old city borne in mind, a first phase would plan the curettage of old
neighborhoods while safeguarding the touristic possibilities of architecture in the whole
The new city will develop around a nucleus that is the new administrative and commercial center
The prescriptions that were developed take account of imperatives that are of an esthetical, touristic and hygienic
order. 9
By considering the preceding quotations along with others in Khourys discourse, one can easily see that they are
simply echoing the statements of Le Corbusier, Gropius and other modernist planners. Walter Gropius asserts
that the decongestion of cities will be ensured by transferring those who do not have a permanent job. 10 Le
Corbusier speaks of the fundamentals of city planning: 1- decongestion of the center of the city, 2 - increment of
the density, 3 - increasing the means of circulation and 4 - increasing the green areas. 11 He even advocates the
classification of populations. Let us classify population into three types: the residential dwellers; the workers,
and the working masses this classification is, to tell the truth, an urbanism program. 12
In the 1991 Master plan, M. Fawaz complimented the functionalist zoning of his predecessor. His contribution was
relatively very limited compared to Khourys plan. In a presentation of his master plan at the Lebanese University,
he unofficially confided that the major aim of his plan was to stop the anarchical growth of the city and not other
issues.13 Ironically, this was the same answer as that given by N. Kanafani, his successor, in a seminar at AUB
when he was asked about the missing detailed study of the old city.
The objections of UNESCO with respect to the zoning entailed in Fawazs plan (before its approbation) and
especially its allowing high density buildings around the archeological sites did not change the content of the
proposition.14 Similarly, Kanafanis plan was criticized by UNESCO and the reply of the DGU was also to maintain
the same zoning plan.15
The imprint of Mr. Khourys plan (the first) remains clearly present in the following two. In fact, not only have the
plans of both Fawaz and Kanafani almost kept the same functionalist zoning, but they have also adopted the same
progressivist 16 doctrine (as coined by Francoise Choay). A doctrine that is deeply rooted in the traditional
Cartesian analytic paradigm that has the following four precepts as the axiomatic foundation: Objectivity
(neutrality), Reductionism, Deterministic Causality and Exhaustivity.

4
The inherent strategy of all the Master plans of Tyre assumes, in fact, a linear causality between the prescribed
action and the required outcome. Moreover, the so-called Master Plan solution, with its very limited array of tools,
proposes a supposedly neutral planning policy with the same physical determinism as a remedy for all different
kind of problems.
For instance, the socio-political aspect of the refugee camp versus the growth of the city should simplistically be
solved once they are moved outside Tyre.17 The expropriation of surrounding properties is the only tool used by the
DGU for ensuring the preservation of archeological sites. In this way, patrimony seems to be considered Similarly
to the Charter of Athens, as no more than a necessary evil (mal necessaire). The same goes for the old city, which
needs curettage and population transfer to help eliminate insalubrity and decay.
Unfortunately the claimed apolitical statist policy lacked social concern and aimed at re-appropriating the territory
regardless of Tyreans aspirations. Zoning and circulation networks constitute, analogically, the tools of
Haussmanian planning for maintaining order.18 It becomes clear, then, that by excluding or moving away the nonobservable (unobservable), undetectable and non-quantifiable factors such as the socio-political conflicts, the
religious and mythological values, the aspiration of local populations, etc., the expert planner has failed to reach an
acceptable understanding of complex systems like that of Tyre.
A new discourse for a new Method:
So far, modern theories of urbanism and their applications have tended to devalue the traditional city. Yet we have
not broken our ties to it. We respect and enjoy the charm and human scale of the picturesque medieval town, while
we destroy - in the name of progress what little traditional urbanism we possess. 19
This awareness in western societies has triggered a re-questioning of what was thought of as unquestionable. In
this way we witnessed in 1983, in France, a change from a hierarchical, paternalist and centralized system to
another decentralized one.20
Similarly to decentralization, other forms of planning took shape such as the gouvernance, the community
planning, the advocacy planning, etc,. All sought a bottom-up decision making-policy, where the decision is diluted
in the whole of the society in order to become the product of all interacting systems. This approach is achieved
through successive revisions (reviews) in order to satisfy the need to cope or to manage the irrational, the complex
or even the uncertain and the incommensurable.
This socio-political turning point in the west is the offspring of a paradigmatic shift, or to be more precise, of the
glimmers of a new paradigm that deals with complexity, that is to say the systemic paradigm. An understanding of
this emerging paradigm can best be gained through the works of the French philosopher Edgar Morin, where he
replaced the three analytical Cartesian axioms; reductionism, exhaustivity and causality, with three other systemic
axioms namely, constructivism, non-neutrality and recursivity.21
In an attempt to cope with the intrinsic complexity of urban issues in general and of the Tyrean Urbanism / Heritage
interface in particular, we will try to appeal for a re-reading of this interface in the light of the four paradigmatic
fields22of the systemic thought:
1- Epistemologically: the analytical objectivity should give way to the synthetic non-neutrality where the rationality
is not only empirical but also speculative. In that sense, statistics, surveys and censuses are but a part of a broader
reality that is perceived as a highly complex whole. The speculative nature of the systemic epistemology stipulates
a certain awareness of the hypothetical aspect of speculation and therefore admits the illusive claim of a universal
method. That being said, the instrumentality of the organization of the Urban / Heritage interface becomes that of
an organizational complexity between the ends and the means, the being and the becoming. It is the tool that is
shaped whilst being implemented on the interface in question. For example, the authorization for exploiting private
properties surrounding the archeological sites is subject to revision with respect to the conditions for safeguarding
the world patrimony. The latter is in turn subject to reconsideration in the light of personal interests.
2- Methodologically: the operational reductionism of the progressivist discourse disjoins the physical aspect of
the urban fabric of the old city from its traditional, social and confessional ties (among others) that have forged it. It
dissociates the apparent insalubrity from the economic status of the inhabitants, and it also isolates the charm of
the labyrinthine alleys from the so-called need for surgical interventions. Systemic thinking on the other hand
propounds operational constructivism that conjoins the betterment of the economical and social condition of the
community with that of the improvement of the physical space. It also associates and relates the common interests
of the local population with those of national and international ones. Tourism, for example, can be largely centered
on archeology but this also should be the choice of the Tyreans. It should be implemented with their consent, thus

5
converting them into being the guarantors and contributors for the planning process instead of being its
antagonists.
3- Ontologically: the physical materialistic nature of Urbanism / Heritage is no more limited to the quantifiable and
the palpable but also has a holistic substantial being of cultural, psychological, social, and other dimensions. An
archeological site, for instance, is not only the material findings and ruins; it is also the embodiment of a long
history, and is as well the core of a social belonging. Its interrelation with the city is substantially psychological,
economical, ecological, etc.
4- Teleologically: the causal determinism implemented by the official authority using the means of spatial
interventionism (operational tools) is meant to maintain control and stability. Whereas the recursive determinism
contains a regenerative characteristicreorganization and reproduction. Recursivity is founded on a heuristic
systemic determinism23 and in so doing it allows a constant back and forth movement between the object and the
subject, the Urbanism / Heritage interface and the urban action. One can reshape the other.
Although complexity is simply non-simplifiable, a borrowed expression from Morin, the above is an attempt to
systemize a systemic reading of the inherent complexity in the context of Tyre.
Mathematical modelization of the System Analysis on urban planning has proved to be unconvincing; however
systemic thinking is, for the least, distinguished by its awareness of a fundamental complexity inherent in urban
issues. Urban organization is, therefore, considered as an open system whose internal complexity increases with
time. Micro-events are likely to induce a global mutation of its configuration. There is auto-organization inasmuch
as the urban form is constructed by the play of actors or institutions where each one of them is obeying to a
particular strategy. Urban formation will occur with time, the latter being the fundamental dimension of this
creation.24
Far from preaching a new cult or religion, or even pretending to the invention of a magic spell, we shall content
ourselves by making our own what Edgar Morin stated in his Introduction la pense Complexe, namely that we
can be the John the Baptist of the paradigm of complexity and announce its advent without being the Messiah.25

Official discourse
(excerpts)

of

the

Master

Plans

Pierre Khoury : Tyr prsente trois fonctions

essentielles :
1. Tyr class pole tertiaire
2. Sa seconde fonction est agricole.
3. Elle possde enfin une fonction touristique26
Pierre Khoury : La vieille ville pose des
problmes plus dlicats. Elle est dense,
partiellement insalubre... Il parait logique de
protger ce caractre urbain, de le mettre en
valeur par un curetage de toute la vieille ville
et un rquipement sanitaire srieuxun
programme de dcongestion de la ville qui
dplacerait une partie de la population des
quartiers trop dense. 27
Pierre Khoury :Prvoir le curetage des vieux
quartiers tout en sauvegardant les possibilits
touristiques des ensembles architecturaux. 28
Moustafa Fawaz :il faut maintenir un quilibre
entre la hausse des coefficients dexploitation
qui peut causer une densification
dmographique, et entre la baisse de ces
coefficients qui sera la base de cots levs
au niveau des infrastructures et des quipements
publics.29
Moustafa Fawaz : lavantage majeur du plan de
Pierre Khoury rside dans le fait quil a class les
zones suivant une catgorisation
fonctionnaliste : agriculture, logement,
tourisme, industrie et une partielle des sites
archologiques.30
Nabil Kanafani :pour remdier au manque
dhomognit et dune politique dassemblage
le plan Kanafani propose des expropriations
dans Hayy el Ramel et des remembrements au
niveau de la faade maritime.31

Modernist Discourse

Walter Gropius : La dcongestion des villes

sera assure par le transfert de ce qui ny ont
pas demploi permanent. 32
Le
Classementdes
Le
Corbusier :
populations. Classons. Trois sortes de
population: les citadins demeure ;les
travailleurs et les masses ouvriresCette
classification est, vrai dire, un programme
durbanisme. 33
Le Corbusier 34: Plan de la ville, principes
fondamentaux :
1- Dcongestionnement du centre des villes ;
2- Accroissement de la densit ;
3- Accroissement des moyens de circulation ;
4- Accroissement des surfaces plantes .
Walter Gropius : Avantages des immeubles
levs : Les immeubles de 10 tages prsentent
60% de surface utilisable, tout en disposant de la
mme quantit dair et de lumire. Le prix de
revient des immeubles de 10 tages accuse une
autonomie de 40% par rapport celui des
immeubles de deux tagesetc.35
Francoise Choay : Linfluence de la pense
moderniste triomphante des annes 30-60 :
Les thmes autour desquels sorganise la ville
corbusienne - classement des fonctions
urbaines, multiplication des espaces verts,
cration
de
prototypes
fonctionnels,
rationalisation de lhabitat collectif
appartiennent au fonds commun des architectes
progressistes de la mme gnration.36
Charte dAthnes : les propositions sont
reparties en quatre chapitres, respectivement
consacrs au quatre fonctions quotidiennes :
habiter, travailler, se rcrer et circuler, sous
lesquelles est subsum lensemble des activits
37
humaines.

El ACHKAR E. Rglementations et Formes Urbaines: le cas de Beirut, les cahiers du CERMOC, N 20, Beyrouth, 1998, p26.
Quoted in El ACHKAR E. Rglementations et Formes Urbaines,op.cit., p26. ECOCHARD M., Casablanca, le roman dune ville, Paris, 1955.
Author translates quotation. Original in French:lamnagement gnral dune ville, li aux problmes conomiques, sociaux et dmographiques
de lensemble du pays, se transcrit en prvisions de surfaces dextension et en quartiers organiss lintrieur dune maille de grande
circulation lie aux ports et aux aorodromes. Ltude des quartiers, elle, se base sur une certaine conception de la ville applique une cellule
sociale. Cette conception de de la vie doit tre valable pour lensemble des habitants, car tous ont pareillement besoin de lumire, despace,
dhygine, dducation et de travail.
3
Quoted in El ACHKAR E. Rglementations et Formes Urbaines,op.cit., p25.GHORAYEB M., les deux plans damnagement proposs pour la
ville de Beyrouth sous le Mandat francais: Danger & Ecochard, DESSU, IFU, Universit de Paris VIII. 1988-9, p.29.
4
TAWARIKH, CD, One hundred years retrospective, LOrient le Jour, imaging concept, 1999.
5
FAWAZ M, (ex- Director General of the DGU), Lecture at the Lebanese University, April 1999.
6
EL KHOURY P. Ville de Tyr, tude analytique, 1964, p. 18.
7
EL KHOURY P. op. cit., p. 16.
8
EL KHOURY P. op. cit., p. 17.
9
EL KHOURY P. op. cit., Chap 2, p. 3.
10
CHOAY F. Lurbanisme, utopies et ralits. Une anthologie, dition du Seuil, Paris, 1965, p. 54
11
CHOAY F. Lurbanisme, utopies et ralits. Op. cit., p. 247
12
CHOAY F. Lurbanisme, utopies et ralits. Op. cit., p. 238
13
FAWAZ M, lecture at the Lebanese University, May, 1999.
14
UNESCO, Rapport de mission de Daniel Drocourt, Tyr, Beyrouth, Liban, Oct, 1998, p. 48
15
UNESCO, op. cit. p. 18
16
CHOAY F. The Rule and the Model, on the Theory of Architecture and Urbanism, MIT press, 1997, p. 07
17
except for the last proposed plan of N. Kanafani where he suggests an opening of the
18
HAROUEL JL, Histoire de lUrbanisme, 5e dition, Que sais-je?, Paris, PUF, 1995, p. 92
Les principaux objectifs de Napolon III et de son prfet (Haussmann) taient de faire disparatre limage de la ville ancienne, vtuste et
insalubre ; de faciliter la circulation en multipliant les liaisons entre les diffrentes parties de la ville ; dassurer la mise en valeur esthtique des
monuments en les plaant dans laxe dune perspective ; de rendre possible le maintien dordre en cas dmeute.
19
NESBITT K, Theorizing a new agenda for architecture. An anthology of architectural theory 1965-1995, Princeton architectural press, New
York, 1996, p.297.
20
DUBEDOUT H, Ensemble refaire la ville, Paris, La Documentation franaise, 1983. Extrait du GRAFMEYER Yves, SOCIOLOGIE URBAINE ,
Ed Nathan, Paris, 1994, p.118.
Cest au cours des annes 80 (en France) quont t labors de nouveaux dispositifs qui mettent explicitement les problmes du
dveloppement social urbain au coeur de leur proccupations. Issus des rflexions de la commission nationale de dveloppement social des
quartiers, ces dispositifs visent traiter les causes profondes de la dgradation physique et sociale de certains quartiers populaires en
s'appuyant sur une mobilisation collective de tous ceux qui, un titre ou un autre, sont concerns par la vie de ces quartiers, commencer
par les habitants eux mmes .
21
MORIN E, La Mthode. 1. La nature de la nature, Ed. Du Seuil, Paris, 1977
22
KUHN T.S initiated in his Structure of scientific evolutions the concept of the four paradigmatic fields: Epistemology, Methodology, Ontology
and Teleology. University of Chicago press, Chicago, 1962.
23
LEVY R, Epistemology, Axiomatics and System theory, the Canadian Institute for advanced research, Oct. 1989, p11
24
DESPORTES M, defined Systmique in MERLIN P et CHOAY F., DICTIONNAIRE DE LURBANISME ET DE LAMENAGEMENT, PUF, Paris,
2me dition 1996, (1re dition 1988), p 764-765.
25
MORIN E, Introduction la pense complexe, ESF, Paris, 1990, p. 104
26
El KHOURY P, Ville de Tyr, tude Analytique, 1964.p.18.
27
El KHOURY P, op.cit, 1964. p. 17
28
El KHOURY P, op.cit, 1964. p. 3
29
FAWAZ M, Master plan of 1991, p.67.
30
FAWAZ M, during a lecture about his master plan at the Lebanese University, may,1999.
31
KANAFANI N,traduit du rapport des deux premires tapes de la socit mudun , Beyrouth, mars 97
32
CHOAY F, op.cit, p.231
33
CHOAY F, op.cit, p.238
34
CHOAY F, op.cit, p.247
35
CHOAY F, op.cit p.229.
36
CHOAY F, op.cit,. 233
37
MERLIN P et CHOAY F., DICTIONNAIRE DE LURBANISME ET DE LAMENAGEMENT, PUF, Paris, 2me dition 1996, (1re dition
1988),p.148-150.
2