Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal

The impact of bureaucracies and occupational segregation on participation of Iranian

women in the workforce
Golshan Javadian Isaac Y. Addae

Article information:

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

To cite this document:

Golshan Javadian Isaac Y. Addae , (2013),"The impact of bureaucracies and occupational segregation on
participation of Iranian women in the workforce", Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal,
Vol. 32 Iss 7 pp. 654 - 670
Permanent link to this document:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/EDI-08-2012-0067
Downloaded on: 27 August 2016, At: 22:04 (PT)
References: this document contains references to 70 other documents.
To copy this document: permissions@emeraldinsight.com
The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 479 times since 2013*

Users who downloaded this article also downloaded:

(2006),"Post-bureaucracy and Weber's modern bureaucrat", Journal of Organizational Change
Management, Vol. 19 Iss 1 pp. 8-21 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09534810610643659
(1999),"The benefits of bureaucracy", The Antidote, Vol. 4 Iss 1 pp. 6-6 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/
EUM0000000006630
(2006),"From bureaucratic to post-bureaucratic: the difficulties of transition", Journal of Organizational
Change Management, Vol. 19 Iss 1 pp. 54-64 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09534810610643686

Access to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by emerald-srm:451335 []

For Authors
If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for
Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines
are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information.

About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.com

Emerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company
manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as well as
providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and services.
Emerald is both COUNTER 4 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee
on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive
preservation.

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

*Related content and download information correct at time of download.

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/2040-7149.htm

EDI
32,7

654
Received 17 August 2012
Revised 1 March 2013
23 May 2013
Accepted 1 June 2013

The impact of bureaucracies

and occupational segregation
on participation of Iranian women
in the workforce
Golshan Javadian and Isaac Y. Addae
Earl G. Graves School of Business, Morgan State University, Baltimore,
Maryland, USA

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss the challenges facing Iranian women in the
workforce. While Iranian womens participation in higher education is exceptionally high, their
participation in the workforce, especially the public sector, is low.
Design/methodology/approach The paper compares the bureaucratic structures in public
organizations with the ideal type of bureaucracy as defined by Weber (1922). Moreover, occupational
segregation, which limits womens choices, is examined as another barrier for Iranian womens
participation in the workforce.
Findings The paper argues that the main reason for the low participation of women in public
organizations is the ill-structured bureaucracies in these organizations. Also, occupational segregation
limits the career choices of Iranian women. Some of the challenges caused by these two factors are the
result of discriminative rules and regulations.
Originality/value The paper contributes to the limited knowledge concerning the issues faced by
Iranian women attempting to enter and progress in public organizations. While literature suggests
that western women also face the same challenges in organizations, the unique characteristics of
Iranian public organizations calls for separate analysis of these barriers in the Iranian context. By
introducing readers to this unique subgroup of employees, the paper represents a starting point to an
important area of research.
Keywords Iran, Bureaucracy, Occupational segregation, Women
Paper type Conceptual paper

1. Introduction
Lower participation of women in organizations, especially at the higher levels, has
been attributed partially to organizational structures rather than womens individual
characteristics (Kanter, 1977). The gendered nature of organizational structure is
exemplified in abstract jobs, hierarchies and common concepts in organizational
thinking (Acker, 1992). Among the organizational structures, bureaucracies have been
criticized the most by radical feminists for their male-dominated characteristics that
repress women (Acker, 1990). Radical feminists who promote fundamental structural
changes as oppose to mere equality (Echols, 1989) argue that due to their hierarchical
structures, bureaucracies create a system of domination where people are controlled by
other people (Bullis and Glaser, 1992). This results in a fragmented and competitive
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion:
An International Journal
Vol. 32 No. 7, 2013
pp. 654-670
r Emerald Group Publishing Limited
2040-7149
DOI 10.1108/EDI-08-2012-0067

The authors would like to thank the assistance of Dr Robert Singh and the anonymous reviewers
in improving this paper. An earlier version of this paper was presented at Eastern Academy of
Management 2012 Conference. They would also like to acknowledge the helpful suggestions
made by those in attendance.

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

population that is disadvantageous to minority groups, including women

(Ferguson, 1984).
Feminist efforts to create non-hierarchical organizations that are characterized by
non-patriarchal ways of working (Gould, 1979; Martin, 1990) have not been completely
successful. Among the reasons for such failure is the non-feasibility of non-hierarchical
organizations (Acker, 1990). In the public sector specifically, bureaucracies have
survived decades of structural reform since they enable governments to rely on the
obedience of the employees (Schofield, 2001). Nimir and Palmer (1982) cite the critical
role of bureaucratic structures in executing the decisions of the political leadership
and for maintaining the day to day regulatory and service functions of the state (p. 93).
Bureaucracies are also regarded as suitable forms of organizational structure in the
public sector (Schofield, 2001), primarily focussed on managing state affairs
(Tijsterman and Overeem, 2008). In fact, bureaucracy in the ideal form, as defined
by Weber (1922), replaces the rule of man with the rule of law and tends to be more
successful than other forms of organizational structure.
Another barrier that leaves women with fewer career opportunities is occupational
segregation (Reskin and Hartmann, 1986), which is an example of persistent gender
inequalities in organizations (Benschop and Doorewaard, 2012). Occupational
segregation results from individuals being assigned to jobs not on the basis of their
qualifications, but on the basis of their gender. For example, health care and teaching
occupations have often been fields where more women tend to hold positions than men.
In contrast, men tend to occupy the majority of positions in the STEM (science,
technology, engineering and math) industries (Bear and Woolley, 2011).
While the exclusion of women in public organizations is not limited to a specific
geographic location (World Bank, 2012), the phenomenon disproportionately
affects women across Irans public organizations. Despite the exceptionally high rate
of womens participation in universities and higher education, the participation of
women in Iranian labor force is very low (United Nations Development Program, 2010).
Based on data from the World Bank (2012), the ratio of female to male higher education
enrollment was 115 percent in 2008, while the ratio of female to male labor force
participation was 22 percent.
Additionally, as of 2008, Iranian women comprised 17 percent of the total labor
force, and 53 percent of females in labor force were self-employed (World Bank, 2012).
Therefore, the participation of women in the public sector is very low, resulting in
Iranian womens experience and competence not being utilized in public organizations
(Zahedi, 2003). The underrepresentation of women in the public sector becomes a
problem for a country that emphasizes economic development, and further contributes
to the high unemployment rate the country suffers from. In stark contrast to Iran and
other Middle Eastern nations, Western nations have maintained levels of gender equity
in public sector employment. For example, through a comparative analysis of public
sector employment across various Western nations, Gornick and Jacobs (1998)
concluded that women occupied a majority of the public sector jobs within each nation.
The commitment of Iranian women to fight for their gender interests has made their
presence in many aspects of society persistent (Rostami Povey, 2004). Such consistent
presence in the society has resulted in many of the gender stereotypes regarding
womens work to diminish. The womens movement in Iran, which is perhaps the
most forceful movement in the region, has impacted millions of women within the
country and has created powerful agents of major changes in everyday life in Iran
(Sameh, 2009, p. 10).

Iranian women
in the workforce

655

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

656

However, like many developing countries, the ill-structured bureaucracies and

occupational segregation serve as tough barriers for women who seek to enter the
workforce and progress within it. The structures of bureaucracies in Iran that
hinder women are far from what Weber (1922) defined as the ideal type bureaucracy,
and the occupational segregation has limited womens career choices. While literature
(e.g. Acker, 1992; Kanter, 1977) suggests that these two barriers are among the
challenges western women also face in organizations, the unique characteristics
of Iranian public organizations calls for separate analysis of these barriers in the
Iranian context.
The purpose of this research is to examine the role of bureaucracies in public
organizations and the occupational segregation in Iranian womens careers. Also, this
research seeks to examine how these two factors impact womens entry in Irans
public sector and how they limit womens career progression in public organizations.
The impact of organization structure and division of labor on womens work and their
personal lives has been the concern of many organization theory scholars (e.g. Acker,
1992; Eagly et al., 2009; Kanter, 1977). Researchers have indicated how bureaucracies
serve as a specific form of organizing, and how occupational segregation serves as
the gendered way of dividing the labor impacts of womens careers (Ferguson, 1984;
Kuhlmann and Bourgeault, 2008; Pearson, 2007). However, research has rarely looked
at such topics in a non-western context (except for Afshar and Barrientos, 1999;
Benjamin, 2011; Rodriguez, 2010). This research contributes to organization theory by
examining the impact of such challenges on womens work in a different context. Such
an examination will improve the validation and generalizability of theories and
findings discussed in western contexts.
After reviewing the literature on womens status in the labor force, we review
the current state of Iranian women in the workforce. Then we explain the divergence
of the bureaucratic systems placed in Iran from the ideal type bureaucracy
(Weber, 1922) and examine the effects of these bureaucratic structures on women
in the public sector. Next, the impact of occupational segregation on womens
participation in the labor force is examined. In examining these two barriers, we refer
to certain rules and regulations unique to the Iranian public sector that are
disadvantageous to women. We conclude with an offering of suggestions to improve
womens career participation in the Iranian workforce and also provide future
research directions.
2. Women in the workforce
Throughout history, women have suffered from patriarchal systems within political,
social and economic entities. Current organization theories consistently indicate the
male advantage (Acker, 1989) and the dialogue between organizational theory and
feminist theory has done little to prevent gender from disappearing as a key
organizational concern (Eveline and Bacchi, 2009; Fletcher, 1999).
In economics, womens domestic labors, such as child rearing, have been excluded
from the dominant economic models across cultures (Waring, 1988). Within debates
regarding globalization, the complexity of the experiences of women in specific
socio-political environments has been ignored, especially in developing countries
(Metcalfe and Rees, 2010). The labor markets are prioritized based on categories of
gender (Pearson, 2007), and in the work place, womens labor power is less valued both
in private and public spheres (Hearn, 2004). This imbalance can also be observed
across the international community, where the highest positions in organizations, such

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

as the United Nations and the Word Trade Organization, are held by men (Metcalfe and
Rees, 2010).
Participation of women in the workforce can benefit organizations in many forms.
Francoeur et al. (2008) argue that the participation of women in the workplace,
especially in senior management positions, enhances the financial performance
of the organization. Meier et al. (2006), in a study on gender and emotional labor in the
public sector, identified a link between the inclusion of women in the workforce and
the organizational performance of school districts, due to the effects of emotional labor
provided by women. Moreover, research suggests that women often bring fresh
viewpoints to complex issues that help organizations in their strategy formulation
and problem solving (Francoeur et al., 2008). Furthermore, as suggested by
stakeholder theory, heterogeneous groups, including mixed gender groups,
enhance the quality of decision making of the group due to the knowledge,
judgment, creativity and the perspectives offered by these groups (Francoeur et al.,
2008).
Some studies (e.g. Acker, 1992; Fagenson, 1990; Kanter, 1977) identify organizational
structure deficiencies as a source of the limited participation of women in
organizations. These studies argue that organizational structure rather than internal
factors define and shape womens behavior in organizations and form their destinies
(Fagenson, 1990). Based on this perspective, individuals positions in organizational
structures, the number of women in these positions, and the amount of power they
have play an important role in womens limited corporate progression (Fagenson, 1990;
Kanter, 1977). According to Kanter (1977), the majority of women are located in
disadvantaged positions in organizations. Such positions that offer limited power and
advancement to their occupants lead them to develop behaviors and attitudes that
justify their placements in these positions (Fagenson, 1990).
Among organizational structures, bureaucracies have been the most criticized by
radical feminists as a challenge to womens positions in organizations (Acker, 1992).
Bureaucracies create a system of domination where people are controlled by other
people or structures (Bullis and Glaser, 1992). A system of this type does not easily
allow women to enter the hierarchy of command due to the dominating character of the
structures (Ferguson, 1984), and the interactions between individuals in these
structures contribute to maintaining hierarchies favoring men (Acker, 1989). Connell
(1990) identifies this system of domination as the gender regime existing within a
bureaucracy, characterized by the nature of roles historically dominated by women
that hinder their career progression.
Among the challenges created by bureaucracies is the way power is obtained,
maintained and implemented in such structures. As Metcalfe and Rees (2010) mention,
the issues regarding gender are not on women per se but on power relations between
men and women, their access to resources and decision making power (p. 7). In
bureaucratic structures managers need both formal and informal power to perform
their jobs successfully, and the informal power is obtained through developing a
network of relationships (Kottis, 1993). Since women usually have fewer opportunities
to develop networks and maintain informal power, they face more challenges in
advancing their careers in bureaucratic structures (Kottis, 1993). The historical
exclusion of women from the public sphere, along with the fact that women still hold
mostly powerless positions, have led womens voices to be submerged within the
bureaucratic structures (Ferguson, 1984). As a result, womens experience is prevented
from penetrating organization structures.

Iranian women
in the workforce

657

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

658

However, bureaucracies have been the dominant organizational structure,

especially in public organizations. According to Schofield (2001), the obedience of
workers has aided bureaucracies in surviving years of structural reform. Since it is
not feasible to eliminate bureaucracies in public sectors, it may be more beneficial to
revisit the concept of bureaucracy in its ideal form and examine what enabled these
structures to survive for decades. In doing so, we suggest referring to Max Webers
(1922) introduction of the ideal type bureaucracy.
3. Weberian bureaucratic structure
In his discussion on the Protestant work ethic and the development of economic
systems, Weber viewed religion as a motivating force for individuals whose
social actions ultimately led to economic progression (Parsons, 1948). As it relates to
economic development, from Webers perspective, the role of bureaucracy was to
organize individuals and their actions through complex structures (Parsons, 1948).
According to Weber (1978), bureaucracy in its current, or modern, form is viewed as a
highly rational administrative structure, consisting of multiple distinguishing
attributes and characterized by authority that persists due to domination and
legitimacy. In addition to the authoritative, or formal, aspect of bureaucracy, Weber
also identified the existence of an informal aspect of bureaucracy, consisting of norms
that govern the ethical behavior of individuals (Parsons, 1948).
As viewed by Weber (1922), bureaucracy is the organizational equivalent of
democracys rule of law replacing rule of man. In regards to his highly rational
concept of bureaucracy as an ideal type, Weber (1922) argued that in modern society,
organizations having such type of bureaucracy tend to survive longer and are more
successful compared to other forms of organizations (Weber, 1922). Webers definition
of an ideal type bureaucracy is a complex rational division of labor with rule-governed
authority channels and fixed duties. To further elaborate on Webers (1922) perspective,
the ideal type bureaucracy is one in which:
.

recruitment is based on regulated qualifications and not the personal standards

of skills;

the principles of office hierarchy exit and the subordinates are supervised by the
superiors;

managers follow defined rules which can be learned;

entrenched patronage is eliminated and capricious decision making by frivolous

nobility does not exist; and

repetitive tasks that involve little or no discretion are well managed and
performed, and a clear understanding of the service provided reducing
uncertainty exists.

Webers perspective on bureaucratic development and the motivating force of religion

can be applied to the modern form of the Iranian bureaucracy. The current structure
emerged through the Islamic revolution of the late 1970s, led by efforts to create
a formal governance structure rooted in Shia Islamic ideology (Wells, 2003).
Authoritative power in the Iranian bureaucracy is highly centralized, and in the view of
Weber (1978), belonging to a ruling class of notables.
While even in their ideal form bureaucracies may disadvantage women, and the
divergence of bureaucracies from this ideal form may result in even more difficulties

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

for women. After reviewing the overall status of Iranian women in the workforce, we
examine how the divergence of bureaucracies from the ideal type bureaucracy in the
Iranian public sector has contributed to womens low participation in this sector.
Because of their divergence from the ideal type bureaucracy, we refer to the structure of
Iranian public organizations as ill-structured bureaucracies.

Iranian women
in the workforce

4. The status of Iranian women in the workforce

Just like hundreds of millions of women around the globe, Middle Eastern women are
struggling for equal rights and for the opportunity to work and improve their living
standards ( Javadian and Singh, 2012). The assumption that most Middle Eastern
women are kept at home is no longer valid since increasing rates of women are
entering the workforce (Fernea, 2000). However, women of the Middle East suffer
greatly from gender gaps both in social and economic spheres caused by culture
and traditions of their societies. For example, women of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the
United Arab Emirates are not allowed to vote, and Arab women are considerably
underrepresented in senior executive positions, both in business and politics
(Metcalfe, 2008).
Along with the organizational barriers, women in the Middle East suffer from
socio-cultural and economic barriers in their career advancement. Within the
organizations, gendered occupational structures have limited the career progression
of women ( Javadian and Singh, 2012). Moreover, womens mobility restrictions
in these countries limit their access to training and career choice options (Metcalfe,
2008).
Iranian women, in comparison to other women in the Middle East, face many
of the same issues, but the country is also more progressive than the Arab world in
many ways ( Javadian and Singh, 2012). We have already mentioned that women
make up the majority of new college entrants. In addition, Iranian women are allowed
to work outside the home and the number of women entering the workforce is
gradually increasing (Mirmousavi, 2007). One of the reasons for such increase is the
fact that the Iranian population is a young one. Today 70 percent of the 70 million
population of Iran are under the age of 30 (Iran Statistics Centre, 2009); therefore,
there is simply a need to have younger women workers to meet the labor demands
of the nation (Mirmousavi, 2007). The result of these trends is that traditional
views toward Iranian women participating in the workforce are changing
(Mirmousavi, 2007).
However, compared to their high level of participation in higher education, Iranian
womens participation in the workforce is still very low. While the publics view about
women in the workforce is changing for better, the persistence of structural barriers
within public organizations contribute to the challenge of women seeking to enter these
organizations. Low employment rates have also resulted in low rates of womens
participation in managerial positions (Alaedini and Razavi, 2005). The increasing
number of female entrepreneurs in the Iranian society may also be the result
of structural barriers in public organizations. Barriers of entry into public
organizations lead to the identification of self-employment as a more suitable career
choice for Iranian women.
In the following section we examine two of the major barriers to Iranian womens
entry and career progression in public organizations. These barriers include the
existence of ill-structured bureaucracies in public organizations and occupational
segregation.

659

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

660

5. Bureaucracy in Iran and its impact on womens careers

The common organizational structure in Iranian public organization is the
bureaucratic structure. While in some developed societies bureaucratic systems have
been contributing to economic progression, in many developing countries, including
Iran, bureaucracies have become an obstacle (Vardinejad, 2010). As Vardinejad (2010)
explains, the reason for this is the disharmony between the development of the
bureaucracies and the development of other parts of social systems, such as the legal
system in those societies. Such inconsistency has led to the formation of incomplete
bureaucracies in developing countries such as Iran.
Bureaucracy is interpreted as the conservative and partial public administration
which exists in Iranian public organizations (Vardinejad, 2010). The public
organizations are well known for their chaotic and complex processes, their lack
of attention to the needs of customers, their strict and unclear rules and their
relationship-oriented procedures (Vardinejad, 2010).
Despite being called a bureaucracy, the current organization structure in Iran is still
lined with the rule of man and the concept of bureaucracy is still very far from
Webers (1922) ideal type bureaucracy, or the organizational equivalent of democracys
rule of law. Here we examine some of the characteristics of the bureaucracies in Iran
and compare them to Webers ideal type of bureaucracy. Then we explain how these
characteristics are impacting womens careers in Iran.
5.1 Recruitment
As Weber (1922) states, one of the characteristics of the ideal type bureaucracy is that
recruitment is based on regulated qualification. Weber (1922) explains that in this form
of bureaucracy, systematic provision is made for fulfillment of responsibilities
and execution of rights and only individuals with regulated qualifications to serve
are employed.
In Iran, entrance to the public system, which is the main employer of job seekers,
is based on non-bureaucratic and non-rational criteria rather than on technical
competency. As Jamshidian (1994) explains, one of the characteristics of bureaucracy
in Iran is the discriminative selection of the workforce. The recruitment of the
workforce in Irans administrative system is based mainly on measures of gender,
ethnicity, religion and political ideology ( Jamshidian, 1994). Additionally, the
regulations of the government have contributed to discriminative selection,
especially in regards to women.
As Kar (2010) mentions, many of the challenges Iranian women face have roots in
the constitution of the Islamic Republic. The rights of people in the constitution are
declared in article 19 of the constitution which states that all people of Iran, whatever
the ethnic group or tribe to which they belong, enjoy equal rights; and color, race,
language, and the like, do not bestow any privilege (Iran online, 1996). This article
clearly does not take gender into consideration as a constituent in human rights.
Moreover, while many of Irans codified laws such as marriage, divorce and the
custody law view women as inferior, Irans constitution recognizes women as equal in
regard to employment and education, but on a conditional basis. The examples of such
conditional laws are:
.

article 3 of constitution law of the Islamic Republic of Iran which states that
women have the same right as men do in regards to education and employment;
however, such right is conditional on womens primary role as mothers
(Noshiravani, 2009); and

article 1117 of the civil code of justice states that the husband is entitled to
prevent his wife from holding certain jobs which harm the reputation of the
family or is against family values (Noshiravani, 2009).

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

Such conditional laws have become an excuse for an employers reluctance to recruit
women, especially in public organizations that are ruled and run by the constitution
(Vajiheh Zadeh, 2001). Iranian employers have a higher tendency to employ men rather
than women (Iravani, 2008) and such discriminative selection, which is somehow
supported by the constitution, bases worker recruitment in Iran on gender and not
on regulated qualifications. This aspect of ill-structured bureaucracy has made it
challenging for women to enter public organizations contributing to the low
participation of women in the workforce.
5.2 Type of authority
Weber (1978) viewed domination as the power wielded by a ruler or ruling class, and as
a necessary factor in bureaucratic administration, as domination confers authoritative
power that one can use to govern the bureaucracy. The legitimization and
institutionalization of power in a bureaucratic structure stems from three types of
authority: traditional, rational-legal and charismatic (Weber, 1922). Weber argues that
each type of authority is appropriate for a distinctive administrative structure and
believes that the rational-legal authority is the most appropriate type of authority for
the modern bureaucracy (Hilbert, 1987; Scott and Davis, 2007). Unlike traditional
authority, which is based on patrimonial systems, rational-legal authority is based on
impersonal factors and formal structures (Scott and Davis, 2007).
Even though bureaucratic structures in Iran possess some of the characteristics of
the ideal type bureaucracy, such as the firmly ordered system of supervisor and
subordinate or the appointed bureaucratic official by a superior authority, these
structures are still ruled by the traditional form of authority that is mainly based on
gerontocracy and patriarchies.
As explained by Weber (1922), the rational-legal authority that exists in the ideal
type bureaucracy allows subordinates to be more independent and to be guided by
their own interpretation of the principles, since obedience is not owed to a person but to
a set of impersonal principles (Scott and Davis, 2007). Lacking the rational-legal form
of authority in Iranian bureaucracies has resulted in a highly centralized system of
decision making in bureaucratic organizations ( Jamshidian, 1994). In the Iranian
administrative system almost all the decisions are made by the organizations manager
( Jamshidian, 1994). Such a highly centralized system of decision making, which is
based upon obedience from a person, results in an ill-structured bureaucracy, since
those in the position of authority do not tolerate much disagreement or debate ( Javidan
and Dastmalchian, 2003).
This traditional form of authority has many disadvantages for Iranian women since
they have to deal with the personal biases of managers as individuals, as opposed to
views based on a set of principles. Since most of the managers, especially in public
organizations, are men and women are challenged with the personal stereotypes of
these individuals.
Many of managers in public organizations still possess the ideology that a womans
primary role is being a housewife, and they easily dictate such ideology in
organizations since they are the main source of authority. This type of discriminative
climate in the work environment, which originates from management, makes entrance

Iranian women
in the workforce

661

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

662

into organizations and career progression quite difficult for Iranian women (Ghorayshi,
1996). Therefore, in order to be successful, Iranian women have to be twice as
competent and work twice as hard as men in organizations, unless they are related to
the elite families (Zahedi, 2003). They also must wait a long time to attain managerial
positions and have to watch men pass them along the way (Zahedi, 2003).
Thus, authorities are in traditional forms rather than rational-legal forms, leading to
the divergence of Iranian bureaucratic structures from the ideal type. This aspect of illstructured bureaucracies in Iran makes it difficult for women to enter and progress in
public organizations since they have to obey managers as individuals who are usually
very biased toward women.
5.3 Management of modern office
Another characteristic of the ideal bureaucracy is that the management of the modern
office is based upon written and legal documents (Weber, 1922). In Iranian
bureaucracies, despite the existence of documented regulations, they are frequently
disobeyed or are not executed ( Jamshidian, 1994). Managers in public organizations do
not obey the rules on a consistent basis and rely on bribery and relationship-oriented
procedures (Jamshidian, 1994). An example of this disobedience can be found in the low
salaries of Iranian women, despite the existence of documented regulations.
Based on article 38 of the Labor Law of the Islamic Republic, womens and mens
base salaries have to be the same and no womans base salary should be lower than her
male counterpart (Safiri, 2006). However, based on the United Nations Development
Program (2010), the gender gap in terms of income in Iran was as high as 56.32 percent
in 2003. The main reason for such difference has roots in the gender ideology.
Such ideology does not consider women as breadwinners and therefore married
women with children do not receive the same base salary, allowances and benefits
as married men with children (Romstami Povey, 2004). Furthermore, despite the
existence of documented regulation regarding equal pay, the gender ideology overrules
such regulation making the management of modern office based on ideology and not
the documented regulations.
In cases where rules and regulations are not discriminating against women, they are
frequently disobeyed since the management of office is not based on written and legal
documents, but based on managers discretion or ideology. This aspect of ill-structured
bureaucracy in Iranian public organizations makes working for public organizations
an option with small economic value for women and is perhaps among the reasons for
Iranian womens tendency toward self-employment.
6. Occupational segregation in Iranian workforce
Other than the bureaucratic division of labor, the occupational segregation in many
societies has impacted womens choice of preferences, values and attitudes in their
occupational decisions (Sneed, 2007). Many occupations are still gendered, meaning
that some occupations are known to be suitable for men and some are suitable for
women (Acker, 1989). For example, repairing cars is considered to be appropriate
for men while providing childcare services is considered more appropriate for women
(Gutek, 1995). Division of labor provides the ground for legitimating the exclusion of
women from specific workforce areas and leads to devaluation of womens work
(Kuhlmann and Bourgeault, 2008).
Based on gender role theory, occupational segregation results from people
developing expectations for others behavior based on their belief about the behavior

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

that is suitable for women and men (Eagly, 1987). Based on this theory, masculinity is
compatible with agentic qualities and femininity is compatible with communal
qualities (Eagly, 1987; Rosener, 1990; Williams and Best, 1990). Agentic qualities are
characterized by aggressiveness, dominance, self-reliance and decisiveness while
communal qualities are characterized by emotional expressiveness, empathy, caring
and affection (Ochieng Walumbwa et al., 2004). Therefore, the expected appropriate
occupations for men are those characterized by agentic qualities (e.g. repairing cars)
while for women such occupations are those characterized by the communal qualities
(e.g. teaching).
Occupational segregation not only limits occupational opportunities for both
women and men, but it also reinforces gender-based stereotypes. Occupational
segregation, particularly in government employment, results in assigning individuals
to jobs not on the basis of their capability to perform that job but on the basis of their
gender (Reskin and Hartmann, 1986).
Like their counterparts all around the world, Iranian women also suffer from
occupational segregation and struggle with gendered division of labor, but in a
different manner. After the Islamic revolution in 1979, Iranian women lost their legal
rights to possess several positions such as judges and presidents (Kar, 2010). At the
same time, womens major participation in public organizations began to increase.
The devastated post Iraq-Iran war economy compelled the state to allow more women
to enter the labor market (Noshiravani, 2009), and since then the government has
remained the main employer of women in Iran (Ghorayshi, 1996).
While many jobs were removed after the revolution in the private sector, the
expansion of state bureaucracies created new jobs for women in the government
(Ghorayshi, 1996). However, these jobs are mainly low-paid, low-skilled sales and
office-based occupations, and teaching and health services (Ghorayshi, 1996). Research
by Alizadeh and Harper (2003) shows that after the Islamic revolution, the index
of dissimilarity for occupational segregation increased from 14 percent in 1976 to 31
percent in 1996; meaning that the dissimilarity between occupations held by men and
women increased. With the exception of clerical and service related professions, most
of the other occupations in Iran are now male dominated (Alizadeh and Harper, 2003).
The theories of occupational segregation have classified three causes for occupational
segmentation (Sneed, 2007). Based on the first set of theories, occupational segmentation
results from womens and mens individual choices (Kelly, 1991). The second set argues
that labor markets and organizational discrimination are responsible for the
occupational segregation of women, and the last set of theories focus on systematic
barriers, such as structural patterns, as the cause of occupational segregation (Kelly,
1991). In regards to the causes of occupational segregation in Iran, perhaps all these
theories are applicable. In other words, occupational segregation in Iran has roots in
factors ranging from individual choices to organizational structures, the labor market
and government rules and regulations.
Due to organizational discrimination and societal stereotypes, some Iranian women
may prefer to stay home or hold careers that are perceived more positively by the
public. For example, as Ghorayshi (1996) mentions, women working in offices face
the highest disapproval from their families and the society while those in teaching
receive the most support. This may be a reason why many women prefer to obtain
teaching jobs.
Moreover, the government regulations have greatly impacted the occupational
segregation in Iran. The set of employment policies passed in 1992 ruled out certain

Iranian women
in the workforce

663

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

664

occupations and professions for women since they were recognized as inappropriate
based on Islamic values (Alizadeh et al., 2000). The purpose of these policies was to
assure that women became skilled workers in the fields exclusive to women
(Bahramitash, 2003). For example, a set of barriers were established based on these
policies in order to prevent women from becoming civil engineers, and some advantages
were offered to women to encourage them to become gynecologists and pediatricians
(Bahramitash, 2003).
Women all around the world suffer from occupational segregation, which results
from the societys definition and categorization of the occupations that are suitable for
men and women. Iranian women suffer from such a challenge even more since in many
cases, in addition to society expectations, occupational segregation is created by rules
and regulations. The extreme occupational segregation limits Iranian womens career
choices resulting in lower participation of women in the workforce.
7. Discussion
Iranian womens contribution to the public and private sector of the economy is
essential (Romstami Povey, 2004). Iranian organizations could benefit from womens
high level expertise and the different experiences they bring to the workforce.
Currently, more than 65 percent of university entrants in Iran are women (Iran
Statistics Centre, 2009). As the second largest oil producer in the organization of the
petroleum exporting countries, Iranian private and government organizations
can benefit from the knowledge women can bring to organizations after leaving
school to enter the workforce. Ultimately, Iranian womens participation in the
workforce brings flexibility and creativity into the work place, leading to the creation
of more opportunities for organizations.
The existence of ill-structured bureaucracies and the occupational segregation have
made Iranian womens career progression very slow. As mentioned throughout our
discussion, the limitations in place by laws and government regulations are among the
major setback for Iranian womens career development. The solution to this problem
relies on the existence of democracy. It is through a representative democracy that
democratic laws, which are fair to all people, are set up by the legislators and the
execution of these laws is assured (Hook, 2010). Having the proper laws in place
and ensuring that those laws are rightfully executed can create the basis for the ideal
type bureaucracy in Iran.
Moreover, as mentioned throughout the paper, in many cases the right rules and
laws are in place, but are not adhered to. In order to reach the ideal type of bureaucracy,
it is important for Iranian organizations to follow the rules in place. Unfortunately, the
high levels of corruption, mismanagement of economic issues and the low motivation
of employees and employers in Iranian public organizations has led to the continuation
of ill-structured bureaucracies which are more disadvantageous to women than to
men. Excluding laws that limit womens career choices and adhering to the rules of
law instead of rules of men will help increase Iranian womens participation in
the workforce.
While having ideal type bureaucracies in public organizations may increase the
participation of women in the workforce, it is does not guarantee the disappearance of
gender inequalities. As mentioned in the United Nations Development Report for Iran
(2010), gender-related issues need to be considered over all stages of development in
Iran. In order to do so, the role and participation of women in the development process

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

needs to be highlighted and barriers need to be removed to encourage their full

participation in the workforce (United Nations Development Program, 2010).
The increasing public engagement of females has made Iranian women strong in
their demands for change in many aspects of their lives (Bahramitash, 2003), but their
participation in the workforce is still at the minimal level. Having more women in the
workforce provides younger Iranian women, who are mostly highly educated, with
more role models to follow. The increase of role models also improves the social
acceptance of womens work among Iranian women and families which lead to more
participation of women in workforce.
Studies based on the gender-centered perspective relate womens slow progression
in the workforce to internal factors, while studies based on the organization structure
perspective focus on the limitations in place for women based on the organizations
structure (Fagenson, 1990). In conducting research on womens career development in
Iran, one cannot rely solely on the behavior patterns of women or only on the
organization structure.
As previously discussed, being oppressed in many aspects of their lives have forced
Iranian women to develop behaviors and personality traits that prevent them from
progressing in their careers. Therefore, an alternative perspective, called the genderorganization-system perspective, can offer a better instrument for analyzing womens
career development in Iran. Such a perspective suggests that womens limited career
progression is due to their individual factors as well as the organizational context,
which includes organization structure, culture, policies, history and ideology
(Fagenson, 1990). Thus, in conducting further research on womens careers in Iran,
there is a need for a detailed examination of womens individual factors as well as each
aspect of the organizational context.
Further studies can also examine how the educational policies in Iran has
contributed to the occupational segregation the society suffers from. While the rate of
higher education is exceptionally high among Iranian women, educational polices of
Islamic Republic have limited womens choices in education. Women are banned from
studying certain engineering majors or majors which are considered as inappropriate
for women in many Iranian universities. In addition, future research can examine
how such discriminative educational polices impact Iranian womens careers and their
participation in the workforce.
Moreover, as previously mentioned, more than half of Iranian women in workforce
are self-employed. Obviously, the issues discussed in this research explain, to some
extent, why Iranian women choose starting their own businesses over general
employment. Further research can look more into these necessity driven entrepreneurs
examining the challenges they face and the strategies they implement to survive in a
business context where private markets are not supported.
8. Conclusion
Even though Iranian womens increasing level of education has created more
opportunities for them to enter the workforce, they still face several barriers in their
career development. The ill-structured forms of bureaucracies, especially in public
organizations, are among the primary barriers for Iranian women. Bureaucratic
structures in Iran are still far from what Weber identified as the ideal type bureaucracy
and divergence from this ideal type especially in regards to recruitment, forms
of authority and the management of office has created more difficulties for women in
workplace. Occupational segregation is also a major barrier in the career progression

Iranian women
in the workforce

665

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

666

of Iranian women. This phenomenon has left women with careers not compatible
with their level of knowledge and expertise, but is acceptable in the eye of the society
and the families of women.
As long as such restrictions in the division of labor exist, Iranian women will
continue to face several challenges in their career development. Eliminating these
barriers can increase Iranian womens participation in the workforce, which is not only
beneficial to women, but also to the society as a whole. Given the high level of
education and engagement in entrepreneurial activity of women in Iran, the nations
bureaucracy, due to its exclusion of women, may fail to benefit from the potential
contributions of this demographic. The inability of women to gain employment within
the Iranian bureaucracy forces them to utilize their talents in the private economy,
instead of contributing their talents to the development of the economic system.
Iranian womens participation in the society (e.g. in higher education) in recent years
has increased gender consciousness among Iranians (Romstami Povey, 2004) and their
increasing participation in the workforce can eventually remove the barriers put in
place by patriarchal systems. The replacement of the existing ill-structured
bureaucracy in Iran with one that closely resembles Webers (1922) ideal type
bureaucracy, coupled with the elimination of occupational segregation, can impact
the economic viability of Iran by increasing the overall participation of women in the
public sector. Given the news medias fixation on the struggle for equal rights among
citizens in Middle Eastern countries, any progress toward improving the participations
rates of Iranian women in the labor force will bode well for the perception of the
country as seen by other nations across the globe. This may lead to a subsequent boost
in economic activity as nations once refraining from trade with Iran may reconsider
their decision due to the perceived efforts to ensure equality for women in Iran.
While the focus of our discussion is directed toward Iranian women and how
ill-structured bureaucracies impact them, the influence of bureaucracies is experienced
by women across the globe. In developing and developed nations alike, women are
largely underrepresented within private and public sector institutions. Although
modern bureaucratic structures have remained dominant, serving as the
organizational form of many governmental institutions, these structures have led to
imbalances and inequality in terms of womens representation.
Women have also faced issues such as occupational segregation across various
geographic contexts, leading to the underrepresentation of women, particularly in
fields related to STEM. While nations similar to Iran may embrace regulations that
hinder the involvement of women, modern democracies do not support similar
regulations, but yet the issue of gender representation remains.
In general, we are in support of bureaucracies, but we also believe that the existing
processes and procedures of these structures should evolve in order to reduce
discriminatory effects on women. As scholars gain an improved understanding of
bureaucracies, identifying methods to reduce the discriminatory effects of the
structures is critical to reaching improved representation and equality for women
around the world.
References
Acker, J. (1989), Doing Comparable Worth: Gender, Class and Pay Equity, Temple University
Press, Philadelphia, PA.
Acker, J. (1990), Hierarchies, jobs, bodies: a theory of gendered organizations, Gender and
Society, Vol. 4 No. 2, pp. 139-158.

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

Acker, J. (1992), Gendering organizational theory, in Mills, A.J. and Tancred, P. (Eds), Gendering
Organizational Analysis, Sage, Newbury Park, CA, pp. 248-260.
Afshar, H. and Barrientos, S. (1999), Introduction, in Afshar, H. and Barrientos, S. (Eds),
Women Globalization and Fragmentation in Developing Countries, St Martins Press,
New York, NY, pp. 1-17.
Alaedini, P. and Razavi, M.R. (2005), Womens participation and employment in Iran: a critical
examination, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 14 No. 1, pp. 57-73.
Alizadeh, P. and Harper, B. (2003), The feminization of labor force in Iran, in Mohammadi, A.
(Ed.), Iran Encountering Globalization: Problems and Prospects, Routledges Curzon, New
York, NY, pp. 180-196.
Alizadeh, P., Hakimian, H. and Karshenas, M. (2000), The Economy of Iran: Dilemmas of an
Islamic State, I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, New York, NY.
Bahramitash, R. (2003), Revolution and Islamication, and womens employment in Iran, The
Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. 9 No. 2, pp. 229-241.
Bear, J. and Woolley, A. (2011), The role of gender in team collaboration and performance,
Interdisciplinary Science Reviews, Vol. 36 No. 2, pp. 146-153.
Benjamin, O. (2011), Gender outcomes of labor market policy in Israel, Equality, Diversity and
Inclusion: An International Journal, Vol. 30 No. 5, pp. 394-408.
Benschop, Y. and Doorewaard, H. (2012), Gender subtext revisited, Equality, Diversity and
Inclusion: An International Journal, Vol. 31 No. 3, pp. 225-235.
Bullis, C. and Glaser, H. (1992), Bureaucratic discourse and the goddess: towards and
ecofeminism critique and rearticulation, Journal of Organizational Change Management,
Vol 5 No. 2, pp. 50-60.
Connell, R.W. (1990), The state, gender, and sexual politics, Theory and Society, Vol. 19 No. 5,
pp. 507-544.
Eagly, A.H. (1987), Sex Differences in Social Behavior: A Social-Role Interpretation, Erlbaum,
Hillsdale, NJ.
Eagly, A.H., Eastwick, P.W. and Johannesen-Schmidt, M. (2009), Possible selves in marital roles:
the impact of the anticipated division of labor on the mate preferences of women and men,
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 35 No. 4, pp. 403-414.
Echols, A. (1989), Daring to be Bad: Radical Feminism in America 1967-1975, University of
Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN.
Eveline, J. and Bacchi, C. (2009), Obeying organizational rules of relevance: gender analysis of
policy, Journal of Minagement and Organization, Vol. 15 No. 2, pp. 566-581.
Fagenson, E. (1990), At the heart of women in management research: theoretical and
methodological approach ad their biases, Journal of Business Ethics, Vol 9 No. 4, pp. 409-430.
Ferguson, K. (1984), The Feminist Case Against Bureaucracy, Temple University Press,
Philadelphia, PA.
Fernea, E. (2000), The challenges for Middle Eastern women in the 21st century, The Middle
East Journal, Vol. 54 No. 2, pp. 185-193.
Fletcher, J. (1999), Disappearing Acts: Gender, Power and Relational Practice at Work, MIT Press,
Cambridge, MA.
Francoeur, C., Labelle, R. and Sinclair-Desgagne, B. (2008), Gender diversity in corporate
governance and top management, Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 81 No. 1,
pp. 83-95.
Ghorayshi, P. (1996), Women, paid-work and the family: in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Journal
of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 27 No. 3, pp. 453-466.

Iranian women
in the workforce

667

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

668

Gornick, J.C. and Jacobs, J.A. (1998), Gender, the welfare state, and public employment: a
comparative study of seven industrialized countries, American Sociological Review,
Vol. 63 No. 5, pp. 688-710.
Gould, M. (1979), When women create an organization: the ideological imperatives of feminism,
in Dunkerley, D. and Salaman, G. (Eds), The International Yearbook of Womens Studies,
Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, pp. 237-252.
Gutek, B. (1995), The Dynamics of Service, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA.
Hearn, J. (2004), Tracking the transnational: studying transnational organizations and
managements, and the management of cohesion, Culture and Organization, Vol. 10 No. 4,
pp. 273-290.
Hilbert, R.A. (1987), Bureaucracy as belief, rationalization as repair: Max Weber in a
post-functionalist age, Sociological Theory, Vol. 5 No. 1, pp. 70-86.
Hook, S. (2010), Democracy, available at: www.tavaana.org/courses-interior.jsp?pageId
2071502000341283337383798 (accessed April 22, 2011).
Iran Online (1996), The rights of the people, available at: www.iranonline.com/iran/iran-info/
government/constitution-3.html (accessed May 12, 2011).
Iran Statistics Centre (2009), Economic activity rate of women, available at: www.amar.org.ir/
Default.aspx (accessed April 12, 2011).
Iravani, M. (2008), Role of education in generating employment opportunities for women in
Esfahan (Iran), available at: www.thefreelibrary. com/Role of Education in
Generating Employment Opportunities for Women in..-a01073923587 (accessed
May 18, 2011).
Jamshidian, M. (1994), The Iranian administrative bureaucracy and Fred Riggs theory
of prismatic society, available at: www.fgasia.org/ VisitorPages/show.aspx?
IsDetailListtrue&ItemID22208,46 (accessed June 10, 2011).
Javadian, G. and Singh, R.P. (2012), Examining successful Iranian women entrepreneurs: an
exploratory study, Gender in Management: An International Journal, Vol. 27 No. 3,
pp. 148-164.
Javidan, M. and Dastmalchian, A. (2003), Culture and leadership in Iran: the land of individual
achievers, strong family ties, and powerful elite, The Academy of Management Executive,
Vol 17 No. 4, pp. 127-142.
Kanter, R. (1977), Men and Women of Corporation, Basic Books, New York, NY.
Kar, M. (2010), Protecting womens right, available at: www.tavaana.org/about.
jsp?pageId2071502000341295546886122 (accessed April 11, 2011).
Kelly, R. (1991), The Gendered Economy: Work, Careers and Success, Sage Publications,
Newbury Park, CA.
Kottis, A. (1993), Women in management: the glass ceiling and how to break it, Women in
Management Review, Vol 8 No. 4, p. 9.
Kuhlmann, E. and Bourgeault, I.L. (2008), Gender, professions and public policy: new
directions, Equal Opportunities International, Vol. 27 No. 1, pp. 5-18.
Martin, P. (1990), Rethinking feminist organizations, Gender & Society, Vol. 4 No. 2, pp. 182-206.
Meier, K.J., Mastracci, S.H. and Wilson, K. (2006), Gender and emotional labor in public
organizations: an empirical examination of the link to performance, Public Administration
Review, Vol. 66 No. 6, pp. 899-909.
Metcalfe, B.D. (2008), Women, management and globalization, Journal of Business Ethics,
Vol. 83 No. 1, pp. 85-100.
Metcalfe, B. and Rees, C. (2010), Gender, globalization and organization, Equality, Diversity and
Inclusion: An International Journal, Vol. 29 No. 1, pp. 5-22.

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

Mirmousavi, F. (2007), Analyzing womens career barriers, Etemad, July 24, p. 8.

Nimir, S. and Palmer, M. (1982), Bureaucracy and development in Saudi Arabia: a behavioural
analysis, Public Administration and Development, Vol. 2 No. 2, pp. 93-104.
Noshiravani, R. (2009), Iranian women and the Islamic republic: a chronology, available at:
http://fis-iran.org/fa/women/milestones/post-revolution (accessed June 16, 2011).
Ochieng Walumbwa, F., Wu, C. and Ojode, L.A. (2004), Gender and instructional outcomes: the
mediating role of leadership style, Journal of Leadership Development, Vol. 23 No. 2,
pp. 124-140.
Parsons, T. (1948), Max Webers sociological analysis of capitalism and modern institutions,
An Introduction to the History of Sociology (Chicago, 1948), Vol. 13 No. 2, pp. 290-291.
Pearson, R. (2007), Beyond women workers: gendering CSR, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 2 No. 4,
pp. 731-749.
Reskin, B. and Hartmann, H. (1986), Womens Work, Mens Work: Sex Segregation on the Job,
National Academies Press, Washington, DC.
Rodriguez, J.R. (2010), The construction of gender identities in public sector organisations in
Latin America, Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal, Vol. 29 No. 1,
pp. 53-77.
Romstami Povey, E. (2004), Women and work in Iran, available at: www.stateofnature.org/
womenAndWork.html (accessed May 21, 2011).
Rosener, J.B. (1990), Ways women lead, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 68 No. 6,
pp. 119-125.
Safiri, K. (2006), Indices of gender development and womens egalitarianism in Iran, Womens
Studies, Vol. 3 No. 3, pp. 33-49.
Sameh, C. (2009), Still in the street: three decades of Iranian womens activism, Against the
Current, Vol. 24 No. 4, pp. 8-10.
Schofield, J. (2001), The old ways are the best? The durability and usefulness of bureaucracy in
public sector management, Organization, Vol. 8 No. 1, pp. 77-96.
Scott, W. and Davis, G. (2007), Organizations and Organizing, Pearson, Upper Saddle
River, NJ.
Sneed, B. (2007), Glass walls in state bureaucracies: examining the difference departmental
function can make, Public Administration Review, Vol. 67 No. 5, pp. 880-891.
Tijsterman, S.P. and Overeem, P. (2008), Escaping the iron cage: Weber and Hegel on
bureaucracy and freedom, Administrative Theory & Practice, Vol. 30 No. 1, pp. 71-91.
United Nations Development Report for Iran (2010), United Nation Development Report, United
Nations Publications, New York, NY.
Vajiheh Zadeh, V. (2001), Womens employment situation in Iran, Hamshahri Daily Newspaper,
Vol. 8 No. 2388, available at: www.parstimes.com/women/womens_employment_
situration.html (accessed June 22, 2011).
Vardinejad, F. (2010), Bureaucracy in Iran, available at: www.verdinejad.com/VisitorPages/
show.aspx?IsDetailListtrue&ItemID14655,8 (accessed May 11, 2011).
Waring, M. (1988), If Women Counted: A New Feminist Economics, Harper and Row,
New York, NY.
Weber, M. (1922), Bureaucracy, in Shafritz, J.M., Ott, J.S. and Jang Y.S. (Eds), Classics of
Organization Theory, Wadsworth, Boston, MA, pp. 77-82.
Weber, M. (1978), Economy and Society, University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
Wells, M.C. (2003), The Freud/Weber connection: the case of Islamic Iran, Journal for the
Psychoanalysis of Culture and Society, Vol. 8 No. 2, pp. 214-231.

Iranian women
in the workforce

669

EDI
32,7

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

670

Williams, J.E. and Best, D.L. (1990), Measuring Sex Stereotypes: A Multination Study, Sage
Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA.
World Bank (2012), World development indicators, available at: www.worldbank.org (accessed
May 10, 2012).
Zahedi, S. (2003), Womens resources are wasted in Iran, available at: http://
eng.kilden.forskningsradet.no/c52778/nyhet/vis.html?tid53505 (accessed March 11,
2011).
About the authors
Golshan Javadian is a Management PhD Candidate in the Earl G. Graves School of Business and
Management at Morgan State University. Her research focus is on women entrepreneurship,
women in workforce, gender stereotypes and psychology of entrepreneurship. Golshan Javadian
is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: gojav2@morgan.edu
Isaac Y. Addae is currently pursuing a PhD in Management in the Earl G. Graves School of
Business and Management at Morgan State University. His research interests focus on the
intersection of technology and entrepreneurship, in relation to the role of social networks in
opportunity recognition. Isaacs career experience spans various industries, including companies
such as IBM, Ford Motor Company, Raytheon and Booz Allen Hamilton.

To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: reprints@emeraldinsight.com

Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints

This article has been cited by:

Downloaded by Monash University At 22:04 27 August 2016 (PT)

1. Vishal K. Gupta, Golshan Javadian, Nazanin Jalili. 2014. Role of entrepreneur gender and management
style in influencing perceptions and behaviors of new recruits: Evidence from the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Journal of International Entrepreneurship 12:1, 85-109. [CrossRef]