Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Accommodation
There are a number of hotels and B&Bs around town. Free accommodation can be found via
couchsurfing.com, hospitalityclub.org, bewelcome.org and others. The university is on the
edge of town so camping is also possible (showers are available in the Schofield building).
Travel
Loughborough is accessible via train from St. Pancras International in north London, or a
coach from London Victoria. The closest airport is East Midlands Airport or Luton Airport.
Tickets are cheaper if booked in advance.
The university itself is located about 45min walk from the train station. You could also take
the university shuttle bus.
If youre hitchhiking or driving, the university is easily accessible via the M1 (exit 23).
More information here: http://www.lboro.ac.uk/about/find-us/
The university shuttle bus is free to ride within the campus limits. For a map of the university,
follow this link: http://maps.lboro.ac.uk/
Accessibility
All university buildings are equipped with ramps and wheelchair accessible toilets.
Programmes will be available in larger fonts and dyslexia-friendly.
There will be a quiet space during the whole conference with comfy sofas available to the
participants.
Based on the responses during the registration questionnaire we have decided not to offer a
crche, but please let us know if you need assistance with child-minding and we will try to
help.
The conference papers will all be delivered in English, but we offer assistance in finding
translators from/to many spoken languages.
The conference food will be vegan; do let us know about allergies and intolerances.
The social event will be at a pub which is wheelchair accessible on the ground floor with an
accessible toilet.
Both films will be shown with English subtitles.
Safe(r) spaces
Previous conferences have not implemented safe(r) spaces policies and many people in
attendance are likely to have strong opinions about how such a process should be created and
implemented, if one is used at all. This is something wed like to negotiate and discuss at
ASN4, with a view to developing a robust and refined approach for future conferences. As
organisers we are committed to minimising oppression and damaging power imbalances but
feel that the best way to do this is together and publically. Please get in touch if youd like to
participate in creating proposals for this and future conferences.
Conference Schedule
All panels will be located in the Herbert Manzoni building (K1.09, K1.05, Purple Lounge) or in the
Brockington Extension (U0.05, U0.06, U1.12). Refreshments will be served between panels in the Purple
Lounge (Manzoni). There is a 15-minute extension to the 2nd and final sessions, which can accommodate
any panels in which the participants wish the discussion to run over-time.
10:45 - 12:15
Registration
Opening plenary
Refreshments
Refreshments
12:30 - 14:00
Lunch
14:00 - 15:30
15:45 - 17:15
Refreshments
Refreshments
Afem histories 1
Afem histories 2
Anarchism &
religion
Situated struggles
Erotic politics
Conceptual approaches 1
Reflections 1
Mujeres libres
Open space*
Open space*
Brockingto
n
Manzoni Building
Day 1
10:45 to 12:15
Opening plenary
The plenary will be held outside Manzoni building if the weather permits or in the Purple Lounge
otherwise.
14:00 to 15:30
14:00 to 15:30
The body is anarchist. Historic and epistemological frame to understand the construction of intersexuality as a
disease in Colombian medical discourses of fifties (abstract: p. xx.)
Sara Lugo Mrquez
Gender, neo-Malthusianism and anarchism in early 20th century Spain
Isabel Jimnez-Lucena, Carlos Tabernero-Holgado & Jorge Molero-Mesa
Ajoblanco (1974-1980). Science, gender and sexuality in the anarchist movement
Ana Macaya Andrs
15:45 to 17:45
15:45 to 17:45
DiY
Sandra Jeppesen
Horizontalism
Mark Bray
Are we not struggling against privilege? State, revolution and the Free Women of Spain, 1936-1938
Danny Evans
Sorority as emotional resistance in Mujeres Libres: A journey through the history of emotions
Elena Verdegay
Conscious Maternity, Child Care and the Improvement of the Proletariat: Mujeres Libres, Women and
Reproduction
Richard Cleminson
18:00 to 19:20
18:00 to 19:20
Day 2
12:30 - 14:00
14:00 - 15:30
15:45 - 17:15
Prison letter
writing
workshop
Purple lounge
Refreshments
Refreshments
Afem histories 3
Lunch
Refreshments
Refreshments
Creating selfreproducing
movements 2
Afem histories 4
Theory 1
Theory 2
Reflections 2
Utopian sci-fi
Gender &
sexuality 1
Conceptual
approaches 2
Creating selfreproducing
movements 1
Animal
liberation 1
Animal liberation 2
Animal liberation 3
Open space*
Open space*
Open space*
Open space*
Brockingto
n
Manzoni Building
9:00 - 10:30
9:00 to 10:30
Who are Las Piqueteras? A study of the organisation through the lens of Argentinian feminism.
Walter Alesci-Chelini
UK Suffragettes, an Approximation of Property
Virginia Lazaro
The influence of Emma Goldman in the Italian anarchist debate
Carlotta Pedrazzini
Patriarchy, Matriarchy, Anarchy - or...? Spinrads A World Between
Martin Wambsgan
Wimmin in Anarchy. A Survey of Gender Construction in Literary Utopias
Dr. phil. Peter Seyferth
10:45 to 12:15
10:45 to 12:15
12:30 to 14:00
14:00 to 15:30
14:00 to 15:30
Sparking the Pacifist Imagination by Depicting the Familiar as New: The Subversive Potential of Leo Tolstoys
Defamiliarisation
Dr Alexandre Christoyannopoulos
Jodo Shinsu: Buddhism Against the State in Japan
Enrique Galvn-lvarez
Rudolf Rocker and the Fate of the English Radical Bible
James Crossley
15:45 to 17:45
15:45 to 17:45
Anarchism Prefigured? Mary Wollstonecraft, Social Institutions and the Politics of Recognition
Anthony Burns
Gender and Revolution in the mid-19th century French-American Radical Press
Hilary Gordon
Can anarchist societies overcome white middle-class male privilege? Gender,
race and class in post-1968 libertarian communities
Luca Lapolla
18:00 to 18:30
18:00 to 18:30
Day 3
10:45 - 12:15
12:30 - 14:00
14:00 - 15:30
Closing Plenary
Purple lounge
Refreshments
Lunch
Refreshments
Anarchist histories 2
Anarchist histories 1
Radical education
workshop
Anarchy Rules!
workshop
Theory 3
Conceptual approaches 3
Anarchist geographies
Open space*
Open space*
Brocking
ton
Manzoni Building
9:00 to 10:30
9:00 to 10:30
10:45 to 12:15
10:45 to 12:15
10
Sergey Saitanov, International Slavic Institute, Moscow
Anarchists, Syndicalists and the First World War
Dr hist. Vadim Damier, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow
Proudhons Anti-Feminism
Alex Prichard
12:30 to 14:00
14:00 to 14:30
14:00 to 14:30
11
Abstracts
Day 1
Ajoblanco (1974-1980). Science, gender and sexuality in the anarchist
movement
Ana Macaya Andrs, CEHIC, Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona
The Spanish Transition was an era marked by social, cultural and political transformations. In that, it
was also a time when common conceptions of the body, of sexuality and gender evolved. Some sectors of
society, reacting against the loss of both their discursive hegemony and their authority to name and
explain reality, perceived the need to compromise with those who demanded new political
configurations, new social relations of class and gender. This led to both interaction and tensions in the
political, economic and social fields, and new issues were raised with regard to gender and sexuality, to
the body and the mind, and to the authority of biology, medicine and psychiatry as scientific disciplines.
This study aims at analyzing how the anarchist movement dealt with scientific knowledge and scientific
authorities with regard to gender and sexuality during the Spanish Transition. In that, it aims at opening
up new perspectives and forging new tools for epistemological studies. To this end, this piece of work
focuses on the first 55 issues of major anarchist monthly Ajoblanco (published along the course of the
magazines first era, 1974-1980), in the pages of which an epistemological proposition was gradually
outlined. Based on horizontal knowledge-building, equal consideration to all kinds of wisdoms,
unrestricted knowledge-sharing and activist purposes, the editors epistemological approach fostered the
participation of other groups involved with issues related to health, diseases, sex and gender groups
whose members often advocated for new lifestyles at odds with the normalization of bodies, conducts or
sexualities. Thus, interaction was frequent with the Feminist movement, the Gay movement or the
burgeoning Trans movement, but also with the anti-psychiatry movement, with radical environmentalists
or countercultural activists, resulting in a critique of deterministic biopower. On the other hand, tensions
emerged between the groups that made this subaltern whole, as the groups enjoyed very different levels
of social visibility and legitimacy, depending on the type of society they wished for and the means of
achieving it they advocated, and on the assimilability of their demands by mainstream society or by other
subaltern groups. Therefore, this study also aims at demonstrating and analyzing the relativity and
fluidity of positions hidden behind the categories of "subaltern" and "hegemonic.
As a tentative conclusion, this work shows how Ajoblanco along with other sectors of the anarchist
movement during the Transition era gave voice to and helped for the emergence of a subalternity
concerned about gender issues, and how these subaltern groups eventually created and promoted a
unified discourse on these issues. At the very same time, this study draws a light upon the fact that said
discourse was not singular, but plural: in that, said discourse laid the seeds for the questioning of the
duality of the Gramscian categories, but also for the questioning of those dualities related to sex, gender
and sexuality, and of the binomials health/disease or expert/non-expert.
show concrete examples of how poetry, letters and visions and healing
practices may contribute to the experience of directness which is implied in
the definition of Christian Mysticism.
Kartini, her peaceful struggle on three fronts and her reception by Christian anarchists
Andre de Raaij
Kartini was one of three sisters of a colonial, native official on Java, around 1900. Although barred,
being a woman, from formal secondary schooling she learned to read and write the colonial language
perfectly. Being female was her biological fate, like for example Mary Wollstonecraft's: she died at giving
birth, having married a man prominent in the hierarchy of indirect rule and against her will being part of
a harem.
Her literary and political testament consists of letters written to so-called humanitarians, social-democrats
and Christian anarchists. They make up fine prose and contain a statement both against colonial rule and
the traditions (adat) that were keeping women down. Being published in 1911, seven years after her
death, they drew attention in these circles but not much beyond those apart from the first president of
Indonesia, Soekarno, who declared her a national hero in 1964, a position she keeps to this day.
Focus in the presentation will be on the enthusiastic reception especially among Christian anarchists, of
her ideas, as published in Door duisternis tot licht (Through darkness to light), the edited letters as
mentioned above. However, this enthusiasm could not assist in furthering the emancipation of Javanese
women or changing, let alone abolish, colonial rule. As seems to be the case in all the imperial countries,
anarchists could not stem the tide of colonial oppression. Christian anarchism on Java itself never moved
beyond a small circle of white people working the colonial machinerie.
Womanism, Nature, and Anarchy: Thoughts on the Intersections of Justice, God, and the Dirt of Daily
Life
Anthony T. Fiscella, Lund University
In 1983 Alice Walker described womanism as a social change perspective rooted in Black womens and
other women of colors everyday experiences, which aimed to end all forms of oppression for all
people, restore harmony between people and nature, and reconcile human lives with the spiritual
dimension. Although these values are consistent with many anarchist approaches, there has been little
dialogue with or examination of womanist approaches within anarchist scholarship. Nor have scholars
noted significant commonalities between Walkers theological views and those of MOVE, the
Philadelphia-based organization founded by John Africa, whom Walker has consistently supported over
the years. In the theology taught by John Africa, there is no authority greater than self and each person is
called to obey self-government in stark opposition to the governance of states, bureaucracies, and
corporations. This presentation aims to look at womanism, nature theologies such as those of MOVE, and
their theories of gender justice that have developed from direct experience in grassroots activism in the
shadow of colonialist legacies.
than sexual practice. State promotion of sexuality equality has also been
increasingly critiqued for its homonormative agenda organised around the
acceptable, sexually private coupled form an agenda exported to other
nation-states, as conditions for international funding, inclusion and recognition, and as a
way of legitimating military and imperial action. Thus, the challenge I want to pose is to consider
what a progressive erotic state imaginary might entail. Addressing this question through a case-study of
conservative Christian conscientious objection highlights the sensual place of refusal, the friction of
withdrawal, and the excitements of contamination and incorporation.
Love, Law, Anarchism
Elena Loizidou, Law, Birkbeck College
In his recent book Notes on Suicide (2015) Simon Critichley writes that love is unlike a command or an
obligation:
To love is to commit oneself to another not without the guarantee that love will be returned, but with the hope that it
might be. Love takes place in the subjective mood: it may be, it might be, would that it were the case. The logic of
love is akin to the logic of grace. I give something that is truly beyond my capacity to control. I commit myself to it
completely, but there can be no assurance that love will be reciprocated. At any point in a love relation, the beloved
can and must be able to say I love you not. If this is not the case, if the beloved cannot refuse love, then love is
reduced to coercive control, to contractual obligation and command. (Critchley, 2015: 30-31).
Critichley draws for us a movement of love that contains ambivalence. Anne Carson in Eros Bittersweet
offers us an account of love, erotic love drawing on classical philosophy and literature. Carson as well
draws our attention to the ambivalence of love and its movement. Literary and Philosophical writings
about love draw to our attention the ambivalent character of love. Love as Carson puts it drawing from
the poet Sappho is bittersweet.
Critical Legal Studies have engaged with the relation between love and law. The contrast between these
two spheres of life had multiple aims: (a) to open the discipline of law, understood as the study of
doctrine, statutes and treaties, to other disciplines and to turn it from a practical subject to an academic
one (b) to demonstrate the limits of law through the sphere of love (c) to gently direct us to a better and
more just organization of life. Peter Goodrich and Maria Aristodemou are two of the most prominent
critical legal thinkers that worked and still working in bringing the relation of law and love to view. For
these critical lawyers we notice that the reference to love, confines love in the framework of law.
Goodrichs Love in the Courts of Law (1996) contains a series of cases whereby decisions on love are
made. Love is decided or framed in a decision. Laws role is to stop the ambivalent movement of love.
Aristodemou in Law, Psychoanalysis, Society by correlating law and love, points to us that there is an
eternal lack in both these spheres, that love will not solve the limitations of law but rather reveal even
more its limits, its narcissistic nature- every decision is a decision that it fills laws need for example. For
Aristodemou lack becomes the law. I would like to suggest that what both Goodrich and Aristodemou do,
is to frame love, in a particular way in which its movement, unpredictability and ambivalence that
Critchley and Carson point to us disappears.
When it comes to anarchism and love we notice through Emma Goldmans (the notorious early 20th
century anarchist) biographical experience of love, her falling in love with Ben Reitman, moved her to
such an extent as to question her political beliefs. To question to what extent anarchism which is/was
against the legalization of love, against possessiveness, for free love, was possible to propagate such a life.
In doing Goldman shows us both the limits and the possibilities of love. She shows us the ambivalence of
love and simultaneously the startling difference between the subject in love, the anarchist subject and the
subject of law. The anarchist subject uses the turbulence of love to question itself, not to ask for a
resolution- but to sit with this turbulence, to sit with the ambivalence. It is an embracing of ambivalence
that may be named as lack but this lack is not the law.
Law and love I would like to argue are two very different movements that organize life, and any attempt
to relate love to law shows more and more their non-relation or capitulates love to the movement of law.
If there is a desire for a different organization of life, where there is a hope for a better, more just world, if
this is one of the aims of the critical legal project, then there may be a need for critical legal scholarship to
pause and listen carefully to nuanced differences of the movements around law.
Revolutionary Love
Dr Laurence Davis, University College Cork
This paper develops the idea of revolutionary love, drawing on anarchist and
feminist conceptions of erotic love as a transformative political concept and a grounded utopia.
Feminist theorists have long been ambivalent about the transformative political potential of erotic love.
On the one hand, many have portrayed it as a dangerous delusion that has perpetuated patriarchy and
capitalist domination. On the other hand, some have argued that certain forms of love may potentially be
revolutionary, either as a model for an alternative political order or as a practical source of solidarity in
revolutionary social movements.
Drawing on this literature, and focusing in particular on the work of Simone de Beauvoir and Emma
Goldman, the paper argues for a dual, or Janus-faced, account of love as a power both alienable and
alienated, and potentially revolutionary. In a critical interpretation of de Beauvoirs The Second Sex, and
Goldmans two-volume autobiography Living My Life, it examines the tension, particularly notable in
anarcha-feminism, between utopian imagination and the constrained possibilities of existing reality, and
suggests that this tension is constitutive of revolutionary love as a grounded utopia.
worst experiences and best practices. We will open up the discussion to
questions regarding the (im)possibility of anarchafeminist research within
the intensifying neoliberal university system.
The Withering Away or The Revitalization of The Idea of University?
Sercan Kiyak, Research Assistant and PhD candidate, Sociology, Mugla Sitki Kocman University, Turkey
The presentation will discuss the genealogy of the main ideas and practices that form the basis of modern
university institution and its later transformation into an actor in the global market. Moreover it will be
argued that a new idea of university can be vitalized through fights over identity of university and its
participation in wider political and economic issues beyond it. The presentation will start with a small
genealogy section about the emergence of the modern university institution as the legitimization of the
political rule and the highest expression of the cultural unity of the nation. As the discursive parts of the
story the ideas of German philosophers will be mentioned from Kant, Fichte and Schelling and their
implementation in the establishment of the first modern university Berlin University will be
historicized. After that it will be noted that the idea of idea of university itself appears to be weakened
by its inability to cope up with the increasing technicality of knowledge. Especially after the World War II
universities were reformed to be mass institutions that provide technical knowledge for the welfare
regimes. This period is characterized also by university radicalism and increase in reflexive thinking upon
knowledge and university. Both of these power vectors can be seen in the writings of Habermas at the
period. Despite these contestations the university after The Cold War is increasingly drawn into the
advent of global market and reforms itself into a competitive institution. In the next part the conditions of
the existence of the contemporary university will be discussed. The contemporary university appears to
completely lose its founding ideas but rather become a corporate entity (Theory of Triple Helix of
University) with a discourse of excellence (Bill Readings). In this context the article will discuss the
current developments in Turkey and the struggle of academics for peace. The participation of academics
in large numbers in the movement for peace and for a solution to problem of rights of Kurdish minority in
Turkey (and the subsequent criminalization of them) will be discussed as hinting towards a possible
revitalization of university. The possible problems or successes that can be encountered along this path for
revitalization will be discussed further with the audience.
15:45 to 17:45
The origin of anarchist experiences in Japan dates back to the Meiji Era, was
the opening period of the Japanese market to the West and the country's
industrialization. The opening of Japan brought not only new machinery
and production development as well led struggles against the Japanese Emperor and the
Western invasion. It wasnt resistance seeking a return to the origin, but against new arrangements of
governments about life. Anarchists broke out in the early twentieth century in Japan to shake both the
traditional customs as to fight against the new government that was established. Among these there is the
history of a Japanese women who have just forgotten so much for being anarchists as for being women.
One of these women was Ito Noe (1825-1923), who lived an open relationship with the famous anarchist
Osugi Sakae. She was murdered and tortured with her 7 years old nephew by the Japanese police. She
wrote anarcho-feminist texts and did not submit to the Japanese patriarchy and invented new ways of
love that shook the Japanese society. In response to the persecution of anarchists, the anarcho-feminist
Fumiko Kaneko along with his companion tried to assassinate the Emperor, but was arrested and
sentenced to death in 1926. Later the sentence was changed to life imprisonment. For Kaneko, It didn't
matter to her the modification, she didn't submit to justice and committed suicide. It is intended to present
these struggles to show the persecution of anarcho-feminists, their stories and tireless struggle for life
released from sexist and state powers.
Marusja Nikiforova An intersexual anarchist and a legend of the Russian Civil War
Dmitry Rublev, Russian Timiryazev State Agrarian University
Ewgeniy Kasakow, University of Bremen
Mariya (Marusya) Nikiforova (ca. 1890-1919) is known not only as a leader of the anarchists in Russia and
Ukraine, as a collaborator of Nestor Makhno, as an alliance partner and opponent of the Bolsheviks and as
victims of "white terror". Since their imprisonment in tsarist prisons it was rumored that she was a
"hermaphrodite". Supposedly her secret was revealed by their fellow inmates in a women's prison.
Nikiforova was active in the anarchist movement since the first Russian Revolution, escaped from prison,
lived abroad a long time and returned back to russia after the February Revolution, where she played a
significant role in organizing the armed anarchist structures. She found her death in the hinterland of the
whites, where she tried to organize underground work after breaking with the Bolsheviks.
Plunged to new documents we want to reconstruct not only Nikiforovas revolutionary career in our
presentation, but also investigate how her intersexual reputation was perceived in the revolutionary
circles, how her "unfeminine behavior" was processed in the formation of myths and what this says about
the handling of intersexuality within the socialist (Women) movement at that time.
Emma Goldman and Peter Kropotkin: radicalism and reformism (federalism) in their assessment of the
Bolshevik's regime in Russia
Sergey Saitanov, International Slavic Institute, Moscow
Unfortunately, there are almost no serious scientific works on Emma Goldman in contemporary Russia.
Perhaps this is due, in no small part, with the Soviet tradition. It thought Goldman was radical anarchist
and the enemy of Soviet power. (It was the official reason of her deportation out of the Bolshevik Russia.)
A theme of feminism is not popular in Russia till this day. Meanwhile, the problem of feminism of
anarchist Emma Goldman is researched very detailed and thoroughly on the West in our time.
But nobody in our country touched the problem of assessing the power of the Bolsheviks in Russia by
Kropotkin and Goldman in terms of their radicalism and reformism. Therefore, first of all, I'd like to talk
here about it.
There are rare studies in Russia on Peter Kropotkin's late life after his comeback to his homeland
following the February Revolution. He openly supported the provisional government of Alexander
Kerensky. After its fall Kropotkin had hoped to return Russia to the path of becoming in it a federal
democratic republic, by the model of Western Europe and North America. To do this, he even headed the
activities of multi-party composition of the League of Federalists.
However, such a turn of his anarchist views did not fit into the official Soviet historiography, or in postSoviet tradition of anarchist research in modern Russia. Nevertheless, we'll try to highlight the problem
stated here.
communal maternal practices and new forms of female multicultural
cohabitation, despite the precarious and illegal aspects of living in a squat,
emerge as the rich findings of my investigation.
Direct Action
Vicente Ordez Roig
Both transgender issues and anarchism have risen into mainstream media and public discussion in
Finland during recent years. The ongoing medicopolitical debates on reforming the gender recognition
legislation, and the rapid political changes have created new kinds of queer-anarchist co-operative
projects. One visible example were the Pink Black Blocs participating in the Gay Pride parades of summer
of 2015 in Finland as well as internationally. The blocs combined anticapitalist black with queer pink,
calling for norm-critical, anarchist queer politics in their manifestoes. They emphasized the need to find
new ways of connecting and forming communities instead of pink money consumerism and creating
productive (trans)citizens. In my doctoral research I am particularly interested in the notion of gender
anarchy; the intentional carnevalization and undoing of gender, revolting against repressing categories
and norms. I will examine those non-normative, non-cis gender expressions as anarchist acts, and their
connections to wider queer-anarchist movements from an individual s point of view, asking: 1.) how is
one s gender expression connected to other forms of anarchist activism and political goals, and 2.) what
kind of spaces do queer-anarchist collectives and communities leave for non-normative gender
expressions? In my paper I will make some initial remarks on the ways queer, trans and anarchist political
goals are, or can be, interlinked and connected to individual experiences of gender non-conforming
identities. My aim is to trace the connections between identities and new political movements, as well as
formulate the ways queer-anarchism can inform ideal futures.
DIY anarchy beyond anti-capitalism: feminist, queer, trans, anti-racist and/or anti-colonial
communities of practice
Sandra Jeppesen, Media Action Research Group
Anarchist principles such as collective autonomy, horizontalism and prefiguration are put into practice
through DIY or Do It Yourself culture, creating anarchist spaces, collectives, groups and networks to
challenge hegemonic cultures of domination. DIY has emerged through different cultural forms, from the
underground comics and protest music of the 1960s and 70s counter-cultures, and the global punk music
scene emerging in the 1980s, to the co-emergent zines, news media, radio, & book publishing, forward to
the digital, tech activist and hacker cultures of today. Many of these cultural forms have played a key role
in radical social movements. While DIY is often studied and engaged as an anti-capitalist practice, it is
also widely taken up in feminist, anti-racist, queer, trans, gender, sexuality, disability and/or anti-colonial
movements. These movements can be intersectional, struggling against interlocking forms of oppression,
such as sex work in the context of global capitalism, or police brutality in the context of racism, sexism
and/or transphobia. However these specific movements can sometimes be marginalized within anarchist
and anti-capitalist movements, such as the anti-austerity movements in Europe, the Arab Spring, and
Occupy. This includes the DIY production spaces, groups and networks of these movements. At the same
time we also see strong movements such as Riot Grrrl, Black Lives Matter, and Missing and Murdered
Indigenous Women foregrounding these specific intersectional political issuesanarchafeminist, antiBlack racism, and anti-colonial sexism, respectivelythrough campaigns and direct action, producing
DIY culture to support and report on their movements. This presentation will cover seven key
characteristics of DIY anarchist culture, and then introduce a few case studies of DIY communities of
practice from an intersectional perspective, with time in the discussion period to hear about the
experiences of workshop participants. The objective is to have a participatory dialogue that will help us
better understand the challenges and successes of DIY culture today, particularly as it is being produced
and practiced by women, LGBTQI+ people, indigenous people, people of
colour, disabled people and/or more.
Horizontalism
Mark Bray
The anti-authoritarianism, direct democracy, and federalism of the horizontalist mass movements of the
past decades share a great deal with anarchist theory and politics. So are they basically variations on the
same theory of horizontal politics masquerading behind different histories and contexts? By drawing a
distinction between the historical "horizontalism" of recent years and the analytical adjective "horizontal,"
I will argue that horizontalism's anti-ideological ideology renders it susceptible to resignification in
decidedly non-horizontal directions at odds with anarchism. Ultimately, I demonstrate that although
anarchism is horizontal, and horizontalism is anarchistic, horizontalism and anarchism are not identical.
Are we not struggling against privilege? State, revolution and the Free Women of Spain, 1936-1938
Danny Evans, University of Leeds
One of the most striking confirmations of the revolutionary rupture that accompanied the partial defeat of
the military coup dtat begun in Spain in July 1936 was the presence in several of Spains major cities of
women in workers overalls brandishing rifles. However, the initially widespread exaltation of these
revolutionary women was gradually reversed in a process that ran parallel to the reconstitution of the
Spanish Republican state. The libertarian womens organisation, Mujeres Libres, founded just prior to the
war, formed a self-organised presence in the rear-guard via which the patriarchal implications of state
reconstruction would be combatted. In this talk I will analyse the activities of Mujeres Libres in relation to
the often violent processes of Republican state re-formation in Barcelona, through a focus on the linked
questions of the socialisation campaign, bread queues, and the defence of self-organised spaces.
Sorority as emotional resistance in Mujeres Libres: A journey through the history of emotions
Elena Verdegay, University of Hull
Emotions have rarely been considered in History. In light of contemporary feminist theory we now know
that emotions have followed the same pattern of exclusion of women and other oppressed groups in the
big narrative of history. Despite the effort undertaken done by scholars from different fields in developing
the field of the history of emotions, and in spite of the general consensus that emotions represent a huge
revolutionary potential for social change, very little has been written about the aspects related to
resistance and reparation in the emotional field.
In this paper I argue that the political practices performed by the organization Mujeres Libres can be
named as sorority and that, besides, this sorority can be considered as a form of emotional resistance
(Medina & Rosn, 2016). Emotional resistances are non-physical spaces that challenge the privileged
status of emotional regimes (Reddy, 2001) and their feeling rules (Rusell, 2011) in order to create
emotional refuges (Rosenwein, 2010) that could potentially make existence sustainable. Moreover, from
reparative history and the perspective of the reparative turn (Sedgwick, 2003), emotional resistances
contemplate two actions: resistance and reparation. In analysing this question, I will be looking at primary
sources in order to explore the affective bonds between women that create spaces of resistance and
reparation towards patriarchal discourse and practices that involve not only society but the libertarian
movement itself where these women were active. Indeed, emotional resistance is defined not only like
mere affective expressions but like knowledge that generates a political capital in the present (Medina &
Rosn, 2016: 2).
Conscious Maternity, Child Care and the Improvement of the Proletariat: Mujeres Libres, Women and
Reproduction
Richard Cleminson, University of Leeds
The anarchist movement in Spain was dedicated to the revolutionary
transformation of all spheres of existence, from the economic through to the
cultural. Growing out of and extending Enlightenment and eighteenthnineteenth-century interpretations of human nature and the perfectibility of human
beings, certain sectors of anarchism also aimed for the improvement of workers health both in
present society to alleviate suffering and as a means to secure a radically changed future devoid of ill
health.
In addition to engaging with anti-tuberculosis and anti-venereal disease campaigns, vegetarianism and
nudism, for example, some anarchists also attempted to reform child care and the whole reproductive
process. They argued in favour of women having children when they wanted and thought best, if at all,
provided classes on maternity and child care and informed women and men when reproduction was ill
advised.
This paper discusses this urge to perfectibility within Spanish anarchism with a particular focus on
Mujeres Libres but also on male authors who advocated similar strategies. It roots such concerns partly in
the overall plan of anarchism to radically alter lives and partly within the progressive biologization and
medicalization of the movement in the early twentieth century.
Day 2
9:00 to 10:30
achieve change. Whereas mainstream feminism visualises change within
the legal framework of democracy, Las Piqueteras posit that it is the only
way of women acquiring full equality of rights as in an eventual anarchistsocialist state. Las Piqueteras are marked by an advocacy of the principle of equality and
the sovereignty of the female body. Their activism includes all many campaigns in favour of
decriminalisation of abortion, rights for female workers and disclosures of political paralysis to pass
stronger laws in order to fight against domestic violence and trafficking. This study is complemented by a
discourse analysis of Las Piqueteras within the bounds of a social constructionist epistemology in
order to ascertain who, exactly, they are.
UK Suffragettes, an Approximation of Property
Virginia Lazaro
Suffragettes were women from different political parties and aggrupations, from very different social
conditions, who had in common not trusting anymore in the exclusive use of the word and had chosen to
take action as the only possible way to demand gender equality and therefore, social equitability. They
persistently attacked any way of communication but also showed particular interest in official buildings,
property destruction and specifically, devotion to attack works of art and museums.
Suffragettes struggle was not only a question of women's suffrage but a wider claim of social reforms.
Their destructive impulse is originated in class and social inequality suffer. It is the aim of this talk to
suggest that with their actions they were attacking the symbolic status which was defining their existence:
the conception of bodies as property with an economical value. As well, how the iconoclastic used these
iconoclastic gestures when covering suffragettes attacks in an attempt to preserve social and political
stability.
The influence of Emma Goldman in the Italian anarchist debate
Carlotta Pedrazzini
Due to her effort at linking issues of anarchism to those of feminism, Emma Goldman (1869-1940) is
generally recognised as the first theorist and originator of anarcha-feminism. Thinking that it was
impossible to gain social emancipation without focussing on womens emancipation, Emma Goldman
worked towards spreading ideas of womens freedom, sexual liberation, birth control and the use of
contraceptive devices. She recognised patriarchy as a source of hierarchy and authority that needed to be
fought; a battle that was closely related to the general anarchist struggle for freedom and emancipation.
Emma Goldman floated the idea of a new role for women in society. Some male anarchist militants used
to consider her work for womens liberation as a waste of time. In their opinion, such efforts were
weakening the attempt of the anarchist movement to achieve political and socio-economic goals, making
the struggle lose strength and power in the fight against capitalism and government. This opinion about
the unimportance of linking anarchism to feminism lasted several years. For this reason Emma Goldmans
feminist ideas have been ignored for many decades and rediscovered in the 70s by the feminist
movement.
In the Italian context, Emma Goldmans anarcha-feminist ideas have been revalued in the 70s, when they
started being reported in anarchist debates about feminism. Thanks to the revolutionary and innovative
features of her thinking, her thoughts keep on influencing anarchist discussions about sexual liberation
and womens emancipation.
The aim of this paper is to understand whether and how Emma Goldmans ideas have influenced the
anarchist debates about feminism in Italy, analysing the presence of Emma Goldman in some Italian
anarchist journals and magazines in the last decades.
Carlotta Pedrazzini is editor of A-Rivista Anarchica, an Italian anarchist monthly magazine founded in Milan in
1971. She graduated from Universit degli Studi di Milano with a MA in Political Science and Government. Her
masters thesis about Emma Goldman has been partially published in Italian. For the magazine A-Rivista Anarchica
she edited a selection of Emma Goldmans writings published in Italian for the first time.
a combination of the linguistic theory called Frame semantics with modern
corpus linguistics and deconstructive insights, I will try to give an
theoretically informed critique of the positions and opinions at that time
and their impact on the generation of the German student movement of 1968.
But the closure of classical utopias has been overcome by the critical
utopias and critical dystopias that have appeared since the 1970s. On the
one hand, outsiders now are welcome in utopia, so that the utopian social
order becomes dynamic and changeable, enabling many different and incompatible
identities. This includes women even in anarchist visions told by male authors. On the other hand,
female authors start to heavily contribute to the discourse of anarchist utopia. Perspectives and narrative
voices multiply. Gender differences are not done away with and are still one (of many) sources of conflict.
But they are constructed differently, not so unfair as in old utopias or in the real world. I will present an
overview of gender constructions in anarchist utopian and science fiction texts of the last 40 years.
Speakers: Lynne Friedly, Amy Westwell, Arianna Introna, Alessandro Froldi, Cailean Gallagher, Sacha
Kahir & Kieran Curran
The panel wants to discuss struggles and conflicts around gender, care and migration from the
perspective of Silvia Federici idea of social reproduction. If, no movement can survive unless it is
concerned with the reproduction of its members how can we bring forward analysis, practices and
organizations that can produce (and reproduce) dynamics of social changes? We welcome contributions
that deal with both the contemporary socio-political landscape as well as more historical and theoretical
reflections. We are particularly interested in analyses of the role of social reproduction within a wide
array of social movements and subjects including women, LGBT, unemployed, precarious workers,
disabled, migrants and carers. The panel wants to discuss struggles and conflicts around gender, care and
migration from the perspective of Silvia Federici idea of social reproduction. If, no movement can
survive unless it is concerned with the reproduction of its members how can we bring forward analysis,
practices and organizations that can produce (and reproduce) dynamics of social changes? We welcome
contributions that deal with both the contemporary socio-political landscape as well as more historical
and theoretical reflections. We are particularly interested in analyses of the role of social reproduction
within a wide array of social movements and subjects including women, LGBT, unemployed, precarious
workers, disabled, migrants and carers.
10:45 to 12:15
Speakers: Lynne Friedly, Amy Westwell, Arianna Introna, Alessandro Froldi, Cailean Gallagher, Sacha
Kahir & Kieran Curran
The panel wants to discuss struggles and conflicts around gender, care and migration from the
perspective of Silvia Federici idea of social reproduction. If, no movement can survive unless it is
concerned with the reproduction of its members how can we bring forward analysis, practices and
organizations that can produce (and reproduce) dynamics of social changes? We welcome contributions
that deal with both the contemporary socio-political landscape as well as more historical and theoretical
reflections. We are particularly interested in analyses of the role of social reproduction within a wide
array of social movements and subjects including women, LGBT, unemployed, precarious workers,
disabled, migrants and carers. The panel wants to discuss struggles and conflicts around gender, care and
migration from the perspective of Silvia Federici idea of social reproduction. If, no movement can
survive unless it is concerned with the reproduction of its members how can we bring forward analysis,
practices and organizations that can produce (and reproduce) dynamics of social changes? We welcome
contributions that deal with both the contemporary socio-political landscape as well as more historical
and theoretical reflections. We are particularly interested in analyses of the role of social reproduction
within a wide array of social movements and subjects including women, LGBT, unemployed, precarious
workers, disabled, migrants and carers.
In the plateaus entitled 1914: One or Several Wolves? and 1227: Treatise on Nomadology: The War
Machine in A Thousand Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari argue that becoming-wolf, as immeasurable
multiplicity, the pack (Deleuze & Guattari 1987, 352) an irruption lies outside dualities of terms as
well as correspondences between relations (Deleuze & Guattari 1987, 352), thus emphasizing the position
of the subject, as well as the position of the mass in relation to their constitutive multiplicities. The wolf,
as the instantaneous apprehension of a multiplicity is not symbolic or representative according to
Deleuze and Guattari (1987, 32), but an I feel. I feel myself becoming a wolf, one among others, on the
edge of the pack. Thus, while Freud purges the Wolf-Man of his ontological multiplicity or difference,
Deleuze and Guattari (1987, 278) argue that such social and psychological constructs leave too many
special factors unaccounted for. What I therefore propose in this paper is to rethink the conceptual
personae of the wolf-pack and multiplicity in terms of especially Guattaris analysis of group formation
and his distinction between subjugated groups and subject groups. My aim is show that gender, as praxis
and subjectivity, can gain much from Deleuze and Guattaris philosophical collaboration, especially
considering the concepts referred to above, both philosophically and politically.
possible for some to have a passport with gender x, in the UK the genderneutral Mx title was officially adopted last year. Indirectly fucking laws
gendering function are the so-called gender deception cases of which
three have recently gathered an increasing level of media coverage (McNally, Newland,
Lee). The latter sees the judicial system reasserting its hegemony as heteronorm-maker, while the
popular press amplifies the vehemence of the lesbo- and trans*phobia in these judgments. This paper
evaluates the effects of these queer cases and legal reform efforts, and asks what the queer struggle with
the heteronormative can tell us about laws social function, material effects and emancipatory or
liberatory potential more broadly. Is now the time to say fuck law?
Doing Justice Without Punishment: Queer/feminist/antiracist engagements with community
accountability and transformative justice
Sarah Lamble, School of Law, Birkbeck, University of London
In the current era of mass incarceration, where the harms and failures of state-based criminal justice have
become increasingly more acute, alternative models of community-based transformative justice are
gaining interest in North America and Europe. Responding to the failures of the state to adequately
address interpersonal violence in particular, grassroots feminist, queer, anti-racist and anti-prison
organisers are developing new models of justice that move away from punitive practices and instead
foster community-based safety and accountability protocols. These models seek to prioritise
victim/survivors needs, offer alternative pathways for collective responsibility, and attend to social,
cultural and structural factors that contribute to violence. However, community accountability is easier
said than done. The political, ethical and pragmatic dilemmas of engaging in such protocols pose
considerable challenges and difficulties. Drawing on interviews with grassroots organisers who are
engaged in community accountability work in Seattle, New York and Oakland, this paper considers the
challenges and possibilities of doing justice without the state and without punishment.
Lads or fags?: Challenging the reification of masculinity in the provision of services for male survivors
of sexual violence
Jack Johnstone, School of Law, Birkbeck, University of London
The United Kingdom is being subjected to the ideology of austerity, which under a Conservative mandate
seeks to reassert norms of masculinity and heterosexuality. The belief that there is a correct way to
perform a gender or a sexuality has wide-ranging negative consequences for those who do not conform to
societal standards of gender expression. For survivors of sexual assault, this conflict is vital. Survivor
support services are moulded into following a heteropatriarchal outreach method in their attempts to
secure government funding, which has a stark impact on male survivors who do not fit into prescribed
norms of masculinity. Despite mainstream acceptance of homosexuals into the Conservative family
structure ideology, other queers - cis and trans - are left behind. Unable and unwilling to be homogenised,
these queers do not have the option of conformity. In this paper I will show how heteropatriarchal,
Conservative ideology continues to punish male queer survivors of sexual violence and further, explore
the ways in which transformative justice processes subvert the state criminal justice system in their
responses to rape and sexual assault. I ask the question of who is allowed to benefit from state-funded
survivor support services: lads or fags?
the agency of non-human animals, making them central actors in the
process of change. But by self emancipation we also mean that in an
integral way. So in the vein of Reclus who considered humans as nature
becoming self conscious, we view a veganarchist politics and its related project of spatial
emancipation as part of the furtherance of this developing awareness. It is a recognition of the
relational assemblage of violence, and the harm we do to ourselves when we perpetuate abuse and
suffering.
In short, recognize that the geography of veganism simultaneously operates on many different terrains
that bring together the personal and the political. In animating this geography so that it can realize the
larger goal of spatial emancipation we maintain that an anarchist perspective is paramount precisely
because of its capacity to think and act in an integral way vis-a-vis the intersectional relations of
domination.
Richard J. White is a Reader in Human Geography at Sheffield Hallam University, UK. A significant part of
Richard's teaching, research and writing is committed to developing anarchist praxis within critical animal
geography. Addressing a range of ethical landscapes rooted in the context of social justice and total liberation
movements, he is particularly interested in de-constructing the ways in which exploitation of humans and animals
runs side-by-side and intersects in society, and developing a new geographic imaginary based on peace and nonviolence.
Naturism and biopolitical resistance in Brazil: a reading of Lima Barreto
Ndia Farage
This presentation discusses the presence of libertarian naturism within the framework of the labour
movement in the first decades of 20th century Brazil. The vigour of anarchism in the labour movement in
Brazil at the turn of the century, as in South America at large, has been thoroughly studied, with special
attention paid to crucial anarchist interventions concerning cultural practices, such as education or
womens rights. The incidence, though, of naturist theses on the anarchist movement in Brazil has not
been scrutinised. It cannot be said that there was a naturist movement in Brazil, similar in extent to that of
France or Spain. However, South European naturist ideas and practices reached the labour movement in
Brazil, nourishing its resistance against State biopolitics. Indeed, at the beginning of the century,
authoritarian biopolitical measures were enforced in Brazil, among them obligatory small-pox
vaccination. In Rio de Janeiro, then the federal capital, the populations resistance to obligatory
vaccination culminated in street riots in 1904. Naturist theory had a considerable role in that resistance,
unveiling the link between vaccination and vivisection, upon which the making of vaccine depended. In
so doing, they advanced the critique of experimental science, which targeted vulnerable bodies, be they
animals or workers.
Guided by a reading of the work of the Brazilian anarchist novelist Lima Barreto, the paper explores the
premises of such a critique, in particular its theory of substance, which implies notions of body, the living
being and the political -existential similarity between human and other animals.
Ndia Farage is Collaborative Professor in the Dept of History and in the Centre for the Study of the
Social History of Culture, at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences, University of Campinas,
Brazil. She has developed research and published articles on libertarian naturism in modern Brazil.
Ndia Farage is Collaborative Professor in the Dept of History and in the Centre for the Study of the Social History
of Culture, at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences, University of Campinas, Brazil. She has developed
research and published articles on libertarian naturism in modern Brazil.
Multi-species Commons: Walking with dogs and the development of posthuman community
Erika Cudworth
This paper draws on a study of companion animals in human households and public spaces and deploys
material gained by ethnographic observation and interviews with dog walkers mainly in urban but also,
for comparison, in rural contexts. The paper argues that the relationships between cross-species packs of
people and dogs develop over time in the routine practices of walking in particular public spaces. This
does not just contribute to the well-being of individual humans or the dogs they live with, rather, it
enables the emergence of a particular kind of community that benefits the dogs and humans within it, and
the broader community more widely. Communities of people and dogs,
generated through walking together have particular characteristics, this
research finds. These posthuman communities of dogs and dog walkers
are co-constituted both humans and dogs are agential in the process of communitymaking. Posthuman communities are also characterised by social inclusivity, a tolerance of diversity
and openness to others. Human members of such communities are invested in, and defensive, of public
spaces and are engaged in various practices of care for humans, dogs, other species and the places
through which they walk. These eclectic and dynamic networks of people and dogs are something that
might be drawn on in developing new ways of sharing space in our more-than-human world.
Erika Cudworth is Professor of Feminist Animal Studies in the School of Social Sciences at the University of East
London, UK, where she teaches sociology, politics and international relations. Her research interests include human
relations with non-human animals, particularly animal companions and the use of non-human animals for food. She
is author of many journal articles and book chapters, and her books include Social Lives with Other Animals and
Posthuman International Relations (with Steve Hobden). Erikas current projects are on animal companion
relationships (particularly with dogs), animals and war and the development of a more creaturely politics. She is
currently working on a new book, The Emancipatory Project of Posthumanism, with Steve Hobden.
Radical Animal Studies, Total Liberation, and Anarchist Criminology
Anthony J. Nocella II
This presentation will be grounded in my chapter in the book Anarchism and Animal Liberation: Essays
on Complementary Elements of Total Liberation (2015). The first topic that will be brought up will be the
need for the rise of radical animal studies, as it will be argued that critical animal studies has been coopted and hijacked by careerists and opportunists. Next, through two examples racial justice and
disability justice, total liberation a form of activism and a movement is defined and explained. Finally,
through an anarchist criminological lens the conclusion will introduce the need for the abolition of
punitive justice, including prisons, and the rise of transformative justice.
Anthony J. Nocella II, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of sociology, criminology, peace and conflict studies, and
gender and women studies and Fort Lewis College and has published over fifty scholarly articles or book chapters.
He is the editor of Peace Studies Journal, co-founder and Executive Director of the Institute for Critical Animal
Studies, Director of the Academy for Peace Education, Editor of the Radical Animal Studies and Total Liberation
book series, and National Co-Coordinator of Save the Kids. He has published more than twenty books, most recently
including Policing the Campus: Academic Repression, Surveillance, and the Occupy Movement. His website is
www.anthonynocella.org.
14:00 to 15:30
Jodo Shinsu: Buddhism Against the State in Japan
Enrique Galvn-lvarez, International University of La Rioja
As self-confessed anarchist and Zen Buddhist scholar Brian Victoria points out, there
is no Buddhist tradition in Japan that has resisted the state more than Jodo Shinshu, and there is no
Buddhist tradition that has been co-opted by the state more than Jodo Shinshu. Starting as an arguably
anti-authoritarian movement, centred on the charismatic figure of Shinran (1173-1263), which operated
outside of state-controlled temple bureaucracy, Jodo Shinshu institutions (formed after Shinrans death)
quickly adopted the ideologies, rituals and hierarchical structures of other Buddhist traditions. However,
even two centuries after the first temples were established a somewhat horizontal and grassroots Jodo
Shinshu movement, the Ikko-Ikki (1486-1586), instigated the first large scale peasant rebellions in the
history of Japan. Sometimes supported (and used) and sometimes condemned by the Shinshu institutional
leadership, the Ikko-Ikki often refused to pay tax and took arms to resist the Samurai state(s) in their effort
to unify, centralize and rule the Japanese archipelago well into the 16th century (1580s).
After the military success of Nobunaga (1534-1582), Jodo Shinshu temples, along with all other Buddhist
institutions, were brought under tight state-control; a process that culminated in Buddhist support for the
emperor, reinstated after the Meiji Revolution (1868), and his war efforts. The catastrophic Japanese defeat
in World War II (1945) inspired a process of self-questioning and doctrinal revision in most Jodo Shinshu
institutions. A dominant theme in this collective process of self-reflection is the critical reassessment of
Jodo Shinshus historical and destructive role as a conservative, state-supporting force, both in Japan and
the United States. This paper analyses contemporary Shinshu thinkers who are trying to disentangle Jodo
Shinshu from its authoritarian past and formulate an ethic of social equality and critical independence
from the state, derived from Shinran and the subversive actions of his early followers. By discussing their
reappraisal of Shinshu history, I highlight the antiauthoritarian implications of their discourses and
outline some of its social applications. Jodo Shinshu temples are one of the very few Buddhist
establishments in America that currently perform same-sex marriages and some of its members have been
vocal opponents of the War on Terror or Japans efforts to rearm itself. Although this socially progressive
Shinshu ethic is not always expressed in an explicitly anarchist fashion, it contributes a peculiarly
libertarian voice to the ongoing Buddhist anarchist conversation and to the broader spectrum of
progressive, politically-engaged Buddhisms.
Rudolf Rocker and the Fate of the English Radical Bible
James Crossley, St Marys University, Twickenham, London
Prior to the First World War, anarchism was thriving in the Jewish East End of London in its so-called
Golden Age. Its most prominent figure was the Anarchist Rabbi, Rudolf Rocker, who also happened to
be gentile, German and godless. Nevertheless, a distinctive contribution to the construction of religion, the
Bible and biblical language as politically radical was made by Rocker and his associates, often
unconsciously and even in contradiction to their more overt views on religion and theology being integral
to the power of the state. The momentum of this movement and Rockers activism in London was brought
to an abrupt halt at the outbreak of the war. This paper will analyse the ways in which Rocker constructed
or assumed radical/anarchic notions of religion and the Bible but also look at the fate of these ideas in rest
of the twentieth century. It will look at how such views became dispersed in political ideas among postwar Jewish groups, the appropriation of what was assumed to be Jewish language of liberty and
freedom by the new Right, and the ideological reasons for why the once popular figure of Rocker was
quickly forgotten after his death.
than being an academic document of the history of the movement, we
would like to concentrate on its practical implementation and the benefits
and difficulties that have arisen from it, drawing on our own experience.
We would like to invite discussion on how the concept of Safer Spaces has been adopted
by student communities, and consider what we can learn from each other on its implementation.
Occupy: The making of a feminist anarchist
Mary Hickok, Shenandoah University
This paper explores the process that one self-identified feminist has gone through within the Occupy
Movement, starting out as a reformist, transitioning to a revolutionary, and eventually ending up as a
feminist anarchist. In the beginning I bought into president Obama's campaign promise of hope and
change. I believed that an African American man could improve the political structure in the United
States for people of colour, women and other minorities. Through observations of the political landscape I
began to see that he was not able to. I began to look for revolution. Through my time spent in the Occupy
movement, organizing direct actions, facilitating general assemblies, and participating in conscious
raising efforts, I was a catalyst for change, a part of the revolution. But with the organized crack down on
protestors, use of force by the state, dispersing of encampments, and general apathy of the people living
in this country, I also came to the realization that most people did not care about the inequality
perpetuated by the current power structure, and were not interested in change. People were satisfied with
life as it was and complacent in their ways. With the realization that reform and revolution are not viable
options in the United States I am now content to do things on my own terms and in my own way. This is
the story of one persons journey of change within the Occupy movement.
participate, perform, burn out
Claire Chong, Hamburg/Leicester
Performance in employment, as the constant demand for functionality and efficiency, is extensively
discussed in anarchist theory. However, its role within anarchists networks has rarely been identified. I
argue, that the organisational structure of anarchist networks is oriented after an ideal of performance,
that replicates the commodification of humans in capitalism. The performance norm is not representing
our actual needs and abilities, but is oriented after a healthy, academically educated male, who has no
responsibility outside employment. Within anarchist networks too often it is falsely assumed that
everybody is the same and can perform in the same way, that they can openly talk in plenaries and stay
for consensus discussions until midnight. For anarchist networks performance thus creates a selective
process for participation in terms of access, the creation of hierarchies and extrusion. The ideal of what a
person should contribute and whose contributions are visible are tightly interwoven with gendered,
classed and ethnicised structures of oppression. Reproductive, relational and emotional labour, the caring
and bonding that keep anarchist networks alive, are overlooked. We push ourselves to perform an activist
identity of functionality and burn-out isolated and pathologised.
In order to stop reproducing the same processes of exclusion and authority, we need to understand how
performance influences our personal relationships and network structures. I will share which processes of
exclusion I have identified in my experience and would like to discuss these with you. I propose to create
new meanings for performance that value contributions outside the existing norm.
social movements and political organisations pointed this out. Their
analyses show that our everyday reality is based on the gendered division
of labour in a capitalist and sexist society which is responsible for the crisis
of social reproduction. The actor*s of these movements demand social alternatives to
emphasise and re-evaluate care and reproductive labour as economically relevant and to end
exploitation and oppression. One would think that discourses of sustainability, degrowth economy,
solidarity economy or green growth are making more of a progress in this respect but is left disappointed,
though.
Anarchist and feminist strands of critique alike can contribute to transform societies from bottom up.
Economies should be based on everyones needs and social justice especially when it comes to mutual aid,
support and care (work). What can we find in theory and in practice? How should nursing and care work
be organised? How does this interlink with alternative approaches to economy, e.g. Degrowth? How do
anarchist or libertarian groups and collectives implement strategies of gender justice and feminist
approaches in these premises? What are visible examples to inform more people beyond activist
communities, too?
Feminist Politics of Non-monogamy, Polyamory and the Value of Erotic Autonomy
Christian Klesse, Department of Sociology, MMU
References to the values of self-ownership and erotic autonomy figure prominently in womens accounts
on why they are practicing polyamory. In this paper, I place poly feminist voices within a longer history
of feminist critiques of monogamy. Feminist anti-monogamy arguments signify a longer-standing
endorsement of the value of (erotic) autonomy within feminist politics. I turn to this issue, because
autonomy occupies a rather precarious position within feminism. Some modes of feminist analysis
present autonomy as an inherently androcentric concept that endorses cultures of masculinist, rational
individualism which are at odds with feminist practices of solidarity and care. This paper aims to point to
the prominence of feminist voices within polyamory, contribute to restoring a focus on autonomy within
feminist theorising and highlight the relevance of distinctively feminist notions of relational autonomy for
sexual politics and ethics.
This paper considers the similar representational, analogical, and physical experiences of the female of
the species, sketching the intersubjective stories of the chicken, cow, and human in our current society.
Presenting a narrative from the lives of an individual from each of these species, the female is considered
as inescapably entwined through theories of the transcendence of the subject/object distinction (Kristeva,
1980; Adams, 1990). Thus, this paper considers the incarceration of both body and spirit of the female as
ingrained in our current society, based around the exploitation of ovulation and lactation, and the
processes of sexualisation and consumption of the female body across species. There follows a move to
consider the problematic construction of humanity as agentic, and the animal as non-agentic (c.f. Latour,
2005), and the wider gender implications of this in terms of the embodiment of personhood of both animal
and human. The paper draws upon anarcho-feminist ideas of the new woman question (Darity, 2012),
and how the incorporation of anarchist principles and consciousness of other into theories of animal
agency could extend moral community to the animal, and consider a starting point for theorisation of the
more-than-woman, as distinct from the more-than-human.
Catherine Oliver is a PhD student in Human Geography at the University of Birmingham researching with vegan
and feminist activists, seeking to bring these two communities together and, through this, consider how moral
communities can be extended to include animal bodies. Her research explores the possibilities of being an activist in
more than one movement, without compromising identity, taking the vegan-feminist as the central connection to
integration of movements, and furthering social justice. Through her work she seeks to apply an innovative veganfeministapproach to theory, praxis, and analysis based upon the principles of non-violence and unity, expanding
upon current methodologies of participatory action research.
Including Anti-Speciesism in our Anarcha-Feminism: Towards an
Ahuman Activism
Aga Trzak
Aga's talk will combine her research and her activism to introduce the idea of the (hu)man, through
which she links the concepts of white able masculinity with that of humanness. This talk understands the
idea of (hu)manness as an identity that needs to be dismantled and unlearned which would necessitate an
ahuman activism. Such an activism would negate the (hu)man conceptually and minimise the human
literally, if we include a specifically antispeciesist ecofeminism in our politics. We create our resistance
groups through two mechanisms: Firstly, we group ourselves with others who are experiencing similar
struggles to ours and we come together in solidarity, so as to create our own culture, independent of the
status quo. This gives us the possibility to, secondly, make perceptible our oppressors and their acts of
violence that, in a hegemonic environment, go unnoticed. In animal and earth activism we can only ever
practice the latter, that is the making perceptible of the oppressor, the (hu)man. As members of the human
species we can only ever interpret but never experience and truthfully reflect the realities of animal and
nature Others. We can, however identify the one who holds power over animals and earth. That is, as this
talk argues, the (hu)man. The (hu)man, I suggest, is the masculinist, anthropocentric subject of kyriarchy,
a concept describing the interconnectivity of all systems of domination (Schssler Fiorenza 1992) such as
racism, sexism, ageism, nationalism, and speciesism. Thus, to achieve liberation our own and that of all
Others I suggest we need to dismantle kyriarchy by deconstructing the (hu)man and all his institutions.
We shall do so by practicing what Patricia MacCormack terms the ahuman (2014), an undoing of the
human. Departing from MacCormack's theory this talk explores anarchafeminist ways to put the ahuman
into action, so as to specifically resist and diminish kyriarchy and its subject the (hu)man.
Only through practicing an ahuman antispeciesism can we work towards an emancipated society of
plurality that celebrates difference.
Aga Trzak mainly organises with AntiSpeciesist Women and has recently obtained her PhD. Aga's activism and
academic work both focus mostly on an ecofeminist undoing of kyriarchy.
The Third (Forgotten) Part in the Process of the dehumanisation: Animals
Lex Kartan
Lexs talk will go into more depth with this conception of objectification as a dehumanising/ animalising
process and explore it through three interconnected aspects: Firstly, Lex will describe the general
functions of animalising human Others, which is a process that results in the prohibition of a fully human
status, be it in form of citizenship rights or social and micropolitical (power) relationships. The talk will
draw particular attention to the construction of 'the animal' and animality as a concept that functions as a
culturally determined identity marker. That is one that indicates lower, less-than-human status (human
denoting the dominant power holder). Secondly, Lex observes how this process is embedded in the
languages and forms of expression that create our realities. The dichotomous separation of human and
not-human-enough/animal however does not only apply to mainstream hegemonic culture. As this talk
argues, speciesist assumptions, especially expressed through language are also produced and reproduced
within Eurocentric anarcha-feminist circles. Marginalised groups and their allies often adopt the very
tactics reproduced by the dominant culture and use binary categorisation with speciesist assumptions to
explicitly demarcate 'the system' as our enemy. So often those we stand in resistance against are described
as not-human. Lex will point out how problematic it is to refer to cops as pigs, as an expression of anger
or frustration with the police, for example, because it reproduces speciesist values and so includes
oppressive discourse in various resistance movements. This leads to the last point this presentation will
make, which considers how this process of dehumanising effects those who actually do not have human
species-belonging, that is animals. In order to recognise animals as autonomous beings with intrinsic
values and the right to be in this world independent of humans, we must abolish our own speciesist
understanding of the world. Only by including an anti-speciesist politics into our resistance can we, as
anarcha-feminists, truly dismantle the status quo.
Lex Kartan is an artist and activist, through their works exploring and challenging inequality, oppression and
exploitation of others, mostly concentrating on neurodiversity, queer theory and animal liberation. They are also
active in the "no borders" movement, practising solidarity instead of charity.
15:45 to 17:45
the creation of communities based on such principles. In particular, many
of the squats, social centres and rural communes established after 1968
were openly inspired by these values. Was equality real or just nominal?
This paper will draw on interviews with current and former squatters/activists to investigate
how categories like gender, race and class can affect life within and around libertarian communities.
By presenting examples from British and Italian post-1968 case studies, I will explore the effects of
different temporal and cultural frames on concrete libertarian societies. These communities often
replicated tensions around issues related to gender, race, or class present in mainstream society. Finally, I
will illustrate various strategies adopted by case studies to overcome both explicit or hidden privileges
and hierarchies, and reflect on the importance of learning from previous experiences to avoid recurring
mistakes.
Dr. Maurice Schuhmann, born in 1978 is a graduate political scientist with a
doctorate from Berlin (Germany). He has been living and working in France for a
number of years. His main research focusses on individual anarchism, the history
of anarchism within the GDR (German Democratic Republic) and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. He
currently teaches as a lector for German language and culture at the Universit Grenoble Alpes.
Against Political Polyamory and In Defence of Free Love
Molly Uzzell, AK Press
Historically, most anarchafeminists have explicitly rejected marriage as a tool of control by the state
and/or church, inherently reinforcing the patriarchy. In the early 20th century, this position was known in
the Anglophone West as 'Free Love' and didn't necessarily imply anything about the relationship
structures of the people involved, although many did engage in what we would now call polyamorous
relationships. 'Free Love' as a term underwent a semantic shift as a result of its adoption by 1960s
counterculture movements, in which incarnation it has been roundly (and rightly) critiqued by feminists.
More recently, as the institution of marriage itself has waned in social importance, the language used in
discussing relationship arrangements has tended to conflate 'monogamy' with 'exclusivity' -- i.e.
describing relationships as 'monogamous' even where the partners have no intention to ever marry, and
using 'non-monogamy' interchangeably with 'polyamory'. This shift has contributed to the conflation of
arguments against marriage with arguments in favour of multi-partner relationships, which in turn tends
to feed into the frequent lionization of polyamorous arrangements among anarchists as being somehow
"more radical" or even "more anarchist" than exclusive relationships. (A phenomenon which, incidentally,
closely mirrors the tendency in queer communities to uphold relationships perceived as "more queer" as
"more radical" or "better" than those perceived as more traditional.)
I argue that this tendency is essentially mistaken, and that the conflation of critiques of marriage with
arguments in favour of polyamory tends to open up polyamorous communities to the same sorts of
patriarchal oppression that has been critiqued in the 'Free Love' communities of the 60s-70s.
Reform
Leonard Williams
In Michael Freedens approach to understanding ideologies, most of the attention is given to the core
concepts that constitute the heart of an ideological tradition. Relatively little attention, however, has been
paid to more peripheral concepts that enable an ideology to adapt to particular social and political
contingencies, contexts, practices, and events. I argue in this paper that, for anarchism, reform definitely
emerges as just such a peripheral concept. In the context of a longstanding debate between reform and
revolution within anarchist and other radical traditions, the story to be told is largely one of ambivalent
identities and practicesa perpetual tension between revolutionary ambitions and pragmatic
accommodations. The paper examines this ambivalence through illustrative examples regarding anarchist
identity (e.g., the cases of Chomsky and Bookchin) and anarchist practice (e.g., issues such as marriage
equality or prisons).
Revolution
Uri Gordon
As a core concept in anarchist ideology, the term revolution is an anomaly. First, it is not an axial term
designating a value, but a descriptive term for a manner of social change.
Second, it is not employed in one determinate sense but subject to complementary decontestations, which
highlight differences between anarchism and neighbouring ideologies as well as within anarchism itself.
Traditionally, the anarchist idea of revolution has been expressed through two main distinctions. One is
between revolution and reform, as terms regarding the depth and magnitude of social change - revolution
here designating abolition rather than amelioration of oppressive systems such as capitalism and
patriarchy. Another is the distinction between political revolution and
social revolution, the former involving a takeover of the state and the latter,
its abolition along with class society.
Thirdly, the process of anarchist revival over recent decades has seen the term's significance
and very thinkability called into question, making for a highly unstable core concept. In particular, the
concept of revolution as a more or less rapid process of upheaval and mass reconstruction now stands in
tension with a concept of revolution as either identical with, or the uncertain outcome of, "prefigurative"
experiments and processes of everyday life. The latter approach, I argue, derives not only from insight
about the decentralisation of power in modern society but also in part from resignation to the
impossibility of thoroughgoing social change in advanced capitalist countries. Whether revolution
survives as a core concept in an anarchist ideology increasingly attuned to the prognosis of industrial
collapse remains an open question
Prefiguration
Benjamin Franks
This paper identifies the concept of prefiguration and explains why it has been spatially and historically
core to anarchist morphologies. It examines prefiguration, as the embodiment of particular constellations
of norms and values embedded in - and structuring - diverse, evolving material practices. The paper also
examines and responds to criticisms of prefiguration from determinist Marxists who argue that
prefiguration is inadequate or detrimental to a genuinely revolutionary (anti-)politics, as it restricts
revolutionary practice, and is intellectually arrogant as it claims to embody post-revolutionary values
when the ideological weight of capitalism occludes these from our consciousness. It also examines and
responds to criticisms from some post-anarchism positions which argue that as prefiguration ties actions
in the present to ultimate endpoints, it must be ultimately be a form of arch (generative first principle for
social domination), reducing multiple subjects to a singular, unitary goal and thus reasserting
deterministic structures of governance. This paper explains that prefiguration identifies and extends the
emancipatory cracks already existing and necessarily includes goal plurality and the possibilities of
transcendence.
Has the militant animal rights movement in Britain declined? Two perspectives on how and why
The history of the animal liberation movement in the UK has gone through distinct phases. These include
the direct actions of the 1980s, when the ALF emerged and thousands rallied to the Hunt Saboteurs
Association, and the more targeted campaigns a decade plus later against the Newchurch Guinea Pig
farm and Huntingdon Life Sciences. Today, groups like the ALF are not what they were. Once the ALFSG may have been providing for a score of prisoners. Today, it is a mere handful.
This paper presents two opposing views to allow this phenomenon to be critically assessed. Jacqui is one
of the women targeted by undercover officers from the Metropolitan Polices Special Demonstration
Squad in the 1980s (Lewis & Evans, 2014). She argues that illegal and immoral policing tactics, frequently
targeted at women, had a devastating effect on the trust, character and vibrancy of animal rights activists.
Perhaps not surprisingly, the forces of the state have at times proved stronger than that movement.
Paul Stott presents the view that it is the successes of the animal rights movement, on issues such as hare
coursing and vivisection that has led to the decline of militant animal liberationists. Deprived of an angry,
wider milieu (in part by some of its own victories) that decline is likely to continue.
Day 3
9:00 to 10:30
Jonathan Moses, PhD Historical Geography, Royal Holloway, University of
London
This paper explores the history of Londons anarchist clubs in the late Victorian
and Edwardian periods. It focuses on three prominent examples: the Autonomie Club, at 6
Windmill Street in Fitzrovia, the Berner Street International Working Mens Club, at 40 Berner Street in
Whitechapel, and the Jubilee Street Club, at 165 Jubilee Street, also in Whitechapel. In particular it aims to
recover the architectural principles of the clubs, reconstructing their aesthetic choices and exploring their
representations, attempting, where possible, to link these to their practical use, organisation, and political
ideology. It draws from newspaper etchings, illustrations, reports in the anarchist and mainstream press,
court statements, memoirs of key anarchists, letters, oral interviews, building act case files and building
plans. It concludes that the clubs all appropriated buildings subsequently restructured for new use were
marked by the attempt to present an exterior appearance of respectability, which belied an interior
tendency towards dereliction and deconstruction. Although it acknowledges the material constraints
informing such a style, the paper argues, by way of comparison with other political clubs of its kind and
the tracing of anarchist aesthetic influences, that this was not incidental. Instead, it represented a
particular political aesthetic, which reflected the influence of the nihilist movement in its antagonism
toward bourgeois norms, and which facilitated the democratic, antiauthoritarian principles of anarchist
ideology. The paper further explores some of the contradictory features of the clubs interior design in
their apparent veneration of movement elites, and their ambivalent relationship with gender equality.
Overall it aims to show how architectural history can offer an added dimension to the social history of
radical politics, and in turn how social history can invest even apparently mundane architectural details
with political significance.
The Black Panthers in Britain: a History and Intersectional Anarchist Critique
Carlus Hudson
The Black Panthers are one of the most pivotal organisations in the histories of radicalism and anti-racism
in the United States, and their ideas have had an enormous impact on activists who have come after them.
Far less famous, but by no means less significant, was the Black Panther Movement in Britain. Active in
the late 60s and early 70s, its history touches on the fight within the anti-racist movement in Britain
between its liberal and radical wings, and the internationalisation of struggles against colonialism, neocolonialism and the Vietnam War.
In this paper, I will begin by telling the story of the Black Panthers in Britain before delving deeper into
the development of the movements culture and organisational models. My first aim is therefore to
develop our understanding of the variety of anti-racist struggles in Britain. In addition, I hope to show in
what ways the Black Panther movement in Britain can be taken as an inspiration for activists today, given
that the oppressions and injustices they were fighting persist in present-day Britain. However, I also aim
to critically assess the Black Panther movement from the perspective of intersectional anarchism, and
show its shortcomings in terms of gender, class, and political hierarchy. By assessing both its strengths
and weaknesses I hope to show the different ways in which we can draw lessons from the Black Panther
movement in Britain
The Temptation of Evelyn Waugh: Portrait of the Artist as Tory Anarchist
Peter Wilkin, Department of Sociology & Communications, Brunel University
Evelyn Waughs life and art merged most clearly in his appearance as the iconoclastic tory anarchist.
Captivated, as he clearly was, by the temptations of a life committed to anarchy, Waugh sought to keep
this temptation in check through his very deep and public conversion to Roman Catholicism. These two
factors in Waughs life, anarchy and religion, are central to an understanding of his art, politics and the
history anarchism. Waughs tory anarchism, then, was the perfect expression of his world-view, which
was shaped by a metaphysical outlook that saw the material world as a place of permanent conflict
between the forces of Christian civilisation (order) and those of barbarism (chaos).
Why bother with rules when non-dominating processes support
anarchist organising? We think that rules can help anarchists, to decide
why some processes are better than others, to be clear about the way we
want to live and how we want to interact with others. We'll be discussing:
I: What principles anarchists do/should advocate
II: How, if at all, these principles support the generation of rules
III: How, if at all, the idea of anarchy helps give content to rules (what's distinctive about the rules
anarchists make?)
IV: What rules anarchists can agree to, to help resolve disputes
Freedom
Nathan Jun
In this presentation I draw upon Michael Freedens morphological approach to examine diverse
conceptions of freedom within the anarchist tradition. My principal aim in so doing is two-fold: first, to
determine how and to what extent these conceptions serve to distinguish anarchism from other libertarian
ideologies; and second, to explore the role they play in the formulation of diverse anarchist tendencies. As
I shall argue, the particular meaning and degree of relative significance that a given conception assigns to
freedom depends on the internal arrangement of its micro-components and/or on its relation to other
concepts within the ideological morphology. Both of these factors must be taken into account in order to
understand anarchisms internal diversity as well as its distinctiveness among ideologies.
Agency
David Bates
Michael Freeden (1996; 2003) has argued that ideologies can be differentiated into core and peripheral
concepts. For Marxists, class conflict would be a core concept; the Marxist who rejects all formulations of
this idea ceases to be a Marxist. For anarchists, it is more of a challenge to identify such core concepts (see
Bates, 2017, forthcoming). For, anarchism as an ideology is necessarily difficult to characterise. We might
argue that there is no so much an ideological identity called anarchism as there are many anarchisms.
Moreover, the various expressions of anarchism have been constituted in a context of opposition. One
such context is the historical opposition between anarchism and Marxist communism the main focus of
this paper. Another is the opposition between the various historical formations of anarchism itself
considered practically and philosophically. Consequently, anarchist ideas of agency - to use a term of
Quentin Skinner (1968) - have always had an illocutionary dimension - that is, they were developed (not
always intentionally) as a performative political response to their contexts of articulation this makes it at
best exceptionally difficult to provide a positive definition of agency from an anarchist point of view. The
paper will suggest that in the work of thinkers such as Hardt and Negri, there is an extent to which we
can start to rethink agency beyond its anarchist (and Marxist) horizons.
Intersectionality
Surreyya Evren
ABSTRACT PENDING
10:45 to 12:15
Sergey Saitanov, International Slavic Institute, Moscow
The main sources about activities of this League of Federalists are very
fragmentary. Mainly preserved manuscripts and articles of Peter Kropotkin on
theoretical questions of federalism. First source of his federalist views was parliamentary
political system of Great Britain. And later he developed them on the basis of political structure of the
North American United States, Canada and Switzerland.
Peter Kropotkin's activity in the area of practical federalism was in late 1917 - early 1918. He headed
Moscow League of Federalists and he was working out theoretical basis and trying to do practical work
on creation of the foundations of the new Russian state - the Russian Federal Democratic Republic.
The aim of Moscow League of Federalists was to develop, explain and to promote the ideas of federalism.
The league consisted of members of the various parties. League had planned to public and the printed
works on various aspects of federalism in Russia as practical acts.
This work was very important to Peter Kropotkin, but the Bolsheviks have disbanded League. Kropotkin
stopped his work for federalism and moved to Dmitrov, where he began to support the cooperative
movement and was writing the big work on ethics.
Peter Kropotkin has come to the conclusion that the political federation in a democratic republican State is
a transitional stage on the way to becoming anarchic social order. This was absolutely new idea in the
Russian anarchist movement.
Anarchists, Syndicalists and the First World War
Dr hist. Vadim Damier, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow
The First World War was a painful ordeal for anarchists and revolutionary syndicalists. Preventing its
onset, as they had planned, proved beyond their means. The anarchist movement was too weak, and the
syndicalist too disunited to organize a general anti-militarist strike. The impotence of ideologically
neutral syndicalism and the growth of revolutionary sentiment during the war among the labouring
masses (as predicted by the anarchists) made changes in the syndicalist movement all the more urgent.
The Great War swept away the creed of neutral syndicalism, later noted Schapiro. To many activists it
became clear that syndicalism alone is not enough, that you need to connect the self-organized labour
movement and direct action with clear revolutionary ideas. The choice in the years of the post-war
revolutionary upsurge was between Bolshevism and anarcho-syndicalism.
Proudhons Anti-Feminism
Alex Prichard
While much ink has been spilled on Proudhon's anti-Semitism, it is telling of the anarchist movement how
little critical engagement there has been with his anti-feminism. Where it is not ignored, it is used merely
as a stick to beat him with, with little attempt to understand the place it holds in his broader social theory
or how it chimes with his political anarchism. In this paper I correct this by showing that anti-feminism is
central to Proudhon's social theory and his politics, but need not be for us. We can use Proudhon's own
ideas about immanence, justice and progress to criticise his provincial ideas about women's rights and
gender equality. In fact, a Proudhonist feminism can be rescued from his work. This task compliments
and develops the work of Jenny d'Herricourt, his most vocal 19th century critic, and will add substantially
to our understanding of Proudhon's theory of justice, still not fully appreciated in the English language
literature.
A workshop about anarchist and radical education projects and programmes, including The Free
University of Brighton, Radical Education Forum and more.
The Riot Grrrl Movement of the early 1990s in the United States intrigues scholars and activists alike.
Previous studies of Riot Grrrl often rely on interpretations of Riot Grrrl artifacts, taken out of context and
distant from original modes and messages of anarchy. (Kearney,1998; Schlit, 2003; Monem, 2007; &
Marcus, 2010). Such work remains disconnected from an activist collective that rejected formal
organizational hierarchies. Missing from these (herstories) is a discussion of a commitment to peace and
social justice projects within an anarchist framework such as Food Not Bombs, the Green Avengers and
Animal Liberation Front. This paper extends my early work on Riot Grrrl (1995; 2009) and incorporates
authentic (herstories) including my own experiences as a member of Riot Grrrl D.C to discuss the
evolution and revolution of girl-centered activist culture. Utilizing Donna Hardaways (1989) seminal
work, this essay discusses Riot Grrrls as cultural workers and advances analyses of being a Riot Grrrl
through a fluidity of street activism, zine writing, and mediums of performance. Focus is given to
deconstructing anarcha-grrrl culture by dismantling formal boundaries and myths associated with
revolution and charts influences of Riot Grrrl in anarchist actions such as Slut Walk, Pussy Riot
Demonstrations and Squatter Grrrls for Refugees. Finally this essay interrogates the notion of postfeminism and post-girl power positing that grrrl/girl actions are fluid--neither post nor past, but rather a
continuum of (re)organizing, and (dis)rupting society to mobilize knowledge and to affect authentic social
change.
More-than-Bodies in Collective Movement Reflections on the Anarchist Pedagogies of a Cycling
Machine
Ferdinand Stenglein, Institute of Sociology, University of Mnster, Germany
Grounded in direct experiences as co-organiser of four trans-european, long-distance cycling trips, each
with about 30 participants, and inspired by Armaline's (2009) proposal to explore the potentials of
physical movement for anarchist pedagogies, I will reflect here on the commonalities of our cycling tours
and focus on the longitudinal and latitudinal effects of collective movement on bicycles. I argue that our
movement operated as cycling machine, thereby quasi-naturally making us unlearning dominant
identitary and habitual scripts and pushing us forward to tentatively experiment with basic anarchist
principles and organisation.
Resulting from the dynamic concatenation and composition of technical artefacts, persons and nonhuman
objects, the longitudinal effects of collective cycling are capricious. In our tours the flow of stops and goes
of this cycling machine basically operated an-archically and recurrently questioned the ways in which we
tried to organize us for moving. Our collective was constantly challenged, it was precarious. The
latitudinal intensities of this precarity exposed us to frequent and very strong events of discomfort which
opened up spaces for collective witnessing (Boler 1999) and made us feel our shared co-presence.
Through these dimensions of our more-than-bodies in movement, we slowly became aware towards
understanding that ultimately others suffering is our suffering, that we are selves in relation, not buoys of
the self. We were pushed forward to transgress our inscripted roles and attitudes and driven into
experimentation in how to relate to each other or put pragmatically in how to move on together without
making us suffer. In this way anarchist principles and practices of organisation quasi-naturally became of
utmost relevance.
Riot Grrrl: captures and metamorphosis of a war machine
Flvia Lucchesi, Nu-Sol (Libertarian Sociability Center), So Paulo
The riot grrrl appeared in the early 1990s in the United States. They were
tired with the male chauvinist conduct and minor fascisms imposed on
their lives also inside the punk movement. Whether the rocker women who
preceded the riot grrrl faced obscure paths to produce their music, the riots emerged a
new way of life: they liberated their howl. They drew from the rock maxim sex, drugs and
rocknroll and were thus considered by many: sluties. The riot grrrl adopted this word and experienced
their sex liberated from the control of sexuality and macho violence. Faced with increased girls interest in
riot grrrl, the music industry tried to invest in them but failed since the girls had an clear anti-capitalist
attitude. In this sense, the musical industry launched products and entertainers that could capture the
latent unrest of the young girls attracted by the riots, targeting them as potential consumers. Instead, the
industry launched rock pop women singers moderately foul-mouthed, or popstars who used a certain
feminist discourse that today is largely known as veracity of market. In hand against the industry and
surpassing the riot scene appeared an anonymous girls association, the Pussy Riot, creating their
performances by direct action based on feminist punk rock in the streets and private properties of
Moscow. This paper is based on my masters thesis, Riot Grrrl: capturas e metamorfoses de uma
mquina de guerra, which has intent to show the metamorphosis of riot grrrl war machine in the society
of control.
Anarchist thought is widely absent in German-speaking geography in
favour of Marxist, Poststructuralist and Feminist perspectives. However,
there had been attempts to include Anarchist approaches during the early
beginnings of Critical geography in German-speaking academia in the 1980s. The paper
will discuss some reasons why such perspectives became disregarded.
Anarcha-feminism: geography, publishing and education.
Dr Jo Norcup, University of Glasgow
[The journal] seeks to promote an emancipatory geography; it seeks, in other words, to promote the idea
that the future is ours to create or to destroy - and to demonstrate that education bears some
responsibility for building a better world responsive to human needs, diversities and capabilities (1983:1).
Accounts of the history of geography and the history of anarchism have long been attentive to the actions,
activities and geographical imaginations of particular male anarchists such as Kropotkin and Reclus. This
paper turns its attentions to the geographical imagination informing the work of three anarca-feminists: in
particular those women whose ideas and ambitions actively worked across a range of publishing spaces,
scales and educational contexts attentive to making new worlds of access and opportunity. This paper
concerns itself with three specific examples from the 19th and 20th centuries: Charlotte Wilson and the
establishment of the journal The Raven, Emma Goldman and the journal Mother Earth, and nearly a
century later the work of Dawn Gill and the establishment of the journal Contemporary Issues in
Geography and Education from which the aforementioned quote comes and whose issue on Anarchism
and Geography was published in 1990.
Future (pre-)histories of the state: archaeologys challenge to geography
Anthony Ince & Gernimo Barrera de la Torre
In this presentation, we explore the potential contributions of archaeology to geographical thinking on the
states nature, functions and role in society. The basis of the presentation builds on our ongoing anarchist
theorisation of post-statist geographies (Barrera and Ince 2016; Ince and Barrera 2016), which argues that
geographers understandings of the state have been fundamentally linked to an epistemology of statism
that limits how geographical knowledge is produced. However, archaeology has since the 1990s
increasingly explored the formation, stabilisation and collapse of states and polities, from the Palaeolithic
period to the present day. This long trajectory of the archaeological record produces a distinct spatiotemporal imaginary of the state throughout human history, and offers a useful set of conceptual and
methodological tools that geographers could do well to investigate further. While acknowledging
limitations to archaeological ontologies and gaze, we identify four key themes within contemporary
archaeology (especially post-processual and materialist archaeologies) that can usefully inform
geographical debates, namely: temporalities of emergence and collapse; the diversity of political spaces
and relations; the destabilisation of civilisation and progress; and the contested terrains of power,
authority and resistance. These contributions, we argue, can support greater empirical and theoretical
depth in anarchist-geographic study of the state.
Accessibility Information:
All university buildings are equipped with ramps and wheelchair accessible toilets.
Programmes will be available in larger fonts and dyslexia-friendly.
There will be a quiet space during the whole conference with comfy sofas available to the participants.
The conference papers will all be delivered in English, but we offer assistance in finding translators from/to many spoken languages.
The conference food will be vegan; do let us know about allergies and intolerances.
The social event will be at a pub which is wheelchair accessible on the ground floor with an accessible toilet.