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ABRVIATIONS

AASS = Acta Sanctorum.


AB = Analecta Bollandiana.
BHG = Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca, 3e dition mise jour et
considrablement augmente par F. HALKIN (= Subs. hag., 8a),
Bruxelles, 1957. Novum auctarium Bibliothecae hagiographicae
graecae, par F. HALKIN (= Subs. hag., 65), Bruxelles, 1984.
BHL = Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis,
ediderunt SOCII BOLLANDIANI (= Subs. hag., 6), 2 tomes, Bruxelles,
1898-1901. Novum Supplementum, edidit H. FROS (= Subs. hag.,
70), Bruxelles, 1986.
BHLms = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Manuscripta.
http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be/
BHO = Bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis, ediderunt SOCII BOLLANDIANI (= Subs. hag., 10), Bruxelles, 1910.
Comm. martyr. hieron. = Commentarius in Martyrologium hieronymianum [AASS, Nov. t. II, pars posterior], Bruxelles, 1931.
Comm. martyr. rom. = Martyrologium romanum scholiis historicis
instructum [AASS, Propylaeum Decembris], Bruxelles, 1940.
Subs. hag. = Subsidia hagiographica.
Synax. CP = Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, edidit H. DELEHAYE [AASS, Propylaeum Novembris], Bruxelles, 1902.
Tab. hag. = Tabularium hagiographicum.

Basile MARKESINIS
LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME
Rectifications concernant ce qui sest pass entre Cyrus
dAlexandrie, Serge de Constantinople et S. Sophrone de Jrusalem *
LUnion conclue Alexandrie, le 3 juin 633, entre orthodoxes chalcdoniens et monophysites thodosiens, sur la base dun accord en neuf
chapitres, la (Satisfactio; CPG 7613) dont la formule
, dans le chapitre 71, constituait le point crucial , rencontra rapidement lopposition de S. Sophrone, encore moine lpoque.
Voici comment les vnements sont prsents dans lEp. ad Honorium
Rom. (CPG 7606) du patriarche de Constantinople Serge, un document
qui raconte la fois ce qui sest pass avant, pendant et aprs lUnion,
jusquau Psphos et la communication de celui-ci lempereur:
Aprs que, il y a peu de temps, pouss ( la fois) par la grce cooprante de
Dieu qui veut que tous les hommes soient sauvs <et parviennent la connaissance de la vrit> (I Tim. 2, 4) et par le zle pieux de notre grand basileus
[lempereur] trs puissant et victorieux, le trs saint patriarche de la grande ville
dAlexandrie Cyrus, notre commun frre et co-vque, eut exhort, avec dvotion et modration, ceux qui en cette grande ville dAlexandrie taient atteints de
la maladie dEutychs, de Dioscore, de Svre et de Julien, has de Dieu, pour
quils reviennent lglise universelle [], et quaprs beaucoup de discussions et defforts quavec une grande prudence et une gestion efficace il avait
investis dans laffaire, il eut, par la grce den haut, atteint son but, les deux
parties rdigrent certains chapitres dogmatiques2, sur base desquels tous
ceux qui auparavant taient dchirs en diffrents partis et sinscrivaient dans la
descendance des nfastes Dioscore et Svre, sunirent la trs sainte et unique
glise universelle [
], et tout le peuple, ami du Christ, dAlexandrie
devint (ainsi) un seul troupeau (Io. 10, 16) du Christ, notre vrai Dieu, et avec
eux presque toute lgypte et la Thbade et la Libye et le reste des provinces
*

Liste des abrviations, voir infra, p. 22.

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 598, 20-22:



(le mme et unique Christ et Fils [de Dieu] oprait les [choses] convenant soit la
divinit soit lhumanit au moyen dune seule opration thandrique, selon [les mots de] saint
Denys). Remarquons que les mots reprsentent une altration subtile du texte de lEp. IV ad Gaium (CPG 6607) du Ps.-Denys lAropagite, o on lit
(d. G. HEIL A. M. RITTER, Corpus Dionysiacum. II: PseudoDionysius Areopagita De coelesti hierarchia, De ecclesiastica hierarchia, De mystica theologia, Epistulae [= Patristische Texte und Studien, 36], Berlin New York, 1991, p. 161, 9).
2

savoir la (Satisfactio) en neuf chapitres.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015), p. 5-22.

B. MARKESINIS
du diocse dgypte, que jadis, comme nous venons de le dire, on pouvait voir
disperss en une multitude innombrable dhrsies; mais maintenant, par la bienveillance de Dieu et par lardeur, qui plat Dieu, dudit trs saint pontife de
l(glise d)Alexandrie, tous sont devenus une seule <bouche> (cf. Rom. 15, 6),
confessant dune seule voix et dans lunit de lEsprit (cf. Eph. 4, 3) les justes
doctrines de lglise; parmi les chapitres susdits, qui avaient t labors un un,
il y en avait un concernant lunique opration du Christ, notre grand Dieu et
Sauveur (Tit. 2, 13).
Ces choses stant ainsi passes, Sophrone, le trs pieux moine, qui, comme
nous lavons appris mais seulement par ou-dire, a maintenant t ordonn chef
(de lglise) de Jrusalem en effet, jusqu prsent, nous navons pas encore
reu de lui les habituelles lettres synodiques , stant rendu alors Alexandrie,
et rencontrant ledit trs saint pape, alors que, comme on la dit3, par la grce
de Dieu (ce dernier) avait ralis lunion inespre avec les anciens hrtiques,
et passant en revue avec lui les chapitres en question, sopposa et contredit le
chapitre (consacr) lunique opration4, exigeant que, de toute manire, on enseigne deux oprations en Christ notre Dieu. Ledit trs saint pape (Cyrus) lui cita
bien sr quelques testimonia de nos saints Pres, qui, et l dans certains de
leurs crits, avaient parl dune opration; de plus, il lui dit de mmoire que souvent, lorsque des questions similaires avaient surgi, nos saints Pres, pour gagner
au salut un plus grand nombre dmes, semblent avoir appliqu lconomie et les
arrangements qui plaisent Dieu, sans rien branler de la justesse de lorthodoxie
ecclsiastique, et que par consquent, lui dit-il, aussi dans le cas prsent, o le
salut de tant de milliers de gens est en nos mains, il ne fallait pas se quereller et
se combattre au sujet dun tel chapitre, car, comme on la dj dit, une telle expression a t employe aussi par certains des divins Pres, sans que pour cela la
doctrine orthodoxe soit entame. Mais ledit Sophrone, ami de Dieu, naccepta
aucunement cette telle conomie5.
3

Cf. ci-dessus: il eut atteint son but ( ).

Cf. Cyrus dAlexandrie, Satisfactio, 7, d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 598,
21: .
5
Cf. Serge de Constantinople, Ep. ad Honorium Rom. (d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 536, 15-540, 3): ,
< > (I Tim. 2, 4)
,
,

, , , , ,
,
(correxi; Riedinger) ,
, (Io. 10, 16)
,
, ,
, ,

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

Les mots importants de ce passage: Ces choses stant ainsi passes


( ), qui dune part rsument les rsultats de
laction de Cyrus auprs des monophysites alexandrins par ex. il eut
atteint son but, les deux parties rdigrent certains chapitres dogmatiques, ceux qui taient dchirs sunirent la trs sainte glise,
tout le peuple dAlexandrie devint (ainsi) un seul troupeau du Christ
et avec eux presque toute lgypte et la Thbade et la Libye maintenant tous sont devenus une seule bouche , et qui dautre part introduisent au rcit de la rencontre entre Cyrus et Sophrone, ne laissent
aucun doute: pour Serge, cette rencontre a eu lieu peu aprs queut t
proclame la (Satisfactio) et rtablie la communion eucharistique. S. Maxime par contre, dans la Defloratio ex ep. ad Petrum illustrem
(CPG 7697 [12])6, situe la rencontre des deux hommes peu avant la publication du document; sur un ton trs dramatique, le Confesseur y dit:
Alors le divin et grand Sophrone, tant venu Alexandrie, ds la premire
lecture (en effet Cyrus lui avait, lui aussi, remis ces neuf chapitres pleins dimpit pour les examiner), poussa un grand cri lugubre et versa des torrents de
larmes, le conjurant avec ardeur, le suppliant, rclamant de lui, en se jetant par
terre ses pieds, de ne rien proclamer de ces choses du haut de lambon contre
lglise universelle [catholicam] de Dieu7.
, <>
(cf. Rom. 15, 6), (correxi; , Riedinger)
(cf. Eph. 4, 3)

(Tit. 2, 13).
, ,

,
, , ,
, , ,
.
,
,
,
, ,
,
, ,
, ,

,
.
6
Elle nest conserve, ltat fragmentaire, que dans une traduction latine dAnastase le
Bibliothcaire.
7

PG 91, col. 143 C11-D5: Divinus ergo magnusque Sophronius tunc Alexandriam ve-

B. MARKESINIS

Jusqu prsent, lattention des savants stant focalise sur la version de la Defloratio8, on na pas accord lattention quelle mrite la
suite des vnements telle quelle est relate dans la lettre de Serge ad
Honorium Rom., et notamment au rle des mots Ces choses stant ainsi
passes. Pourtant, cette lettre de Serge a t rdige quelques mois seulement (fin 633/dbut 634)9 aprs les vnements y relats, tandis que la
Defloratio de S. Maxime leur est postrieure dune dizaine dannes (643
ou 644)10; et de plus, il nest pas sr du tout que S. Maxime ait assist la
rencontre de Sophrone avec Cyrus.
Mais largument qui plus que tout autre plaide en faveur de la version
de lEp. ad Honorium Rom., cest que Cyrus dans son Ep. II ad Sergium
CP. (CPG 7611), dans laquelle il rapportait son collgue de Constantinople, comme lui offrant les prmices de sa rcolte ( )11, que lUnion dAlexandrie avait t conclue, ne fait aucune rfrence ni la personne de Sophrone ni au litige quil avait avec lui; Cyrus
sy borne dcrire sa russite12:
Je vous fais connatre en effet que, le 3 juin, tout le clerg qui, dans cette
ville dAlexandrie, amie du Christ, suit la doctrine de ceux quon appelle Thodosiens, avec ceux qui ont des dignits civiles ou militaires, ainsi que ceux qui
font partie du peuple, le tout faisant plusieurs milliers (de personnes), stant unis
notre trs sainte glise universelle [], ont communi avec nous aux
sacrements immaculs de Dieu amens cela par la bienveillance videmment
de Dieu tout-puissant, grce aux instructions qui mont t fournies tant par nos
Seigneurs (les empereurs), amis du bien et victorieux, que par la saintet, inspire
niens, mox ex prima lectione (dederat enim etiam ipsi Cyrus ad rectractandum illa novem
impietatis capitula) lugubre quiddam et ingens vociferatus, fontes emittebat lacrymarum illum
fervide obsecrans, supplicans, expostulans, in pavimento ipsius pedibus provolutus, quo nihil
horum super ambonem contra catholicam Dei Ecclesiam praedicaret.
8
Voir par ex. Chr. VON SCHNBORN, Sophrone de Jrusalem. Vie monastique et confession dogmatique (= Thologie historique, 20), Paris, 1972, p. 79; VAN DIETEN, Geschichte der
Patriarchen, p. 32; J. MEYENDORFF, Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions: The Church, 450680 A.D. (= The Church in History, 2), New York, 1989, p. 348; WINKELMANN, Streit, p. 65
(Nr. 26); A. J. ECONOMOU, Byzantine Rome and the Greek Popes. Eastern Influences on Rome
and the Papacy from Gregory the Great to Zacharias, A.D. 590-752, Lanham, 2007, p. 89; P.
ALLEN, Sophronius of Jerusalem and Seventh-Century Heresy. The Synodical Letter and Other
Documents. Introduction, Texts, Translations, and Commentary (= Oxford Early Christian
Texts), Oxford, 2009, p. 13-14.
9

Cf. WINKELMANN, Streit, p. 77-78 (Nr. 43).

10

Cf. P. SHERWOOD, An Annotated Date-list of the Works of Maximus the Confessor


(= Studia Anselmiana, 30), Romae, 1952, p. 52 (n 76).
11
12

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 592, 12.

En des termes qui se refltent dailleurs dans le compte rendu de Serge que nous venons de lire.

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

de Dieu, de mon Seigneur (le patriarche Serge) , de sorte que, selon lcriture,
ft instaure, dans une assemble serre, une fte jusquaux cornes de lautel
(Ps. 117, 27), et sil faut dire plus vrai, non seulement dans une assemble serre,
ni jusquaux cornes de lautel, mais dans toute la ville dAlexandrie, amie du
Christ, et dans les districts qui en dpendent, jusquaux nuages mmes et au-del
deux, puisque les ordres clestes se rjouissent de la paix des trs saintes glises
et de ceux qui sont revenus elle13.

Mme constatation quand on lit lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605), rdige par Serge de Constantinople en rponse cette lettre de Cyrus: on
ny peroit pas le moindre cho du dsaccord de Sophrone avec Cyrus ni
avec Serge; en puisant abondamment au rcit que lui a fait Cyrus, Serge sy
contente de rendre hommage celui-ci et dexprimer sa joie pour lavnement de lUnion:
Nous avons reu les saints propos de votre saintet, honore par Dieu, nous
annonant la bonne nouvelle que, par la grce du trs saint Esprit, et par lardeur,
plaisante Dieu, de notre Empereur, protg par Dieu et victorieux, ainsi que par
ladmonition, inspire par Dieu et pleine de toute orthodoxie, de votre trs sainte
personne, dans la grande ville dAlexandrie, amie du Christ, et dans tous ses
districts, a eu lieu lunion ecclsiastique avec lglise universelle (),
apostolique et orthodoxe, de ceux qui jadis sappelaient Thodosiens; remplis,
ces nouvelles, dune joie spirituelle et indicible (cf. I Petr. 1, 8), nous avons
adress, de toute notre me, notre grand Dieu et Sauveur Jsus-Christ (Tit. 2,
13) des hymnes daction de grces car enfin, par la coopration divine, la barrire (cf. Eph. 2, 14) de la discorde, par laquelle lennemi commun des hommes
avait auparavant spar les frres des frres, ayant t supprime (cf. Col. 2, 14),
ils sont apparus comme membres du mme corps et coparticipants (cf. Eph. 3, 6),
et tous sont devenus une seule bouche, une seule langue (cf. Rom. 15, 6), rendant,
comme il sied, la glorieuse et vivifiante Trinit la confession et la doxologie
qui lui reviennent, et dune seule voix tous proclament un seul Seigneur, une
seule foi, un seul baptme (cf. Eph. 4, 4)14.
13
Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 592, 13-594, 1:

,
, ,
,
, , ,
, ,

(Ps. 117, 27), ,
,
,
.
14
Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, p. 136, 3-15: , (vox superflua videtur; cf. ver-

10

B. MARKESINIS

La postriorit de la rencontre entre Sophrone et Cyrus par rapport la


proclamation de lUnion tant ainsi assure, reprenons lEp. ad Honorium
Rom. de Serge lendroit o nous lavons laisse. Aprs avoir racont le
droulement de la rencontre de Sophrone avec Cyrus, le patriarche de
Constantinople continue:
Aprs qu cause de cela, avec une lettre de notre mme trs-saint co-vque
(Cyrus), il fut arriv chez nous ( Constantinople), (Sophrone) souleva encore
auprs de nous (Serge) la mme question, demandant avec insistance que, aprs
lunion qui a t faite, la formule une opration soit retire de ces (neuf) chapitres; nous avons jug une pareille (exigence) dure comment en effet nauraitelle pas t dure ? et trop lourde (de consquences), attendu quelle allait dissoudre et renverser entirement cette concorde et cette union qui avait t si bien
ralise en la ville dAlexandrie et dans toutes les provinces qui en dpendent,
(provinces) qui jamais jusqu prsent navaient accept mme la simple mention
du nom de notre pre, divin et digne de louanges, Lon, ou de faire mmoire du
grand concile cumnique qui a eu lieu Chalcdoine, et qui maintenant le proclament solennellement et haute voix durant la clbration des divins mystres15.

Ch. J. Hefele16 avait dj envisag la possibilit que la lettre de Cyrus


Serge dont il est question au dbut de ce dernier texte, ait t une lettre
sionem lat.: adnuntiantes factam)

,
<> (supplevi e latino: atque orthodoxam) (correxi;
Riedinger) (cf. I Petr. 1, 8)
, (Tit. 2, 13)
, (cf. Eph. 2, 14)
(cf. Col. 2, 14) ,
, (cf. Eph. 3, 6) ,
(cf. Rom. 15, 6),
, , ,
, , (cf. Eph. 4, 4).
15

Cf. Serge de CP., Ep. ad Honorium Rom. (d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p.
540, 4-13): , ,
,
,
,

,

16
HEFELE, Conciliengeschichte, III2, p. 141: Gab Cyrus dem Sophronius noch einen
andern Brief an Sergius mit, als den oben S. 137 angefhrten, so ist solcher verloren gegangen;
= HEFELE LECLERCQ, Histoire des Conciles, III, Ire partie, p. 343: Si Cyrus a donn So-

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

11

aujourdhui perdue, diffrente de lEp. II ad Sergium CP. du mme Cyrus


(CPG 7611), dont nous avons parl plus haut; cette hypothse, aprs une
lecture attentive du passage de lEp. ad Honorium Rom., savre juste. En
effet, la raison de la lettre que Sophrone apporta Serge, comme dailleurs celle de sa visite Constantinople, est rendue par lexpression
cause de cela ( ), qui, dans le contexte, ne peut se rapporter
quau refus de Sophrone daccepter la formule mononergiste et lchec
de Cyrus le convaincre de la justesse de cette conomie. Par consquent,
il faut considrer comme errone, lassertion de Grumel dabord17, puis de
Winkelmann18, selon laquelle la lettre de Cyrus apporte Serge par Sophrone serait identique avec lEp. II ad Sergium CP. (CPG 7611). Comme
nous venons de le voir, quoi que disent Grumel et Winkelmann, dans cette
Ep. II ad Sergium CP., Cyrus ne fait pas la moindre allusion au dsaccord
de Sophrone, de mme que Serge, dans son Ep. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG
7605), ne souffle mot du diffrend qui a oppos Sophrone dabord Cyrus,
puis lui-mme (Serge).
Grumel, le premier, a propos didentifier lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG
7605) de Serge, laquelle selon lui daterait daot-septembre 633, avec la
lettre Cyrus, dont Serge parle nous allons le voir immdiatement
dans la suite de son Ep. ad Honorium Rom. Cest impossible. Voyons
pourquoi. Serge dit bien dans quelles circonstances il a crit cette lettre
Cyrus. Les voici. Ayant constat, aprs lchec de son entretien avec Sophrone, que la querelle qui opposait mononergistes et dyonergistes avait
commenc se rpandre mme parmi certaines gens dici, cest--dire
de Constantinople, Serge a jug ncessaire de mettre tout son zle pour
arrter cette logomachie superflue et lradiquer19. Dans ce but, il a pris
une dcision, connue dans la recherche moderne sous le nom de Psphos20. Cette dcision, quil a prise personnellement21, Serge la commuphrone, pour la remettre Sergius, une lettre diffrente de celle que nous avons donne plus
haut [cf. p. 339], cette lettre nest pas parvenue jusqu nous.
17

GRUMEL, Recherches, p. 21; ID., Regestes, p. 219 (N. 290).

18

WINKELMANN, Streit, p. 65 (Nr. 26a) et 67 (Nr. 28).

19

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 540, 19-22:


...
.
20
Serge lui-mme, lorsquil se rfre sa dcision, utilise exclusivement des verbes, tels
que (nous avons jug; p. 540, 21; p. 544, 10), (il nous a paru
bon et suffisant; p. 544, 16), (il ne faut pas; p. 546, 10). Le terme de Psphos a t
emprunt par la recherche moderne soit lEp. ad Pyrrhum (CPG 7699 [19]) de S. Maxime
(PG 91, col. 592 B13-14: ), soit la Disputatio cum Pyrrho (CPG 7698; ibid., col. 305 A8: ).

12

B. MARKESINIS

nique successivement aux trois personnages les plus concerns par la


querelle. Tout dabord, il crivit, immdiatement, une lettre Cyrus22,
dans laquelle il faisait part de sa dcision: il interdisait pour la premire
fois toute discussion sur une ou deux oprations en Christ; lessentiel de
cette lettre est conserv dans lEp. ad Honorium Rom.23 Ensuite, Serge
21

Grumel (Recherches, p. 22-23; ID., Regestes, p. 218 [N. 287]) a induit des mots
(MANSI, Collectio, XI, 536 C7-8; = RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 544,
16) que le Psphos aurait t un dcret dogmatique promulgu par le synode permanent
( ), prsid par Serge; cest videmment une interprtation qui, sous linfluence dAct. 15, 25 et 28, dpasse le sens immdiat des mots. (Cette thse de Grumel a t reprise, telle quelle, par Hajjar [Le synode permanent ( ) dans lglise byzantine
des origines au XIe sicle (= Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 164), Roma, 1962, p. 89] et par
van Dieten [Geschichte der Patriarchen, p. 32-33]). En effet, il ny a pas, ni dans lEp. ad Honorium Rom. ni dans les autres sources contemporaines, la moindre trace dun tel synode: le
seul synode constantinopolitain du temps de Serge qui ait laiss des traces dans les Actes du
Concile de Latran (cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, p. 164, 22-166, 35) est celui convoqu en novembre 638 (voir GRUMEL, Regestes, p. 220 [N. 292]; HAJJAR, Le synode permanent, p. 207; WINKELMANN, Streit, p. 86 [Nr. 51]) pour confirmer lEcthesis (CPG 7607) publie
peu avant sous le nom dHraclius. La tentative de van Dieten (Geschichte der Patriarchen, p.
33, n. 11) de rapprocher le Psphos du synode mentionn dans le Synodicon Vetus (cf. d. J. A.
FABRICIUS, Bibliothecae Graecae volumen undecimum, Hamburgi, 1722, p. 240 [nr. 122]) nest
pas convaincante; ce synode y est enregistr comme ayant eu lieu avant lUnion dAlexandrie,
non aprs, et comme le notent les diteurs modernes du Synodicon, J. Duffy et J. Parker (The
Synodicon Vetus. Text, Translation and Notes [= Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Series
Washingtonensis, 15], Washington, 1979, p. 108 [nr. 129], n. 157): There is no other evidence
for the synod. Il est bien plus probable que la dcision de Serge a t prise en dehors de toute
procdure synodale. Cest dailleurs ce que laisse entendre S. Maxime, lorsque dans son lEp.
ad Pyrrhum il compare Serge Mose: comme ce dernier est descendu seul du Mont Sina portant la loi quil avait reue de Dieu seul, sans aucune mdiation humaine (Ex. 31, 18; 32, 15-16),
ainsi Serge, en tant que nouveau mdiateur (cf. Gal. 3, 19) et grand Mose de notre poque,
vque des vques et chef du divin sacerdoce dans lunivers entier, a port seul, du haut de la
montagne de la connaissance, le Psphos que lui dicta la Trinit seule (PG 91, col. 592 B8-C1).
22

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p 540, 22-542, 1:


, (Nous avons
crit au trs saint patriarche dAlexandrie, souvent susdit, afin quil).
23

En effet, certaines phrases de lEp. ad Honorium Rom., parce quelles concident presque
littralement avec des passages de lEcthesis on pourra constater ces parallles ci-dessous
dans notre appendice , sont presque srement des reprises de ce que Serge avait dabord crit
Cyrus. ce propos, lextrait de la lettre que lempereur Hraclius aurait envoye Ad Iohannem
IV Rom. (CPG 9382), cit dans la Relatio motionis (d. P. ALLEN B. NEIL, Scripta saeculi VII
Vitam Maximi Confessoris illustrantia una cum latina interpretatione Anastasii Bibliothecarii
juxta posita [= Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca, 39], Turnhout Leuven, 1999, p. 41, 371373), peut tre trs clairant, et cela indpendamment de son authenticit (voir W. BRANDES,
Juristische Krisenbewltigung im 7. Jahrhunderts ? Die Prozessen gegen Papst Martin I.
und Maximos Homologetes [= Forschungen zur byzantinischen Rechtsgeschichte, 22; Fontes
minores, 10], Frankfurt am Main, 1998, p. 203-204, n. 399): lempereur y dit que lEcthesis quil
a d signer remonte, pour lessentiel, un document rdig cinq ans auparavant (633) par le
patriarche Serge (
).

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

13

communiqua sa dcision ce qui lui a paru bon et suffisant (


) , Sophrone, encore prsent Constantinople, dabord
oralement, puis, sa demande, dans une lettre24; lEp. ad Honorium Rom.
nen cite aucun extrait, apparemment parce quelle rptait trs probablement le contenu de la lettre Cyrus. Enfin, le patriarche rapporta sa dcision, par une lettre adresse au sacellaire imprial, lempereur Hraclius;
de ce rapport lEp. ad Honorium Rom. ne donne quun rsum25.
Mais revenons la lettre que Serge crivit Cyrus aprs avoir rencontr Sophrone. Daprs ce quil dit Honorius, Serge dans cette lettre
demandait Cyrus:
que, lui qui avec laide de Dieu avait ralis lunion avec ceux qui auparavant taient spars, il ne permette plus dsormais quiconque de parler dune ou
de deux oprations en Christ notre Dieu, mais plutt, comme lont transmis les
saints conciles cumniques, de confesser que cest lunique et mme Fils Monogne, Jsus-Christ notre Seigneur, le vrai Dieu, qui oprait et les (choses) divines et
(les choses) humaines, et que toute opration convenant soit la divinit soit
lhumanit procdait indivisiblement de lunique et mme Dieu le Verbe incarn et
se rapportait une unique et mme [personne]26.

Alors que, tenant compte de cela, Hefele27, juste titre selon nous, avait
nettement distingu entre dune part cette lettre demandant de cesser de
24

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 544, 16-18 et 19-22 respectivement.
Les l. 16-18 nappartiennent pas la lettre de Serge Cyrus; elles lui font pendant: notre avis,
les mots qui introduisent ces lignes, , remplacent le quon attendait aprs le
de la p. 540, 22. La phrase il nous demanda de lui communiquer aussi par une lettre
la dcision concernant ces questions (p. 544, 20-21:
) ne laisse pas de doute: le contenu des l. 16-18 avait dabord
t transmis oralement. Dailleurs cest dans ce sens que le passage a t compris par le pape
Honorius, qui dans son Ep. II ad Sergium CP. dit clairement: lequel Sophrone tant arriv chez
votre fraternit instruit de plusieurs manires, il demanda que ce dont il avait t averti par
vous oralement lui soit clair par crit (ibid., p. 548, 8-11:
... ,
).
25

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 546, 9-17.

26

Ibid., p. 542, 1-7:


,
, ,
,
,


27
HEFELE, Conciliengeschichte, III2, p. 140: Natrlich erregten diese Nachrichten aus
Alexandrien groe Freude bei Sergius, und von letzterem haben wir noch ein Antwortschreiben an Cyrus, worin er diesen in hohem Grade belobt und den Hauptinhalt der
wiederholt; p. 141: (Sergius) in dieser Richtung dem Cyrus von Alexandrien Rath und
Weisung gab: er solle jetzt, nachdem die Union hergestellt, weder von einer noch von zwei

14

B. MARKESINIS

parler dune ou de deux oprations et dautre part lEp. ad Cyrum Alex.


(CPG 7605), o manque toute ide dinterdiction, Grumel, contre toute
vidence textuelle, a considr que le compte rendu donn par Serge de sa
propre lettre dans lEp. ad Honorium Rom. doit tre une interprtation
tendancieuse dun passage de mme sens (MANSI, Collectio, X, 973c)28
dans lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605); il doit toutefois reconnatre quil
manque dans la lettre Cyrus lide dune dfense ( : MANSI, Collectio, XI, 534c)29 qui est exprime lintention dHonorius30. Si, comme le veulent les Regestes de Grumel, lEp. ad
Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605) est postrieure au Psphos (p. 218 [N. 287])31,
la lettre de Serge Sophrone (ibid. [N. 288]) et au rapport du mme Serge
lempereur Hraclius (ibid. [N. 289]), dats par Grumel daot et daotseptembre 633 respectivement, on ne voit pas comment linterdiction de
parler dune ou de deux oprations en Christ peut avoir t absente de lEp.
ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605; GRUMEL, Regestes, p. 219 [N. 290]).
Cette identification de lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605) de Serge
avec la lettre rsume dans lEp. ad Honorium Rom., a t reprise, et cette
fois sans hsitation, par Winkelmann32. Pour ce dernier aussi, la rdaction
Energien zu sprechen gestatten; = HEFELE LECLERCQ, Histoire des Conciles, III, Ire partie, p.
342: On comprend que ces nouvelles causrent la plus grande joie Sergius; nous avons
encore une rponse de ce dernier Cyrus, lui adressant les plus grandes louanges et lui rptant
le principal contenu des propositions; p. 343: Sergius crivit Cyrus en ce sens, lui conseillant
maintenant que la paix tait faite de ne parler ni dune ni de deux nergies.
28
GRUMEL, Regestes, p. 219 (N. 290). Au passage de Mansi indiqu entre parenthses correspond RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, p. 136, 37-38:
(toute opration divine
et humaine procdait de lunique et mme Dieu le Verbe incarn).
29
Le passage de Mansi cit entre parenthses correspond RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 542, 1-2. Voir ci-dessus n. 26.
30
Dj conscient de la contradiction, mais sobstinant nanmoins identifier la lettre
Cyrus dont Serge parle Honorius avec lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605), Grumel, dans son
tude prcdente (Recherches, p. 21), allait jusqu envisager qu la lettre CPG 7605 en avait
peut-tre succd une autre plus conforme au rcit de Sergius.
31

Aprs avoir cart le contenu de la lettre Cyrus, tel que le dcrit lEp. ad Honorium
Rom., Grumel, indubitablement influenc par les mots (voir ci-dessus, n. 21),
a rduit le Psphos dabord (Recherches, p. 21-22) au morceau de lEp. ad Honorium qui va de
(MANSI, Collectio, XI, 536 B8-C12; = Riedinger, p. 544, 918), puis (Regestes, p. 218 [N. 287]) au seul morceau (MANSI,
Collectio, XI, 536 C7-12; = Riedinger, p. 544, 16-18), cest--dire ce que nous avons dfini
(voir ci-dessus, n. 24) comme la communication orale que Serge a faite Sophrone. juste
titre, Grumel en a t critiqu par Sherwood (Date-list [cf. supra n. 10], p. 10), qui pour autant
na rien dit de la raison qui a pouss Grumel cet arrangement, savoir lidentification de lEp.
ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605) de Serge avec la lettre rsume dans lEp. ad Honorium Rom.
32

WINKELMANN, Streit, p. 76 (Nr. 40): B(emerkungen): Es handelt sich offensichtlich um

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

15

de lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605) est postrieure laffrontement entre


Serge et Sophrone. Winkelmann pensait mme avoir dcel, dans la proraison de cette lettre, une allusion de Serge au conflit entam par Sophrone33. Voici les mots que Winkelmann interprte ainsi:
Aux lvres de ta charit sainte et sacre, que Dieu accorde en abondance sa
grce (Ps. 44, 3), et ta bouche qui souvre, la parole (Eph. 6, 19), par laquelle
sera sauv mme le reste normal de ceux qui encore toujours, sans raison et en
vain, sont en conflit avec nous, lorsquils suivront les pas de nos enfants bienaims qui viennent justement de sunir nous34.

Mais en fait ce passage ne constitue nullement une allusion la contestation de Sophrone. Le terme (le reste) sapplique mieux
ceux parmi les descendants et hritiers de lancien schisme monophysite
en gypte, qui encore toujours (mais ldition de Riedinger nen favorisait
pas la comprhension) rsistent lunion de leurs coreligionnaires avec
les orthodoxes; cela na rien voir avec lopposition de Sophrone, toute
nouvelle et dont le succs futur tait loin dtre garanti. Par ailleurs,
lorsque, dans sa lettre Honorius, Serge de Constantinople dit: et
presque toute lgypte et la Thbade 35, il fait clairement allusion ce
reste monophysite.
Il sensuit: 1) que lEp. ad Sergium CP. (CPG 7611) est un texte que
Cyrus avait envoy Constantinople, par courrier, avant sa rencontre avec
Sophrone;
2) que lEp. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605) est la rponse que Serge a
adresse Cyrus, avant mme larrive de Sophrone Constantinople;
3) que la lettre apporte Serge par Sophrone, dans laquelle Cyrus
donnait Serge sa version du diffrend rcent entre lui et Sophrone, est
postrieure lEp. ad Sergium CP. (CPG 7611).
den Brief, den Sergios in unten Nr. 43 erwhnt (ACO, II, 2, p. 540, 22ff.). Vorhergegangen
waren die Auseinandersetzungen des Sergios mit Sophronios, von denen Sergios ebenfalls in
unten Nr. 43 spricht (p. 540, 4ff.).
33
WINKELMANN, Streit, p. 64 (Nr. 26): Sophronios wird nur indirekt erwhnt: die gegen
uns unberlegt und trichter Weise streiten.
34

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, p. 138, 28-31:


(Ps. 44, 3)
(Eph. 6, 19), (correxi; Riedinger)
,
.
35
Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 538, 1:
...). Sur la rsistance que les Monophysites dgypte, guids par le patriarche copte
Benjamin Ier, ont oppose lUnion dAlexandrie et Cyrus, voir Svre dEl-Ashmunein,
History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria. II: Peter I to Benjamin I (661),
d. et trad. B. EVETTS (= Patrologia Orientalis, t. I/2), Paris, 1904, p. 491-492.

16

B. MARKESINIS

Cette lettre, qui serait la quatrime de celles que Cyrus a adresses


Serge36, nest pas reste sans laisser de traces, malgr ce que dit Hefele37.
Dans le discours quil est cens avoir prononc lors de la quatrime session (Secretarius quartus) du Concile du Latran (649), lvque Maxime
dAquile non seulement se rfre clairement une lettre que Cyrus
dAlexandrie avait crite Serge de Constantinople cause de Sophrone,
de bienheureuse mmoire38, mais il en cite un court extrait, que voici:
la formule il faut confesser que lopration de Notre-Seigneur Jsus-Christ
est unique ayant t inscrite dans les chapitres de laccord qui avait t fait, (Sophrone) sy opposa, disant quil fallait parler de deux oprations de NotreSeigneur Jsus-Christ, et il en apporta des testimonia de diffrents saints Pres39.

Dans cet extrait: 1) les mots de la citation: recoupent


parfaitement le passage cit ci-dessus de lEp. ad Honorium Rom. de
Serge, passage qui relate la rencontre entre Cyrus et Sophrone: il (Sophrone) sopposa et contredit le chapitre (consacr) lunique opration,
exigeant que, de toute manire, on enseigne deux oprations en Christ
notre Dieu40; 2) bien que sans parallle dans le rcit de Serge o il
nest question que des testimonia, prsents par Cyrus, en faveur de
lunique opration41 , les mots ne semblent pas
avoir t invents par les Actes du Concile du Latran: repris tels quels dans
la suite du discours de Maxime dAquile, ils font lobjet dun court commentaire qui ne laisse pas de doute sur leur caractre de citation littrale:
Voil donc, Cyrus a reconnu ce que, dans sa propre lettre, il a fait connatre
aussi Serge, savoir que Sophrone, qui (repose) parmi les saints, a apport des
testimonia de diffrents saints Pres, comme quoi il faut dire (que sont) deux les
oprations en Christ Dieu42.

36

ct de CPG 7610, 7611 et 7612.

37

HEFELE, Conciliengeschichte, III2, p. 141: so ist solcher (Brief) verloren gegangen;


= HEFELE LECLERCQ, Histoire des Conciles, III, Ire partie, p. 343: cette lettre nest pas parvenue jusqu nous.
38

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, p. 240, 31-33:


.
39
Ibid., 33-35: ,
, (correxi e latino: asserens; Riedinger), (
Riedinger) .
40

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 538, 13-14:


,
.
41

Ibid., p. 538, 15-17.

42

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, p. 240, 35-242, 1:

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

17

Apparemment, la lettre originale de Cyrus faisait mention aussi bien de


testimonia en faveur des mononergistes, prsents par lui-mme lors de
sa rencontre avec Sophrone, que de testimonia en faveur des dyonergistes, prsents par Sophrone; Serge de Constantinople et les Actes du
Concile du Latran (Maxime dAquile) ont choisi chacun le passage qui
servait le mieux leur cause. Pour reconstituer la (quatrime) lettre de
Cyrus Serge, le court extrait cit dans les Actes du Concile du Latran
doit tre complt par le rcit de la rencontre entre Cyrus et Sophrone que
Serge donne dans son Ep. ad Honorium43.
Une question se pose enfin quant lorigine du court extrait cit dans
les Actes du Concile du Latran; la rponse nous est donne par la proraison de lEp. ad Honorium Rom., o Serge note lintention du pape:
Tous ces vnements donc, depuis le dbut (jusquau moment prsent),
stant ainsi drouls, nous avons jug raisonnable, et en mme temps ncessaire, de porter la connaissance de votre Batitude, fraternelle et de pense
concordante, par les copies exactes que nous avons envoyes, les choses notes
(ici) pour mmoire de manire partielle, et nous invitons votre saintet les
relire tous, et suivant, cette fois encore, la parfaite charit, plaisante Dieu, qui
vous caractrise, sil sy trouve, peut-tre, quelque chose de dfectueux, de le
complter par la grce qui vous est accorde par Dieu, et par vos saintes lettres
de nous signaler, en mme temps que votre bonne sant que nous appelons de
nos vux, ce que vous pensez de ces choses44.

Serge avait donc envoy Honorius, en annexe sa lettre, des copies


exactes () des documents relatifs aux choses notes (ici) pour
mmoire de manire partielle; la lettre de Cyrus Serge au sujet de Sophrone devait en faire partie, de mme que lEp. ad Sergium CP. (CPG
7611) de Cyrus et la rponse (CPG 7605) de Serge, les lettres de Serge interdisant Cyrus et Sophrone de parler dune ou de deux oprations en
Christ, et le rapport fait lempereur. Pour la lettre de Serge Sophrone
notamment, nous en avons la confirmation par Honorius de Rome luimme, qui dans son Ep. I ad Sergium CP. (CPG 9431 [3]) dit quil a reu
, ,
.
43
44

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 538, 8-540, 3 (cit ci-dessus dans la n. 5).

Ibid., p. 546, 19-25: ,



, ,
, ,
,
, .

18

B. MARKESINIS

la copie dune lettre que vous, cest--dire Serge, avez adresse au mme
Sophrone45. Toutes ces lettres, avec dautres documents relatifs la querelle mononergiste (et monothlite), devaient tre dposes dans les archives sacres ( ) ou archives apostoliques (
), dont font mention les Actes du Concile du Latran46. Cest grce
ces archives, notre avis, que S. Maxime47, en train de prparer de prs
ou de loin les dits Actes, a pu puiser et trouver la lettre de Cyrus Serge
au sujet de Sophrone.
4) Enfin, la lettre de Serge Cyrus mentionne et cite partiellement
dans lEp. ad Honorium Rom. est une seconde missive, postrieure CPG
7605, que le patriarche de Constantinople envoya son collgue dAlexandrie; chronologiquement, elle se situe immdiatement aprs la lettre de
Cyrus Serge au sujet de Sophrone, et avant les lettres de Serge Sophrone et lempereur Hraclius.
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven

Basile MARKESINIS

Griekse Studies
Blijde-Inkomststraat, 21 bus 3318
B 3000 Leuven

45

Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 548, 11-12:


.
46
Cf. d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I, respectivement p. 36, 18-21; 60, 11-12; 72,
26-27; 216, 28-29 et p. 58, 33-37; p. 60, 4-7; 96, 11-14; 162, 17-23. Le dernier de ces passages
mrite particulirement notre attention: il nous montre que les archives apostoliques, ct
des rapports () de Serge et de Pyrrhus de Constantinople, abritaient aussi des
lettres de Cyrus, comme par ex. son Ep. III ad Sergium CP. (CPG 7612), par laquelle le patriarche dAlexandrie confirmait et embrassait ( ) lEcthesis.
47
Voir R. RIEDINGER, Die Lateransynode von 649 und Maximos der Bekenner, in Maximus Confessor. Actes du Symposium sur Maxime le Confesseur, Fribourg, 2-5 sept. 1980, d.
F. HEINZER C. SCHNBORN (= Paradosis. tudes de littrature et de thologie anciennes, 27),
Fribourg, 1982, p. 111-121; ID., Die Lateranakten von 649, ein Werk der Byzantiner um Maximos
Homologetes, in Byzantina, 13 (1985), p. 517-534.

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

19

APPENDICE
Ep. ad Honorium Rom.
(d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda,
II, p. 540, 19-544, 16)


,


.


,

48,

,


,,

,,



,
, -

,

,,





,
,,

(
)


Ecthesis
(d. RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda,
I, p. 160, 4-29)

...

,


,,

,,

, -


,,

,,





,,
,


,,

48
Les mots visent la situation concrte cre Alexandrie aprs
lUnion.

20

B. MARKESINIS




,

,


,
,
.


<>

,
,


,
-


,,





,

,


,
,

.
,
,
,
,


,
49

,

50,





49
Malgr une littralit moindre, on reconnat dans lEcthesis, p. 160, 22 ( )
24 (), la mme ide que dans lEp. ad Honorium, p. 542, 16 () 17
().
50
Les mots de lEcthesis , qui officialisent la doctrine
du monothlisme, ont t emprunts lEp. I ad Sergium CP. du pape Honorius (d. RIEDINGER,
ACO, Series secunda, II, p. 550, 16-17).

LES DBUTS DU MONONERGISME

21


,


,
,



,
,
51.
, < ,> ,


,

,
,

,
,
,
, 52.

51
Cette section, ne ft-ce que par son dbut et pour le dire clairement (
), semble tre une explication du passage qui prcde, que Serge sest senti oblig dajouter
lintention dHonorius.
52
Ce paragraphe nest que la rptition (voir ) de ce qui a dj t dit plus haut
(p. 540, 19-21 et p. 542, 7-12), rptition devenue ncessaire suite la digression prcdente (p.
542, 21-p. 544, 8).

22

B. MARKESINIS
ABRVIATIONS

GRUMEL, Recherches = V. GRUMEL, Recherches sur lhistoire du monothlisme, in


chos dOrient, 28 (1929), p. 19-34.
GRUMEL, Regestes = V. GRUMEL, Les Regestes des Actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople. Vol. I: Les Actes des Patriarches. Fasc. I: Les Regestes de 381
715 (= Le Patriarcat Byzantin, Srie I), Paris, 2e d., 1972.
HEFELE, Conciliengeschichte = C. J. VON HEFELE, Conciliengeschichte nach den
Quellen bearbeitet, III, 2. Aufl., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1877.
HEFELE LECLERCQ, Histoire des conciles = C. J. HEFELE, Histoire des conciles
daprs les documents originaux. Nouvelle traduction franaise faite sur la
deuxime dition allemande, corrige et augmente de notes critiques et bibliographiques par Dom H. LECLERQ, t. III, Ire partie, Paris, 1909.
MANSI, Collectio = J. D. MANSI, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 25 vol., Florentiae Venetiis, 1759-1784.
RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, I = Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum,
ed. R. RIEDINGER (= Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, 2/I), Berolini, 1984.
RIEDINGER, ACO, Series secunda, II = Concilium universale Constantinopolitanum
tertium, ed. R. RIEDINGER (= Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, 2/II), Berolini,
1992.
VAN

DIETEN, Geschichte der Patriarchen = J.-L. VAN DIETEN, Geschichte der


Patriarchen von Sergios I. bis Johannes VI. (610-715) (= Enzyklopdie der
Byzantinistik. Grundriss der byzantinischen Philologie, Geschichte und Kunst
in Einzeldarstellungen, 24), Amsterdam, 1972.

WINKELMANN, Streit = F. WINKELMANN, Der monenergetisch-monotheletische


Streit (= Berliner Byzantinistische Studien, 6), Frankfurt am Main Berlin
Bern Bruxelles New York Oxford Wien, 2001.

Summary. The article shows that St Sophronius met Cyrus of Antioch after
the Union (3 June 633) between the Chalcedonians and the Theodosians had been
signed. The letter of Cyrus which Sophronius brought to Sergius of Constantinople
after the failure of his meeting with Cyrus cannot be identified as the Ep. ad Sergium
CP (CPG 7611) as Grumel and Winkelmann considered: it was another letter, the
existence of which had already been postulated by Hefele, a short extract of which
is preserved in the Acts of the Lateran Council of 649. Neither can the letter forbidding all discussion of one or two operations in the two natures of Christ, which
Sergius sent to Cyrus after his meeting with Sophronius, be identified as the Ep. ad
Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605).

Jacques DALARUN
THOME CELANENSIS
VITA BEATI PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI
(VITA BREVIOR)
Prsentation et dition critique
Jusquau XVIIIe sicle, on ne connaissait du corpus hagiographique
ddi S. Franois dAssise que ce que les Frres mineurs eux-mmes en
pratiquaient, principalement dans la liturgie: lOfficium rhythmicum attribu Julien de Spire, les Legendae maior et minor de Bonaventure. La
premire rvolution des tudes franciscaines vint de la publication par le
bollandiste Constantin Suyskens, en 1768, au tome II du mois doctobre
des Acta Sanctorum, dune belle moisson de textes indits comprenant la
Vita beati Francisci de Thomas de Celano (la Vita dite prima), le De inceptione Ordinis, quon appela longtemps lAnonyme de Prouse avant de
lattribuer frre Jean, compagnon de frre Gilles, et la Legenda trium
sociorum. Suivirent, en 1806, ldition par Stefano Rinaldi de la partie biographique du Memoriale in desiderio animae de Thomas de Celano (la Vita
dite secunda) et, en 1822, ldition par Niccol Papini de la Legenda ad
usum chori. Le corpus, pour un temps, sarrta l1.
La deuxime rvolution fut sans nul doute suscite par le pasteur protestant Paul Sabatier. En 1898, sur la lance de sa Vie de S. Franois
dAssise parue en 1894, il ditait le Speculum perfectionis maior. En 1899,
le bollandiste Franois Van Ortroy publiait dans les Analecta Bollandiana
le Tractatus de miraculis qui venait complter le Memoriale de Thomas
de Celano. En 1901, Leonard Lemmens ditait le Speculum perfectionis
minor, les Verba sancti Francisci et lIntentio Regulae. En 1902, Paul Sabatier prenait le relais en publiant les Actus beati Francisci et sociorum
eius et des extraits de la Compilatio Avignonensis. En 1914, Andrew Little
proposait des extraits du manuscrit qui porte son nom et enfin, en 1922,
Ferdinand Delorme dcouvrait et ditait la Legenda Perusina quon prfre aujourdhui appeler la Compilatio Assisiensis. cette liste, on pour1
Pour ne pas multiplier les rfrences, voir pour ces premiers paragraphes F. URIBE,
Introduccin a las hagiografas de san Francisco y santa Clara de Ass (siglos XIII y XIV),
Murcie, 1999, trad. italienne Introduzione alle fonti agiografiche di san Francesco e santa
Chiara dAssisi (secc. XIII-XIV) (= Saggi, 7), Assise, 2002; J. DALARUN, Cruces fontium hagiographicorum de sancto Francisco, in Francesco e Chiara dAssisi. Percorsi di ricerca sulle
fonti (= Franciscalia, 2), Padoue, 2014, p. 87-100.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015), p. 23-86.

24

J. DALARUN

rait encore ajouter la Legenda Neapolitana dcouverte en 1928 par Michael


Bihl, plus tard renomme Legenda choralis Umbra, ou le Sacrum commercium sancti Francisci cum domina Paupertate, dit en 1929. Que lon
prenne le tome 10 des Analecta franciscana, publi de 1926 1941 et intitul Legendae S. Francisci Assisiensis saeculis XIII et XIV conscriptae, ou
le prcieux recueil Fontes franciscani, publi en 1995 par les soins dEnrico Menest et Stefano Brufani, on verra que, si les nouvelles ditions ne
font pas dfaut, les contours du corpus sont, pour lessentiel, fixs et figs
depuis les annes 1920.
Jai toujours eu la conviction que le temps des dcouvertes ntait
pas rvolu. En 2007, raboutant divers fragments de manuscrits, javais
tent de donner plus de consistance la Legenda Umbra, proposant de
lattribuer Thomas de Celano et situant finalement sa rdaction sous le
gnralat de frre lie, qui courut de 1232 12392. La description dun
manuscrit mis en vente en 2014 sur le site Les Enluminures confirma mes
hypothses et, comme on va le voir, dpassa de loin toutes mes esprances.
Je suggrai la Bibliothque nationale de France, en la personne dIsabelle Le Masne de Chermont, directrice du Dpartement des manuscrits,
de lacheter. Cest de ce petit volume quil va maintenant tre question.
Le manuscrit de Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, dsormais
NAL 3245 (P), est un codex de petites dimensions (120 82 mm), form
de cent vingt-deux feuillets de parchemin de peau de chvre de basse
qualit (numrots au crayon dune main rcente de 1 123, car la foliotation saute de 78 80) rpartis en treize cahiers (majoritairement des
quinions, mais aussi des quaternions et des snions)3. Les cahiers sont
cousus et relis entre eux par trois nerfs, ainsi que par des tranchefiles suprieure et infrieure, mais sans plat ni dos pour les couvrir, ce qui a caus
une forte dtrioration des f. 1r et 123r-v. Le volume comprend, copis par
2

J. DALARUN, Vers une rsolution de la question franciscaine. La Lgende ombrienne


de Thomas de Celano, Paris, 2007; ID., De St. Bonaventure la Lgende ombrienne et de la
Lgende ombrienne St. Bonaventure, in Franciscan Studies, 66 (2008), p. 505-510; ID., La
Lgende ombrienne et la rsolution de la question franciscaine, in Acadmie des Inscriptions
& Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendus des sances de lanne 2007, avril-juin, 2009, p. 781-797.
Plus gnralement, Franois dAssise. crits, Vies, tmoignages, dir. J. DALARUN, prface A.
VAUCHEZ (= Sources Franciscaines), Paris, 2010. Javais exhum quelques lgendes remanies
dans J. DALARUN, Bribes franciscaines et loi de Dolbeau, in Amicorum societas. Mlanges
offerts Franois Dolbeau pour son 65e anniversaire, d. J. ELFASSI C. LANRY A.-M.
TURCAN-VERKERK (= Millennio Medievale, 96; Strumenti e Studi, n. s. 24), Florence, 2013,
p. 189-208.
3
Voir lexcellente notice de Laura Light sur le site Les Enluminures: http://www.
textmanuscripts.com/descriptions_manuscripts/TM 686 Franciscan_Miscellany.pdf. Je lutilise
abondamment dans ma description.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

25

de nombreuses mains en criture gothique de trs petit module (moins de 1


mm pour les lettres sans haste), divers florilges (f. 1r-12v, 13r-18v, 19r-32r,
34r-39v, 52v-68v), des extraits de sermons dont les trois premiers attribus
Bernard (f. 32r-34r), la bulle Solet annuere dHonorius III date du 29
novembre 1223, confirmant et englobant la Regula dite bullata de Franois
dAssise, toutes deux acphales (f. 40r-v), les Admonitiones de Franois
dAssise (f. 41r-43r), un Pater Noster glos (f. 43r-45v), un recueil alphabtique de distinctions (f. 46v-51r), des extraits de lHistoria scholastica
de Pierre le Mangeur (f. 51r-52v), une Vita beati patris nostri Francisci
(f. 69r-78v) et ses Miracula (f. 80r-84v), les livres de Job (f. 86r-97v) et Zacharie (97v-101v), un extrait des Actes des Aptres et deux de ses commentaires (f. 101v), les Revelationes du pseudo-Mthode (f. 102r-107v), divers
extraits du Liber de virtutibus et vitiis dAlcuin (f. 107v-109r), une collection de sermons (f. 109v-115v) et lvangile de Matthieu (f. 116r-123v)4.
Concentrons lattention sur les huitime et neuvime cahiers: un
quinion complet (f. 69-78), suivi dun quaternion priv de ses troisime et
septime feuillets (f. 80-85), amputations antrieures la copie puisquelles
naffectent pas la continuit du texte. La faible qualit du parchemin ressort du fait que les feuillets sont parfois privs dune partie correspondant
aux aisselles ou laine de lanimal (f. 72, 74 ou 77, par exemple). Les
piqres sont partout visibles dans la marge extrieure. La rglure du huitime cahier, la mine de plomb, est gnralement de quarante et une
lignes horizontales; elle est caractrise le plus souvent par une double
ligne verticale du ct de la couture, dcoupant une troite colonne, et
trois couples de rectrices traversantes en haut, au milieu et en bas de la
page. La rglure du neuvime cahier, la mine de plomb, gnralement de
quarante-deux lignes horizontales, ne comporte le plus souvent que deux
justificatrices verticales et deux horizontales traversantes, lune en haut et
lautre en bas de la rglure. Sur le huitime cahier, la premire ligne
dcriture est systmatiquement inscrite au-dessus de la premire ligne de
rglure, tandis quelle est insre au-dessous dans le neuvime cahier. La
plupart des pages portent quarante et une longues lignes dcriture, parfois
quarante (f. 70v-71r, 80r et 82v-83r), parfois quarante-deux (f. 69r avec le
titre rubriqu, 81v). La surface dcriture est de 94/92 62 mm.
En dpit des changements affectant la rglure et son usage, les deux
cahiers procdent dune mme campagne de copie. La mme main est
4
Dans les annes venir, lensemble du manuscrit fera lobjet dune recherche commune
du Dpartement des manuscrits de la Bibliothque nationale de France et de lInstitut de recherche et dhistoire des textes du CNRS. Il est en ligne sur le site Gallica de la BnF.

26

J. DALARUN

luvre du f. 69r au f. 82v, onzime ligne; elle change plusieurs fois de


physionomie dans le f. 78v, peut-tre la suite dun changement de plume,
mais surtout dans le but de mener terme le texte de la Vita sur cette
page. Il y a changement dencre (du noir au brun) et de plume, mais aussi
de main, semble-t-il, au f. 82v, onzime ligne (In Podio Bonii). Il
sagit, pour une main comme pour lautre, dune gothique livresque peu
anguleuse, aux lettres aussi larges que hautes sans les hastes, typique des
critures dItalie centrale au XIIIe sicle: la premire a tendance pencher
lgrement gauche, la seconde plus nettement droite. Les rubriques
sont de la mme main dans les deux cahiers. On trouve des initiales
lencre rouge de dimensions variables, filigranes lencre noire avec des
traits spcifiques italiens5, aux f. 69r-77v, puis de simples initiales rubriques aux f. 78r-84r. Les pieds-de-mouche, relativement rares, sont rehausss de rouge, ainsi que les initiales en dbut de phrase. La copie a t
effectue avec soin; des lettres sont exponctues ou rases, souvent en
cours de copie, et des additions marginales de la main du copiste au
travail, semble-t-il viennent parfois rparer un oubli: f. 69r (ire), 73v
(reiecit. Sancto in oratione aliquandiu perdurante, piscis in aqua), 75r
(soli vacabat Deo), 76r (domino), 77r (ire), 77v (-ti), 80r (solito), 80v (voto),
82r (-ma-), 83v (ipsum) et 84r (ex nomine, dicens: Noli timere). Le systme
dabrviation employ est le systme courant en Italie au XIIIe sicle. Le
premier copiste introduit des redoublements de consonnes du type Francisscus, perstrincxi, Assiscium, advicxit, conscilium, subscidio, ascinum,
consciderantes, rexspexit, pissces, transciret, viscione, Crucifisxi ou viscitare; il peut aussi pratiquer la contraction, comme adeum pour ad Deum,
exolo pour ex solo ou exua pour ex sua. Les encres utilises manquent
frquemment de liant, ce qui entrane des zones dcriture effaces ou difficilement lisibles aux f. 69r, 71r, 72r, 74v-75r, 76v et 78v-80r. Lensemble
du codex est dans un mauvais tat de conservation; dans ces deux cahiers,
des taches deau interfrent sur la surface dcriture, en particulier aux
f. 69-71 et 78-84.
Aux f. 69r-78v stend la Vita beati patris nostri Francisci, aux f. 80rv
84 ses Miracula, tandis que les f. 84v-85v portent des notes de mains plus
relches et plus tardives. La lettre dintroduction de la Vita est adresse
Au vnrable et rvrend frre lie, ministre gnral des Frres mineurs6, ce qui situe la rdaction dans la priode de son gnralat: 1232-

Je remercie Patricia Stirnemann pour cette prcision.

Thomas de Celano, Vita beati patris nostri Francisci ou Vita brevior (dsormais VB) 1.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

27

12397. Antoine de Padoue est dsign comme ce saint dont nous faisons
maintenant mmoire8, ce qui situe aussi la rdaction aprs la canonisation du 30 mai 1232. Lauteur se prsente comme celui qui a jadis compos la Vie de notre trs glorieux pre Franois [] sur lordre du
seigneur pape Grgoire; il ne fait donc aucun doute quil sagit de Thomas
de Celano, auteur de la premire Vita beati Francisci9. Il explique tout
aussi clairement que le texte qui suit est la rduction du prcdent en un
plus bref opuscule10, effectue sur la prescription du ministre gnral; je
propose donc de dsigner de manire plus ramasse cette nouvelle lgende
comme la Vita brevior de Thomas de Celano (VB). Le recueil de miracles
qui prolonge la Vita brevior se prsente en parfaite continuit et il y a toute
raison de penser quil a t compil la mme poque11.
Au regard de la violente damnatio memorie dont frre lie fut lobjet
aprs sa destitution du 15 mai 1239, il nest gure envisageable que la Vita
brevior, compose sa demande, adresse son intention et qui, plusieurs reprises, lui rend un hommage appuy12, ait t copie aprs cette
date. Tout indique dailleurs, pour lensemble du codex, un recueil produit
dans la dcennie 1230: les lettres filigranes, la premire ligne dcriture
parfois encore porte au-dessus de la premire ligne de rglure13, le fait que
les livres bibliques copis en fin de volume ne portent pas, si ce nest sous
forme dadditions marginales, la capitulation de la Bible dite de Paris qui
se rpand vers 1220-123014. Une datation dans la dcennie 1230 fait de ce
manuscrit le plus ancien tmoin des Admonitiones de Franois dAssise15.
7

Elia da Cortona tra realt e mito. Atti dellIncontro di studio, Cortona, 12-13 luglio
2013, Spolte, 2014.
8

VB 25.

R. MICHETTI, Francesco dAssisi e il paradosso della minoritas. La Vita beati Francisci


di Tommaso da Celano (= Nuovi Studi Storici, 66), Rome, 2004; Thomas de Celano, Les Vies de
saint Franois dAssise. Vie du bienheureux Franois, Lgende de chur, Lgende ombrienne,
Mmorial dans le dsir de lme, d. J. DALARUN D. POIREL (= Sources Franciscaines), Paris,
2009.
10

Ce qui ne lempche pas de comporter nombre de nouveauts, signales comme telles

en note.
11

Sur cette dcouverte, voir J. DALARUN, La Vie retrouve de Franois dAssise, Paris,
2015; ID., Une Vie indite de Franois dAssise par Thomas de Celano, Acadmie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendus des sances de lanne 2015, janvier-fvrier, paratre.
12

VB 1, 74, 76, 83, 84, peut-tre 86.

13

N. R. KER, Books, Collectors and Libraries. Studies in the Medieval Heritage, d. A. G.


WATSON, Londres Ronceverte, 1985, p. 71-74.
14
L. LIGHT, Versions et rvisions du texte biblique, in Le Moyen ge et la Bible, dir. P.
RICH G. LOBRICHON (= Bible de tous les temps, 4), Paris, 1984, p. 55-93, en part. p. 75-93.
15

Le plus ancien tmoin connu ce jour tait le manuscrit dAssisi, Biblioteca comunale,

28

J. DALARUN

Il est certain que ce volume usage personnel16 tait celui dun frre mineur17, copi dans un couvent de lOrdre, et il y a de fortes chances quil
ait t produit Assise, o taient probablement conservs les crits franciscains et o Thomas de Celano dut remettre son ouvrage abrg frre
lie18; une localisation que ne dment pas laspect matriel du volume.
On na pas dinformation prcise sur sa provenance avant la mise en vente
par Les Enluminures19.
Le texte de la Vita brevior et de ses Miracula est partiellement transmis par dautres tmoins, en grande partie ceux sur lesquels je mtais
fond pour reconstituer la Legenda Umbra: V120, V221, T22, N123, N224,
C25 et A26, o les extraits de ce texte sont presque systmatiquement insrs dans lOffice liturgique de S. Franois27. Dans ldition toutefois, je
suis fidlement P, puisquil est le seul tmoin livrer lensemble du texte;
je respecte ses graphies et ses leons, sous rserve quelles prsentent une
338, datable des annes 1240; L. PELLEGRINI, La raccolta di testi francescani del codice Assisano 338. Un manoscritto composito e miscellaneo, in Revirescunt chartae, codices, documenta,
textus. Miscellanea in honorem fr. Caesaris Cenci ofm, t. 1, d. A. CACCIOTTI P. SELLA,
Rome, 2002, p. 289-340, rd. dans L. PELLEGRINI, Frate Francesco e i suoi agiografi (= Saggi,
8), Assise, 2004, p. 371-423.
16

Comme le prouvent ses petites dimensions et son manque total de lustre.

17

Comme lindique la concentration de textes lis au fondateur, qui nont alors aucune
diffusion en dehors de lOrdre des Frres mineurs; on peut se demander si le Pater Noster glos
des f. 43r-45v ne doit pas tre attribu Franois dAssise.
18

On ne peut sempcher de songer frre Lon, secrtaire et confesseur de Franois,


diteur de ses crits, son mmorialiste; A. BARTOLI LANGELI, Gli autografi di frate Francesco e
di frate Leone (= Corpus Christianorum. Autographa Medii Aevi, 5), Turnhout, 2000.
19

La notice indique: Private Continental Collection.

20

Citt del Vaticano, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 8737, f. 251va-254rb.

21
Citt del Vaticano, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1738, f. 219rb-220rb. Cf. J.
DALARUN, Comment dtruire les lgendes franciscaines ? Une ingnieuse application de la dfinition de 1266 dans le manuscrit Reg. lat. 1738 de la Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, in
Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, t. 14 (= Studi e Testi, 443), Cit du Vatican,
2007, p. 215-229; F. SEDDA, La legenda liturgica Vaticana per lottava di san Francesco. Studio
ed edizione, in Frate Francesco, 78 (2012), p. 83-126.
22

Terni, Biblioteca comunale, 227bis (C.IV.M.11), f. 231ra-236ra.

23

Napoli, Biblioteca nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, VI.E.20, f. 399ra-401rb et 404ra-vb.

24

Napoli, Biblioteca nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, VI.E.16, f. 485va-487va.

25

Citt del Vaticano, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Chig. C.V.136, f. 285ra-vb.

26

Assisi, Biblioteca comunale, 338, f. 44r-53v. Sur tous ces manuscrits, J. DALARUN, Vers
une rsolution (cf. supra, n. 2).
27
Tous ces tmoins sont des brviaires, sauf A. Les paragraphes VB 2-10 sont galement
diviss en neuf leons, mais il ny a pas trace au-del dun usage liturgique de VB en P. Sur
cette contradiction apparente, voir J. DALARUN, La Vie retrouve (cf. supra, n. 11), p. 12-15.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

29

forme et un sens acceptables. Quand ce nest pas le cas, jy substitue soit


la leon dun autre tmoin sil en existe pour ce passage, soit une conjecture personnelle (conj. dans lapparat)28. La foliotation de P est indique
entre crochets droits. Les rubriques et lettres rubriques sont indiques en
gras. La division en paragraphes et la ponctuation sont de mon initiative,
mais, tout en les conformant aux usages modernes ou la commodit de
lecture, jai cherch mloigner le moins possible de la ponctuation, des
lettres rubriques, des pieds-de-mouche et des initiales rehausses de rouge
de P. Un apparat critique positif donne les variantes des autres tmoins
partiels29, mais aussi, dans ces seuls lieux variants et pourvu que la proximit des textes le permette, les leons de la source principale de la Vita
brevior (1C30) ou des rcits qui sen inspirent directement (VJS31, R32).
En revanche, part pour les passages difficilement lisibles, je ne signale
pas les accidents de copie de P, peu nombreux et en partie indiqus dans
cette introduction. Dans les notes de bas de page, jindique la source de
VB (1C) et pointe ses apports originaux, avec leur ventuel premier remploi (en OJS33, LC34, VJS, 3S35, CA36, 2C37, 3C38). Jidentifie les princi28

Fonde, tant que faire se peut, sur les textes parallles contant le mme pisode.

29

On y trouvera aussi le sigle N. Dans J. DALARUN, Vers une rsolution (cf. supra, n.
2), jai tabli que N2 dpendait de N1. Mais, comme lOffice de S. Franois est acphale en
N1, le dbut de N1 nest connu qu travers N2. N est la reconstitution fonde sur N2 pour le
passage manquant en N1, puis sur N1. Les variantes propres N2 cessent dtre signales dans
lapparat du moment o N1 prend le relais.
30
Thomas de Celano, Vita prima S. Francisci, in Legendae S. Francisci Assisiensis saeculis XIII et XIV conscriptae (= Analecta Franciscana, 10), Quaracchi, 1926-1941, p. 1-117.
31

Julien de Spire, Vita S. Francisci, ibid., p. 334-371. Il est probable que, dans la Vita S.
Francisci, Julien de Spire sinspire tour tour de 1C et de VB.
32
Roma, Collegio San Lorenzo da Brindisi, AB/23, f. 39r-73r. Ce manuscrit contient le
Memoriale de Thomas de Celano, form de la Vita secunda et du Tractatus de miraculis. Pour
en indiquer les leons dans les lieux variants entre les tmoins de la VB, je ne me rfre pas aux
ditions de la Vita secunda et du Tractatus de miraculis (voir ci-dessous, notes 37-38), mais
cet unique tmoin R, qui prsente les plus fortes proximits avec notre texte.
33
Julien de Spire [et alii], Officium rhythmicum S. Francisci, in Legendae S. Francisci
Assisiensis (cf. supra, n. 30), p. 373-388. Il est difficile de dire si OJS a ponctuellement
inspir VB ou si VB est une des sources dOJS en compagnie de 1C, dautant quOJS est luimme le produit dune stratigraphie auteurs multiples. Notons aussi un troublant parallle
entre VB 16 et Sacrum commercium sancti Francisci cum domina Paupertate (dsormais SC),
22, 2 d. S. BRUFANI (= Testi, 1), Assise, 1990, p. 161.
34
Legenda ad usum chori, ibid., p. 118-126 et 720-721. LC est un abrg tir de VB, qui
na nul besoin davoir recours 1C. Je crois donc pouvoir affirmer que VB est, dans labsolu,
la deuxime lgende jamais crite sur Franois dAssise par ordre chronologique.
35
Legenda trium sociorum. dition critique, d. T. DESBONNETS, in Archivum franciscanum historicum, 67 (1974), p. 89-144.
36

Compilatio Assisiensis dagli scritti di fra Leone e compagni su S. Francesco dAssisi.

30

J. DALARUN

pales rfrences bibliques ou patristiques, ainsi que les citations des crits
de Franois (1Reg39, Test40).
Lexamen des variantes entre P et les tmoins partiels du texte de la
Vita brevior permet de sassurer que le seul tmoin complet est, dans lensemble, proche de la rdaction originelle de Thomas de Celano. Mais la
discussion stemmatique donne aussi des lements susceptibles de reconstituer plus prcisment le texte de larchtype dans les passages attests
par plusieurs tmoins.
2-4. Chacun des trois tmoins en prsence (PV1V2) porte des fautes
propres. Mme si je conserve dans ldition certaines variantes disjonctives de P qui produisent un sens acceptable, il ny a pas de cas o deux
tmoins soient unis par une faute commune. Les trois tmoins semblent
donc remonter de manire indpendante larchtype. Lalliance de deux
tmoins contre un troisime offre toujours une leon recevable et, presque
systmatiquement, la meilleure (probablement celle de larchtype). Le
fait que V2 soit le tmoin le plus souvent isol (vingt-cinq cas PV1/V2) et
P le moins (cinq cas P/V1V2) indique que P est rest le plus fidle larchtype et que V2 en est le plus loign, tandis que V1 se situe dans une
position intermdiaire (treize cas PV2/V1). Dans les deux cas dclatement
P/V1/V2 (2. honore] P; bono V1; homo V2. 3. suam plenam] P; suam V1;
plenam V2), P dmontre encore sa supriorit.
72-74 et 83-90. Chacun des trois tmoins (PTN) porte des fautes
propres. Sans tre rellement fautive, une variante conjonctive TN (83.
omne] P; esse TN) laisse supposer un sous-archtype commun ces deux
tmoins. En un autre cas, P semble galement donner une leon suprieure
la leon commune TN (86. accersiti] P; asciti T; acciti N), mais il est vrai
que P donne accsi avec -ti en addition marginale. Lalliance PT ou PN
offre toujours une leon recevable, probablement celle de larchtype, le
plus souvent en accord avec le texte source, 1C, ou le texte driv, R.
Dans les cas de rpartition P/TN, la leon de larchtype doit tre recherDal Ms. 1046 di Perugia, II edizione integrale riveduta e corretta con versione italiana a fronte
e varianti, d. M. BIGARONI (= Pubblicazioni della Biblioteca francescana Chiesa nuova
Assisi, 2), Assise, 1992.
37

Thomas de Celano, Memoriale. Editio critico-synoptica duarum redactionum ad fidem


codicum manuscriptorum, d. F. ACCROCCA A. HOROWSKI (= Subsidia Scientifica Franciscalia, 12), Rome, 2011.
38

ID., Tractatus de miraculis B. Francisci, in Legendae S. Francisci Assisiensis (cf.


supra, n. 30), p. 269-331.
39
Franois dAssise, Regula non bullata, in Francisci Assisiensis Scripta, d. C. PAOLAZZI
(= Spicilegium Bonaventurianum, 36), Grottaferrata, 2009, p. 242-288.
40

ID., Testamentum, ibid., p. 394-404.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

31

che au cas par cas, de prfrence avec lappui de 1C ou de R. Sur cette


portion de texte, le fait que T soit le tmoin le plus souvent isol (quaranteneuf cas PN/T) indique quil est le plus loign de larchtype, tandis que P
et N en sont rests galement proches (vingt-deux cas PT/N et vingt-trois
P/TN). Les cas dclatement P/T/N sont parfois en faveur de P (72. affixum] 1CPR; affixus T; affixis N. liquido potuit] P; potuit liquido T;
liquide potuit N.), parfois de T (74. tantam sibi datam gratiam] T; tanta sibi
datam gratiam P; tanta sibi data gratia N. 87. cinereque] T; cineremque P;
cinere N).
91-96. Chacun des quatre tmoins (PTNC) porte des fautes propres.
Les variantes disjonctives de P, T et N sont en nombre sensiblement gal
(respectivement neuf, dix et neuf) et aucune ne semble correspondre une
faute conjonctive des trois autres tmoins. C comporte vingt variantes disjonctives, dont une correspond probablement une faute conjonctive de
PTN (96. tanta] C; om. PTN), aussitt suivie par une faute propre C (96.
frequentia] PTN; om. C). Par ailleurs, C est li au texte driv R par quatre
variantes dont deux rdactionnelles (91. itaque] PTN; om. CR. dominico]
PTN; quo predixerat CR. in loco predicto] PTN; apud civitatem Asisii
tot et CR. 92 liberati] PTN; liberatos CR). Il faut donc supposer deux
rameaux descendant chacun dun sous-archtype propre: PTN dun ct et
CR de lautre. On croit discerner une faute darchtype (94. olivarum] 1C;
om. PTNC). On constate de rares regroupements TC/PN (92. cladibus]
TCR; claudibus PN), PT/NC (94. eius] 1CPT; huius NC. convenientium]
1CPT; convenientibus NC) et PC/TN (95. Descendit denique] 1CPC; Descenditque TN), distribution qui au moins dans les trois premiers cas
voque plutt des erreurs de copie ou, linverse, des corrections concordantes mais polygntiques, tandis que la dernire peut correspondre la
leon du sous-archtype commun TN. En rgle gnrale, laccord de C
avec tout autre tmoin doit donner la leon de larchtype et laccord PTN,
PT ou PN la leon du sous-archtype de leur rameau.
M2-M4, M8 et M15. Par rapport la prcdente confrontation (
72-74 et 83-90) des trois mmes tmoins (PTN), P reste le tmoin affect
du plus faible nombre de variantes disjonctives (quatre). Le copiste de N a
d relcher sa vigilance, car le nombre de ses variantes disjonctives (dixhuit) dpasse maintenant celui des variantes disjonctives de T (sept). Le
double accord de P avec le texte driv R (M15. emissi] PR; omissi TN.
evolvere] PR; volvere TN) est nouveau lindice dun sous-archtype
commun TN, dautant que la leon commune aux deux tmoins est clairement fautive dans le premier cas. Laccord de tout autre tmoin avec P
donne certainement la leon du sous-archtype de ce rameau.

32

J. DALARUN

M16, M40-M50 et M51-M64. Dans ces portions o P est confront


un seul tmoin la fois, T puis A, laccord dun des deux tmoins en
prsence avec le texte source, 1C, ou le texte driv, R, fournit presque
certainement la leon de larchtype ou, tout le moins, dun ventuel
sous-archtype commun ces tmoins.
M65-M74. Les trois tmoins en prsence (PAT) comportent des
fautes propres. T porte le plus grand nombre de variantes disjonctives
(cinquante-quatre), suivi de loin par P (dix-neuf) et A (dix), tmoin particulirement soign qui saffirme certainement le plus fidle larchtype.
Laccord de deux tmoins, presque systmatiquement rejoints par le texte
driv, R, contre le troisime doit le plus souvent garantir la leon de larchtype. Deux seuls cas chappent cette rgle (71. indictam] PR; indictum AT. fugit] AR; fuit PT), mais on peut y souponner des fautes
polygntiques provoques par attraction (indictum episcopum) ou par la
lectio facilior (fuit).
Au terme de ces confrontations, videmment limites par le fait que
les tmoins ne sont prsents simultanment dans aucune portion du texte
(ce qui empche en particulier de situer prcisment V1V2 et A41), on peut
nanmoins proposer comme plausible le stemma codicum suivant:

N1

C
R
N2

41
Dans le stemma ci-dessus, je rattache A , pour rendre compte de lindpendance
rciproque des trois tmoins PAT, mais on pourrait aussi bien le rattacher .

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

33

Rsumons pour conclure les acquis de lanalyse. Le manuscrit P, issu


dune collection prive et rcemment achet par la Bibliothque nationale
de France, est un volume usage personnel provenant probablement dun
couvent de Frres mineurs dItalie centrale, copi entre 1232 et la fin de la
dcennie 1230. La lgende franciscaine indite quil contient la Vita
beati patris nostri Francisci ou Vita brevior a t commande par frre
lie, alors ministre gnral de lOrdre des Frres mineurs (1232-1239),
Thomas de Celano, comme un abrg de sa prcdente Vita beati Francisci. Une telle dcouverte ne stait plus produite depuis prs dun sicle.
La nouvelle version ne se contente pas dabrger son modle, elle lactualise, apportant ainsi nombre dinformations neuves. Je pense quelle est,
dans labsolu, la deuxime lgende jamais crite sur S. Franois dAssise,
modle exclusif de la Legenda ad usum chori, modle partiel (avec la Vita
beati Francisci) de la Vita sancti Francisci rdige par Julien de Spire.
Ce que javais publi en 2007 sous le titre de Legenda Umbra ntait que
des extraits ou des fragments de cette Vie aujourdhui connue dans son
intgralit. Pice jusquici manquante du puzzle, elle devrait permettre de
reprendre neuf la gnalogie des lgendes franciscaines et dapprofondir
la connaissance et la comprhension de Franois dAssise42.
Institut de Recherche et dHistoire des Textes

Jacques DALARUN

40, Avenue dIna


F 75116 Paris

Summary. The National Library of France has just acquired a manuscript


which has been registered as NAL 3245. Copied in the 1230s, probably in a friary
of the OFM near Assisi for one of the brothers, this very small volume is one of the
earliest manuscripts of Franciscan origin. Together with many other texts it contains a Vita beati patris nostri Francisci compiled by Thomas of Celano on the instructions of the Minister General Brother Elias (1232-1239). It is an abridged and
updated version of the Vita prima by the same author and this Vita brevior must be
the second Vita ever written about il Poverello. Until now only some excerpts edited
in 2007 under the title Lgende ombrienne were known. This is the first critical
edition of the Vita brevior. It has been almost a century since such a discovery in
the field of Franciscan studies has been made.
42
Pour des traductions en langues modernes: J. DALARUN, La Vie retrouve (cf. supra,
n. 11), avec une prsentation de la lgende, de sa dcouverte et de son intrt historique;
Thomas de Celano, La Vie de notre bienheureux pre Franois. Traduction franaise et concordances, d. et trad. J. DALARUN, in tudes franciscaines, n. s. 8 (2015), paratre, avec une traduction annote et un tableau des parallles entre VB et onze autres lgendes franciscaines; des
traductions sont en cours en espagnol, en portugais, en hongrois, en anglais et en italien.

34

J. DALARUN

SIGLES
1C

Thomas de Celano, Vita beati Francisci (Vita prima).

1Reg

Franois dAssise, Regula non bullata.

2C

Thomas de Celano, Memoriale (Vita secunda).

3C

Id., Memoriale (Tractatus de miraculis).

3S

Legenda trium sociorum.

ASSISI, Biblioteca comunale, 338.

CITT DEL VATICANO, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Chig.


C.V.136.

CA

Compilatio Assisiensis.

LC

Legenda ad usum chori.

N1, reconstitu grce sa copie N2 en son absence.

N1

NAPLES, Biblioteca nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, VI.E.20.

N2

NAPLES, Biblioteca nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, VI.E.16.

OJS

Julien de Spire et alii, Officium rhythmicum S. Francisci.

PARIS, Bibliothque nationale de France, NAL 3245.

ROMA, Collegio San Lorenzo da Brindisi, AB/23.

SC

Sacrum commercium sancti Francisci cum domina Paupertate.

TERNI, Biblioteca comunale, 227bis (C.IV.M.11).

Test

Franois dAssise, Testamentum.

V1

CITT DEL VATICANO, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 8737.

V2

CITT DEL VATICANO, Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1738.

VB

Thomas de Celano, Vita beati patris nostri Francisci (Vita brevior).

VJS

Julien de Spire, Vita S. Francisci.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

35

Incipit epistola super Vita beati Francisci

10

15

1 Venerabili et reverendo patri fratri Helie, minorum fratrum generali


ministro.
Gloriosissimi patris nostri Francisci vitam quam, domino papa Gregorio iubente, sed te, pater, edocente, aliquantisper olim opere pleniori
digessi, propter eos qui de verborum multitudine forte merito causabantur,
te precipiente, nunc opusculo breviori perstrincxi et summa dumtaxat et
expedientia queque, pluribus obmissis, sermone succincto et compendiose
scribere procuravia. Nam, licet aliqui quedam fortasse vellent dici aliter
quam dicuntur, tuum tamen iudicium solum in hiis tutius est sequendum,
cui sanctus Dei plus ceteris animum suum aperuit et que agenda erant liberius ipse commisit. Placeat igitur, venerande pater, secundum sapientiam
tibi datamb ex hoc opere succidere et amputare que inpediunt. Placeat in
eo colere ac servare que prosunt. Percipiet, ut spero, supplex obedientia in
prolixitate et brevitate fructum sue devotionis, cum, hystorie fidem tenoremque secuta, teneat ubique lineam veritatisc.

Incipit Vita beati patris nostri Francisci


Quomodo ad Deum conversus fuit. Qualiter sua vendidit.
Quomodo pater persecutus est et mater solvit
20

25

Lectio I
2 Vir Dei Francisscus de civitate Assisii, que in finibus vallis
Spoletane sita est, oriundus existens, a primevo etatis sue anno in seculi
vanitatibus nutritus exstitit insolenterd. Qui cum primitiva parentum
suorum rudimenta insolens sequeretur, fere usque ad vicessimum quintum
etatis annum, tempus suum sic vane vivendo consumpsit ut, inter eos qui
misera seculi blandimenta sectantur, vanior in patria et insolentior haberetur. Nam licet bonus Deus ab illis enormibus peccatis eum sua gratia

1 Incipit] ici commence P. 4 vitam] diff. lisible P. 8 succincto] conj.; succinto P. 11 animum] diff. lisible P. 18-19 Quomodo ad solvit] diff. lisible P. 20 Lectio I] V2 qui commence
ici; om. P. 21 Vir] ici commence V1. 23 vanitatibus] PV1; vanitate V2. 23 exstitit] PV1; est V2.
23 cum] PV2; in add. V1. 25 etatis] P; sue add. V1V2. 25 tempus] PV2; tempore V1. 25 sic]
PV1; om. V2. 26 sectantur] PV1; sectabantur V2. 26 in patria] PV1; om. V2. 26 insolentior haberetur] V2; diff. lisible P; Lectio II add. V1.
a
Voir Jean Cassien, Collationes XXIIII, IX, 1, d. M. PETSCHENIG G. KREUZ (= Corpus
scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, 13), Vienne, 2004, p. 250. b 2P 3, 15. c La lettre
frre lie est un apport original. d 1C 1.

[69r]

36

J. DALARUN

custodierit, ex quibus homines maxime suam depravant originem et ab


honore proprio nature degenerant, in vanitatibus tamen et facetiis supra
omnes coetaneos suos male proficiensa, ammirationem in cunctis suis actibus pretendebat. Erat enim predives, non avarus, sed prodigus, non accumulator pecunie, sed vanissimus dispensatorb. Quia, dum negotiationi
deserviret et regiones varias circuiretc, pannorum cumulos deferens ad
vendendumd, multi humanitatis eius commoda sentiebant, per que amicitie
honore ipse in omni hominum genere fruebature.
Lectio II

10

15

20

3 Verum, cum sic mente adversa incederet, ut conversionis ad Deum


fieret posteris ad exemplum, facta est super eum manusf Dei et immutatio
dextere Excelsig, diuturnis langoribus ipsius corpus affligens et animum
demulcens sancti Spiritus unctione. Subito enim in alterum virum conversus est et ad ea que consueverat gaudere nequibat. Nam et cuncta que
ipsum delectaverant pridem, sibi postmodum tedium ingerebanth. Sed,
quoniam prospera elevant que flagella deiciunt, resumptis paululum viribus corporis, adhuc mundi favoribus inhians, cuidam nobili de Assisio se
asociare disponit, qui se militaturum ire in Apuliam preparabati. Cumque
ad eundum cum illo se tota deliberatione dedisset, nocte quadam per visionem vidit domum suam plenam militaribus armis, que rerum venalium
tantum esse consueverat occupata. Admiranti hec omnia, vox ad eum in
sompnis facta est, dicens hec arma sua fore militumque suorumj.

Lectio III
vero, circa suum propositum cepit te |pescere et, insperatam [69v]
sui mutationem nesciens, secum tacitus mirabatur. Studet iam propterea
voluntatem suam dirigere ad divinam et, parumper a seculari tumultu se
4 Evigilans

25

1 ex] PV1; om. V2. 2 proprio] V1; diff. lisible P; proprie V2. 3 proficiens] PV2; conficiens
V1. 5 Quia dum] PV1; Qui cum V2. 5 negotiationi deserviret] conj.; negotiatori deserviret PV1;
deserviret negotiatoni V2. 7 humanitatis] PV2; hec vanitatis V1. 7 commoda] V1V2; diff. lisible
P. 8 honore] P; bono V1; homo V2. 8 omni] PV1; om. V2. 9 Lectio II] PV2; om. V1. 10 conversionis] PV1; conversio eius V2. 11 posteris] PV1; poseris V2. 11 eum] PV2; me V1. 11 Dei]
diff. lisible P; Domini V1V2. 12 diuturnis] PV2; divinis V1. 12 ipsius corpus] PV1; corpus eius
V2. 15 postmodum] PV2; modum V1. 16 prospera] PV2; propria V1. 16 que] P; queque V1; om.
V2. 18 ire] PV1; om. V2. 18 preparabat] PV1; Lectio add. V2. 19 illo] PV2; om. V1. 19 per
visionem vidit] PV1; vidit per visionem V2. 20 suam plenam] P; suam V1; plenam V2. 21 esse
consueverat] PV1; consueverat esse V2. 22 hec arma] PV1; arma hec V2. 24 insperatam] PV1;
inspirata V2. 25 mutationem] PV1; mutatione V2. 25 secum tacitus] PV1; tacitus secum V2. 25
propterea] PV2; propriam V1. 26 seculari] PV1; seculi V2.
a
Ga 1, 14. b 1C 2. c Gn 41, 46. d 1C 5. e Mis part lemprunt 1C 5, cette phrase
est un apport original. f Ez 1, 3. g Ps 76, 11; 1C 2. h 1C 3. i 1C 4. j 1C 5.

37

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

subtrahens et negotio, in interiori homine recondere satagit Ihesum


Christum. Gestiebat hec neminem scire et solum Deum in suo sancto proposito consulebat. Cuidam tamen sibi amico thesaurum invenisse sub
enigmate loquebatur; quem secum ad secretiora sepius evocans, quamdam
criptam, in qua orabat Patrem in absconditoa, ingrediebatur solusb. Sicque
divino perfusus gaudio, continere Spiritus ardorem non valens, in Apuliam
ire recusat et magna in patria propria publicat se facturum. Et interrogatus
an uxorem ducere vellet, sapientem, plus pulchram et amabilem quam
viderint, in brevi ducere se promittitc.

10

Lectio IIII

15

20

5 Quadam vero die, cum oranti sibi revelatum esset a Domino quod
ipsum agere oporteret, iam se non capiens pre letitia, pannis pretiosis secum ad vendendum assumptis, ad civitatem que Fulgineum dicitur festinus
advenit. Ibi ex more venditis omnibusd que portabat, equum cui tunc insederat, felix mercator preter morem, assumpto pretio, dereliquit. Mirum
in modum, mox totus in Dei opere conversus, gravatum valde se sentiens
pecuniam illam vel una hora portare ac velud arenam reputanse esse illius
emolumentumf, cuidam pauperi sacerdotig, prope Assiscium in quadam
ecclesia existentih, illam ad usum pauperum erogavit. Quam quia sacerdos
recipere noluit, timore parentum sollicitus et in mirabili conversione rerum
obstupefactus, verus pecuniarum contemptor, pecuniam in quamdam fenestram prohiciens, ipsam tamquam pulverem vilipenditi.

Lectio V
25

6 Pater itaque ipsius hec audiens, ad subitum rerum eventum turbatus


est valdej nimis et, veniens ad locum in quo Dei famulus morabatur, quesivit eum et non invenit. In quadam enim fovea fere per mensem continue

1 in] PV2; om. V1. 1 recondere satagit] PV1; satagit recondere V2. 2 Christum] PV1;
Lectio add. V2. 2 hec] P; hoc V1V2. 2 suo sancto] P; sancto suo V1; sancto V2. 3 thesaurum]
PV1; se add. V2. 4 quem] PV2; cepit V1. 4 secretiora] P; loca add. V1V2. 4 evocans] PV2;
evocabat V1. 4 quamdam] V1V2; quadam P. 5 criptam] PV2; om. V1. 7 facturum] ici sinterrompt V1. 8 et] P; om. V2. 10 Lectio IIII] P; Lectio V V2. 13 ad vendendum assumptis] P;
assumptis ad vendendum V2. 14 Ibi] P; Ubi V2. 16 valde] P; om. V2. 17 pecuniam illam] V2;
pecunia illa P. 17 esse] P; omne V2. 19 usum] P; usus V2. 19 erogavit] P; Lectio VI add. V2.
20 parentum sollicitus] P; solutus V2. 20 in] P; om. V2. 20 conversione rerum] P; rerum conversione V2. 21 obstupefactus] P; stupefactus V2. 22 pulverem] V2; pulverom P. 24 ipsius] P;
impia V2. 26 continue] P; om. V2.

a
Mt 6, 6.
Ps 6, 4.

1C 6.

1C 7.

Mt 13, 46.

Sg 7, 9.

1C 8.

1C 9.

1C 8.

1C 9.

38

10

15

J. DALARUN

latitavit, in qua clandestinum ei totum inpendebatur obsequiuma. Die vero


una, cum vilibus indutus panniculis civitatem intraret Assisii, pater eius,
nulla moderatione servata, iniecta in ipsum manu, ad propriam domum inhoneste protraxit eum. Sicque omni miseratione subtracta, per plures dies
eum in tenebroso loco reclusit, verbis verbera et vincula verberibus addensb. Ipse autem, ad exequendum quod ceperat promtior ex hoc et validior reddebatur. Post modicum vero temporis, patre a patria discedente,
mater eius, a vinculis absolutum, eum liberum abire permisitc. Cives et qui
eum noverant universi, eum insanum ac dementem acclamantes, lutum
platearumd in ipsum et lapidese proiecerunt. Famulus Dei, nulla fractus
aut mutatus iniuria, surdum hiis omnibus se prestabatf.
Quomodo, in nive proiectus, post hec leprosis servierit.
Qualiter treis ecclesias reparaverit et, secundo mutato habitu,
evangelicam perfectionem aggrediens,
socios habuerit et eorum profectum spiritum Dei cognoverit
Lectio VI
Iam enim persecutione paterna cessante, semicintiis indutus, qui
quondam pretiosis vestibus utebatur, die quadam, cum per silvam gallica
lingua laudes Domino decantaret, incidit in latronesg. Quibus ferali animo
querentibus quisnam esset, confidenter ait: Preco sum magni Regish.
Quem fortiter verberantes, in foveam plenam nivibus proiecerunt: Iace,
inquiunt, rustice, preco Dei ! Recedentibus illis, nive a se discussa, letus
de fovea exiluit. Et, ad quoddam claustrum deveniens monachorum, | pro [70r]
nichilo reputatur, in coquina sicut gartio vix permissus est ministrare.
Tandem, cum nemo eius nuditatem miseraretur, neccessitate compulsus,
inde progrediens, a quodam olim suo amico apud Eugubium civitatem
quamdam tuniculam acquisivit. Prior predicti cenobii, audita postmodum
fama viri Dei, recolens quod olim in eo factum fuerat, valde doluit et, ad
eum veniens, veniam humiliter postulaviti.
7

20

25

Lectio VII

30

Post hoc totius humilitatis amator se transtulit ad leprosos quorum,


ulcera humiliter lavans, saniem ab eis abstergere non oborruit. Antea enim,
8

2 panniculis] P; pannis V2. 2 civitatem] P; civitate V2. 5 et] P; om. V2. 5 addens] P; ici
sinterrompt V2. 6 ad exequendum] conj.; adoxequendum P. 11 prestabat] conj.; prerabat P
13 reparaverit] conj.; reparavit P. 27 quamdam] conj.; quamda P.
a
1C 10. b 1C 12.
3; Mt 27, 4. i 1C 16.

1C 13.

Ps 17, 43.

Jn 8, 59.

1C 11.

Lc 10, 30.

Ps 47,

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

39

cum eos vel eorum habitacula de longinquo prospiceret, nares suas manibus propriis obturabat. Sed, cum, iam Dei gratia adhuc in seculari habitu
visitatus, die una cuidam leproso obviaret, mirabiliter seipsum vincens,
deobsculatus est euma. Ex hoc ad sui contemptum ferventius inardescens,
magis ac magis semetipsum contempsit. Aliorum quoque pauperum, in seculo manens, neccessitatibus occurrebat, cuiquam aliquid pro Deo petenti
denegare arbitrans nimis indignumb. Primo conversionis sue anno, quamdam ecclesiam Sancti Damiani antiquitus fabricatam, sed ad nichilum iam
reductam, beatus Franciscus studiosius reparavit. Hic est locus ille in quo
gloriosa religio pauperum dominarum, a conversione beati Francisci fere
sex annorum spatio iam elapso, per eumdem beatum virum felix sumpsit
exordiumc, quarum conversatio sancta et vita magnifica, quia proprium
opus requirit et otium, nunc ideo subticeturd.
Lectio VIII

15

20

25

30

9 Deinde vero aliam ecclesiam beatus pater iuxta civitatem Assisii


ruinosam similiter resarcivit. Et ad locum qui Portiuncula dicitur se transferens, ecclesiam beate Virginis Matris dirutam et propemodum eversam
rehedificare cepit, nec a bono principio destitit quousque ad perfectum
universa perduxit. Iam enim conversionis eius annus tertius agebatur.
Quo tempore, quasi heremiticum ferens habitum, accinctus corrigia et baculum manu gestans, calciatis pedibus incedebate. Sed, cum die quadam
evangelium qualiter Dominus miserit discipulos suos ad predicandum
in eadem ecclesia legeretur, audiens beatus Franciscus et intelligens
Christi discipulos non debere aurum, neque argentum, neque pecuniam
possideref, non peram, non sacculum, non panem, non virgam in via portare, non calciamenta, non duas tunicas habereg, sed regnum Dei et penitentiamh predicare, sancti Spiritus mox gratia repletusi: Hoc est, inquid,
quod volo. Hoc totis visceribus facere concupisco. Solvit protinus calciamenta de pedibusj, baculum deponit e manibus et, tunica una satis vili
contemptus, pro corrigia funiculum inmutavit. Cetera vero, que audierat,
evangelice perfectionis summa cum diligentia, donec advicxit, ad litteram
observare curavitk.

8 fabricatam] conj.; fabricata P. 30 contemptus] P au sens de contentus. 31 donec] conj.;


do P.
a
Mc 14, 45. b 1C 17. c 1C 18. d 1C 20. e 1C 21. f Mt 10, 9; Lc 9, 3.
Mc 6, 8; Lc 9, 3; 10, 4. h Lc 9, 2; Mc 6, 2. i Ac 9, 31. j Ex 3, 5. k 1C 22.

Mt 10, 10;

40

J. DALARUN

Lectio IX

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10 Exinde itaque magno spiritus fervore repletus, cepit omnibus penitentiam predicarea, verbo licet simplici, sed corde magnifico. Quotiens
vero verbum Dei convenientibus proponebat, Domino sibi revelante,
pacem primo annuntiabat dicens: Dominus det vobis pacemb ! Hanc
viris et mulieribus, hanc sibi omnibus obviis nuntiabat. Propterea multi
qui pacem hoderantc pariter et salutem, Domino cooperanted, pacem amplexati sunt toto corde, facti et ipsi filii pacise et emuli salutis eternef. Inter
quos frater Bernardus de civitate Assiscii, pacis legationemg amplectens,
post sanctum Dei cucurrit primus. Qui omnia sua vendens et pauperibus
tribuens, sancti evangelii | in perfectioris vie titulo conscilium adimplevit:
Si vis perfectus esse, vade et vende omnia que habes et da pauperibus et
habebis thesaurum in celo et veni sequere meh. Quam formam sex viri alii
inmitantes, vita et habitu beato Francisco associati sunti. Quos revera felix
pater omni vigilamtia et sollicitudine summa vite comprehendere cotidie
edocebat et sancte paupertatis beateque simplicitatis viam eos tenere
gressu indeclinabili informabatj.
11 Cum igitur summa devotione in dilectione Dei ferveret et tota
mente profectum concupisceret filiorum, die quadam locum orationis petiit, sicut sepissime faciebat. Ubi cum diu sacra compunctione perseveraret afflatus et mala que fecerat in amaritudine animek recogitaret, quedam indicibilis suavitas et letitia sibi actenus inexperta passim cordis eius
cepit arida irrigare, inflammare frigida et illuminare obscura. Sicque a
semetipso deficiens, raptus est supra se adque in quodam lumine totus absortus. Remissione culparum omnium indubitanter accepta, dilatato mentis
sinu, que futura erant luculenter inspexitl. Ex quibus quedam neccessaria
tunc fratribus enarravit dicens: Sicut mihi a Domino nunc ostensum est,
fratres et filii, in maximam multitudinem faciet nos crescere Deus et usque
ad fines orbis multipliciter dilatabit. Vidi namque multitudinem magnamm
hominum ad nos venientium qui, nobiscum in sancte conversationis habitu
viventes, hanc viam quam incepimus nobiscum pariter ambulabunt. Vidi
ex omni fere nationen multitudinem maximam in hiis partibus convenire et
adhuc sonus eorum est in auribus meiso. Veniunt Francigene, festinant Inspani, Theotonici et Anglici currunt et aliarum diversarum linguarum ac-

6 obviis] conj.; obiis P. 12 vende] conj.; de P.

a
Mt 4, 17. b 2Th 3, 16. c Ps 119, 7.
Mt 19, 21. i 1C 24. j 1C 26. k Is 38, 15.

Mc 16, 20. e Lc 10, 6. f 1C 23. g Lc 14, 32.


1C 26. m Ap 7, 9. n Ac 2, 5. o Ct 2, 14.

[70v]

41

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

celerant nationes. Quod cum audissent fratres, repleti sunt gaudioa salutari, sive propter gratiam quam Dominus Deus contulerat sancto suo, sive
quia proximorum lucra ardentissime sitiebant quos desiderabant, ut salvi
essent in idispumb, cotidie augmentaric.
Quomodo fratres binos per mundum miserit
et quomodo Innocentius papa, auctoritate predicandi sibi concessa,
regulam confirmaverit
et quomodo, in solitudine refecti,
paupertati adherere et proximis proficere statuerunt

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12 Eodem tempore, quodam alio viro eis apposito, ad octonarium numerum processerunt. Quos beatus pater binos binosqued confederans, per
diversas mundi partes in ministerium annuntiande pacise et predicandi
penitentiam segregavit. Et plura illis intente de regno Dei proponens, precipue illis humilitatem et patientiam commendavit. At illi cum gaudio
suspicientes obedientie sancte mandatum, ad pedes eius humiliter provolvuntur. Quos ipse benignissimus sicut mater amplectens, prophetico sermone unicuique sic dicebat: Iacta cogitatum tuum in Domino et ipse te
enutrietf. Hoc verbum dicebat ipse quotiens fratres ad obedientiam transmitebat, volens eos omnem sollicitudinem in Deum prohicereg.
13 Sed modico tempore iam elapso, aliud sibi Domino revelante, iuxta
desiderium eius improvise universi fratres pariter convenerunt. Et de visione beatissimi patris magna gaudia celebrantes, sic uno loco et tempore
r
convenisse plurimum admirantur. Humiliter veniam postulant, | de offensis [71 ]
et de omnibus ingratitudinibus se arguentes. Cogitationem omnem sicut
poterant sancto Dei aperiunth. Tunc alii quatuor ydonei viri appositi sunt
ad eos, qui duodenarium fratrum numerum inpleverunt. Ob id enim factus
est magnus rumor in populo et fama viri Dei cepit longius dilatarii.
14 Videns beatus Franciscus quod fratrum numerum cotidie augeret
Dominus in idipsumj, scripsit sibi et fratribus habitis et futuris simpliciter
et paucis verbis vite formam et regulam, precipue sancti evangelii sermonibus utensk, ad cuius perfectionem maxime inhiabat. Pauca tamen alia
inseruit, que ad sancte conversationis usum neccessario inminebant. Ve-

1 audissent] diff. lisible P. 3 sitiebant] diff. lisible P. 17 Domino] conj.; om. P. 21 universi] conj.; uiniversi P. 30 paucis verbis] diff. lisible P.
h

a
Ps 125, 2.
1C 30. i 1C 31.

b
j

Ac 2, 47.
Ac 2, 47.

c
k

1C 27. d Lc 10, 1.
Test 14-15.

Ac 10, 36.

Ps 54, 23.

1C 29.

42

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J. DALARUN

rum desiderans que scripserat per summum pontificem confirmari, abiit


Romam, duodecimus ipse cum undecim fratribus quos habebata. Et postquam per quemdam de cardinalibus, virum discretum et timentem Deum,
introductus erat, domino pape Innocentio propositum suum exposuit et
votum humiliter indicavit. Sicque operante gratia Dei, dominus papa assensum prebuit et, effectu prosequente, quod vir Dei petierat adinplevit.
Et plurima exortando locutus, confirmata regula sancto Dei, fratribus eius
mandavit ut omnibus penitentiam predicarent, promittens eis maiora et
ampliora se inposterum commissurumb. Hiis auditis, beatus Francisscus
gratias egit Deoc et, utroque homine inclinato, a summo pontifice benedictione suscepta vissitatisque sanctorum apostolorum liminibus, urbem
relinquens, in orbem profectus estd.
15 Mirabatur de suo desiderio tam facile adimpleto et in fiducia Salvatoris dilatabat continue, qui hec omnia suis sacratis revelationibus sibi
primitus demonstrarete. Propterea, qualiter per incrementa virtutum proficerent ut coram Deo et esse possent proximis ad exemplum, novi Christi
disipuli ardenter invicem conferebantf. Et progrediente hora diei, fatigati
ex itinere, ad desertum venerunt locumg. Exurientes nimium et humano
carentes subscidio divina pietas non reliquid, mittens panem ipsis per
quendam cito venientem, sed citius disparentem. Sicque confortati et nimium admirati, gratias agentes Deoh, iter reliquum perfecerunti.
16 Venerunt proinde ad quendam locum prope civitatem Ortensem
ibique per dies aliquot commorantesj, cum nichil terrene consolationis
haberent, solius sacrate paupertatis eos delectabat amplexus. Pepigerunt
cum ea fedus, ut ei dulcius adhererent, pacto perpetuo firmaveruntk. Loco
itaque ipso relicto, eternorum amatores pariter conferebant utrum inter homines conversari deberent, an ad loca solitaria se conferre. Sed sanctus
Dei, qui non de industria propria confidebat, sed sancta oratione omnia
preveniebatl negotia, elegit non sibi soli viverem, sed lucris intendere proximorumn.

4 introductus erat] conj.; om. P. 6 petierat] diff. lisible P. 8 promittens] diff. lisible P.
9 commissurum] diff. lisible P. 10 a summo] diff. lisible P. 11 vissitatisque] diff. lisible P.
11 apostolorum liminibus] diff. lisible P. 15 primitus] diff. lisible P. 22 Ortensem] conj.; Ortense P. 27 conversari] conj.; conversare P.
a

1C 32. b 1C 33. c Ac 27, 35. d 1C 34. e Cette phrase dcrivant les sentiments de
Franois est originale. f Lc 24, 17. g Mt 14, 15. h Col 3, 17. i 1C 34. j 1C 34. k SC 22, 2.
l
Ps 87, 14. m 2Co 5, 15. n 1C 35.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

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43

17 Circuibat proinde fortissimus miles Christi Francisscus civitates et


castellaa, non in persuasibilibus humane sapientie verbis, sed in doctrina
et virtute Spiritusb annuntians verbum Dei. Erat fiducialius agensc ex auctoritate apostolica sibi concessa, nullis utens adulationibus, verborum respuens blandimenta. Nam quod verbis ceteris suadebat, primo sibi suaseserat opere, nec timens reprehensorem, veritatem | fidentissime loquebatur. [71v]
Mirabantur sermonis eius virtutem litteratissimi viri et quem homo non
docuit universi videre et audire tamquam hominem alterius seculi festinabantd. Ceperunt multi de populo, nobiles et ingnobiles, clerici et laici,
divina inspiratione afflati, beati Francisci vestigiis adherere et, secularibus
curis abiectis, sub ipsius vivere disciplinae.

De tribus ordinibus quos beatus Franciscus instituit


et de arta sui suorumque custodie disciplina
et qualiter, relicto quodam loco, ad Portiunculam transmigravit
et quomodo fratres orare docuit
18 Tres ordines beatus iste sanctus ordinavit, sicut in tribus ecclesiis
quas fecerat primitus, licet eo ingnorante, fuerat figuratum, unicuique tribuens vite normam et salutis viam veraciter monstransf. Egregius nempe
artifexg, ad cuius formam, regulam et doctrinam, offerendo preconio, in
utroque sexu Christi renovatur Ecclesia et trina triumphat militia salvandorumh ! Sed de ordine, quem habitu et professione assumpsit et tenuit,
precipue sermo in manibus est. Quid enim ? Ordinem fratrum minorum
ipse plantavit et, ea scilicet occasione, hoc ei nomen imposuit. Cum nempe
sic in regula scriberetur Et sint minoresi, ad huius sermonis prolationem
ea quidem hora: Volo, inquid, ut ordo fratrum minorum fraternitas hec
voceturj.

Sed quis enarrare sufficiat virtutum omnium fabricam spiritalem


quam in se sanctus iste felici dispositione construxit et in filios suos tam
opere quam verbo mirabiliter dedicavitk ? Doctus doctrice gratial, omnium
virtutum summam studuit experiri et, spiritu ad superiora tendente, cor19

30

11 disciplina] P; Lectio VII V1 qui reprend ici. 17 fecerat] P; refecerat V1. 17 eo ingnorante] P; ego ignoranter V1. 19 offerendo] P; efferendo 1CV1. 21 quem] 1CP; queque V1. 22
enim] 1CP; est V1. 24 huius] 1C; cuius P; eius V1. 26 vocetur] P; Lectio IX add. V1. 27 spiritalem] P; spiritualem V1. 28 quam] P; queque V1. 28 construxit] P; contraxit V1. 29 opere
quam verbo] P; verbo queque V1.
a

Mt 9, 35. b 1Co 2, 4. c Ac 9, 28. d 1C 36. e 1C 37. f Cette mention est galement


prsente en OJS 18 III. g Ex 38, 23. h 1C 37. i 1Reg 7, 2. j 1C 38. k 1C 38. l Cette expression est galement prsente en OJS 18 IV.

44

J. DALARUN

pusculum suum iugo penitentie macerabat. Rigidus in disciplina, super


custodiam suam et filiorum erata vigilans omni hora. Nam, si qua, ut assolet, carnis temptatio eum quandoque pulsaret, in quadam fovea glacie
plena, cum hyems existeret, se mergebat, in ea tamdiu persistens quoadusque carnalis omnis recederet corrubtela. Et quidem tante mortificationis
exemplum ceteri ferventissime sequebanturb. Docebat eos non solum mortificare vitia et carnis incentiva reprimere, verum etiam ipsos exteriores
sensus, per quos mors intrat ad animamc.
Conversabatur tunc felix pater cum filiis in quodam loco iuxta civitatem Assisii, qui dicitur Rigus Tortus, ubi erat quoddam tugurium a
ceteris derelictum. Locus angustissimus erat, ut in eo sedere vel quiescere
vix valerent. Et sepissime pane carentes, solas comedebant rapas quas
huc adque illuc in angustia mendicabantd. Scribebat nomina fratrum per
tingna domicilii, ut unusquisque, horare volens aut quiescere, recognosceret locum suum et ne angusta loci modicitate rumor insolens mentis
silentium perturbaret. Cum ibidem morarentur, accidit ut die quadam quidam, asinum ducens, deveniret ad umbraculum in quo vir Dei cum sociis
morabatur. Qui, ne pateret repulsam, adhortans ascinum suum ad ingrediendum, locutus est verbum hoc: Vade intus, quia loco huic benefaciemus. Quod sanctus Francisscus audiens, verbum et intentionem viri
graviter tulit et, tuggurium mox relinquens, ad locum qui Portiuncula di[72r]
citur transmigravite. |
20

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15

20

Deprecantibus eum fratribus tempore illo ut doceret eos oraref, sic


respondit: Cum orabitis, dicite Pater Nosterg et Adoramus te, Christe,
et ad omnes ecclesias tuas que sunt in universo mundo et benedicimus
tibi, quia per sanctam crucem tuam redemisti mundumh. Hec fratres diligenter observare curabant et, in omni loco ubi aliquam ecclesiam possent
cernere de remotis, inclinato homine utroque, sicut a sancto Dei edocti
fuerant adorabanti. Perfecte illos repleverat sacrata simplicitas et vite innocentia edocebat, ut verbum simplex mandatum obedientie reputarentj.
21

25

30

22 Non habentes tunc temporis fratres nostri ordinis sacerdotes, tam


bonis quam malis sacerdotibus secularibus confitebant, nichil sinistri con-

1 iugo penitentie] conj.; iugi penitentiam P; iugi penitentia V1. 2 custodiam] 1CV1;
cucustodiam P. 2 hora] P; ici sarrte V1. 3 fovea] f add. P. 13 mendicabant] conj.; medicabant
P. 15 angusta] conj.; angustia P. 17 deveniret] conj.; devieniret P.
h

a
Is 21, 8. b 1C 42.
Test 5. i 1C 45. j 1C 46.

1C 43.

1C 42.

1C 44.

Lc 11, 1.

Mt 6, 9; Lc 11, 2.

45

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

sciderantes in eis, sed omnem eis devotionem et reverentiam exibebant.


Nam, cum quidam sacerdos diceret cuidam fratri: Vide ne sis ypocrita,
frater propter verbum eius credidit se ypocritam esse. Quem cum fratres
cernerent nimio dolore mentis torqueri, causam intellegentes, ne sic crederet hortabantur. Ipse vero non credens sacerdotem posse mentiri, dolorem non abiecit, donec beatissimus pater verbum sacerdotis exposuit et
eius intentionem sagaciter excusavit. Vix alicui posset tanta mentis inesse
turbatio quod ad ingnitum eius eloquiuma non discederet omne nubilum
rediretque serenumb.
Qualiter transfiguratus apparuit.
Qualiter absentibus presentiam suam miraculose exhibuit
et alienorum cordium occulta cognoverit

10

Presens felix pater dulciter consolabatur filios suos, absens vero


non minus quandoque letificabat eosc. Nam, cum nocte quadam se corpore
a fratribus absentasset, ecce, media fere noctis hora, quibusdam e fratribus
quiescentibus, quibusdam autem orantibus, per hostiolum domus currus
igneus intrans, huc adque illucd pluries per domicilium se convertit, super
quem quasi solaris splendor conglobatus apparens noctis tenebras illustravit. Ostupefacti et exterriti nimium, ceperunt querere quid hoc essete.
Sed, cum gratia tanti luminis unius alteri conscientia nuda foret, intellexerunt dulcissimi patris animam extitisse, que ob precipue puritatis gratiam
ac sue magne pietatis in filios curam, tanti muneris benedictionem a
Domino meruit obtineref.
23

15

20

Et quidem experti fuerant occulta cordisg eorum patrem sanctissimum non latere, cum, sancto Spiritu revelante, absentium acta cognosceret et conscientiarum archana subtili scrutinio aperiret. Rex seculis inexperta ! Quosdam in sompnis ammonuit, quibus et agenda precepit et non
agenda prohibuit. Quorumdam qui boni apparebant futura mala prescivit.
Quibusdam vero, pravo itinere gradientibus, futuram in ipsis salutis gratiam
nuntiavith.
24

25

30

Ut liquido omnibus innotescat qualiter sanctus iste etiam absentibus


solatia spiritus ministravit, referam unum quod, beato Antonio confessore
25

5 dolorem] conj.; dolore P. 18 noctis] conj.; notis P. 18 tenebras] conj.; tenebris P.


25 sancto] diff. lisible P. 26 subtili] diff. lisible P. 26 Rex] P au sens de Res
a
Ps 118, 140. b 1C 46. c Cette phrase est un apport original (repris en VJS 29).
11 et 14. e Lc 22, 23. f 1C 47. g 1Co 14, 25. h 1C 48.

4R 2,

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Christi referentea, congnovi. Cum tempore quodam frater Iohannes de Florentia, ministrum fratrum in Provincia constitutus, capitulum fratrum in
eadam provincia celebraret, iste sanctus de quo nunc ferimus mentionemb,
Antonius altitonans, | illi capitulo interfuit et, more solito verba de Ihesu [72v]
dulcia ructans, super hac materia Ihesus Nazarenus rex Iudeorumc, fratribus congregatis verbum exortationis apposuit. Cumque universi eius sermonis dulcedine replerentur, frater unus sacerdos, Monaldus nomine, vir
fama clarus sed clarior vita, sancte simplicitatis amicus, rexspexit ad hostium domus in qua erant fratres pariter congregatid. Et vidit ibi corporeis
oculis beatum Franciscum in aere sublevatum, extensis velud in cruce
manibus, benedicentem fratres. Dignum fide hoc testimonium fecit consolatio Spiritus sancti qua repleti erante pariter consedentesf.
26 Quomodo alienorum cordium occulta congnoverit, de multis unum
in medio proferatur. Frater quidam Richerius nomine, nobilis genere sed
nobilior moribus, amator Dei et sui contemptor, beati patris gratiam assequi cupiebat, credens se divina gratia fore dignum si sanctus Franciscus
eum intima diligeret caritate, timens etiam iram Dei se incursurum si hec
assequi non valeret. Hec enim dictus frater frequenter volvebat in animo,
nulli prorsus revelans sue cogitationis archanumg. Turbatus sic frater, die
quadam ad locum ubi sanctus Dei manebat accessit. Cuius adventum, cum
in cellula esset, orans congnovit et quod volvebat animo intellexit. Statim
proinde fecit eum ad se vocari, sic dicens ei: Nulla te, fili, conturbet
temptatio, quoniam karissimus mihi es et inter ceteros mea dilectione ac
familiaritate te noveris fore dignum. Letatus est frater ille pariter et miratus et, exinde reverentior factus ex gratia sancti patris, cepit in Dei misericordia fiducialius dilatarih.

De custodia paupertatis et abstinentia vite sue


et de hiis que faciebat ut se vilissimum omnibus ostenderet
et de devotione populorum quam habebant in eum
et quomodo sacerdotes et legis divine doctores honorari docebat
27 Amicus Dei Franciscus sancte paupertati omni studio adherebat,
neccessitati subtrahens ne quando cogeretur satisfacere voluptati. Vix pa-

5 fratribus] conj.; fratrib P. 14 in] conj.; i P. 21 in] conj.; i P.


a
La prcision sur Antoine est originale, de mme que son titre de bienheureux confesseur
(repris en VJS 30). b Lincise est originale, de mme que le titre de saint appliqu Antoine
(repris en VJS 30). c Jn 19, 19. d Jos 9, 2. e Ac 9, 31. f 1C 48. g 1C 49. h 1C 50.

47

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

tiebatur in domo vasculum aliquod residere, cum sine ipso utcumque


posset extreme neccessitatis servitus evitari. Cauta et diligenti examinatione fratrum acta perquirens, nil relinquebat impune, nec rectum quicquid
agentibus cauterium sue reprehensionis infigensa.
5

Nam die una, fratres in quodam heremo mensam pauperem satis,


sed eam solito accurratius paraverunt. Quam videns felix pater, altius ingemiscens, dicere cepit hanc mensam non pauperum esse, sed divitum. Et
in angulo domicilii fugiens, supra crurem sedit et, tamquam ab alienis
dolens, helymosinam postulavitb.

10

29 Cocta cibaria vix aut rare admittebat. Admissa vero, aut conficiebat
cinere aut horum saporem aqua frigida extinguebat. Vinum parvum gustans, nec sufficienter de ipsa bibebat aqua. Per mundum ambulans predicando evangelium regni Deic, in domibus secularium propter evangelii
observantiam de carnibus, si apponebant, commedebat parum, reliquias
alibi caute reponens ne dissimile notareturd. Nuda humus, tunica tantum
interposita, lectus erat et sepius sedens nec aliter se deponens dormitabat,
caput eius ligno vel lapide substrantee.

15

20

25

30

28

30 Accidit namque vice quadam, cum, infirmitate gravatus, aliquantulum pullorum carnium comediset, resumptis utcumque viribus corporis,
intravit Assisium. Cumque venisset ad portas civitatisf, precepit cuidam
fratri ut funem collo eius ligaret et eum tamquam latronem per totam traheret civitatem, preconia voce dicens: Ecce, videte gluctonem, qui secreto
se gallinarum carnibus inpinguavit ! Multi ad hoc mirandum spectaculum
accurrentes, corde compunctig, se miseros proclamabanth.
31 Multa quoque in hunc modum sepius faciebat, ut semetipsum perfecte contempneret et ad sui contemptu ceteros provocaret. Magni | ficatus [73r]
ab hominibusi, se vilissimum reputabat et, humanum favorem pro foribus
arcens, vocato ad se aliquo frate, illi per hobedientiam iniungebat ut,
contra favorem hominum et laudes indebitas sibi oblatas, dignas iniurias
loqueretur. Qui cum invitus hoc faceret et eum rusticum et mercenarium et
inutilem appellaret, subridens ille sanctissimus ylaris respondebat: Benedicat tibi Dominusj, fili karissime, quia verissima loqueris et talia filium
Petri Bernardonis decet audirek.

3 quicquid] conj.; quique P. 10 rare] conj.; rari P.


f

a
1C 51. b pisode original (repris en CA 74; 2C 61). c Mc 1, 14. d 1C 51.
Lc 7, 12. g Ac 2, 37. h 1C 52. i Lc 4, 15. j Nb 6, 14; Ps 127, 5. k 1C 53.

1C 52.

48

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J. DALARUN

32 Crescebat cotidie nutu Dei fides et devotio populi et ad videndum


eum omnes tanto desiderio concurrebant ut se invicem multotiens conculcarenta. Etiamsi quis saltem vestimentum eiusb tangere posset, felicem se
ob devotionem nimiam reputabat. Et enim manus Domini erat cum illo,
corda hominum ad penitentiam movens, ita ut triginta viri insimul in loquo
uno aliquotiens religionis habitum susciperent. Ingrediente ipso aliquam
civitatem vel castellumc, pulsatis campanis, illum populi sepius sollempniter exceperunt, universi obviam sibi cum ramis arborum procedentesd.
33 Nam, propter eius insignia sanctitatis et miraculorum prodigia,
confundebatur heretica pravitas, extollebatur fides catholica. Omnes enim
fidem sancte Romane Ecclesie servare docebat, in qua sola salutem affirmabat omnium salvandorume. Sacerdotes et legis divine doctoresf omnemque ecclesiasticum ordinem nimio amplexabatur affectu, docens eos super
omnes ab hominibus honorarig.
34 Oferebant ei populi panes ad benedicendum, quos, longo tempore
reservantes, ad eorum gustum a diversis egritudinibus sanabantur. Sed
multotiens, fide maxima freti, eius tunicam incidebant, ut quasi nudus aliquando remanereth. Sed, ne pro huiusmodi sensus carnis sibi aliquid glorie
usurparet, peccata sua non confundebatur populo confiteri. Modis homnibus fugiebat ammirationem, ne incurreret vanitatemi.

Quomodo avibus predicavit


et quomodo bruta animalia confugiebant ad eum et obediebant sibi
et de aqua sibi conversa in vinum
Ad summum perfectionis apicem vir iste pertingere meruit, quando,
columbina simplicitate plenissimus, volucres, bestias atque pissces sibi
frequenter obedire, experientia teste, congnovitj.
35

25

30

36 Nam cum tempore quodam transitum faceret per vallem Spoletanam, prope Bevanium ad quendam locum applicuit, in quo diversi generis
avium maxima multitudo convenerat. Quas cum sanctus Dei vidisset, ob
precipuum Creatoris amorem quia omnes creaturas amabat, alacriter cucurrit ad locum et eas, velud rationis participes, more solito salutavit. Cum-

25 bestias] conj.; bestie P. 30 creaturas] conj.; creaturus P.


a

Lc 12, 1. b Mc 5, 28.
est originale (reprise en LC 6).
(reprise en LC 7).

Mt 9, 35.
1C 62.

d
h

1C 62.
1C 63.

e
i

1C 62.
1C 54.

f
j

Cette mention des docteurs


Cette mention est originale

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

15

20

25

30

49

que aves non surgerent, ammiratione repletus, usque ad eas accessit. Et


inter eas vadens et veniens, cum tunica sua et capita earum tangebat et
corpora. Interim gaudio et ammiratione repletus, ut verbum Dei audirent
sollicite ipsas ammonuit dicens: Fratres mei volucres, multum debetis
laudare Creatorem vestrum et ipsum diligere semper, qui plumis vos induit, pennas tribuit ad volandum, qui inter omnes creaturas liberas vos fecit et aeris vobis contulit puritatem. Non seminatis neque metetisa et sine
vestra sollicitudine vos gubernat. Ad hec avicule ille, suo modo pluriv
mum gestientes, ceperunt extendere collum, protendere alas, aperire hos | [73 ]
et in illum respicere. Non sunt mote de loco, donec, singno crucis facto,
ipsis licentiam et benedictionem dedit. Reversus ad fratres, quod olim non
predicaverat avibus cepit se negligentie incusare. Ab illo ergo die, aves et
bestias et etiam insensibiles creaturas ad laudem et Creatoris amorem sollicitus ortabaturb.
37 Tempore quodam, ad castrum nomine Albianum predicaturus accessit. Congregato populo et indicto silentio, propter yrundines nidificantes in eodem loco multumque perstrepentes, penitus audiri non poterat.
Audientibus omnibus, locutus est eis dicens: Sorores mee yrundines, iam
tempus est utc loquar et ego, quia vos usque modo satis dixistis. Audite
verbum Dominid, tenentes silentium donec sermo Dei compleature. At
ille, tamquam rationis capaces, subito tacuerunt nec mote sunt de loquo,
donec fuit omnis predicatio consumata. Omnes qui viderunt, stupore repleti, glorificaverunt Deumf.
38 Silvestres bestie, ac si ratione vigerent, erga se congnoscebant beati
Francisci pietatis affectumg. Nam cum apud castrum Gretium moraretur,
lepusculus, laqueo captus, a fratre quodam vivus adducuctus est ei. Erga
quem pietate permotus, sic vir beatissimus ait: Frater mi lepuscule, veni
ad me. Quare sic te decipi permisisti ? Qui dimissus a fratre, velociter ad
sanctum confugit et in eius sinuh, nullo cogente, quievit. Quem sanctus,
materno demulcens affectu, ut ad nemus reddiret eum liberum abire permisit. Sed, in terra positus, semper ad sancti gremium recurrere satagebat,
donec tandem ad proximam silvam ipsum iussit a fratribus deportari. Simile quoddam de quodam cuniculo contigit, quod animal valde indomesticum est, cum quandoque in insula laci de Peruscio morareturi.

2 earum] conj.; eorum P. 17 poterat] conj.; poterant P.


a
Lc 12, 24. b 1C 58. c Tb 12, 20. d Is 1, 10. e 2Par 36, 21. f 1C 59.
dintroduction est originale (reprise en VJS 39). h Lc 16, 23. i 1C 60.

Cette phrase

50

10

15

J. DALARUN

39 Eodem quoque pietatis affectu erga pisces ducebatur, quos captos


vivos in aquam reiciebat, precipiens eis cavere sibi ne iterum caperentur.
Cum enim iuxta lacum Reatinum in navicula resideret, piscator capiens
magnum piscem, qui vulgo dicitur tenca, devotus optulit sancto Dei. Qui
gratanter ipsum suscipiens, fratrem piscem vocavit eum et, nomen Dominia
benedicens, ipsum in aquam reiecit. Sancto in oratione aliquandiu perdurante, piscis in aqua iuxta naviculam alludebat, nec inde recessit donec
licentiam et benedictionem a beato patre obtinuitb.
40 Sic iam in via obedientie pater gloriosus, Christi amicus, ambulans
et divine subiectionis perfecte iugum amplectens, in creaturarum obedientia
magnam coram Deo adeptus est dignitatem. Nam et aqua ei in vinumc
conversa est, cum vice quadam apud heremum Sancti Urbani graviter
egrotaret. Ad cuius gustum tanta facilitate convaluit ut nemo divinum fore
miraculum dubitaret. Vere sanctus, cui sic obediunt creature, cuius et ad
nutum in alteros usus ipsa transeunt elementad.

De quibusdam miraculis que in vita sua operatus est

20

25

30

41 Sanctus Dei Francisscus, miraculorum luce coruscans, curationum


gratiam habuit, de quibus nunc ideo pauca neccessario ponimus, quoniam
alibi ea prolixius narrare speramuse. In civitate Tuscanella, miles quidam
beatum Franciscum suscepit hospitio, cui unicus filius claudus et toto corpore debilis eratf. Qui licet ablactationis annos transisset, adhuc tamen in
cunabulis morabatur. Hic pedibus beati viri humiliter se prostravit, filii
sui ab eo flebiliter postulans sanitatem. Qui cum tante gratie se indignum
r
cognosceret et clamaret, tandem precum illius in | stantia victus, oratione [74 ]
premissa, puerum signavit et benedixit. Qui statim, cernentibus singulis et
gaudentibus, surrexit incolumis et huc adque illuc, prout voluit, ambulavitg.
42 Tempore alio, cum apud Narnium devenisset, vir quidam eiusdem
civitatis, Petrus nomine, paraliticus in lectoh iacens, audiens sanctum Dei
Narnium advenisse, rogari fecit episcopum civitatis ut servum Dei altissimii ad sanandum ipsum mittere dignaretur. Ita erat omnium membrorum
officio destitutus ut solam linguam et oculos movere utcumque valeret.
Beatus Franciscus, ad eum accedens, a capite usque ad pedes signum crucis super eum protraxit et, mox omni morbo fugato, eum pristine sanitati
restituit j.

33 protraxit] conj.; protrexit P. 33 pristine] conj.; pristini P.


a
Ps 122, 2. b 1C 61. c Jn 2, 9. d 1C 61. e Cette phrase dintroduction est originale
(reprise en VJS 46). f 1P 4, 14. g 1C 65. h Mt 9, 2. i Lc 8, 28. j Mt 12, 13; 1C 66.

51

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

43 Mulier quedam civitatis eiusdem, oculorum cum esset cecitate percussa, signum crucis super eius oculos beatus Franciscus imposuit et statim
lumen sibi restituita.

10

15

20

25

30

44 Apud Eugubium mulier quedam, manus ambas contractas habens,


nil cum eis poterat operari. Que cum virum Dei civitatem intrasse cognosceret, dolens et merens, statim ad eum cucurrit et miseranda facie manus
ei contractas ostendit. Quam cum videret, pietate permotus, manus eius
tetigit et sanavit. Mulier statim reddiens domum, caseatam unam propriis
manibus letabunda paravit eamque tulit sancto viro. Ipse vero, ob devotionem mulieris parumper ex ea suscipiens, reliquum iussit eam cum familia manducareb.
45 Frater quidam infirmitate horribili torquebatur, ex qua sic totus
sepe allidebatur ut membra eius omnia quasi in circulum verterentur.
Nam, quandoque extensus et rigidus, pedibus capiti coequatis, quantum
viri statura est elevabatur in altum; subito ad terram resiliens, voluptabatur spumansc. Cuius languorem sanctus pater nimium miseratus, oratione super ipsum effusa, signo crucis eum ita sanavit ut infirmitatis huius
molestias nullas de cetero sustineretd.
46 In castello Sancti Gemini, tempore quodam, vir Dei regnum celorum evangelizanse, apud quemdam timentem Deumf, cuius uxorem, sicut
omnibus notum erat, a demonio vexabaturg, hospitaturus intravit. Rogatusque beatus Franciscus pro illa, hominum timens applausum, hoc facere
penitus recusavit. Tamdem multis precibus exortatus, in tribus angulis
domus illius tres fratres, qui cum eo erant, ad orandum constituens, in
quarto oraturus ipse secessit. Oratione completah, ad mulierem, que miserabiliter torquebatur, confidenter accessit, in nomine Domini nostri Ihesu
Christi demonio imperans ut exiret. Quod ad eius imperium tanta velocitate cum furore recessit ut vir Dei putaret sibi fuisse illusum. Propter hoc
de loco illo cum rubore recessit. Unde cum alia vice per idem castrum
transiret, mulier illa foris per plateam clamabat, posti eum vestigia pedum
eius deobsculansj, ut sibi alloqui dignaretur. Qui per multos tunc de liberatione illius certus effectus, vix tandem sibi eloqui, multis deprecantibus,
acquievitk.

7 manus] conj.; man P. 16 miseratus] diff. lisible P.


a

6, 16.

1C 67. b 1C 67. c Mc 9, 19. d 1C 68.


i
Mt 15, 23. j Est 13, 13. k 1C 69.

Lc 8, 1.

Ac 10, 2.

Mt 15, 22.

Jdt

52

10

J. DALARUN

47 Cum esset beatus Franciscus apud Civitatem de Castello, mulier


quedam, demonium habensa, ad domum in qua ipse manebat perducta est.
Que foris stansb, dentibus frendens, omnes latratibus infestabat. Multi
vero sanctum Dei pro illius liberatione suppliciter rogaverunt, gravatos se
longo tempore illius insania conquerentes. Beatus Franciscus misit ad eam
fratrem qui secum erat, experiri volens utrum foret demonium an deceptio
muliebris. At ipsa sciens beatum Franciscum non esse, eum derisit et pro
modico duxit. Pater sanctus intus erat orans. Qui oratione completa, ad
mulierem foras exivit. Cuius presentiam ferre non valens, voluptabatur
super terram. Sanctus Dei exire demonem per obedientiam imperavit. Qui
statim egrediens, mulie | rem incolumem reliquidc.

Hec et his similia plura per corporalem presentiam servus Christi


operabatur, sed quod magis est admirandum per ea que ipsius manu
contigerat diversis hominum cladibus Dominus succurrebatd.
48

15

20

25

49 Nam cum mulier quedam in partibus Aretii gravida esset et, veniente tempore partus, incredibili attrita dolore in parturiendo diebus laboraret plurimis, accidit beatum Franciscum tunc temporis ad heremum
quendam, propter infirmitatem corporis equo eductum, transire. Expectantibus omnibus ut per locum illum haberet transitum in quo mulier
torquebatur, iam ipso heremo commorante, frater quidam, cum equo cui
sanctus insederat, per illam villam repedavit. Verum incole loci sanctum
Franciscum non esse percipientes, constristati nimis, ceperunt querere
inter see si posset aliquam rem inveniri quam manu propria servus Dei attrectasset. Et invenientes freni habenas quas manu tenuerat, ipsum frenum
ab equi ore velociter extraxerunt. Cuius habenas mulier super se sentiens
positas, omni remoto periculo, cum gaudio peperit et salutef.

Gualfreducius de Castro Plebis, vir religiosus et timens Deumg, funiculum quo se beatus Franciscus quandoque precinxerat apud se habebat
domi. Accidit autem in terra illa viros plurimos et mulieres non paucas
variis infirmitatibus et febribus laborare. Predictus vir, infirmitantium domos circuiens et ex ipsius funiculi pilis parumper in aquam commiscens,
50

30

3 latratibus] conj.; latrantibus P. 5 longo] conj.; longio P. 9 presentiam] conj.; presentia P.


12 similia] conj.; multa P. 15 in] conj.; om. P. 16 partus incredibili attrita] diff. lisible P.
18 transire] conj.; transiret P. 20 commorante] diff. lisible P. 24 tenuerat] diff. lisible P.
25 sentiens positas] diff. lisible P. 29 mulieres] diff. lisible P.

a
Lc 7, 33. b Jn 20, 11.
1C 63. g Ac 10, 2.

1C 70.

Annonce originale (reprise en VJS 51).

Lc 22, 23.

[74v]

53

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

dabat bibere patientibus et sic virtute Dei huius aque gustum perfecta sanitas sequebatura.

51 Verum, quia non miracula que sanctitatem non faciunt, sed potius
sincerissimam conversationem eius decrevimus enarrare, hiis adpresens
obmissis, eterne salutisb opera retexemusc.

Qualiter nautas, multiplicatis cibariis, a maris periculo liberavit


et quomodo, martirii desiderio ad Yspaniam vadens,
ultimo ad soldanum Babilonis accessit
Sexto igitur conversionis sue anno, beatus Franciscus martirii desiderio fragrans, ut Sarracenis Christi evangelium predicaret, ad partes Syrie
voluit transfretare. Qui cum navem quamdam, ut illuc tenderet, intravisset,
in partibus Sclavonie, ventis contrariis flantibus, se invenit. Verum voto
suo et desiderio fraudatus, cum nullos navigantes ad partes Syrie inveniret, navem quamdam, que portum petebat Ancone, nautis eum ducere
pertinaciter recusantibus, latenter cum socio introivit. Quidam tunc divina
providentia, secum neccessaria victus deferens, affuit, qui cuidam in navi
residenti, ut sancto Dei cum socio subveniret, illa commisit. Sicque factum
est ut, cum, propter diutinam tempestatem maris exortam, naute cibaria
omnia consumpsissent, pauperis Francisci victualia tantum sumpsere divinitus incrementum ut per dies plurimos usque ad portum Ancone omnium
neccessitatibus subvenirent. Videntes itaque se naute per servum Dei mortis pericula evasisse, gratias egeruntd clemencie Salvatorise.
52

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15

20

25

30

53 Servus Dei, relinquens mare, terram deambulat eamque verbi vomere sindensf, seminat semen vite, recolligens fructumg multorum animas,
qui tunc eum devote secuti sunt. Sed martirii sublime propositum et desiderium ardens in eo nullo modo frigessit. Nam post modicum temporis,
versus Morrochium iter arripuit, ut Miramomelino et suis complicibus
Christi evangelium predicaret. Tanto desiderio revera ferebatur ut peregrinationis sue quandoque relinqueret comitemh et ad sequendum propositum
sanctum, spiritu ebrius, festinaret. Sed, cum usque Yspaniam procesisset,
per gravissimas corporis egritudines ad multorum salutem eum Dominus
ad Ytaliam revocaviti.

3 non] conj.; om. P. 3 miracula] diff. lisible P. 3 sanctitatem] conj.; sanctitate P. 5 retexemus] conj.; retaxemus P. 10 fragrans] fragrare est souvent utilis pour flagrare en P; je
conserve la graphie du manuscrit. 16 in] conj.; i P. 21 subvenirent] conj.; subveniret P.
a

8, 19.

1C 64. b He 5, 9.
i
1C 56.

1C 70.

Mt 15, 36.

1C 55.

Dt 21, 3.

Mt 13, 3.

2Co

54

J. DALARUN

54 Revertente quoque ipso ad ecclesiam Sancte Marie de Portiuncula,


quidam litterati viri et quidam | nobiles ordinem intraverunt. Quos hono- [75r]
rifice digneque pertractans, sicut precipua discretione preditus erat, quod
suum erat unicuique impendebata.

Tunc frater Iohannes Parens ordinem de manu sua suscepit, qui, ob


evidentiam sanctitatis et insignia, minister ordinis postea extitit generalis.
Hic vero omnem familiam suam Christum sequi edocens, donec advixit,
totius regularis observantie evangeliceque perfectionisb nec apicem transgressus est nec iotac.

10

Verumtamen sanctus Dei Franciscus nondum valet quiescere, quin


beatum propositum ferventius exequatur. Nam tercio decimo conversionis
sue anno, ad partes Syrie pergens, cum inter Christianos et Sarracenos
cotidie bella gravia gererentur, apud Damiatamd, morte contempta, inter
paganorum licias se ingessit. Qui cum, multis attritus verberibus et iniuriis
lacessitus, tandem e manibus sacrilegis evasisset, intrepidus nichilominus
habiit ad soldanum. Sed quis enarrare sufficiat quanta coram eo mentis
constantia persistebat, quanta illi virtute animi annuntiabat Christum ?
Permotus est soldanus ad verba eius et, eum libenter audiense, multis et
pretiosis muneribus eum studuit honorare. Qui cum omnia velud stercora
contempsisset, obstupuit infidelis et eum ceteris dissimilem mirabatur. In
omnibus hiis Dominus ipsius desiderium non implevitf, sacrorum stigmatum suorum singulari gloria decernens illum postmodum honorareg.

15

20

25

55

56

Qualiter, in desertis locis orans, cum diabolo conflixit


et de eius constantia et modum predicationis sue
et de humilitate et compassione sua erga pauperes
57 Servus Dei Franciscus studebat modis omnibus ab universis que in
mundo sunth liber existere, ne vel ad horam contagione secularis cure
mentis eius serenitas turbaretur. Insensibilem omnibus que perstrepunt ex-

8 totius] diff. lisible P. 12 partes] diff. lisible P. 12 inter] diff. lisible P. 13 Damiatam]
conj.; Damianam P. 13 inter paganorum licias se ingessit] diff. lisible P. 15 tandem e manibus
sacrilegis] diff. lisible P. 16 quis enarrare sufficiat] diff. lisible P. 17 annuntiabat] diff. lisible P.
18 audiens multis et pretiosis] diff. lisible P. 19 velud stercora contempsisset obstupuit] diff. lisible P. 21 non] diff. lisible P. 22 singulari] diff. lisible P. 22 decernens] diff. lisible P. 27 mundo
sunt liber] diff. lisible P. 28 serenitas turbaretur] diff. lisible P.
a
1C 57. b Cette mention de Jean Parenti est originale. c Mt 5, 18; OJS 1 IV.
mention de Damiette est originale (reprise en 2C 30). e Mc 6, 20. f Ps 126, 5.
h
1Jn 2, 15.

d
Cette
1C 57.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

15

55

terius se reddebat et, totis visceribus undique sensus exteriores recolligens, soli vacabat Deo. Eligabat proinde frequenter solitaria loca, ubi ex
toto animum in Deum posset dirigere, nec tamen prigritabatur, cum tempus
decerneret oportunum, se negotiis ingerere ac saluti libens intendere proximorum. Tutissimus portus eius erat oratio, cui semper intentus erat, etiam
cum corpus aliquid attitaret. In ecclesiis positis in deserto ad orandum pernoctabat, in quibus multos timores, multas angustias a diabolo sibi inflictas
sepius superavita. Cum quo etiam manu ad manumb in effigie horrenda
conflicxit. In huiusmodi spiritualibus exercitiis plenius eruditus, constantissimus est effectus et, doctrine celestis affluentia irrigatus, de puritate
mentis providebat sibi securitatem dicendi sermonem. Non precogitatus,
mira et efficacia loquebatur; precogitatus vero, quid diceret multotiens
ignorabat. Qui absque rubore tunc congregatis populis confitebatur et defectum suum non confundebatur ceteros scire. Mirum certe ! Tanta proinde subito eloquentia replebatur ut in admirationem converteret animos
auditorum. Eadem enim mentis constantia multis loquebatur ut paucisc.
58 Nam et cardinalibus coram domino papa Honorio constantissime
predicavit. Qui magnam viri Dei constantiam admirantes, corde compunctid, divinam in eo superhabundare gratiam persenserunte.

20

25

30

59 Sed, licet reliquos monere foret paratus, vita potius quam sermone,
moneri tamen et corrigi erat paratior. Cum enim die quadam, asello vectus,
per agrum cuiusdam rustici tunc temporis illic operantis transciret, rusticus velociter cucurrit ad illum, sollicite interrogans an ipse foret frater
Franciscus. Quo respondente: Sum, rusticus ait: Stude, frater, adeo
esse qualiter te predicant homines. Multi enim de te confidunt. Moneo:
nunquam sit aliter quam speratur. Sanctus Dei, | hec audiens, de asino in [75v]
terram cadere se permisit et, coram rustico provolutus, deobsculabatur
pedes eius, gratias agensf ei quod eum dignatus est ammonereg.
60 Valde humilis erat, pauperibus omnibus se conformans. Tunicam
quam indutus erat, frequenter participans illis ipsamque ex more pauperum

1 reddebat et totis visceribus] diff. lisible P. 1 recolligens] diff. lisible P. 2 Eligabat


proinde] diff. lisible P. 3 dirigere nec tamen prigritabatur] diff. lisible P. 4 se negotiis ingerere
ac saluti libens] diff. lisible P. 5 oratio cui semper intentus] diff. lisible P. 6 corpus aliquid] diff.
lisible P. 6 orandum] diff. lisible P. 7 timores] diff. lisible P. 14 confundebatur] conj.; confudebatur P. 14 Tanta proinde subito] diff. lisible P. 15 admirationem] conj.; admiratione P.
19 persenserunt] conj.; perseserunt P.
a
1C 71. b Ez 21, 24.
(repris en 2C 142).

1C 72.

Ac 2, 37.

1C 73.

Mt 15, 36.

pisode original

56

J. DALARUN

gestans, non cum filis sed cum arborum vel erbarum corticibus reficiebat
sepea. Vestes quoque in magnis frigoribus a divitibus postulans, ita quod
nec ad restitutionem teneretur illas accipiens, pauperibus sibi primitus obviis porrigebatb.
5

10

61 Mira res ! Cum, adhuc in seculo positus, Romam negotiator cum


negotiatoribus advenisset, vidit iuxta basilicam beati Petri, ex more, mendicos multos et pauperes residere. Quibus ipse compatiens et ipsorum volens miserias experiri an et ipse posset has aliquando tollerare, sociis ingnorantibus, proprias vestes deposuit et confractis ac putridis se vestibus induit
miserorum. Accedensque inter eos, resedit et mendicando cum ipsis hylaris manducavit. Aiebat enim numquam manducasse delectabiliusc.

Revera virtutis amator palatum corporis dulcoravitd. Molestum proinde illi erat cum videbat alicui pauperum gravamen inferri. Unde, cum
aliquando frater quidam cuidam pauperi huiusmodi verbum invectionis inferret: Vide, ne forte sis dives et simules pauperem, audiens, pauperum
patriarcha Franciscuse graviter doluit et talia proferentem, dure correctum,
coram paupere denudari fecit. Qui, deobsculatis pedibus pauperis, veniam
postulavit. Aiebat enim: Qui pauperi maledicit, Christo facit iniuriam,
qui pro nobis se fecit pauperem in hoc mundo. Inveniens propterea pauperes lignis vel aliis sarcinis honeratos, frequenter, ad iuvandum illos,
proprios humeros, licet nimium debiles, subponebatf.
62

15

20

De affectu eius erga creaturas propter Creatorem


et reverentia nominis Domini
et de presepi in sollempnitate et eius visione
25

30

63 Affluebat homo Dei spiritu caritatis, pietatis viscera gestans non


solum erga homines, verum etiam erga muta brutaque animalia et ceteras
creaturas. Quanto putas affectu oviculas vel agniculos diligebat, propter
nature simplicioris gratiam et similitudinem Domini Ihesu ex eis in sacris
licteris figuratam ? Nam frequenter de manibus volentium eos occidere liberavit et, soluto pretio ne mactarentur, eos redebat viteg. Nulla erat in
pretio difficultas, quia quod homines premaximo habent, ipse vilisimum
reputabath.

3 obviis] conj.; obiviis P. 23 reverentia] conj.; reverentiam P. 24 in] conj.; i P.


a
Cette description de lhabit de Franois est originale. b 1C 76. c pisode original (repris en 3S 10; 2C 8). d Cette phrase dintroduction est originale. e Lexpression qui dsigne
Franois est originale (reprise en VJS 45). f 1C 76. g 1C 77-79 trs condens. h Cette phrase
de commentaire est originale.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

57

64 Vermiculos etiam de via tollebat, ne transeuntium vestigiis lederentur, ipsis compatiens, quia legerat de Salvatore dictum: Ego sum vermis
et non homoa. Apibus, ne frigoris algore deficerent, faciebat in yeme alvearia callida fierib, mel vel vinum obtimum exiberic.

10

Quis enim dicere valet dulcedinem qua fruebatur, contemplans in


creaturis sapientiam Creatoris, potentiam et bonitatem eius ? Miro et ineffabili gaudio replebatur, cum solem et lunam, stellas et firmamentum intuebaturd. Floribus certe, silvis, lignis et lapidibus, ac si ratione vigerent,
predicabat. Segetes et vineas, spetiosa camporum, irrigua fontium et ortorum virentia queque, terram et ignem, aerem et ventum sincerissima puritate ad divinum monebat amorem, ad libens obsequium ortabatur. Omnes
denique creaturas propter unum principiume fraterno nomine nominabatf.
65

Supra hominum intellectum afficiebatur cum nomen Dominig nominabat et totus in iubilo quasi novus homo et alterius seculi videbatur.
Propterea, ubicumque scriptum aliquod divinum vel humanum inveniebat
r
| inhoneste locatum, reverenter colligebat illud, honesto in loco retollens [76 ]
ob reverentiam Salvatoris. Enimvero, cum a quodam fratre fuisset interrogatus ad quid etiam paganorum dicta colligeret, sic respondit: Littere ibi
sunt, fili, ex quibus componitur nomen Dominih. Bonum quod ibi est non
pertinet ad paganos, sed ad solum Deum, cuius est omne bonumi. Propterea summa intentione cuncta verba et opera Domini recolebat assidue et
illa precipue que de Christo in sacris evangelii voluminibus enarrantur, ob
maximum quo in ipso fervebat amorem, representare per aliquam similitudinem gestiebatj.
66

15

20

25

30

67 Inde factum est ut, in quadam dominice nativitatis sollemnitate


apud Grecium, ad representandam nascentis Salvatoris infantiam, rem
fecit felici memoria valde dignam. Nocte ipsa in qua natus est Christus in
terris, fecit presepium preparari, presepio fenum inponi, bovem et asinum
ad presepium collocari. E pluribus locis vocantur fratres ad solemnes vigilias celebrandas. Confluunt populi ad novum misterium pervidendum
et, assumptis facibus et cereis, faciunt clarescere noctem. Cantant fratres

7 firmamentum] conj.; firmamentu P. 26 infantiam] conj.; ifantiam P. 29 E] conj.; Et P.


31 clarescere noctem] conj.; clascere nocte P.
a
Ps 21, 7. b Le dtail des ruches est original. c 1C 80. d 1C 80. e Cette mention du
principe unique est originale (reprise en VJS 44). f 1C 81. g Dt 5, 11; 2Tm 2, 19. h Dt 5, 11;
2Tm 2, 19. i 1C 82. j 1C 84, mais lannonce de la reprsentation vanglique est originale
(reprise en VJS 53).

58

J. DALARUN

Domino laudes debitas et Bettheleem antiqua preconia novo ritu in Grecio


renovantur. Stat sanctus Dei coram presepio, spiritu in celo directo, ineffabili gaudio superfusus. Celebrantur misarum sollemnia supra presepe et
nova fruitur consolatione sacerdosa.
5

10

Induitur sanctus Dei leviticis ornamentis, quia levita erat, et voce


sonora sanctum evangelium cantat. De nativitate pauperis Regis et Betheleem parvula civitate melliflua ructat. Nam Ihesum nominare volens,
propter nimium quo in ipso flagrabat amorem, eum puerum de Betheleem
balbutiens nominabat. Multiplicantur ibi dona Omnipotentis et a quodam
viro virtutisb mirabilis visio cernitur. Cernabat in eodem presepio puerum
quemdam iacere exanimem, ad quem sanctus Dei accedens, quasi a sompni
sopore eum velociter suscitabat. Recte infantiam recolenti infans Christi
et puer apparuit, quoniam per servum suum ad multorum memoriam reductus est, in quorum cordibus oblivioni fuerat datac.
68

15

69 Finitis denique sollempnis et omnibus ad propria remeantibus,


fenum presepii reservatur, per quod animalia morbida liberantur, per quod
etiam mulieres et viri, divina gratia faciente, a suis egritudinibus convalescunt. Porro locus presepii templum Dominod consecratur et in honore
beatissimi patris Francisci altare supra presepe cum ecclesia dedicature.

20

De apertione libri et apparitione seraphim


et de stigmatibus Christi in eo apparentibus

25

30

70 His enim ita gestis, conversionis sue annus octavus decimus complebaturf. Quo in tempore vir iste sanctissimus, relictis secularibus turbis,
locum quietis petiit et secretum solitudinis introivit. Mox eius erat tempora, prout oportebat, dividere et alia lucris impendere proximorum, alia
vero contemplationis beatis secessibus consummare. Paucos sibi socios
assumpsit, qui ab omnibus turbationum incursibus suam quietem defenderent et servarent. Cumque illic aliquandiu permansisset et oratione continua frequentique contemplatione divinam familiaritatem modo ineffabili
fuisset adeptus, quid in agendo sacrificium se Domino magis gratum
posset offerere scire totis visceribus cupiebat. Piissime anelabat cognoscere in quo perfectius adherere posset Dei voluntatig.

24 locum] conj.; locus cum P. 24 Mox] P au sens de Mos. 29 frequentique] conj.;


frequetique P. 30 quid] conj.; quique P.
a

1C 84-85.

Mc 5, 50.

Ps 30, 13; 1C 86.

3R 8, 63.

1C 86-87.

1C 88.

1C 91.

59

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

15

20

25

71 Cumque huic desiderio cotidie ferventius adhereret, die quadam, in


heremitorio in quo ipse manebat, ad altare devotus accessit, super quod | [76v]
evangeliorum librum reverenter inposuit. Sicque prostratus in oratione,
cum devotione et reverentia multa, Dominum precabatur ut, in prima libri
apertione, suam sibi de se dignaretur ostendere voluntatema. Tandem, lacrimis irrigatusb, ab oratione surgensc ac signaculo crucis se muniens, de
altari librum accepit et acceptum cum timore aperuit. Cui cum Domini
nostri Ihesu Christi passio primitus occurrisset, ne casu evenisse hoc posset
aliquatenus extimari, bis et ter librum aperuit et idem vel simile scriptum
invenit. Non turbatur propter hoc intrepidus miles Christi, nec decidit
animo, utpote qui superior desiderio martir fuit. Manebat proinde inconcussus et letus et, letitie cantica corde semper et ore revolvens, paulo post
letificatur maioris revelatione misterii et ditatur gratia potiorid.
72 Duobus namque annis antequam spiritum redderet celo, in heremitorio quod Alverna dicitur, amicus Dei Francisscus vidit in viscionee seraphym unum in aere, sex alas habentem, extensum supra se, manibus et
pedibus cruci affixum. Due ale super caput elevabantur, due ad volandum
extendebantur, due denique totum velabantf corpus. Vir sanctus, hec videns, vehementer obstupuit, sed quid sibi vellet hec visio advertere nesciens, gaudium atque meror cor eius sollicitudine alternabant. Letabatur
in gratioso respectu, quo a seraphym conspici se videbat, cuius pulcritudo
inextimabilis erat nimis, sed eum crucis affixio deterrebat. Cogitabat sollicitus quid posset hec visio designare et, ad capiendum ex ea intelligentie
sensum, anxiabatur plurimum spiritusg eius. Nichil tamen ex illa liquido
potuit intelligere, donec in seipso tandem vidit gloriosissimum miraculum
illud retroactis seculis inauditumh.

Ceperunt eo tempore in manibus et pedibus eius apparere signa


clavorum, quemadmodum paulo ante virum supra se viderat crucifixumi.
Manus et pedes eius in ipso medio confixe videbantur, clavorum capitibus
in interiori parte manuumj et superiori pedum apparentibus et eorum acumi73

30

8 posset] conj.; posse P. 9 simile] conj.; similem P. 12 semper] conj.; seper P. 13 potiori]
P; Lectio I TN2 qui commencent ici (je dsigne pour linstant les variantes de N2 par N).
15 Alverna] 1CPT; Ab Verna N. 17 affixum] 1CPR; affixus T; affixis N. 17 due ad volandum
extendebantur] 1CPN; om. T. 18 hec] PT; hoc N. 19 hec visio] 1CPT; hoc N. 20 sollicitudine]
TN; sollicitudinem P. 20 alternabant] PT; Lectio II add. N. 21 respectu] PN; aspectu T. 24
liquido potuit] P; potuit liquido T; liquide potuit N. 26 inauditum] P; auditum T; Lectio III add.
N. 28 virum] 1CPT; unum N. 30 interiori] PN; interiore 1CT. 30 superiori] 1CPN; parte add. T.
g

a
1C 92. b Ce dtail des larmes est original.
Ps 142, 4. h 1C 94. i 1C 94. j Jn 20, 25.

Lc 22, 45.

1C 93.

Dn 8, 2.

Is 6, 2.

60

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20

J. DALARUN

nibus existentibus ex adversoa. Erant enim signa illa rotunda interius in


manibus, exterius autem oblonga et caruncula quedam apparebat, quasi
summitas clavorum retorta et repercussa, que carnem reliquam excedebat.
Sic et in pedibus impressa erant signa clavorum et a carne reliqua elevata.
Dextrum quoque latus quasi lancea transfixum cicatrice obducta erat, quod
sepe sanguinem emittebat, ita ut tunica eius cum femoralibus multotiens
respergeretur sanguine sacrob.
74 Talibus igitur in se vir Dei resultantibus margaritis studuit sumopere pretiosissimum illum thesaurum ab omnium viventium oculis conservare reconditum, ne, alicuius familiaritatis occasione, in tantam sibi datam
gratiamc pati contingeret detrimentumd. Gerebat proinde semper in corde
suoe et in hore frequenter habebat propheticum illud: In corde meo abscondi eloquia tua ut non peccem tibif. Sed, licet manuum et pedum signa,
dum in carne viveret Crucifisxi amicus, multi vidissent, pretiosum tamen
lateris vulnus nullus potuit intueri, nisi frater Helyas, qui semel ab eo, ob
precipuam dilectionem quam habebat sanctus in eog, tunica eius se induit
et suam sibi versa vice donavit. Et sic ipsum pia delusione deludens, optinuit quod obtavith. Frater Rufinus vero, ad eum scalpendum admissus,
manu illud sensibiliter sed fortuitu contractaviti. Ad cuius tactum sanctus
Dei non modicum doluit et, manum a se repellens, ut Dominus ei parceretj
acclamavitk.

De infirmitate corporis ipsius

25

75 Per eiusdem igitur curricula temporis, cepit corpus suum vehementioribus solito infirmitatibus perurgeri. Sed in carne infirma spiritus promtiorl redolebatur et, asello vectus cum aliter non valeret, diversas circuiens

2 quedam] 1CPT; quodam N. 3 excedebat] PT; Lectio IIII add. N. 4 a] 1CPN; om. T.
4 reliqua] 1CPT; leliqua N. 4 elevata] 1CPN; relevata T. 5 cicatrice] 1CPN; cicatricem T.
6 emittebat] 1CTN; emicebat P. 6 tunica] 1CTN; tuiica P. 6 femoralibus] 1CPN; femoribus T.
8 resultantibus] PVJS; refulgens T; res alutantibus N. 9 pretiosissimum] PN; pretiossimum T.
10 reconditum] PT; reconditam N. 10 tantam sibi datam gratiam] T; tanta sibi datam gratiam P;
tanta sibi data gratia N. 11 Gerebat] PT; Querebat. Lectio V N. 11 proinde semper] P; semper
proinde T; sic N. 12 hore] PN; suo add. T. 12 frequenter] PT; semper N. 13 signa dum] PN;
signandum T. 14 in] TN; om. P. 14 tamen] PT; inde N. 15 vulnus nullus] PT; vullus N. 16
tunica] P; tunicam TN. 17 deludens] PN; ludens T. 18 obtavit] PT; Lectio VI add. N. 19
contractavit] PT; contrectavit N. 20 repellens] PT; depellens N. 20 Dominus] PN; Deus T. 21
acclamavit] ici sinterrompent TN2. 25 diversas] conj.; diversa P.
a
Mc 15, 39. b 1C 95. c Rm 12, 3. d 2Co 7, 9. e Ps 13, 1. f Ps 118, 11; 1C 96.
Cette mention de laffection de Franois pour lie est originale. h Ce dtail de linversion des
tuniques est original (repris sous une autre forme en 2C 138, sans que soit cit le nom dlie).
i
1Jn 1, 1. j Gn 19, 16. k 1C 95. l Mt 26, 41.
g

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

61

regionesa, spargebat ubique semina verbi Deib. Spiritus eius dominabatur


carni, que ipsum ad cuncta que agenda erant voluntarie sequebaturc.
Iam illo pretioso | vasculo, in quo celestis ille thesaurus absconditus [77r]
erat, undique conquassato, fratres sancto patri omni precum instantia supplicabant ut illud medicorum auxilio sustentaret. Ipse autem, illo suo nobili
spiritu in celum directo qui solvi solummodo cupiebat et cum Christo essed,
hoc facere penitus recusabat. Sed, infirmitate iam superaddita oculorum,
frater Helyas, quem loco matris elegerat sibi et aliorum fratrum fecerat patrem, contulit eum et mirabilibus argumentise induxit ut sibi medicaminibus permitteret subveniri. Pater sanctus benigne obtemperavit et, sicut
consueverat, sibi humiliter acquievitf.
76

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25

77 Veniens proinde ad civitatem Reatinam occasione infirmitatis curande, a tota Romana curia, illic tunc temporis existente, honorifice susceptus est. Familiarius tamen dominus Hugolinus, episcopus Hostiensis,
tunc ei pre ceteris in omnibus affuit, quem vir sanctissimus, ex voluntate
domini pape Honorii, super universam religionem dominum elegerat adque
patremg.
78 Adheserat ei beatus pater ab eo tempore quo felix ille dominus
legatione in Tusia fungebatur, tunc sanctus Dei volens ire in Francia, cum
adhuc paucos haberet socios. Sed predictus dominus eum, acepto itinere,
saniori consilio revocavit. Divino namque nutu id factum est, ut tam fortis
adiutor susciperet curam fratrum, cum ista novella vitis in principio plantationish sue multos sustinuerit insidiatores qui eam truncare ac evellere
nitebantur. Quos omnes benedictus iste dominus tamquam fures expulit et
latrones, et eorum machinamenta redegit ad nichilumi.

Sollicitus preterea ubique sacram religionem plantare et in remotis


partibus clara fama ipsius ordinem plurimum ampliabat. Conformabat se
fratrum moribus et velud unus ceterorum, in quantum licitum sibi erat,
gerere se studebatj. Propterea sanctus pater modis omnibus se subiacebat
ei et miro eum venerabatur affectu. Nam spiritu Dei, quo repletusk erat,
summum pontificem eum futurum non solum predicabat verbis, sed et fac79

30

6 directo] conj.; drecto P.


a
Gn 41, 46. b Lc 8, 11; 1C 97-98. c Cette phrase de commentaire est originale (reprise
en VJS 64). d Ph 1, 23. e Cette mention des admirables arguments est originale (reprise en
VJS 65). f 1C 98. g 1C 99. h Ps 143, 12. i 1C 74-75. Ce passage est profondment remani. j 1C 99. k Ac 13, 9.

62

J. DALARUN

tis multimodis presignabat. Quando enim scribebat illi, totius mundi episcopum vocabat eum et, inauditis salutationibus ipsum benedicens, futuram
in eo tante dignitatis gloriam figurabata.

80 Nam et de domino Rainaldo, qui ei postea in Hostiensi episcopatu


successit, cum adhuc esset clericus eius et scriptor, rogabat eum ut episcopum faceret ipsumque dominum Rainaldum vocabat eum priorem suumb.

Nimio quoque amore fragrabat ille dominusc erga sanctum virum,


cui, tamquam Christi apostolod reverentiam exibens, inclinato sepe utroque
homine, manus deobsculabatur. Testabatur, postmodum ad apostolicam
dignitatem provectuse, se numquam in tanta fuisse perturbatione seu animi
motu, quod, in visu et colloquio sancti patris, omne mentis nubilum non
discederet reddiretque serenum. Hic enim servum Dei instanter monuit
gerere curam sui, cui et ipse humiliter obedivit. Sed intantum iam excreverat infirmitas oculorum quod, in pluribus locis decocto capite, incisis
venis, superimpositis emplastris, immissis colliriis, nil ad sanitatem proficeretf, sed quasi semper malum excresceretg. Hec fere per duos annos in
omni patientia tolleravit, quatuor fratribus infirmitatis curam committens,
spiritu suo ad Deum directoh.
81

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15

Fragrabat desiderio magno valdei, in iam emortuo corpore et fatiscentibus artubus, nova certamina suscitare et, virtutum omnium gratia
consummatus, vix aut nichil quod fecerat reputabat. Incipiamus iam,
dicebat, fratres, servire Deo, quia hucusque parum profecimus. Volebat
ad serviendum leprosis reddire denuo et in sancte novitatis proposito infatigabilis perdurabat. Hominum conversationem fugere proponebat et ad
loca remotissima se confererej. A regiminis cura se fecerat penitus alienum, prelationis locum tenere hoc tempore periculosum affirmans, subesse
[77v]
vero maxime commandabatk. |
82

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25

10 perturbatione] conj.; perturbationem P. 11 omne] conj.; omnem P. 13 intantum] conj.;


itantum P. 15 superimpositis] conj.; superipositis P. 18 Deum] conj.; eum P. 23 novitatis] conj.;
novitatatis P. 27 commandabat] P; Lectio II T; Lectio IIII N1; ici reprennent TN2 et commence
N1 (je ne donne plus les variantes de N2, qui dpend de N1, et dsigne dsormais les variantes
de N1 par N).
a
1C 100. b Cette information sur le cardinal Raynald, futur protecteur de lOrdre des
Frres mineurs et futur Alexandre IV, est originale. c Hugolin. d 1Co 1, 1. e Cette mention
de la promotion de Grgoire IX est originale. f Ps 88, 23. g 1C 101. h 1C 102. i Nb 11, 4;
Mt 2, 10. j 1C 103. k 1C 104.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

63

Qualiter frater Helyas eum de Senis Assisium infirmum perduxit.


De benedictione quam sibi dedit et de laude quam instanter cantari fecit
et quomodo ad celum ascendentem quidam animam suam vidit
In mense autem sexto ante obitus sui diem, cum esset apud Senas,
stomachi defectus infirmitati prevaluit oculorum et, gravius solito corpore
toto attritus, morti visus est propinquare. Frater Helyas festinans venit ad
eum, de cuius adventu gaudens, convaluit et ad Cellam de Cortona cum
ipso recessit. Ubi morbo gravius invalescente, fecit se Assisium deportari.
Letata est civitasa in adventub eius et, tam pretiossissimum thesaurum apud
se in proximo recondic sperantes, omnes unanimiter exultabantd. Interea
infirmitate crescente, dum esset in palatio Assisinati episcopi, omne robur
corporis eius elanguit et, viribus destitutus omnibus, in singulis fere membris torqueri cepit attrotius. Interrogatus namque quid sentiret de tanta
quam tolerabat corporis passione, mitius fore sibi asseruit aliud quodcumque genus martirii. Sed Dei voluntas, inquid, leve facit omne difficilee.
83

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15

Enimvero, cum iam sibi diem videret propinquare extremumf, sicut


a fratre Helya biennium ante didicerat, cui Dominus patris exitum dignatus
est revelareg, vocatis ad se fratribus et filiis quos volebath, sicut ei dabatur
desuperi, velut olym patriarcha Iacob, unicuique benedixit. Cumque a sinistris ipsius resideret frater Helyas, circumsedentibus reliquis filiis, cancellatis manibus, dexteram posuit super caputj eius. Sed exteriorum oculorum lumine pene privatus et usu: Super quem, inquid, teneo dexteram
meam ? Super fratrem Helyam, inquiunt. Et ego sic volo, ait.
Tibi, inquid, fili, in omnibus et per omniak benedicol, qui, humeris
propriis honera mea suscipiens, fratrum necessitates viriliter subportastim.
Et sicut in manibus tuis eos augmentavit et conservavit Altissimus, ita et in
te omnibus benedico. In celo et in terran benedicat te rex omnium Deuso.
Benedico te sicut possum et plus quam possum. Et quod non posum ego,
84

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25

5 infirmitati] TN; infirmitas P. 6 attritus] PN; astrictus T. 7 eum] PN; eumdem T. 7 de]
PN; ad T. 7 adventu] PN; adventum T. 9 apud se] PN; om. T. 11 Assisinati] PN; Asisinatis T.
11 robur corporis] PN; corpus T. 12 destitutus omnibus] P; omnibus destitutus TN. 12 in] TN;
om. P. 12 fere] TN; ferre P. 14 passione] TN; passionem P. 15 Dei] P; Domini TN. 15 omne] P;
esse TN. 15 difficile] PT; Lectio V add. N. 16 propinquare] PN; appropinquare T. 17 biennium]
PN; byennio T. 18 se] 1CTN; om. P. 18 et] TN; a add. P. 20 reliquis] 1CPN; aliquibus T. 22 lumine pene] P; lumine 1CT; pene lumine N. 22 usu] 1CPT; visu N. 24 qui] 1CPN; quem T.
28 ego] 1CPN; ergo T.
c
Est 8, 15. b 2Co 7, 6.
Tb 12, 8. d 1C 105. e 1C 107. f 1C 108. g 1C 109.
i
j
Mc 3, 13. Jn 19, 11. Gn 48, 14. k Ep 4, 6. l 1C 108. m Cette proposition relative soulignant le rle dlie est un apport original. n Ps 112, 6. o Tb 9, 9.
a

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J. DALARUN

possit in te qui omnia potest. Recordetur Deusa operis et laboris tui, et in


retributione iustorumb sors tua servetur. Omnem benedictionem quam
cupis invenias et quod digne postulas impleatur. Valete, filii omnes, in timore Deic et permanete in ipso semper. Et quoniam futura temptatio et
tribulatiod appropinquat, felices qui in hiis que ceperunt perseverabunte.
Ego enim ad Dominum propero, cuius gratie vos omnes commendof.
85 Post hec ad Sanctam Mariam de Portiuncula se portari precepit, ut
ibi animam redderet Domino ubi primo perfecte viam veritatisg agnovith.
Hunc locum expertus fuerat gratia uberiori repletum et supernorum visitatione spirituum frequentatumi. Hunc locum semper voluit a fratribus honorifice custodiri, eo quod religionis novellaj plantatio, illic primum excrescens, repleverit orbem terrek.
86 Paucis igitur diebus in loco sibi desiderato quiesens, cum iam
tempus propinquae mortis instarel cognosceretm, accersiti sunt ab eo frater
Angelus et frater Leo, inter omnes sibi karissimin, precepitque eis de transitu sic vicino laudes alacriter Domino decantare. Ipse vero, prout potuit,
in hunc psalmum erupit: Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi. Voce mea ad
Dominum deprecatus sumo. Statimque codicem Evangeliorum apportari
precipiens, Evangelium secundum Iohannem, ab eo loco quo incipit Ante
sex dies Pascep, sibi legi poposcitq. Et conversus ad quendam quem diligebatr: Fratribus meis, inquid, tam presentibus quam absentibus ex
parte mea omnibus benedicas, quorum culpas et offensas omnes remitto,
et eos, sicut possum, absolvos.
87 Denique, cum esset cilicio superpositus cinereque conspersus, circumstantibus et flentibus filiis et fratribus, sanctissima illa anima carne
soluta est et in abisso claritatis absorta corpusque obdormivit in Domino t.

1 potest] PT; Lectio VI add. N; ici sarrte N2. 2 retributione] 1CPT; retributionem N.
3 Valete] 1CPT; Valet N. 6 Dominum] 1CP; Deum T; dominium N. 6 commendo] PN; Lectio
III add. T. 9 gratia uberiori] P; uberiori gratia TN. 10 frequentatum] TN; frequentavit P. 13 desiderato] PT; desirato N. 14 accersiti] P; asciti T; acciti N. 15 sibi] PN; om. T. 16 laudes] PN;
laudens T. 16 decantare] PT; Lectio VII add. N. 18 Evangeliorum] TN; Evageliorum P.
20 quendam] PN; fratrem add. T. 21 presentibus quam absentibus] PN; absentibus quam presentibus T. 24 cinereque] T; cineremque P; cinere N. 25 et flentibus] PN; om. T.
a
Dn 14, 37. b He 2, 2. c 2R 23, 3; 2Par 19, 9; 2Esd 5, 9. d Si 27, 6; Ps 21, 12. e Mt
10, 22. f 1C 108. g Ps 118, 30. h 1C 108. i 1C 106. j Ps 143, 12. k Cette phrase est un
apport original. l He 9, 9. m 1C 109. n Cette prcision est un apport original. o Ps 141, 2;
1C 109. p Jn 12, 1 (par erreur pour Jn 13, 1). q 1C 110. r Jn 13, 23; 19, 26; 21, 20. s 1C
109. t Ac 7, 60.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

65

Unus autem ex discipulis eius, fama non modicum celebris, vidit animam
sanctissimi patris, quasi stelam | lunea inmensitatem habentem et solis cla- [78r]
ritatemb precedentem, super multas aquasc a candida subvectam nubeculad, recto tramite in celum conscenderee.
5

10

15

20

Factus est propterea concursus populorum multorum, laudantium


et glorificantium nomen Domini. Catervatim tota civitasf Assisii ruit et
omnis accelerat regiog videre magnalia Deih, que Dominus gloriose ostenderati in servo suo. Lamentabantur filii tanto patre orbati, et pium cordis
affectum lacrimis et suspiriis ostendebant. Verumtamen miraculi novitas
planctum vertit in gaudium et luctumj in iubilationemk. Cernebant corpus
beati patris Christi stigmatibus decoratum, in medio videlicet manuum et
pedum ipsius non clavorum quidem puncturas, sed ipsos clavos ex eius
carne compositos, immo carni eidem innatos, ferri retenta nigredine, ac
dextrum latus sanguine rubricatuml. Caro eius, naturaliter nigra prius,
candore nimio renitescens, beate resurrectionis premia promittebat. Membra denique morbida et mollia sunt effecta, non rigida ut mortuorum solent, conversa in teneritudinem puerilis etatism. Lacrimabantur filii pre
gaudio cordisn et obsculabantur in patre signacula summi Regiso. Fratres
igitur et filii, qui convenerant cum omni multitudine populorump, noctem
illam, in qua sanctus pater decessit, divinis laudibus consumarunt, ita ut
pre iubilationum dulcedine ac luminum claritate fore angelorum excubie
viderenturq.
88

Mane autem facto, turbe que convenerantr, ramos olivarum aliarumque arborum accipientess, multiplicatis luminibus, clangentibus tubist,
cum ymnis et laudibus sacrum corpus ad civitatem Assisii detulerunt.
Cumque filii pium patrem portarent et ad locum venisent in quo religionem
pauperum dominarum primo ipse plantavit, in ecclesia Sancti Damiani aliquantulum sustiterunt. Et aperta fenestra per quam ancille Christi, consti89

25

3 a] TN; om. P. 3 candida] TNR; candidas P. 3 subvectam] PN; subvecta T; subvectum R.


4 conscendere] PT; Lectio VIII add. N. 7 gloriose] PT; gloriosus N; om. R. 7 ostenderat] PTR;
ostenderet N. 8 pium] PNR; puri T. 9 miraculi] TNR; miraculis P. 13 retenta] PNR; recepta T.
16 solent] PNR; sed add. T. 17 teneritudinem] PT; teritudinem N; similitudinem R. 18 obsculabantur] P; deobsculabantur TN. 19 omni] PN; om. T. 19 noctem illam] PT; nocte illa N.
20 ita ut] PN; om. T. 22 viderentur] PT; Lectio IX add. N. 23 convenerant] PN; convenerat T.
28 per] TN; qui P.
a
Si 50, 6. b 1Co 15, 41. c Ps 28, 3; 1Co 15, 41. d Ap 14, 14. e Jos 8, 20; 1C 110.
Ac 21, 30; Mi 5, 7; Ps 85, 9; Lc 2, 13; 2, 20; Mt 8, 34. g Mt 3, 5. h Ac 2, 11. i Lc 2, 15.
j
Lam 5, 15. k 1C 112. l 1C 113. m 1C 112. n Lam 5, 15. o 1C 113. p Ez 27, 33. q 1C
116. r Jn 21, 4; Ac 2, 6. s Jn 12, 13; Mt 21, 8. t Jos 6, 20.
f

66

J. DALARUN

10

tuto temporea, communicare solent dominici corporis sacramento, ecce


domina Clara, que vere meritorum sanctitate clara erat, prima, quia prima
planta huius sancti ordinis fuit, ad videndum dulcisscimi patris corpus
cum reliquis filiabus advenitb. Et ingeminatis suspiriis, cum lacrimis multis
respicientes eum, suppressa voce clamare ceperunt: Pater, pater, quid faciemus ? Cui nos miseras deseris ? Cur sic desolatas relinquis ? Tecum
nostra consolatioc tota recedit et simile solatium non remanet seculo tumulatis. Sicque deobsculantes manus eius ornatas pretiosis gemmis ac
electissimis margaritis, multo fletui pepercerunt. Et ablato eo, clausa est
illis ianuad que tanto vulneri minime ultra patebite.

15

Pervenientibus denique omnibus ad civitatem, cum iocunditatef


magna et exultationeg in sacrato loco corpus sanctissimum posuerunth.
Quo in loco puerulus ipse licteras primum didicerat, ibique postmodum
primitus predicarat, ut convenienter felix initium ad cumulum glorie amplioris felicior consumatio sequereturi.

90

De tempore transitus eius et de canonizatione et translatione sua

20

91 Anno itaque dominice incarnationis MCC.XXVI, IIII nonas octubris, die dominico, expletis viginti annis ex quo perfectissime adhesit
Christo, apostolorum vitam et vestigia sequensj, apostolicus vir Franciscus,
vite mortalis compedibus absolutus, feliciter migravit ad Christum. Et sepultus in loco predicto, tantis mirabilibus ac variis cepit | ubique miraculis [78v]
corruscare ut in brevi tempore magnam partem orbis ad novi seculi ammirationem adduceretk.

25

Cumque iam in diversis partibus nova miraculorum luce inclaresceret et undique qui se ipsius beneficio a suis cladibus liberati gaudebant
concurrerent, dominus papa Gregorius, cum esset Perusii, cum cardinalibus
92

2 clara erat] PN; erat clara T. 5 Pater] PN; Pater noster T. 5 pater] PN; pater noster T.
5 faciemus] PN; facimus T. 6 relinquis] PN; derelinquis T. 7 remanet] TN; remaneat P. 10 minime ultra] PN; ultra minime T. 12 sacrato] P; sacro TN. 14 predicarat] N; predicaret P;
predicavit T. 15 sequeretur] PN; Lectio IIII add. T. 16 De tempore transitus eius et de canonizatione et translatione sua] P; om. TN; Lectio I. In C qui commence ici; De canonizatione et
translatione sancti Francisci R. 17 itaque] PTN; om. CR. 17 dominice incarnationis] PTN; incarnationis dominice C; incarnationis eiusdem R. 18 dominico] PTN; quo predixerat CR. 21 in
loco predicto] PTN; apud civitatem Asisii tot et CR. 22 in brevi] P; brevi in TNCR. 22 tempore]
PTCR; tepore N. 23 adduceret] PTN; Lectio II add. C. 25 cladibus] TCR; claudibus PN. 25 liberati] PTN; liberatos CR. 26 concurrerent PNCR; et concurrebant T.
g

a
2R 24, 15.
Ps 44, 16; 64, 13.

b
h

1C 116. c 2Co 1, 5.
Mt 27, 59-60; 1C 118.

d
i

Mt 25, 10. e 1C 117. f Ba 3, 35; 4, 11; 5, 9.


1C 23. j 1P 2, 21. k 1C 88.

67

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

universis et aliis ecclesiarum prelatis super canoniazionem eius habere


cepit tractatum. Concordantes igitur, pariter idipsum dixerunt omnes. Legunt et approbant miracula, que per servum suum Dominus fuerat operatus,
summisque preconiis vitam beati patris et conversationem extollunta.
5

10

Convocantur proinde ad tantam sollempnitatem principes terreb.


Et omnis frequentia prelatorum cum infinita populi multitudine, constituta
die, cum beato papa Assisii civitatem ingreditur. Venientibus namque ad
locum tam solempni occursui preparatumc, predicat primitus populo universod papa Gregorius et affectu mellifluo nuntiat preconia Dei. Sanctum
quoque patrem Franciscum nobilissimo sermone collaudat et, conversationis eius annumtians puritatem, lacrimis madidature.
93

Igitur sermone finito, protensis ad celum manibusf, voce altisona


clamavit papa Gregorius: Ad laudem, inquid, et gloriam omnipotentis
Dei, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti, et gloriose virginis Marie et beatorum
apostolorum Petri et Pauli, et ad honorem gloriose Ecclesie Romane !
Beatissimum patrem Franciscum, quem Deus glorificavit in celis, venerantes in terris, de consilio fratrum nostrorum et aliorum prelatorum, in
cathalogo sanctorum decernimus adnotandum et festum eius die obitus sui
sollempniter celebrari. Ad hanc ergo quoque vocem, ceperunt cardinales
cum domino papa Te Deum laudamus alta voce cantare. Attollitur proinde clamor populorum cunctorum et, pulsatis campanis tubisque clangentibusg, immensas resonat terra voces, repletur iubilationibus aer et tellus
lacrimis madidatur. Emicat illa dies et splendidioribus radiis coloratur. Ibi
olivarum virentes rami et reliquarum arborumh come recentes. Ibi festivus
ornatus lucidius incandescens cunctos exornat et pacis benedictio convenientium letificat mentesi.
94

15

20

25

1 canoniazionem] PNCR; canoniatione T. 1 eius] PNCR; ipsius T. 1 habere cepit] P;


cepit habere TNCR. 2 tractatum] PTN; Lectio III add. C. 7 Assisii] TNCR; Asii P. 7 ingreditur]
PTN; Lectio IIII add. C. 11 madidatur] PTN; Lectio V add. C. 12 sermone finito] PTNR; sermone finito C. 16 Deus] P; Dominus 1CTNC. 18 cathalogo] 1CTC; cathalago P; cathologo N.
18 eius] 1CPT; huius NC. 18 die] 1CPNC; diem T. 19 celebrari] PTN; Lectio VI add. C. 19 ergo]
P; om. 1CTNC. 20 laudamus] 1CPTC; te Dominum confitemur add. N. 21 cunctorum] PTN;
multorum 1CC. 21 campanis] PTC; om. N. 21 tubisque] PTN; turbisque C. 21 clangentibus]
PTN; clam gentibus C. 22 immensas] 1CTNC; immensa P. 22 resonat] 1CPNC; resonant T. 24
olivarum] 1C; om. PTNC. 24 virentes] 1CPTC; nitentes N. 25 incandescens] 1CPTC; incandensores N. 25 cunctos] 1CP; om. T; cunctis N; comes C. 25 pacis benedictio] 1CPNC; quasi
benedictio pacis T. 25 convenientium] 1CPT; convenientibus NC. 26 mentes] PTN; Lectio VII
add. C.
a

6, 20.

1C 123. b Ps 148, 11.


h
Mt 21, 8. i 1C 126.

1C 124.

He 9, 19.

1C 125.

Mc 3, 20; 14, 34.

Jos

68

10

15

20

J. DALARUN

95 Descendit denique de solio papa Gregorius et tumbam continentem


Deo dicatum corpus felicibus labiis osculatur. Offert et multiplicat precesa
celebratque misteria sacra. Amplificat omnis populus laudes Deib et sancto
eius persolvunt munia gratiarum. Facta sunt autem hec ab incarnationis
dominice anno .M.CC.XX.VIII, pontificatus domini pape Gregorii anno
secundo, .XVII. Kalendas Augustic.
96 His ita peractis, post duos postmodum annos, sanctissimi patris
corpus de loquo in quo prius seppultum fuerat ad ecclesiam extra muros
civitatis in ipsius honore de novo constructam honorifice translatum est.
Nam et generale capitulum ibidem pro tanta sollempnitate tunc extitit celebratum et, e diversis mundi partibus, fratrum convenit ibi maxima multitudo. Porro populorum undique tanta frequentia illic confluxit ut, civitate
illos capere non valente, campos undique et vias circumquaque replerent.
Nam et dominus papa Gregorius, cum, aliis Ecclesie negotiis ipsum prepedientibus, sollempnitati tante interesse nequisset, sollempnes nuntios sue
absentie causas referentes illuc cum litteris suis destinavit. Misit etiam
beati Francisci basilice auream crucem, pretiosis lapidibus ornatam, in qua
erat lignum crucis dominice interclusum. Ornamenta quoque et vasa ad
altaris ministerium pertinentia, necnon et alia sollempnia indumenta non
modicum pretiosa transmisit. Ecclesiam vero ipsam, in qua primarium lapidem fundamenti posuerat, ipse ab omni iurisdictione inferiori auctoritate
apostolica exemitd. Deo gratias. Amen. |

Explicit Legenda sancti Francisci.


Incipiunt miracula
25

1 De vita et conversatione, de transitu et canoniatione sanctissimi


patris nostri Francisci, prout brevius potuerimus, expediti, quedam miraculorum eius, que per viros fide dignos vel per eorum scripta congnovimus,

1 Descendit denique] 1CPC; Descenditque TN. 1 et tumbam] PTN; tumbamque 1C; et


turbam C. 4 munia] PTN; munera 1CC. 4 ab] P; om. TNC. 5 pontificatus domini pape Gregorii
anno secundo] PTC; om. N. 6 secundo] PTN; et add. C. 6 .XVII.] 1CTNC; .XVIII. P. 6 Augusti]
PTN; Lectio VIII add. C. 7 postmodum annos] TN; postmodum pannos P; annos postmodum C.
7 sanctissimi patris] P; patris sanctissimi TNC. 8 muros] PNC; murum T. 9 de novo constructam]
PTN; constructam de novo C. 9 honorifice] PTN; om. C. 11 mundi] PTC; mundis N. 12 tanta] C;
om. PTN. 12 frequentia] PTN; om. C. 12 illic] PTN; illuc C. 13 replerent] PTN; Lectio IX add.
C. 14 ipsum] PTC; ipsius N. 14 prepedientibus] PTC; precedentibus N. 16 etiam] PNC; enim T.
17 pretiosis lapidibus] PTN; lapidibus pretiosis C. 18 crucis dominice] PNC; dominice crucis T.
19 ministerium] PNC; misterium T. 20 primarium] PTN; primum C. 22 Amen] ici sinterrompent TN1 et sarrte C. 26 potuerimus] diff. lisible P.
a
Jb 40, 22. b Lc 18, 43.
en LC 17 et VJS 75-76).

1C 126.

Ce rcit de la translation est original (repris en

[80r]

69

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

scribere nunc ad Dei gloriam procuramus. Nec ad omnia tamen que relata
sunt cordis apposuimus intellectum, quia, sicut eorum utilitate expedit
multa dicere, ita et ipsorum multitudine plura cogimur subticerea.

10

2 Beatus igitur Franciscus, Regis eterni signifer, eo die quo seppultus


fuit hoc primum miraculum fecit. Puella quedam allata est ad sepulcrum
eius, que, per annum habens collum monstruose plicatum et caput humero
annexum, non nisi ex oblico respicere quemquam poterat. Que dum sub
archa, in qua reconditum erat pretiosum Christi famuli corpus, caput immitteret, confestim collum erexit. Et ex sua subita mutatione obstupefacta,
cepit fugere atque flere. Fovea quedam apparebat in humero cui applicatum fuerat caput eius, propter situm quem fecerat infirmitas diuturnab.

In comitatu Narniensi, puer quidam tam enormi contractione tybiam


retortam gerebat, quod, nisi duorum baculorum suffragio, nullo modo poterat ambulare. Ab infantia hac infirmitate detentus, mendicus effectus,
patrem et matrem minime congnoscebat. Qui, meritis beati Francisci a
dicto periculo liberatus, absque baculo quo voluit liber ivitc.
3

15

20

25

30

4 Nicolaus quidam de Fulgineo civis, cum haberet crus sinistrum contractum, nimio dolore gravatus, ad recuperandam pristinam sanitatem tanta
expendit in medicis quod ultra velle ac posse se debitis obligavit. Tandem,
cum eorum auxilium in nullo sibi penitus profecisset, dolore tam maximo
sauciatus in tantum quod ingeminatis clamoribus vicinos de nocte non
permitteret obdormire, vovens se Deo et beato Francissco, fecit se ad eius
tumulum deportari. Cumque per noctem orans sancti tumulo moraretur,
extenso crure, magno exhilaratus gaudio, sine baculo ad propria remeavitd.

Puer unus etiam crus habens contractum ita quod genu eius pectori
et calcaneum natibus adhereret, ad seppulcrum beati Francisci portatus,
patre ipsius carnem propriam cilicio macerante ac matre pro ipso se graviter affligente, plena et subita sanitate convaluite.
5

6 In Fanensi civitate, quidam contractus erat, cuius tybie ulceribus


plene natibus adherebant. Que tantum exhalabant fetorem quod hospita-

1 scribere] diff. lisible P. 2 utilitate] diff. lisible P. 3 subticere] P; Lectio V T qui reprend
ici ainsi que N1. 7 quemquam] PTR; quequam N. 9 ex sua] TNR; exua P. 10 fugere atque flere]
PTR; flere atque fugere N. 10 humero] PTR; Christi add. N. 10 cui] PNR; ubi diu T. 12 tybiam
retortam] PNR; tybia retorta T. 13 poterat] PTR; om. N. 16 liber ivit PNR; ivit liber T; ici sinterrompent TN1. 25 crus habens] diff. lisible P. 27 matre] diff. lisible P.
d

a
Ce prologue du recueil de miracles est original (repris en VJS 56).
1C 129. e 1C 130.

1C 127.

1C 128.

70

J. DALARUN

larii nullo modo eum volebant in hospitali recipere nec tenere. Qui merito
beatissimi patris nostri Francissi, cuius misericordiam invocavit, se paulo
post gavisus est liberatuma.

10

15

20

25

7 Quedam puella Eugubina, cum, contractis manibus, omnium membrorum officium per annum penitus ammisisset, ad optinendam gratiam
sanitatis, nutrix eius cum ymagine cerea ipsam ad beatissimi patris Francissi tumulum deportavit. Cumque ibidem per octo dierum spatium moraretur, die una ita propriis usibus restituta sunt omnia membra eius quod ad
pristina officia ydonea solito haberenturb.
8 Alius quoque puer de Monte Nigro, ante fores ecclesie ubi requiescit
corpus sancti Franccisci, per plures dies decubans, quia nec ire poterat nec
sedere, a cingulo enim et infra omnibus erat viribus et membrorum officio
destitutus, quadam die intrans ecclesiam, ad tactum sepulcri beatissimi
patris Francisci, foras sanus et incolumis est regressus. Dicebat autem
puerulus ipse quod, dum coram tumulo gloriosi sancti iaceret, adstitit ei
iuvenis quidam, habitu fratrum indutus, supra sepulcrum existens. Qui pira
in manibus portans, vocavit eum et, prebens pirum unum ei, ut surgeret
confortavit. Qui pirum de manibus ipsius suscipiens, respondebat: Ecce,
contractus sum et nullo modo surgere possum. | Pirum vero exhibitum [80v]
manducavit et aliud pirum, quod ei ab eodem iuvene offerebatur, cepit extendere manum. Qui dum iterum eum ut surgeret hortaretur, infirmitate
gravatum se sentiens, non surgebat. Sed, dum ad pirum manum extenderet,
dictus iuvenis, exhibito illi piro, manum eius apprehendit et, foras educens
eum, disparuit ab oculis eius. Qui sanum et incolumem se videns, cepit
alta voce clamare, quod factum in eo fuerat omnibus manifestansc.
9 Mulier quedam de castro quod dicitur Cuccuranum ad sepulcrum
beati patris in cistis delata est. In nullo enim membrorum, preterquam in
sola lingua, operationis cuiusquam remanserat usus. Moram igitur faciented
aliquantulum ante tumbam sanctissimi viri, surrexit peroptime liberatae.

9 haberentur] conj.; haberetur P. 10 Alius] ici reprennent TN1. 10 fores] 1CPTR; foras N.
11 dies decubans quia nec ire] 1CTNR; diff. lisible P. 12 officio destitutus] 1CTNR; diff. lisible
P. 14 foras sanus et incolumis est] 1CTNR; diff. lisible P. 14 regressus] 1CPTR; egressus N. 15
sancti] 1CTR; diff. lisible P; sanctis N. 15 iaceret adstitit] 1CTNR; diff. lisible P. 16 pira in]
1CTNR; diff. lisible P. 17 pirum unum ei] P; ei pyrum unum 1CTNR. 18 ipsius] 1CPN; suis T;
eius R. 19 modo] 1CPTR; in celo N. 19 Pirum] 1CPTR; Premium N. 20 extendere] 1CPTR;
ostendere N. 21 manum] 1CPNR; manus T. 24 disparuit] 1CPNR; disparuerit T. 24 et] 1CPTR;
om. N. 25 manifestans] ici sinterrompent TN1.
a

1C 131.

1C 132.

1C 133.

Mt 25, 5.

1C 134.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

71

10 Quidam alius Eugubinus, cum filium suum in cista contractum ad


sancti patris tumulum detulisset, sanum et incolumem recepit eum. Fuerat
enim tanta enormitate contractus ut tibie natibus adherentes forent penitus
arefactea.

10

11 In diocesi Vulterrana, vir unus, nomine Ricomagnus, qui vix manibus per terram trahere se valebat, a matre propria propter monstruosam
turgiditatem relictus, beato Francisco humiliter se devovens, fuit continuo
liberatusb.
12 In eadem diocesi, mulieres due, Viridis et Sanguinea nomine, que,
cum sic essent contracte ut penitus se movere non possent nisi ab aliis
portarentur, excoriatis manibus, quibus se movendo innitebantur, ex solo
voto sunt reddite sanitatic.

Vir quidam Iacobus de Podio Bonizi, cum adeo miserabiliter curvus


atque contractus esset quod ore genibus adhereret, mater eius, mulier vidua,
ad quoddam oraculum beati Francissi ipsum portavit et, oratione pro ipsius
liberatione ad Deum fusa, sanum illum et incolumem domi reduxitd.
13

15

14 In Vico Albo, cuiusdam mulieris manus sicca meritis sancti patris


relique similis est effectae.

In civitate Capue, mulier quedam sepulcrum beati Francissi personaliter visitare se vovit. Que propter curam rei familiaris voti emissi oblita,
dextrum latus subito perdidit. Caput etiam et brachium, contractis nervis, in
aliquam partem evolvere non valebat. Sicque tota plena doloribus, vicinos
suos ululatu continuo fatigabat. Transeuntes igitur duo fratres ante domum
illius, rogati a sacerdote quodam, ad miseram intraverunt. Que de obmisso
voto confessa et benedictione ab illis recepta, mulier eadem hora sana surrexit. Et per penam sapientior facta, sine mora quod voverat adimplevitf.
15

20

25

16 Bartholomeus de Narnio, sub umbra cuiusdam arboris dormiens,


diabolica correptione ex toto tibiam perdidit atque pedem. Et homo exis-

5 Vulterrana] conj.; Vrrana P. 11 ex solo] conj.; exolo P. 19 In] ici reprennent TN1.
19 mulier quedam] PNR; quedam mulier T. 20 vovit] PTR; venit N. 20 emissi] PR; omissi TN.
20 oblita] PTR; oblato N. 21 latus] PTR; latum N. 22 evolvere] PR; volvere TN. 22 valebat]
PTR; vabat N. 25 benedictione] PTR; benedictionem N. 25 sana surrexit] PTR; surrexit sana N.
26 penam] PTR; penitentiam N. 26 adimplevit] ici sarrte N1. 27 Narnio] PR; Narnia T.
28 correptione] PR; correttione T.
a

1C 134. b Miracle original (repris en 3C 168). c Miracle original (repris en 3C 169).


Miracle original (repris en 3C 170). e Miracle original (repris en 3C 171). f Miracle original
(repris en 3C 172).
d

72

J. DALARUN

tens pauperrimus, quo se verteret nesciebat. Set amator pauperum, signifer


Christi Francisscus, ad quendam locum, in sompniis sibi apparensa, eum
ire precepit. Ad quem cum ire se pertraheret, sed a directo itinere declinaret, audivit vocem dicentem sibib: Pax tibi c! Ego sum ille cui te vovisti.
Et perducens eum ad locum, manum unam, ut illi videbatur, super pedem
et aliam super tibiam eius imposuit et membra sic arida restauravit. Hic
provecte tunc erat etatisd et sex annorum spatio fuerat sic contractuse.
De cecis et mutis et surdis
Mulier quedam, Sibilia nomine, cecitatem oculorum per plures annos perpessa, ad sepulcrum viri Dei ceca tristis adducitur. Recuperato vero
pristino lumine, gaudens et exsultans domum revertiturf.
17

10

In castro Vici Albi, Sorane diocesis, puella quedam a nativitate


ceca, ad quoddam oratorium beati Francissi a matre perducta, Christi nomine invocato, visum quem numquam habuerat beati Francissi meritis meruit invenireg.
18

15

19 In civitate Aretii, mulier, que per .VII. annos non viderat, in ecclesia beati Francissi prope civitatem constructa, visum ammissum recepith.
20 In eadem civitate, filius pauperis mulieris a beato Francissco, cui
voverat mater, illuminatus esti.

20

Cecus quidam de Spello, coram tumulo sacri corporis, visum diu


perditum reinvenitj.
21

In Podio Bonizi, Florentine diocesis, mulier quedam ceca existens,


per revelationem accepit quoddam beati Francissi oraculum viscitare. Que
cum illuc delata coram altari miseranda iaceret, continuo | visum recipiens, [81r]
sine duce ad propria remeavitk.
22

25

Alia vero mulier de Camerino, cum esset dextri oculi lumine privata ex toto, pannum, quem beatus Franciscus tetigerat, parentes eius super
perditum oculum posuerunt. Et sic voto facto, de recuperato lumine Domino Deo et sancto Francisco gratias persolveruntl.
23

3 cum TR] locum P. 3 ire] PR; ille T. 3 se] PR; om. T. 4 tibi] PR; Christi T. 7 contractus] ici
sinterrompt T. 17 constructa] conj.; constructam P. 22 ceca] conj.; om. P. 26 privata] conj.;
privato P.
a

Mt 2, 13. b Ac 9, 4. c Dn 10, 19. d Jos 13, 1. e 1C 135. f 1C 136. g Miracle


original (repris en 3C 131). h Miracle original (repris en 3C 132). i Miracle original (repris
en 3C 133). j 1C 136. k Miracle original (repris en 3C 135). l 1C 136.

73

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

24 Simile aliquid cuidam mulieri de Eugubio accidit, que, voto facto,


lucem pristinam se rehabere letatura.

Civis quidam de Assisio, per quinquennium perdito lumine oculorum, qui, cum adhuc viveret beatus Franciscus, familiaris fuerat ei semper,
cum oraret beatum virum, pristinam familiaritatem commemorans, ad
tactum sepulcri eius extitit liberatusb.
25

26 Albertinus de Narnio, ammisso lumine oculorum, palpebris usque


ad genas dependentibus, beato Francisco se vovens, illuminari meruit et
sanaric.

10

15

20

25

30

27 Apud Castrum Plebis, iuvenis quidam mendicus surdus erat et mutus a nativitated sua. Qui linguam adeo curtam et brevem habebat quod,
multoties a pluribus exquisita, evulsa penitus videretur. Vir quidam, Marcus nomine, ipsum propter Deum suscepit hospitio. Qui eum sibi benefacere cernens, cepit cum ipso assiduus demorari. Nocte quadam, predicto
viro cum uxore sua cenante et astante puero coram eis, dixit uxori: Hoc
ego maximum miraculum reputarem si beatus Franciscus huic auditum redderet et loquelam. Et adiecit: Voveo Domino Deoe quod, si hoc sanctus
Franciscus dignabitur operari propter amorem suum, huic puero expensas
conferam, donec vivet. Mirum certe ! Subito lingua crevit et puer locutus
est, dicensf: Vivit sanctus Franciscus, quem superius stantem video et loquelam mihi tribuit et auditum ! Quid ergo iam populo dicam ? Nutricius
eius respondens: Laudabis Deumg et salvabit hominesh multos. Homines
terre illius, qui eum noverant pridem, amiratione maxima sunt repletii.
28 Iuvenis quidam, Villa nomine, ambulare non poterat neque loqui.
Pro quo mater, fidei voto ceream ymaginem faciens, ad locum in quo
beatus pater Franciscus requiescit, magna cum reverentia deportavit. Que
domum regrediens, ambulantem repperit filium et loquentemj.
29 Homo quidam, in episcopatu Perusii, loquela et verbo privatus omnino, semper os ferens apertum, horribiliter ositabat. Habebat enim guttur
valde tumidum et inflatum. Cumque pervenisset ad locum ubi requiescit
sanctissimum corpus et per gradus ad sepulcrum eius vellet attingere, sanguinem multum evomuit. Et peroptime liberatus, cepit loqui et os claudere
ac, sicut expedit, aperirek.

1 aliquid] conj.; quid P. 16 reputarem] conj.; reputare P. 31 attingere] conj.; attigere P.


a

35, 7.

1C 136. b 1C 136. c 1C 136. d Jn 9, 1.


i
1C 147-148. j 1C 149. k 1C 149.

Ps 131, 2.

Gn 8, 15.

Ps 68, 31.

Ps

74

J. DALARUN

30 Mulier quedam, lapidem habens in gutture, pre nimio ardore lingua


eius arida facta est. Non enim poterat loqui, nec comedere, nec bibere.
Que cum, multis medicamentis adhibitis, nullum sentiret commodum nec
levamen, tandem beato Francissco in corde se vovit et subito, carne aperta,
lapidem per guttur emisita.

In castro Grecii, iuvenis quidam auditum perdiderat, memoriam et


loquelam. Quem parentes, beato Francissco suppliciter devoventes, expleto voto, sanum eum et incolumem receperuntb.
31

Bartholomeus de castro Arpini, Sorani episcopatus, per septennium


privatus auditu, ad invocationem beati Francissci nominis ipsum recepitc.
32

10

In Sicilia mulier quedam de burgo Platie, loquele officio privata,


cordis lingua beatum Franciscum oravit et desiderate locutionis gratiam
reinvenitd.
33

In oppido Nicosino, sacerdos quidam ad matutinos ex more surrexit et, a lectore de benedictione solito requisitus, quid barbarum nescio
respondens, infrenduit. Sic mente captus, pertractus domi, loquelam per
mensem unum penitus ammisit. Qui cum ad cuiusdam viri Dei conscilium
se sancto Francisco voveret, loquele officium, ab insania liberatus, assequiture.
34

15

20

25

30

De leprosis et demoniacis
35 Apud Sanctum Severinum iuvenis quidam, Acto nomine, totus erat
leprosus. Cuius membris existentibus omnibus turgidis et protensis, horrendo aspectu cuncta cernebat ipse. Sic miser in lecto egritudinis assidue
iacens, parentibus suis multam tristitiam ingerebat. Quem pater die quadam agrediens, ut se beato Francisco voveret illi suasit. Quo gaudenter
consentiente, pater fecit apportari candele licinium, de quo ipsius longitudine mensurata singulis annis candelam beato Francisco iuvenis portare
devovit. Qui, voto emisso, ilico de lecto consurgens, a lepra mundatus estf.
36 Vir alius, nomine Bonushomo, de civitate Fani, paraliticus et leprosus, ad ecclesiam beati Francisci a parentibus deportatus, utriusque
morbi plenam consecutus est sanitatemg. |

24 multam] conj.; multa P. 26 longitudine] conj.; longitudinem P. 30 beati] conj.; betati P.


a
1C 150. b 1C 150. c Miracle original (repris en 3C 143). d Miracle original (repris en
3C 144). e Miracle original (repris en 3C 145). f 1C 146. g 1C 146.

[81v]

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

75

37 Petrus de Fulgineo, cum ad visitanda limina beati Michaelis tempore quodam ivisset, cum cuiusdam fontis aquam gustaret, visum est sibi
demones imbibisse. Sicque per tres annos obsessus, pessima loquens, horrenda visu agebat. Qui sepulcrum beatissimi patris contingens, demonibus
eum crudeliter discerpentibus, mirifice liberatus esta.
38 Mulieri cuidam de civitate Narnii, demonium habenti, beatus Franciscus sibi signum crucis facere in visioneb precepit. Que cum, mente perdita, se signare penitus ignoraret, beatus pater ei signum crucis impressit
et cunctam ab ea passionem diabolicam effugavitc.

10

39 Viros quoque multos et feminas sanctus Dei ab huiusmodi pestibus


liberavit. Quorum multitudo, quia pene numerum excedit, merito subticeturd.

De quatuor mortuis suscitatis et aliis pluribus a morte revocatis


15

20

25

30

40 In civitate Capue, dum puer quidam circa ripam Vulturni fluminis


cum sociis plurimis iocaretur, valde incautus in flumen cecidit ipse puer.
Quem fluminis impetuse celeriter vorans, sub limo ipsum mortuum sepelivit. Proclamantibus autem pueris qui cum eo alluserant circa flumen,
viri multi et mulieres ad locum velociter accedentes, de casu pueri edocti,
flebiliter proclamabant: Sancte Francisce, sancte Francisce, redde puerum
patri et avo, servitiis desudantibus tuis ! Revera pater et avus pueri in
quadam ecclesia, in honore beati Francisci constructa, pro posse suo devote servierant. Cumque universus populus suppliciter et frequenter beati
Francisci merita invocaret, natator quidam, procul astans, clamoribus auditis, accessit. Et comperto post longam moram puerum in flumine cecidisse, invocato Christi nominef et beati Francissi meritis fidens, depositis
vestibus, se nudum iactavit in flumen. Qui cum locum ubi puer ceciderat
penitus ignoraret, ripas et fundum fluminis huc atque illuc cepit sollicite
perscrutari. Tandem voluntate divina locum invenit, in quo limus in modum sepulcri pueri cadaver obtexerat. Quem effodiens et extra reportans,
dolens defunctum inspexit. Sane licet populus qui astabat videret mortuum

9 passionem diabolicam] conj.; passione diabolica P. 13 De quatuor mortuis suscitatis et


aliis pluribus a morte revocatis] P; Lectio VI T qui reprend ici. 15 valde] conj.; velud P; velde
T; om. R. 17 alluserant] PR; alluxerant T. 21 ecclesia] TR; ecclesiam P. 21 beati] PR; sancti T.
21 constructa] R; constructam P; consecratam T. 21 devote servierant] P; servierant devote T;
deservierant R. 24 comperto] TR; comparato P. 27 sollicite] R; sollite P; sollicitus T. 28 quo]
TR; co P. 30 videret] PR; videretur T.
a

1C 137.

Nb 12, 6.

1C 138.

1C 138.

Ps 45, 5.

Ac 22, 16.

76

J. DALARUN

iuvenem, flens et eiulans, nichilominus proclamabat: Sancte Francisce,


redde puerum patri suo ! Hoc ipsum et Iudei qui convenerant, provocati
naturali pietate, dicebant: Sancte Francisce, redde puerum patri suo !
Beatus Franciscus, devotione populi, sicut ex effectu apparuit, et precibus
provocatus, puerum mortuum continuo suscitavit. Qui cum, omnibus letantibus pariter et mirantibus, surrexisset, portari se ad ecclesiam beati
Francisci suppliciter postulavit. Ad hec universi laudaverunt Deum, qui
per servum suum tam magna dignatus est operaria.
In civitate Suessa, in vico qui Ad columpnas dicitur, animarum
perditor et corporum interfector, diabolus, quandam domum diruit et subvertit. Nam cum multos pueros, qui circa eandem domum puerilibus luxibus alludebant, perimere niteretur, unum tantum absorbuit iuvenem, quem
ruens domus subito interfecit. Viri et mulieres, ruentis domus sonitu excitati, undique cucurrerunt et, elevantes hinc inde ligna, misere matri mortuum filium ostenderunt. Que faciem crinesque dilanians, ammarissimis
repleta singultibus, lacrimarum rivulos educens, sicut poterat acclamabat:
Sancte Francissce, sancte Francisce, redde mihi filium meum ! Non solum autem illa, sed omnes qui aderant tam viri quam mulieres, amare
flebant, dicentes: Sancte Francisce, redde filium misere matri ! Mater
post horam a tam gravi dolore respirans, in se reversab, tale votum emisit:
O sancte Francisce, redde mihi miserime meum dilectum filium et ego
cingam altare tuum filo argenteo novaque sindone illud operiam et candelis totam tuam ecclesiam circumcingam. Sicque ponentes cadaver in
lecto, cum nox esset, ad sepeliendum eum diem crastinum expectabant.
Circa vero mediam noctem, cepit iuvenis ositare et, calescentibus membris,
antequam illucesceret dies, totus revixit et in laudis verba prorupit. Populus universus et clerus, sanum eum et incolumem intuentes, beato Francisco gratias devotissimas persolveruntc.
41

10

15

20

25

30

42 In Sicilia, quidam iuvenis, Guirlandinus nomine, de Ragusia orir


undus, | vindeamiarum tempore ad vineas cum parentibus exiit. Qui cum, [82 ]
in vase vinario ut utres impleret, sub torculari se immitteret, repente pre-

1 eiulans] TR; evigilans P. 1 proclamabat] PR; proclamabant T. 4 devotione] PR; devotionem T. 4 ex] TR; om. P. 10 perditor] PR; proditor T. 12 absorbuit] PR; obsorbuit T. 14 elevantes] PR; ele T. 15 crinesque] TR; crinensque P. 16 educens] PR; deducens T. 18 sed] P; et
add. TR. 22 sindone] TR; sindonem P. 26 dies] PR; om. T. 26 revixit] PR; revisit T. 28 persolverunt] P; Lectio VII add. T.
a
Miracle original (repris en LC 15 de manire allusive).
(repris en LC 15 de manire allusive).

Ac 12, 11.

Miracle original

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

15

20

77

grandes lapides, motis in se lignorum struibus, cum quibus uvarum vinatia


premebantur, capud eius funebri percussione quassarunt. Festinat pater ad
filium et desperans obrutum non adiuvat, sed eum sub honere sicut corruit
sic reliquit. Accurrunt expeditius vinitores, magis clamoris vocem lugubrem audientes, et, patrem miserum miserantes, filium extraunt a ruina. Et
ponentes seorsum exanime corpus, involvunt ac de sui humatione solliciti
solum existunt. Pater vero ipsius Ihesu pedibus obnixe provolvitur, ut filium suum unicum, per sancti Francisci merita, cuius tunc dies celebris
imminebat, sibi reddere dignaretur. Ingeminat preces, vovet officia pietatis
et sancti viri ossa se promittit celerime visitare. Interea, misera mater accurrit, rapida nimis mortuum ruit in filium et, lugens ipsa, merito luctum
lugentibus geminavit. Continuo puer exurgens obiurgat lugentes et sancti
Francisci suffragiis se vite reditum adletatur. Porro, qui confluxerant homines laudant Dominum in excelsisa, qui per sanctum suum a fune funeris
mortuum liberavitb.
43 Quartum vero mortuum in Alamania suscitavit, de quo dominus
papa Gregorius, tempore translationis beati Francisci, fratres omnes qui ad
translationem et capitulum Assisii convenerant, per apostolicas licteras
certos reddidit et gaudentes. Miraculi huius seriem, quia ignoravi, non
scripsi, credens papale testimonium omnis assertionis excellere instrumentum. Sed iam ad reliquos transeamus, quos ab ipsa fauce mortis eduxitc.

In Sicilia, de vico Plazie cuiusdam iuvenis anima ecclesiasticis debitis Creatori suo commendata, per sancti patris suffragium, dum a quodam
suo avunculo vovetur, ab ipso mortis introitu revocaturd.
44

25

In eodem burgo, cum quidam iuvenis, Alexander dictus, super altam


rupem cum sociis funem traheret, rupto fune, de rupe precipitatus, mortuus,
ut putabatur, effertur. Quem cum pater ipsius, lacrimis et singultibus plenus, sancto Christi Francisco voveret, sanum et incolumem eum recepite.
45

Cuiusdam oppidi mulier, ethicis passionibus laborans, ad extremum


perducta, commendationis anime beneficio fungitur. Sed a circumstantibus
pater sanctissimus invocatur et continuo restituitur sanitatif.
46

30

1 uvarum] PR; vinearum T. 2 percussione] TR; percusionem P. 2 Festinat] PR; Festinans T.


3 obrutum] PR; obruntum T. 4 reliquit] P; relinquit TR. 4 Accurrunt] PR; Accurrerunt T. 6 seorsum] PR; secessum T. 10 accurrit] P; occurrit TR. 11 rapida] P; rabida TR. 11 merito] P; multum
T. 28 voveret] PR; vovens T. 29 Cuiusdam] P; Eiusdem TR. 31 sanctissimus] PR; altissimus T.
a

Ps 148, 1. b Miracle original (repris en LC 15 de manire allusive). c Miracle original


(repris en LC 15). d Miracle original (repris en 3C 62). e Miracle original (repris en 3C 63).
f
Mt 12, 13; miracle original (repris en 3C 64).

78

J. DALARUN

47 Ad Montem Trapanum, dum pro suis negotiis insimul duo accedunt, alter eorum usque ad mortis exituma infirmatur. Ad cuius solatium
medici advocati concurrunt, sed ad eius sanitatem nichil proficiunt. Socius
alter incolumis sancto Francisco huiusmodi vota vovetb, ut, si eger eius
meritis suscipiat sanitatem, festum ipsius annuatim in missarum sollempniis observaret. Emissis itaque votis, in domum regrediens, infirmum,
quem sine voce et sensu reliquerat et debitum dissolutionis putaverat iam
subisse, pristine saluti repperit restitutumc.

Puer quidam de civitate Tuderti, per octo dies quasi mortuus in


lecto iacensd, ore penitus intercluso et lumine oculorum sublato, cute
vultus, manuum et pedum ipsius ad modum olle totaliter denigrata, et de
salute vite huius ab omnibus desperatus, ad votum matris sue mirabili velocitate convaluit. Qui licet infantulus loqui nesciense, a beato Francisco se
liberatum tamen balbutiendo dicebatf.
48

10

15

20

Iuvenis quidam, cum in quodam loco altissimo moraretur, ex eodem loco corruens, loquelam et omnia membrorum officia perdidit. Tribus
quoque diebus non manducans, neque bibensg, neque aliquid sentiens, mortuus credebatur. Mater vero ipsius, nullorum medicorum requirens suffragium, a beato Francisco eius postulat sanitatem. Et sic voto facto, vivum
eum recipiens et incolumem, laudare cepit omnipotentiam Salvatorish.
49

Puer unus de Aretio, Gualterius nomine, continuis febribus laborans et duplici apostemate cruciatus, ab omnibus medicis desperatus, voto
parentum beato Francisco exibito, concupite restitutus est sanitatii.
50

De ydropicis et paraliticis et ruptis |


25

51 In Fanensi civitate, quidam ydropicus morbo detemptus per beatum


Franciscum ab eadem infirmitate plene meruit liberarij.

Mulier quedam de civitate Eugubina, paralitica in lecto iacensk,


cum pro sua liberatione beati Francisci nomen tertio invocaret, ab infirmitate sua dimissa est et sanatal.
52

5 annuatim] P; annuum TR. 11 vultus] 1CPR; et add. T. 12 omnibus] PR; hominibus T.


17 sentiens] 1CPR; faciens T. 19 voto facto] 1CPR; facto voto T. 20 et incolumem] 1CPR; om. T.
20 Salvatoris] 1CP; Creatoris TR. 22 apostemate] TR; apostate P. 23 sanitati] ici sinterrompt T.
25 In] ici commence A. 25 ydropicus] P; ydropisis AR.
f

a
Ps 67, 21. b Ps 131, 2. c Miracle original (repris en 3C 66). d Mt 9, 2. e Jr 1, 6.
1C 139. g Ac 9, 9; Mt 11, 8. h 1C 140. i 1C 140. j 1C 141. k Mt 9, 2. l 1C 142.

[82v]

79

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

53 Puella de Arpino, Sorane diocesis, a morbo paralitico ita tenebatur


obsessa quod, dissoluta in membris et per nervos contorta, omnibus humanis actibus privata, potius videbatur vexari a demonio quam humano
spiritu vegetari. Tanta namque ipsius morbi oppressa fuerat lesione quod
videbatur omnino ad prima cunabula redivisse. Tandem mater eius, divinitus inspirata, ipsam ad ecclesiam beati Francisci, iuxta Vicum Album positam, portavit in cunis. Et fusis ibidem lacrimis et precibus multiplicatis,
ab omni infirmitatis periculo liberata, priori etati reddita est et salutia.
54 In eodem castro, iuvenis quidam, cum paralisi esset detemptus ita
quod ei clauserat oris ostium et oculos fecerat indirectos, a matre ad iam
dictam ecclesiam portatus est. Cumque modo aliquo iuvenis ille se movere non posset, matre pro illo suppliciter exorante, priusquam veniret ad
propria, redditus est pristine sanitatib.

20

55 In Podio Bonii, puella quedam nomine Ubertina, cum caduco


morbo tan graviter quam incurabiliter laboraret, parentes ipsius, iam de
humano remedio desperantes, beati Francisci obnixe suffragia flagitarunt.
Pari proinde consensu voventes beatissimi per annos singulos vigiliam
ieiunare et in die sollempnitatis ipsius aliquot pascere pauperes, si filiam
suam a tam insolenti egritudine relevaret, emisso voto, puella plene liberata convaluit, noxii morbi nullam post hec sentiens lesionemc.

25

56 Petrus Mancanella, Gagetanus civis, per paralisis morbum brachium


perdidit atque manum, os retortum gerens usque ad aurem. Qui cum se
consiliis exponeret medicorum, visum amisit pariter et auditum. Tandem
beato Francisco suppliciter se devovit et sic ab omni dicta infirmitate beatissimi viri meritis extitit liberatusd.

30

57 Civis quidam de Tuderto in tantum artetica gravabatur quod propter


vehementiam passionis quiescere penitus non valebat. Tandem, cum ad
nichilum redigi videretur, nullo iam medicorum remedio sublevatus, coram
quodam sacerdote ad beatum Franciscum clamavit et, emisso voto, sanitatem pristinam impetravite.

15

58 Quidam nomine Bontadosus, cum in pedibus tam gravem sustineret


dolorem quod penitus se movere non posset, cibo perdito atque sompno, a

1 Puella] P; quedam add. AR. 3 a] R; om. PA. 16 flagitarunt] AR; flagitatur P. 28 remedio] AR; om. P. 29 ad] AR; ab P.
a
Miracle original (repris en 3C 72). b Miracle original (repris en 3C 73).
original (repris en 3C 74). d Miracle original (repris en 3C 75). e 1C 141.

Miracle

80

J. DALARUN

muliere quadam suasum est ei ut beato Francisco suppliciter se voveret.


Qui nimio dolore correptus, cum eum non esse sanctum se credere diceret,
muliere nichilominus pertinatius suggerente, vovit se in hunc modum:
Voveo me, inquid, sancto Francisco et ipsum credo esse sanctum si
me infra trium dierum terminum ab hac egritudine liberaverit. Qui mox,
ipso mirante, surrexit, reversa que abiecerat sospitatea.
59 Mulier quedam, per annos plures in lecto infirmitatis sue decubans,
cum se aliquo modo movere non posset, a beato Francisco sanata, implevit
officia vite sueb.

10

15

20

25

30

60 Iuvenis quidam, in civitate Narnii, per decem annos gravissima est


infirmitate detemptus ita quod, totus tumidus factus, nulla curari poterat
medicina. Quem mater sancto Francisco devovit et statim ab eo suscepit
commodum sanitatisc.
61 In eadem civitate, mulier quedam per annos octo manum habuit
desiccatam, nichil cum ea operis facere valens. Cui beatus Franciscus in
visione apparuitd et, manum eius extendens, in laborando relique adequavite.
62 In castro Spelli, homo quidam per duos annos rupturam adeo graviter passus est quod per inferiores partes intestina omnia defluebant. Non
enim per magnum temporis spacium ea intus reducere poterat, nec locare.
Propterea recurrit ad medicos et, desperatus ab eis, ad divinum auxilium
se convertit. Qui cum devote beati Francisci merita invocaret, statim mi[83r]
rabiliter sanatus, eos qui eum | noverant ad stuporem perduxitf.
63 Iuvenis quidam, nomine Ionathas, in episcopatu Sorano, dissipatione intestinorum ita lesus erat ut nullis posset medicorum medicaminibus
adiuvari. Accidit quadam die uxorem suam ire ad quamdam ecclesiam
beati Francisci. Cui oranti pro viri salute, quidam de fratribus simplici
spiritu dixit: Vade, dic viro tuo ut voveat se beato Francisco et ruptionis
locum crucis signaculo signet. Que cum rediret, hec retulit viro suo. Qui
beato Francisco se vovens, lesionis locum signavit et intestina ad prima
loca illico redierunt. Miratus est vir in subitatione insperate salutisg et,
utrum esset vera sanitas que sibi subito sic arrisit, cepit per multa exercitia
experiri. Eidem vero, acuta febre laboranti, beatus Franciscus in sompnis

3 muliere] AR; mulier P. 6 abiecerat] P; abierat AR. 24 nullis] AR; diff. lisible P. 25 quadam die] P; die quadam AR. 25 suam] A; om. PR. 28 signaculo] AR; signaculorum P.
a

1C 142.

1C 141.

1C 141.

Dn 4, 10; Mt 9, 20.

1C 141.

1C 144.

Sg 5, 2.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

81

apparuita ipsumque vocans ex nomine, dixitb: Noli timerec, Ionathas, quia


sanaberis ab infirmitate tuad. Huius miraculi maxima fides fuit, quod
cuidam viro religioso, Roberto nomine, beatus Franciscus apparuit, a quo,
cum interrogaretur quis esset, respondit: Ego sum Franciscus, qui quemdam amicum meum sanaturus advenie.
In Sicilia, quemdam nomine Petrum, pudendorum suorum ruptionem subitam patientem, cum se promitteret sua limina visitare, mirifice
liberavitf.
64

De duabus mulieribus a fluxu sanguinis liberatis


et de quibusdam aliis infirmis

10

15

20

65 Nobilis quedam mulier, Rogata nomine, in episcopatu Sorano, cum


per viginti tres annos fluxu sanguinis passa foretg, audiens quemdam
puerum Romano sermone canentem miracula que Deus per beatum Franciscum fecerat hiis diebus, nimio dolore commota, tota prorupit in lacrimas. Sicque intra se, fide accensa, dicere cepith: O beatissime pater
Francisce, per quem tanta miracula corruscant, si me dignareris ab hac
egritudine liberare ! Adhuc tam maximum miraculum non fecisti. Nam
pre nimio sanguinis fluxu videbatur predicta mulier sepius expirare et, si
quando fluxus restringebatur, toto corpore tumescebat. Quid plura ? Paucis
elapsis diebus, sentit se beatissimi Francisci meritis liberatam. Filium quoque eius, Marinum nomine, qui brachium habebat contractum, sanctus Dei
solo voto sanaviti.

Feminam quamdam de Sicilia, per septennium fluxu sanguinisj fatigatam, beatus Franciscus, signifer Christi, fecit sanamk.
66

25

67 Mulier quedam, in eadem insula, cum beati Francisci diem sollempnem adesse cognosceret, a servili operel abstinere non curans, coram
se vas pistorium preparavit. In quo cum farinam poneret et eam exertis
brachiis coacervaret, mox farina conspersa cruore comparuit. Mulier hoc
stupida cernens, convicinas clamare cepit. Que quanto magis illuc ad spec-

9 De duabus mulieribus a fluxu sanguinis liberatis et de quibusdam aliis infirmis] PA;


Lectio VIII T qui reprend ici. 13 beatum] PTR; batum A. 16 dignareris] PA; dignaris T; digneris
R. 20 beatissimi] PAR; beati T. 21 Marinum] P; Marium ATR. 23 fluxu] ATR; fluxum P. 24 fecit
sanam] PA; sanam fecit TR. 26 servili] ATR; servi P. 29 stupida] PAR; strupita T. 29 ad] ATR; a
P.
a
Mt 1, 20. b Is 40, 26. c Lc 5, 10. d Lc 13, 12. e Miracle original (repris en 3C 114).
Miracle original (repris en 3C 115). g Mt 9, 20. h Lc 7, 49. i Miracle original (repris en LC
16 de manire allusive). j Mt 9, 20. k Miracle original (repris en LC 16). l Lv 23, 7.
f

82

J. DALARUN

taculum confluunt, eo in massa ipsa vene sanguinis plus accrescunt. Penitet mulierem fecisse quod fecerat et votum voveta ut in festo eius de cetero
servile opus facere non presumat. Promissione itaque sic firmata, cruentatio sanguinis recessit a massab.
5

10

15

20

25

Clericus quidam de Vico Albo, nomine Matheus, venenum mortiferum bibitc. De quo intantum gravatus fuit et manifeste lesus quod loqui
aliquo modo non valens, solum subitum exitum expectabat. Sacerdos vero
ut ei confiteretur ad eum accessit et verbum unum ab eo extorquere non
valuit. Ipse autem in corde suod humiliter Christum orabat ut ipsum per
beati Francisci merita liberaret. Qui cum beati Francisci nomen denique
nominaret, testibus qui adherant, venenum evomuite.
68

69 Vir unus, cum esset in capite sagitta ferrea graviter vulneratus et


v
sagitta illa, intrans | per capsam oculi, remansisset in capite, nullo poterat [83 ]
medicorum auxilio adiuvari. Vovit se deinde devotione supplici sancto
Dei Francisco, sperans se posse ipsum ipsius suffragio liberari. Qui dum
aliquantulum quiesceret et dormiret, dictum est ei a sancto Francisco in
sompnisf quod per posteriorem partem capitis faceret eam trahi. Sicque
prout in sompnis videratg die sequenti faciens, sine difficultate magna extitit liberatush.
70 Frater quidam morbum fistule in yliis adeo gravissimum tollerabat
quod ab omni sanitatis cura omnino iam fuerat desperatus. Qui cum a ministro suo visitare locum beati Francisci licentiam postulasset et ei minister,
ne propter fatigationem maius incurreret periculum, denegaret, contristatus
frater aliquantulum doluit. Cui sanctus Franciscus nocte quadam astitit,
dicens: Noli, fili, contristari de cetero, sed, proiecta pelle qua indueris,
emplaustrum depone de plaga observaque regulam tuam et continuo liber
eris. Qui mane consurgensi, iuxta preceptum eius omnia fecit et subitam
salutem obtinuit quam audivitj.

1 ipsa] ATR; ipse P. 9 Christum] PAR; Christo T. 10 beati Francisci1] ATR; beatum Franciscum P. 11 nominaret] PT; coram add. A. 12 in capite sagitta ferrea] 1CPA; sagitta ferrea in
capite T. 13 capsam] 1CPA; cassum T. 14 deinde] 1CPA; denique T. 15 ipsum] P; om. 1CAT.
25 indueris] PA; et add. T. 26 emplaustrum] AT; se add. P. 26 depone] PT; sepone A. 26 liber
eris] PT; liberaris A. 28 audivit] PA; Lectio IX add. T.
a
Ps 131, 2. b Miracle original (repris en 3C 107). c Mt 16, 18. d Ps 13, 1. e Miracle
original (repris en LC 16 de manire allusive). f Gn 31, 24. g Gn 31, 10. h 1C 143. i Gn 19,
27. j 1C 145.

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

83

De eo quem a vinculis liberavit


et de duobus aliis miraculis

10

15

20

25

71 Residente in sede Petri domino Gregorio papa nono, hereticorum


persecutio in diversis partibus necessario exorta est. In qua quidam Petrus
nomine, de civitate Alifia, de heresi accusatus, Rome captus est inter eos.
Hunc dominus papa Gregorius ad custodiendum tradidit episcopo Tyburtino. Quem sub pena sui episcopatus accipiens, cum compedibus alligavit.
Verum, quia simplicitas eius innocentiam pretendebat, mitiori custodie
datus erat. Quidam nobiles civitatis, ut fertur, penam a domino papa indictam episcopum incurrere cupientes, propter inveteratum odium contra
eum, latenter dicto Petro fugiendi consilium porrexerunt. Quibus ipse assentiens, nocte quadam evadens, longius cito fugit. Quo comperto, episcopus graviter tulit et, penam pavidus expectans, non minus inimicorum
impletum desiderium doluit. Diligenter proinde curam adhibuit et, circumquaque missis exploratoribus, illum miserum reinveniens, velud ingratum
de cetero artissime custodie mancipavit. Carcerem fecit parari obscurum,
muris fortibus circumdatum. Intus vero tabulis grossis eum fecit compingi
et clavis ferreis colligari. In compedibusa ferreis multarum librarum pondere gravibus illum misit, victum ei prebens in pondere et poculum in
mensurab. Iam omni spe liberationis sibi de cetero interclusa, quia Deus
innocentiam perirec non patitur, pietate sua Deus illi cito succurrit. Cepit
homo ille beatum Franciscum ad sui miserendum multis fletibus et precibus invocare, eo quod audierat sollempnitatis eius vigiliam iam adesse.
Fidem magnam habebat homo ille in sancto Francisco, quoniam, ut aiebat,
hereticos audierat contra ipsum nimium oblatrasse. Instante iam nocte sue
festivitatis, circa diei crepusculum, beatus Franciscus in carcerem miseratus descendit et, illum suo nomine vocans, ut cito surgeret imperavit.
Qui timore perterritusd, quisnam esset interrogans, beatum Franciscum
adesse audivit. At ille consurgens, custodem advocans, dixit: Nimio ter-

1 De eo quem a vinculis liberavit et de duobus aliis miraculis] PA; om. T. 3 nono] ATR;
in Christo P par suite de la mauvaise lecture de IX. 4 exorta] PAR; orta T. 5 Rome] PAR;
ratione T. 7 accipiens] PAR; suscipiens T. 7 cum] PTR; eum A. 8 mitiori] PAR; non interiori T.
9 penam] PAR; pena T. 9 indictam] PR; indictum AT. 11 Petro] PAR; episcopo T. 12 fugit] AR;
fuit PT. 12 comperto] ATR; comparato P. 12 episcopus] PAR; episcopo T. 14 Diligenter] PR;
Diligentem AT. 15 ingratum] PAR; migratum T. 20 de cetero interclusa] PAR; penitus interclusa
de cetero T. 21 innocentiam] ATR; innocentia P. 21 Deus PTR; Dominus A. 22 sui miserendum
multis fletibus] PAR; se miserandus fletibus multis T. 23 sollempnitatis eius] PAR; festivitatis
sue T. 25 hereticos] PAR; ut add. T. 26 circa] PAR; cum T. 26 crepusculum] PAR; crepusculo T.
a

Ps 149, 8.

Ez 4, 16.

Jb 4, 7.

1Par 10, 4; Gn 45, 3.

84

10

15

20

25

30

J. DALARUN

rorea perturbor, quoniam adest quidam qui, me surgere iubens, et sanctum


Franciscum esse se dicit. Custos autem illi respondit: Iace, miser, in pace
et dormi ! Insanis enim, quia non bene hodie manducasti. Verum, cum
sanctus Dei illi adhuc ut surgeret imperaret, adveniente iam meridie, vincula pedum suorum confracta super terram respexit velociter cecidisse. Et
conversus ad carcerem, videbat tabulas, clavis ultra prosilientibus, aperiri
et apertum iter sibi ad exeundum preberi. Solutus ille, obstupefactus fugere
nesciebat, sed, ad ianuam clamans, custodes omnes perterruit. Qui cum eum
liberatum a vinculis episcopo nuntiassent, putans illum fugisse | episcopus, [84r]
nundum audito miraculo, de loco in quo sedebat, timore percusus, quia infirmus fuerat, cecidit. Sed, cum rei ordinem intelligeret, ad carcerem devotus accessit et, manifeste Dei virtutem cognoscensb, ibidem Dominum oravitc. Vincula denique coram domino papa et cardinalibus delata fuerunt. Qui
videntes et quod factum fueratd audientes, ammirantes benedixerunt Deume.
72 Bartholomeus, Gagetanus civis, cum ad constructionem cuiusdam
ecclesie beati Francisci nimium desudaret et quamdam trabem vellet hedificio applicare, non bene locata trabes cecidit et cervicem eius graviter
conquassavit. Nimio namque cruore manante, tenui spiritu palpitans, a
quodam fratre viaticum postulavit. Quod frater invenire ex instanti non
valens, quia mori subito credebatur, beati Augustini verbum illi dixit:
Crede et manducastif. Sequenti nocte igitur, beatus Franciscus cum undecim fratribus illi apparuit et, secum in brachio portans agnum, ad lectum
eius accessit vocavitque illum ex nomineg, dicens: Noli timere, Bartholomee ! Non prevalebit adversum teh inimicus, volens te pro meo servitio
impedire, quia ecce sanus exurges. Hic est agnus quem tibi dari petebas,
quem et propter bonum desiderium suscepisti. Nam et frater utile consiliumi tibi dedit. Et sic per vulnera manum ducens, ad opus quod ceperat
eum redire precepit. Qui valde mane consurgensj, incolumis et sanus hiis
qui eum seminecem reliquerant apparuit. Putabant revera omnes, propter
insperatam salutem, fantasmak videre, non homineml.

1 surgere] PTR; fugere A. 1 iubens] P; iubet ATR. 10 percusus] PR; perculsus AT. 12 Dei]
PTR; Domini A. 12 oravit] P; adoravit ATR. 13 Vincula] PAR; quoque add. T. 13 Qui] PAR; Que
T. 16 trabem] ATR; trabe P. 17 cervicem] PAR; cervices T. 19 ex instanti] PAR; om. T. 25 est]
PAR; om. T. 26 propter] PAR; om. T. 26 frater] PAR; super T. 26 consilium] PAR; consilium add.
T. 27 tibi dedit] PTR; dedit tibi A. 27 sic] PAR; om. T. 29 seminecem] PAR; semivivum ese T.
29 omnes] PAR; gentes add. T.
a
Gn 45, 3. b Mc 5, 30. c Gn 24, 26. d Lc 23, 47. e Dn 13, 60; miracle original (repris
en 3C 93). f Augustin dHippone, In Iohannis evangelium tractatus, xxv, 12, d. R. WILLEMS
(= Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina, 36), Turnhout, 1954, p. 254. g Gn 4, 17. h Jr 1, 19.
i
2R 17, 14. j Gn 19, 27. k Mc 6, 49. l Miracle original (repris en 3C 59).

THOME CELANENSIS VITA B. PATRIS NOSTRI FRANCISCI

10

15

20

25

30

85

73 Religiosa quedam, que a tenella infantia sua, propter eterni Sponsi


amorem, per triginta iam fere annos carcere se arto abdiderat, beati Francisci, dum viveret, solatium familiaritatis commeruit. Cum die quadam,
pro sibi oportunis rebus, solarium sue cellule ascendisset, impulsione fantastica crudeli casu corruit super terram. Sicque pede penitus cum crure
confracto, a positione sua ex toto se humerus sequestravit. Cum igitur, per
multos iam annos elapsos, universorum virgo Christi ignoraret aspectus et
semper nescire firmum haberet propositum, quasi truncus super terram
iacens et nullius solamen admittens, quo se verteret nesciebat. Cuiusdam
magni prelati iussu et religiosorum consilio, ad frangendum carcerem cogebatur, ut alicuius religiose femine solatio frueretur, mortis periculum
cavens, quod per incuriam et neglectum incurrere facile potuisset. Ipsa
vero hoc facere penitus renuens, ne veniret contra votum, modis quibus
poterat renitebatur. Miserationis proinde divine pedibus obnixe provolvitur et piis querimoniis beatissimo patri Francisco, cum sero factum esseta,
conqueritur: Sanctissime, inquit, mi pater, qui tantorum neccessitatibus ubique benigne subvenis quos in carne positus nesciebas, cur mihi
miserime, que tuam dulcissimam gratiam utcumque, te vivente, promerui,
non succurris ? Oportet enim, ut cernis, beate pater, aut mutare propositum, aut mortis subire iudicium. Cumque sermones huiuscemodi corde
atque ore revolveret et miserandum affectum ingeminatis singultibus aperiret, subito capta sopore, venit in excessum mentisb. Et ecce begnissimus
pater, vestimentis gloriec candidatus, carcere in obscuro descendens, dulcibus affatibus alloqui eam cepit: Surge, inquit, filia benedictad, surgee,
ne timeasf ! Sanitatis integre suscipe signum et inviolabiliter tuum serva
propositum ! Et apprehensa manu eius, elevansg eam, disparuit. Ipsa vero
per cellulam suam huc atque illuc se convertens, nesciebat quod per servum Dei in ea fuerat operatum. Putabat enim se visum videreh. Tandem
v
veniens ad fenestram, solitum signum fecit. Ad quam | citissime mona- [84 ]
chus quidam accedens et ultra quam credi potest amirans, ad eam dixit:
Quid factum est, mater, quod surgere potuisti ? Ad ipsa adhuc sompniare

1 quedam] PA; mulier add. T. 2 carcere] PAR; carceri T. 3 commeruit] PAR; promeruit T.
4 pro] PAR; quod T. 5 cum] PAR; in T. 6 a] PAR; om. T. 6 humerus] PAR; humeris T. 8 nescire]
AT; nesciret P; se ignoraturam R. 8 haberet] PAR; habebat T. 12 neglectum] PAR; negligentiam
T. 14 renitebatur] PA; renitebat T. 16 conqueritur] PAR; convertitur T. 18 dulcissimam] PAR;
dulcisonam T. 22 capta] PAR; capto T. 23 vestimentis] PAR; vestibus T. 23 carcere] PAR;
carceris T. 25 inviolabiliter] PAR; inviolabile T. 30 dixit] PAR; ait T. 31 sompniare] PAR; om. T.

a
Mc 6, 47.
Ac 12, 9.

Ac 11, 5.

Is 52, 1.

Rt 3, 10.

Lc 6, 8.

Lc 1, 30.

Mc 9, 26.

86

J. DALARUN

se credens et ipsum non esse putans, ignem accendi poposcit. Apportato


iam lumine, in se reversaa, nullum dolorem sentiens, cuncta que acciderant
per ordinemb enaravitc.

74 Huic narrationi et nos iam finem imponimus, multitudine scribendorum miraculorum silentium indicente. Deo gratias. Amend.

2 cuncta que] ATR; cunctaque P. 5 indicente] PA; inducente T. 5 Amen] ici sarrtent
PT; generalis minister noster add. et effac en A qui sarrte ici.
a

Ac 12, 11.
originale.

Gn 44, 6; Ex 40, 23.

Miracle original (repris en 3C 181).

Conclusion

Diarmuid RIAIN
THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM:
A NEW INVESTIGATION OF ONE OF MEDIEVAL EUROPES
RICHEST HAGIOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS1

Section 1: Introduction
1.1. De magno legendario Austriaco
Exactly 117 years ago an article by Albert Poncelet carrying the title
De magno legendario Austriaco appeared in this journal and laid the
foundation for all subsequent research concerning one of the largest and
most important hagiographical collections ever compiled in medieval
Europe2. Poncelet coined the term Magnum Legendarium Austriacum
(MLA) for a voluminous legendary assembled at the latter end of the
twelfth century and transmitted in six extant exemplars, all with a provenance within the borders of modern-day Austria. These exemplars, which
vary significantly in their completeness, are held by the Benedictine monasteries of Admont in Styria and Melk in Lower Austria, by the Cistercian
houses at Heiligenkreuz, Lilienfeld and Zwettl, all also in Lower Austria,
and by the Austrian National Library. Close to uniform in their content
and structure, the exemplars belong to a discrete legendary tradition and
all descend directly or indirectly from a single lost archetype. The term
Magnum Legendarium Austriacum (MLA) sometimes Great Austrian
Legendary therefore refers not to a particular extant legendary, but to
1
List of abbreviations, see below pp. 164-165.
This article is the product of research undertaken under the auspices of a Special Research Programme (SFB) funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) with the title Visions
of Community (VISCOM): Comparative Approaches to Ethnicity, Region and Empire in Christianity, Islam and Buddhism (400-1600 CE) (Project speaker: Walter Pohl, Austrian Academy
of Sciences / University of Vienna); http://www.univie.ac.at/viscom/index_viscom.php (visited
25 February, 2014). The MLA has been the subject of research within the sub-project Social
and Cultural Communities across Medieval Monastic, Civic, and Courtly Cultures in High and
Late Medieval Central Europe (Project leader: Christina Lutter, University of Vienna) since the
VISCOM project began in March 2011.
One of the participants in the sub-project, Martin Haltrich, was central to the gestation of
the current article, and has made his palaeographical and codicological expertise available to
the author. I am also grateful to Christina Lutter, Jonathan Lyon and Manu Radhakrishnan for
reading an earlier draft of this article and providing helpful comments. The thoughtful observations of the anonymous reviewer also encouraged me to refine certain elements of the text.
2

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, pp. 24-96, 123-216.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015), p. 87-165.

88

D. RIAIN

a hagiographical collection represented by the manuscript tradition deriving from the lost original, the Ur-MLA3. The recognition that a number
of Austrian monasteries held related copies of a particular large legendary
can be credited to Georg Heinrich Pertz, who included mention of it in correspondence published in 18214. Thirty years later another distinguished
German historian, Wilhelm Wattenbach, was the first to identify and describe all twenty-one surviving manuscripts constituting the six exemplars
of what he referred to as das groe Legendarium5. He listed according
to their calendrical sequence more than 175 of the texts contained in the
legendary approximately one third of the total and supplied short incipits and explicits as well as references to printed editions, having based
his selection of legends on their perceived relevance to the readership of
the Archiv der Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche Geschichtkunde.
Wattenbachs contribution was made largely obsolete by the publication of Poncelets grand survey in 1898, in which the Bollandist provided
an almost full list of the contents of the MLA, complete with the folio
numbers for the relevant legend in each exemplar and references to printed
editions. The catalogue was prefaced by an introductory essay, which
provided a brief description of the extant manuscripts and discussed the
sources, dating and provenance of the collection as well as the stemmatic
relationship between the surviving exemplars. This article has remained
the fundamental guide to the MLA, but is not without its flaws, mostly not
of Poncelets own creation. A primary problem is the fact that access to
the Zwettl exemplar was denied the author, with the result that the relevant folio numbers of its legends could not be provided, nor could the full
range of additional items appearing within the Zwettl manuscripts be taken
into account6. The inability to consult the Zwettl exemplar also helped to
3
As will be made clear in section 3.5, the stemmatic relationship of the surviving exemplars excludes the possibility that any of them could constitute the original legendary.
4

Vermuthlich stammen die groen Legendarien in Lilienfeld, Klosterneuburg und Mlk


mittel- oder unmittelbar aus diesem Heiligenkreuzer, dessen Vergleichung daher die der andern
zum Theil berflssig machen wird; Uebersicht des Briefwechsels (Februar-August 1821), in
Archiv der Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche Geschichtkunde zur Befrderung einer Gesammtausgabe der Quellenschriften deutscher Geschichten des Mittelalters, 3 (1821), pp. 471-677, at
p. 567. The relationship between the MLA and the Klosterneuburg legendary listed by Pertz
will be discussed in section 2.2.
5
W. WATTENBACH, Das groe Legendarium, in Archiv der Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche
Geschichtkunde zur Befrderung einer Gesammtausgabe der Quellenschriften deutscher Geschichten des Mittelalters, 10 (1851), pp. 644-657.
6
The folio and BHL numbers of the legends in the Zwettl exemplar were ultimately
supplied by Joseph van der Straeten in a more recent article published in this journal in the

89

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

skew Poncelets proposed model of transmission, as will be discussed in


section 3.5. Poncelet only provided incipits or explicits on rare occasions,
and because the article was published shortly before the appearance of the
Bibliotheca hagiographica latina, the reader was left to chase the references to printed editions in order to establish which redaction of a particular Life actually appears in the MLA7.

Map showing the repositories of the MLA within the diocesan boundaries existing c. 1200
(Martin Haltrich)

Partly thanks to the great efforts of Poncelet and partly due to the
sheer scale of the MLA, no comparable work of research concerning the
complete corpus of the legendary has appeared in the intervening period.
While Poncelets theories with regard to the compilation and transmission
of the MLA have received a good airing in publications concerning individual legends contained within the collection, the need for a new survey of
wake of the appearance of a new manuscript catalogue for the Zwettl monastery;
STRAETEN, Le Grand Lgendier Autrichien, pp. 321-348.
7

VAN DER

Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis, ed. Socii Bollandiani


(= Subs. hag., 6), Brussels, 1898-1901.

90

D. RIAIN

the whole corpus, which would bring the state of research up to date, offer
a reassessment of Poncelets conclusions and pose new questions regarding
the social context of the legendary, has been for some time pressing.
The opportunity to conduct a fresh, intensive investigation of the legendary, its content, compilation and transmission has now arisen under the
auspices of the Visions of Community (VISCOM) Special Research
Programme8. The use of modern technologies the digitalisation of all
surviving MLA manuscripts and the creation of a detailed electronic database has provided an excellent platform from which to tackle the many
outstanding questions concerning the MLA. The digitalisation of the exemplars offers huge benefits with regard to the accessibility and readability
of the manuscripts as well as allowing questions that arise regarding palaeography or content to be speedily addressed through comparison. The
project database, which will ultimately be available to a wider audience
online, greatly facilitates the ongoing investigation in listing all texts in
the MLA according to their calendrical sequence, and providing inter alia
the relevant folio numbers within each exemplar, incipits and explicits,
BHL numbers and references to printed editions and secondary literature9.
The research undertaken within this project seeks not only to resolve longstanding issues regarding the MLAs creation and dissemination, but also
to use the knowledge acquired from the study of the manuscript tradition
to gain an understanding of the significance of the legendary within the
ecclesiastical and political landscape of the Duchies of Austria and Styria
in the decades around 1200, and to tease out what notions or visions of
community may have underpinned the compilation and transmission of this
enormous and prestigious hagiographical collection. This line of inquiry
is in keeping with the aims of the wider VISCOM project, namely to use
the in-depth study of historical sources as a basis to investigate the conception and development of communities and identities within the framework of universal religions10.
8

See above, n. 1.

Credit for the creation of this valuable database belongs to a former researcher within
the VISCOM sub-project, Peter Gretzel.
10
Regarding the aims and methodology of the VISCOM project, see Visions of Community: Comparative Approaches to Medieval Forms of Identity in Europe and Asia, ed. A.
GINGRICH C. LUTTER (= History and Anthropology, special edition), London, 2014. Concerning, more specifically, the sub-project within which the MLA is being studied, see C.
LUTTER, Social Groups, Personal Relations, and the Making of Communities in Medieval vita
monastica, in Making Sense as a Cultural Practice. Historical Perspectives, ed. J. ROGGE,
Bielefeld, 2013, pp. 45-61.

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91

The core of the present article comprises the preliminary results of the
continuing project investigation of the overall corpus of the MLA, providing new insights into the place and date of its compilation, the sources
used and the stemmatic relationship between the surviving exemplars. It
incorporates the findings of multiple studies undertaken by various scholars on different parts of the MLA corpus, thereby bringing the state of
research in this field up to date. While the reception of the collection in
later medieval Austria is not a central focus of the article, the opportunity
has been used to clarify the relationship between it and two later legendaries from Klosterneuburg and Gaming/Trier, which have frequently been
brought into association with the MLA. Before turning to these issues,
there follows a series of introductory essays concerning the hagiographical
and historical context of the MLA, a brief description of the surviving
manuscripts and, firstly, some observations on the connection between the
MLA and concepts of community.
1.2. The MLA and community: some lines of inquiry
A collection containing the Lives of over five hundred saints, which
covers a period running from Antiquity to the second half of the twelfth
century, creates the impression of a shared and continuous Christian past
and of a universal Church. Through the incorporation of saints belonging
to a particular region, order or religious community, the local could be intertwined with the universal and the ecclesiastical traditions of a particular
area, group or community effectively sanctified by association with exalted
Christian forbearers11. It follows that it may be possible to recognise specific local identifiers in the context of the study of the composition of a
particular legendary. An examination of which texts were included in or,
where the available sources are known, excluded from a collection could
thus provide a glimpse of prevailing visions of community within a specific religious house. Applying this approach to the MLA is somewhat
hindered by the fact that the archetype (the Ur-MLA) has been lost and the
exact provenance of the collection has yet to be determined conclusively.
Furthermore, the question arises as to whether the MLA should be regarded
as the product of a single institution, considering that the scale of the collection and its relatively speedy dissemination within a confined area give
good reason to believe that its compilation was the result of cooperation
11
An analogy could be drawn in this regard with the practice of cathedral or monastic
churches in different regions acquiring the relics of universal saints and martyrs, thereby binding themselves to a celebrated Christian past.

92

D. RIAIN

between a number of monasteries. This would raise the prospect of the


compilation of the MLA having been somehow connected with particular
notions of a community on a regional level. The question regarding who
commissioned the MLA arises in this context. It could be that the initiative
came from within a particular monastery, but the possibility of some form
of outside episcopal or secular stimulus, which may also have facilitated
the collaboration of a number of houses, must be borne in mind. The most
likely source of any secular involvement would have been members of the
Babenberg dynasty, who, through the role of monastic advocates, patronage and other means, took an active interest in monastic affairs in
Austria and Styria as part of a wider strategy aimed at the consolidation of
their regional power12. Could the MLA have somehow been tied in with
Babenberg efforts to shape a unified monastic landscape within their territories ? With regard to potential episcopal participation in the process, all
but one of the monasteries possessing copies of the MLA lay within the
boundaries of the diocese of Passau, the exception being Admont, situated
within the archdiocese of Salzburg. Nonetheless, Salzburg appears the
more likely source of episcopal involvement, both because Passau diocese
lay within its ecclesiastical province and on account of its close connections with the monastery at Admont, which was founded as an Eigenkloster
of the archepiscopacy in the eleventh century and which, as will be mooted
in section 3.3., may well have been the ultimate location of the MLAs
compilation. It is interesting in this respect that the Salzburg see was also
very much within the sphere of Babenberg influence in the relevant period, Adalbert III of Bohemia, son of the Babenberg Gertrude and grandson
of Margrave Leopold III, holding the archepiscopacy from 1168 to 1177
and 1183 to 1200 after succeeding his uncle, Konrad II of Babenberg. A
better understanding of the circumstances surrounding the MLAs inception
should emerge as the study of the manuscript tradition delivers more detailed knowledge regarding the processes of compilation and transmission.
A concrete connection between the MLA and individual monastic
communities arose through the possession of exemplars of the legendary.
While a number of copies of the MLA can be shown to have been lost, in
five cases, namely Admont, Heiligenkreuz, Lilienfeld, Melk and Zwettl, a
surviving exemplar can be attributed with certainty to a specific monastery.
Furthermore, there are strong indications that the MLA volume today kept
in the Austrian National Library originated in the Augustinian canonry at

12

See section 1.5.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

93

St. Plten13. Legendaries were in most cases produced to meet the practical
needs of a religious community, and constituted one of the basic requirements of a monastic library. Saints were supposed to serve as examples
for the members of a community, and their legends were absorbed into the
everyday claustral life through different channels. Besides private reading,
the legends could be read during the office, in the refectory or, more rarely,
in chapter14. A study of the manner in which the MLA exemplars were
used within the individual monasteries, which will involve both the examination of marginalia and external sources, is planned as part of the
VISCOM project. An example of the sources available is provided by a
fifteenth-century refectory reading-list from Cistercian Heiligenkreuz,
which includes specific reference to legends drawn from volumes of the
MLA15. This study may help to get a sense of the relative importance of
the MLA as a practical instrument within the monasteries rather than as a
primarily representative holding.
While the extant MLA exemplars are very similar with regard to their
structure and content, they are not identical. There are in each case some
legends omitted and others added, often, though not always, at the end of
a volume either in the original or a later hand. An examination of these
discrepancies might reveal the particular concerns of individual communities and highlight different patterns of identification. The treatment of a
monasterys patron saint as well as saints belonging to the same order or
with a strong local cult will be interesting in this regard16.
13

See section 2.1.

14

See PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins, pp. 112-121; B. DE GAIFFIER, propos des lgendiers latins, in AB, 97 (1979), pp. 57-68; F. DOLBEAU, Notes sur lorganisation interne des
lgendiers latins, in Hagiographie, cultures et socits. IVe-XIIe sicles, Paris, 1981, pp. 11-31,
at pp. 24 (fn. 5), 30-31.
15
GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1, pp. 75-82; K. KASKA, Zerteilt
und zerstrt. Zu einem Fragment des Magnum Legendarium Austriacum in Heiligenkreuz, in
Mitteilungen des Instituts fr sterreichische Geschichtsforschung, 122 (2014), pp. 91-98.
16
Examples include the addition of two extra Marian texts, De obitu sancte Marie and a
collection of hymns, to Cod. 12 (fol. 317 v-327v) of the exemplar at Heiligenkreuz, which, like
all Cistercian houses, was dedicated to Mary, and the appearance of two specifically Benedictine texts in the fifteenth-century MLA Cod. 16 in Melk, the Vita Placidii discipuli s. Benedicti (fol. 190r-198r; BHL 6863), included in the original corpus, and De dignitate et magnificentia ordinis S. Benedicti (fol. 343v-347r, 348r-348v), appended at a later stage; PONCELET,
De magno legendario Austriaco, pp. 68, 84, 87; A. HAIDINGER, Die Handschriftengruppe um
den Josefsmeister in Wien, sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2774, in Codices Manuscripti, 48/49 (2004), pp. 35-42, at p. 37, fn. 18 (Re: De dignitate...). The later addition of the
so-called Vita magistrae, an account of the life of a female teacher at the Admont double monastery, to Cod. 25 (fol. 235r-235v) of that monasterys exemplar is also a salient example of the
base MLA corpus being supplemented in accordance with the concerns of a particular commu-

94

D. RIAIN

The complete corpus of the MLA represents a hagiographical treasuretrove, the product of what Knapp referred to as an extraordinary Sammeleifer17. There is no doubt that the compiler was intent on creating a
hagiographical compendium on a grand scale18. It is appropriate to speak
of a single compiler with regard to the MLA, on the basis that the legendarys compilation is presented in a prologue as having been the work of
one individual. For this reason, reference will be made to the compiler
rather than the compilers throughout this essay, but without any intention
of ruling out the involvement of a number of people in the process of
conceiving the legendary and collecting, arranging and transcribing the
many texts19. The prologue need not be taken to contradict the argument
made above that the scale and dissemination of the MLA point to it having
been the product of a wider, cross-institutional cooperation, as it may
simply have been the ultimate task of arranging and, perhaps, selecting
texts that fell to a single individual. Lives were for the most part incorporated into the collection with minimal textual alteration, as is evinced
by the close proximity of the MLA texts to other witnesses found in earlier
or contemporary manuscripts20. There is no suggestion of a strong editorial
hand at work. Neither is it possible to detect any great bias with regard to
the category of saints included in the collection; apostles, martyrs, bishops,
monks and virgines are all strongly represented, papal and royal saints to a
lesser extent. The underlying urge to collect as many Lives as possible
appears to have ensured that the compiler was not discriminating in this
regard. The composition of a legendary can sometimes reveal much about
the ideological preoccupations of the compiler, but this approach does not
appear to have the potential to yield much fruit with regard to the MLA21.
nity; see C. LUTTER, Geschlecht & Wissen, Norm & Praxis, Lesen & Schreiben: monastische
Reformgemeinschaften im 12. Jahrhundert (= Verffentlichungen des Instituts fr sterreichische
Geschichtsforschung, 43), Vienna, 2005, pp. 87-107.
17
F. P. KNAPP, Die Literatur des Frh- und Hochmittelalters in den Bistmern Passau,
Salzburg, Brixen und Trient von den Anfngen bis zum Jahre 1273 (= Geschichte der Literatur
in sterreich von den Anfngen bis zur Gegenwart, 1), Graz, 1994, p. 173.
18

Cf. PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins, pp. 107-108: Dailleurs le simple instinct de
collectionner suffit expliquer de telles entreprises; P. CHIESA, Le versioni latine della Passio
sanctae Febroniae. Storia, metodo, modelli di due traduzioni agiografiche altomedievali, Spoleto, 1990, pp. 63-64: ...agli aspetti liturgici veri et propri si aggiungevano perci intenti
eruditi, cio il desiderio di comporre una vera e propria summa delle leggende conosciute.
19

The compilers prologue is reproduced in full in PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 38; see also DOLBEAU, Les prologues, p. 355.
20
21

See section 3.2. and appendix 2.

For an example of this approach yielding interesting results with regard to an early
medieval legendary from the same general region, see M. DIESENBERGER, Der Cvp 420 die

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

95

From a geographical perspective, the saints in the MLA are also widely
dispersed, but among the legends dating to the eleventh and twelfth centuries there is a clear emphasis on texts originating in southern Germany
or Austria22.
The narrative character of hagiography lends itself to the study of inherent concepts of community. While the individual saint is generally,
though not always, the central focus of a Life, he or she tends to interact
regularly with diverse groups and communities drawn from different social
classes, whereby different perceptions of the character and boundaries of a
community can emerge. The historicization of the terms used in a text to
denote groups and their perceived members and non-members can prove
fruitful in this regard, while an examination of the vocabulary used can
also reveal signifiers of belonging, for example, the use of the first-person
plural on the part of the hagiographer23. Because there is a wide spread in
the chronological period and provenance of the legends, the texts of the
MLA can be seen to reflect developments of concepts of community over
time and space. Overall, with respect to both the process of compilation
and transmission, as well as on the basis of its constituent parts, the MLA
lends itself well to investigating the emergence and communication of medieval visions of community.
1.3. Scale and structure of the MLA
To settle on an exact figure for the number of texts in the MLA is a
somewhat difficult task, owing to the loss of the original legendary, differences between the contents of the surviving exemplars and the various ways
in which one might go about counting. A base-corpus of 534 texts can be
reconstructed for the Ur-MLA, of which 502 constitute biographies concerning individual or groups of saints, the remainder belonging to other genres
such as visiones and stand-alone collections of sermones or miracula24.
Gemeinschaft der Heiligen und ihre Gestaltung im frhmittelalterlichen Bayern, in Lhagiographie mrovingienne travers ses rcritures, ed. M. GOULLET M. HEINZELMANN C.
VEYRARD-COSME (= Beihefte der Francia, 71), Ostfildern, 2010, pp. 219-248.
22

Because Wattenbachs catalogue of MLA saints Lives was designed to appeal to the
interests of the readership of the Archiv der Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche Geschichtkunde,
his list provides the most concise overview of the legends originating in the relevant area;
WATTENBACH, Das groe Legendarium (see above n. 5).
23
24

See LUTTER, Social Groups (see above n. 10), pp. 48-49.

This number still excludes the additional redactions, translationes and miracula provided for some saints as well as the monthly praefationes. It also counts collections of multiple
sermones, auctoritates, etc. as single items.

96

D. RIAIN

There are a further twenty texts that are found in one exemplar only and
can be taken to be original additions on the part of the respective copyists25.
Beginning with Basilius on 1 January, the saints Lives in the MLA
are ordered per circulum anni according to their feastdays. Each exemplar
was originally divided into four three-monthly volumes, though, as will be
outlined in section 2.1., this arrangement was relatively short-lived at a
number of monasteries, where some of the bulky volumes were split into
two tomes, each covering approximately six weeks. In most cases the surviving volumes are preceded by an original calendrical table of contents.
As will become clear in section 3, discrepancies between the attached table
and actual content are not rare and this suggests that in many cases the
table was simply transcribed in full from the particular template, with the
result that subsequent deviations in the actual copy were not reflected.
Following the example of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum the
MLA begins with a letter purportedly written by Bishops Chromatius of
Aquileia and Heliodorus of Altinum, in which they beseech St Jerome to
send them the famous feriales de archivis sancti Eusebii Cesarie. This is
followed by Jeromes response and again by two prologues, one taken
from the late ninth-century martyrology of Wolfhard von Herrieden, the
other constituting the personal preface of the compiler of the MLA, in
which he attributes the inspiration to undertake his work to the love and
affection of his fratres26. The beginning of each month within the legendary is marked by the appearance of a praefatio drawn from the corresponding month in the Martyrologium Wolfhardi27. Each legend is almost
invariably preceded by a lemma, whereby the use of the description passio
or vita distinguishes martyr from confessor. The descriptives used to denote the genre of the text are not limited to these two, with others including
25

There are ten further texts that were inserted into individual exemplars at a later stage.

26

The Martyrologium Wolfhardi was probably written before 895 and is transmitted in an
early eleventh-century manuscript originating from the Benedictine monastery at Tegernsee in
Upper Bavaria: Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 18100. Regarding this work, see A.
PONCELET, De martyrologio Wolfhardi Haserensis, in AB, 17 (1898), pp. 5-23; F. J. WORSTBROCK, Wolfhart von Herrieden, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon,
vol. 10, ed. B. WACHINGER et al., Berlin, 1999, col. 1364-1367; M. NIEDERKORN-BRUCK, Papst
Gregor I. in liturgischen und liturgie-theoretischen Quellen des Hochmittelalters, in Die Suche
nach den Ursprngen: von der Bedeutung des frhen Mittelalters, ed. W. POHL (= Forschungen
zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 8), Vienna, 2004, pp. 317-328, at pp. 321-325. While Wolfhards prologue comes before the compilers in the Admont exemplar, the order is reversed in
the corresponding volumes preserved at Heiligenkreuz, Melk, Lilienfeld and Zwettl. Regarding
the MLA compilers prologue, see PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 38; DOLBEAU,
Les prologues, p. 355.
27

See DOLBEAU, Les prologues, pp. 353-354.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

97

visio, translatio, gesta and conversio. After well over five hundred legends
the MLA ends simply with the explicit of the final Life, the Passio Columbe virginis (31 December; BHL 1896).
1.4. The hagiographical context
Regardless of whether one takes the figure of 502 saints or 434 texts
into account the MLA is undoubtedly the most voluminous classic legendary known from the German-speaking part of high medieval Europe.
Philippart distinguishes between classic or traditional legendaries and
abbreviated collections or novae legendae28. Whereas the former is to be
understood as an assemblage of pre-existing texts subject to only minimal
textual intervention on the part of the compiler a categorisation that
rings true for the MLA the abbreviationes represent the work of an original editor or abbreviator, who made substantial changes to the legends included in the collection. The increased prominence of the abbreviated legendaries is thought to be associated with the rise of the mendicant orders,
but their transmission was by no means restricted to newer foundations29.
While the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine is the best-known and
most widely disseminated example of an abbreviated legendary, this category is also well represented within the MLAs area of transmission, most
notably by the so-called Legendarium Austriacum minus and the Kreuzenstein legendary dating to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries respectively30. The transcription of six new volumes of the MLA at Melk circa
1470 testifies, nonetheless, to the continued popularity of the classic legendary format in the region. Interesting in this regard is also a legendary
compiled at Klosterneuburg in Lower Austria circa 1300, which borrowed
28

PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins, pp. 21-26; ID., Legendare, col. 644-645.

29

PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins, pp. 45-48; ID., Legendare, col. 644-645; M. RENER,
Lateinische Hagiographie im deutschsprachigen Raum von 1200-1450, in Hagiographies. Histoire internationale de la littrature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines 1550, vol. 1, ed. G. PHILIPPART (= Corpus Christianorum. Hagiographies, 1), Turnhout,
1994, pp. 199-265, at pp. 204-207. Dolbeau draws a further distinction between abbreviated
volumes of small format with a limited selection of texts, which were specifically designed for
preaching, and those containing an abundance of such texts, but resembling classic legendaries
in format and structure; DOLBEAU, Les prologues, pp. 346-347.
30
F. P. KNAPP, Die Literatur des Sptmittelalters in den Lndern sterreich, Steiermark,
Krnten, Salzburg und Tirol von 1273 bis 1439. Half-volume I: Die Literatur in der Zeit der
frhen Habsburger bis zum Tod Albrechts II. 1358 (= Geschichte der Literatur in sterreich
von den Anfngen bis zur Gegenwart, 2/1), Graz, 1999, pp. 140-143; W. JAROSCHKA A.
WENDEHORST, Das Kreuzensteiner Legendar. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der sterreichischen
Hagiographie des Sptmittelalters, in Mitteilungen des Instituts fr sterreichische Geschichtsforschung, 65 (1957), pp. 369-418.

98

D. RIAIN

some elements of the structure and content of the Legenda Aurea, while
otherwise remaining very much a legendary of the classic type31.
With regard to scale, the MLA comfortably surpasses the next largest
legendaries of its time, namely those from the Premonstratensian canonry
at Windberg in Lower Bavaria (slightly fewer than 350 legends) and the
Benedictine monastery of St. Maximinus in Trier (incomplete, an estimated
400 legends)32. It was not until the compilation of the enormous Legendarium Bodecense at the Augustinian canonry of Bddeken in Westphalia
circa 1460 that the MLA was eclipsed33. Despite, or perhaps even because
of, the great scale of the MLA, the collection also exceeds with its six
exemplars the transmission of contemporary legendaries within the same
area. The Windberg collection is one of three closely related legendaries
originating within a confined area of Lower Bavaria, the other two being
fragmentary legendaries from the Benedictine monasteries of Ober- and
Niederaltaich. Although much more work needs to be done on this subject,
it seems that all three derive from a lost hagiographical collection, the
Oberaltaich and Windberg exemplars perhaps directly, while the Niederaltaich legendary appears to be a copy of Windberg34. Through their shared
31

See section 2.2.

32

Concerning the Windberg Legendary (= Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm


22240-45), see A. PONCELET, De legendario Windbergensi, in AB, 17 (1898), pp. 97-122; W.
LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, pp. 533-534; G. EIS, Legendarium Windbergense, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, 1. edition, vol. 5, ed. K.
LANGOSCH, Berlin, 1955, col. 604-610. Regarding the Trier legendary (= Paris, Bibliothque
Nationale de France, Cod. Lat. 9741 & 9742; Trier, Stadtbibliothek, Cod. 1151; Trier, Bibliothek des Priesterseminars, Cod. 35 & 36), see LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum,
pp. 536-537; M. COENS, Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum seminarii et ecclesiae
cathedralis Treverensis, in AB, 49 (1931), pp. 241-275, at pp. 249-254; ID., Catalogus codicum
hagiographicorum latinorum bibliothecae civitatis Treverensis, in AB, 52 (1934), pp. 157-285,
at pp. 193-207; PHILIPPART, Legendare, col. 651. The following works offer an overview of
the development of the medieval legendary in German-speaking areas: LEVISON, Conspectus
codicum hagiographicorum, PHILIPPART, Legendare and RENER, Lateinische Hagiographie
(see above n. 29), pp. 204-207.
33
The legendary is preserved in a very incomplete state. A description published of the
volumes still surviving in 1908 points to the total number of legends having been close to 900; H.
MORETUS, De magno legendario Bodecensi, in AB, 27 (1908), pp. 257-358; F. HALKIN, Legendarii Bodecensis menses duo in codice Paderbornensi, in AB, 52 (1934), pp. 321-333; LEVISON,
Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, pp. 538-539; PHILIPPART, Legendare, col. 652-653.
34
Niederaltaich = Leipzig, Universittsbibliothek, Rep. II. fol. 58 [CXCV]; A.G.R.
NAUMANN, Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum qui in bibliotheca senatoria civitatis Lipsiensis
asservantur, Grimma, 1838, pp. 59-62. Oberaltaich = Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm
9506; C. HALM G. MEYER, Catalogus codicum latinorum bibliothecae regiae Monacensis,
vol. II/I, Munich, 1874, pp. 94-95. Levison regarded the collections from Windberg, Ober- and
Niederaltaich as exemplars of a particular legendarium amplum totius anni; LEVISON, Conspectus
codicum hagiographicorum, p. 533. Philippart, on the other hand, identified both the Ober- and

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

99

descent from a lost archetypum of probably Bavarian provenance, these


three legendaries are stemmatically related to the MLA35. The original extent of the MLA transmission was not limited to the six preserved exemplars, as will be made clear in section 3.5. The importance of the MLA as
a peerlessly rich repository of hagiographical material cannot be overestimated, and this provoked from an early stage the interest of the
Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche Geschichtkunde, which ultimately led to
many MLA text witnesses providing the basis for editions published in the
Monumenta Germaniae Historica series36. The MLA contains a particularly
valuable store of eleventh- and twelfth-century legends originating in
German-speaking areas, some of which are only transmitted in the MLA37.
Among the more exotic elements in the collection are numerous legends
of relatively obscure Irish and Italian saints, which enjoy a very limited
transmission outside of the MLA38.
1.5. The historical context
The decades either side of 1200, in which the compilation and dissemination of the MLA occurred, coincided with a highpoint in the fortunes
of the dynasty which for centuries held control of the Mark and later
Duchy of Austria, the Babenbergs39. Their long-established hegemony in
Niederaltaich legendaries as copies of Windberg; PHILIPPART, Legendare, col. 650. While this
rings true in the case of Niederaltaich, the collection from Oberaltaich (c. 1120/5) is earlier in
date than Windberg (1141-1191) and appears therefore to be independently descended, possibly
directly, from the shared source legendary. For the dating of the Oberaltaich legendary, see E.
KLEMM, Die romanischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek. Teil 1: Die Bistmer
Regensburg, Passau und Salzburg (text vol.), Wiesbaden, 1980, p. 81.
35
See section 3.2. Whether the lost legendary source of Windberg, Ober- and Niederaltaich is identical with the archetypum or rather represents a descendant thereof cannot be
determined at this point, though there is some evidence favouring the latter scenario; see n. 115.
36

See section 1.1.

37

E.g. Vita Ottonis Babenbergensis (BHL 6394); Vita Gregorii Septimi (BHL 3652).

38
Regarding the collection of Irish Lives, see section 3.3. The Passio Luxorii (BHL 5092)
provides an example of an Italian legend whose transmission north of the Alps is extremely restricted; M. ZEDDA, Passio sancti Luxorii martyris, Florence, 2006. It is not, however, as suggested in Zeddas recent edition, limited entirely to the MLA witnesses, being found also in
Cod. 713 from the Benedictine monastery of St Lambrecht in Styria, a manuscript datable to
exactly 1216; A. KERN, Die Handschriften der Universittsbibliothek Graz, vol. 2, Vienna,
1956 (= Handschriftenverzeichnisse sterreichischer Bibliotheken. Steiermark, 2), pp. 1-7, no.
55; M. MAIROLD, Die datierten Handschriften der Universittsbibliothek Graz bis zum Jahre
1600. Part 1: Text (= Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in sterreich,
6), Vienna, 1979, pp. 78-79.
39
An overview of the history of the Babenbergs can be found in LECHNER, Die Babenberger; K. BRUNNER, Herzogtmer und Marken vom Ungarnsturm bis ins 12. Jahrhundert

100

D. RIAIN

Austria and more recent acquisition of the Duchy of Styria (1192) provided
the political backdrop to the monastic landscape of the region within
which the MLA circulated. The transmission of the MLA is restricted to
monasteries located within the then political boundaries of the Duchies of
Austria and Styria, and, as will be argued in section 3.3., there are very
strong indications that the collection was also compiled within this area,
contrary to previous assertions of an outside origin. The territory of Austria and Styria lay within the sprawling dioceses of Passau and Salzburg,
respectively. Despite the repeated efforts of the Babenbergs from the late
twelfth century onwards, no independent diocese was erected within the
Duchy of Austria until the fifteenth century40.
By the time of the compilation of the MLA the monastic landscape of
Austria/Styria was dotted with numerous prosperous monasteries and
canonries, which represented both cultural focal points and institutions
carrying significance within the ecclesiastical and secular framework of
the region. This was, however, a relatively youthful collection of establishments compared to core areas within the Holy Roman Empire, with
most having been founded or re-founded no earlier than the later eleventh
century41. A combination of episcopal initiative and, increasingly as the
twelfth century wore on, the endeavours of the Babenbergs and local nobility resulted in the creation of a more expansive network of monasteries
within the region. The landscape was initially dominated by Benedictines
and Augustinians, but from the third decade of the twelfth century onwards the Cistercians made significant inroads in Austria / Styria, not least
due to the considerable support they received from the Babenbergs. The
monasteries holding exemplars of the MLA, comprising two Benedictine,
three Cistercian and, probably, one Augustinian house, thus reflect to an
extent the diversity of contemporary monasticism within Austria / Styria.
As will be made clear in section 3.5. of this article, the six surviving exemplars by no means represent the full extent of the original transmission of
the MLA, with a number of copies, including the Ur-MLA having, demon(= sterreichische Geschichte 907-1156), Vienna, 1994; H. DOPSCH K. BRUNNER M.
WELTIN, Die Lnder und das Reich. Der Ostalpenraum im Hochmittelalter (= sterreichische
Geschichte 1122-1278), Vienna, 1999; C. LUTTER, The Babenbergs: Frontier March to Principality (II), in The Origins of the German Principalities, 1100-1350, ed. G. A. LOUD A.
MURRAY J. SCHENK, New York, 2015 (in press).
40
H. KRABBO, Die Versuche der Babenberger zur Grndung einer Landeskirche in sterreich, in Archiv fr sterreichische Geschichte, 93 (1905), pp. 1-41.
41
See LECHNER, Die Babenberger, pp. 98-105; F. RHRIG, Die Kirche in der Zeit der
Babenberger, in 1000 Jahre Babenberger in sterreich. Niedersterreichische Jubilumsausstellung, Vienna, 1976, pp. 110-124; LUTTER, The Babenbergs... (see above n. 39).

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

101

strably, been lost. It can therefore be assumed that monasteries other than
those today associated with the MLA were also involved in the process of
transmission. It is nonetheless pertinent to give attention to the history of
each of the custodians of MLA exemplars, in order to sketch the historical
context of the collections manuscript tradition and, perhaps, shine light
on the motivations which lay behind its compilation and transmission.
The Benedictine monasteries among the holders of surviving exemplars of the MLA, Admont and Melk, are two of the earliest foundations
within Austria / Styria. The former was established as an Eigenkloster or
proprietary monastery of the archiepiscopal see of Salzburg in 1074, with
Archbishop Gebhard as founder42. The installation in 1115 of an abbot
from the Benedictine monastery of St. Blaise in Swabia, a centre of the
Hirsau monastic reform movement, ushered in Admonts own period as a
reform centre of considerable note within the region of modern-day southern Germany and Austria43. The influence of Admont during the twelfth
century can be measured, inter alia, by the large number of Admont monks
who were called to serve as abbots in other Benedictine monasteries, including such illustrious abbeys as St. Emmeram in Regensburg and St.
Michael in Bamberg, thereby spreading the particular Admont observance
or religio Admuntina. The Benedictine nunnery founded at Admont in the
early twelfth century similarly became a regional focal point for monastic
reform. Although located within the Duchy of Styria, Admont firmly entered the sphere of Babenberg influence in 1168/69, when the Austrian
Duke Heinrich II was granted the role of the monasterys advocatus in fief
by the Archbishop of Salzburg44.
The arrival of a party of monks from the monastery at Lambach in
Upper Austria in 1089 marked the beginning of the Benedictine phase at
Melk in Lower Austria, a pre-existing canonry at the site having been dis42

See H. P. NASCHENWENG, Admont, in Die Benediktinischen Mnchs- und Nonnenklster


in sterreich und Sdtirol, ed. U. FAUST W. KRASSNIG (= Germania Benedictina, 3/1), St.
Ottilien, 2000, pp. 71-188.
43

K. ARNOLD, Admont und die monastische Reform des 12. Jahrhunderts, in Zeitschrift
der Savigny-Stiftung fr Rechtsgeschichte, 89 (1972) (= Kanonistische Abteilung, 58/1), pp.
350-369; S. SEEBERG, Die Illustrationen im Admonter Nonnenbrevier von 1180. Marienkrnung
und Nonnenfrmmigkeit. Die Rolle der Brevierillustration in der Entwicklung von Bildthemen
im 12. Jahrhundert (= Imagines Medii Aevi. Interdisziplinre Beitrge zur Mittelalterforschung,
8), Wiesbaden, 2002, pp. 6-21; LUTTER, Geschlecht & Wissen... (see above n. 16), pp. 52-62.
44
F. HAUSMANN, Die Vogtei des Klosters Admont und die Babenberger, in BabenbergerForschungen, ed. M. WELTIN = Jahrbuch fr Landeskunde von Niedersterreich, n. s. 42
(1976), pp. 95-128; REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 136-139. Two close relatives of Heinrich
II, his brother, Konrad II (1164-1168), and his nephew, Adalbert III (1168-1177; 1183-1200),
held the archiepiscopal see in 1168/69.

102

D. RIAIN

solved45. Although the exact circumstances are unclear, it seems that Margrave Leopold II was responsible for inviting the Lambach monks to Melk,
which had long been the location of a Babenberg residence. Melk, which
held the tomb of the patron saint of Lower Austria, the Irish pilgrim
Koloman ( 1012), served as the principal burial site of the Babenbergs
until the secular and ecclesiastical centre of the Mark moved eastwards to
Klosterneuburg in the 1130s. Monastic life within the Melk monastery
appears initially to have adhered to the observance associated with the
reform centre at Gorze in Lotharingia, which also prevailed in Lambach,
but from the early twelfth century onwards came under the influence of
the Hirsau reform movement. The role of lay advocate (advocatus) in relation to the Melk monastery rested with the Babenberg dynasty46.
Margrave Leopold III, who was to be canonized in the fifteenth century, moved his residence to Klosterneuburg around 111347. A pre-existing
secular canonry at the site was converted to a house of the Augustinians
regular in 1133, and would host the tombs of Leopold and of his wife,
Agnes. Although the primary dynastic residence shifted to Vienna in 1155,
the canonry at Klosterneuburg remained a Babenberg bastion of tremendous importance within the regional monastic landscape. Leopold III was
also instrumental in the establishment of Heiligenkreuz, the earliest Cistercian monastery within Lower Austria, in 1133 the order already had
a presence in Styria, where Stift Rein was founded in 1129 acting on
the prompting of his son, Otto, future Bishop of Freising, who was then a
monk at Cistercian Morimond in Burgundy48. The monastery at Heiligenkreuz was settled from Morimond and would house the burials of a series
of Babenberg Margraves and Dukes, beginning with Leopold IIIs shortlived successor, Leopold IV ( 1141). An exception was Duke Heinrich II,
who himself founded an Irish Benedictine monastery or Schottenkloster at

45
LECHNER, Die Babenberger, pp. 63-64, 114; REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 170-172;
G. GLASSNER W. KOWARIK M. NIEDERKORN-BRUCK, Melk, in Die Benediktinischen Mnchsund Nonnenklster in sterreich und Sdtirol, ed. U. FAUST W. KRASSNIG (= Germania Benedictina, 3/2), St. Ottilien, 2001, pp. 526-654.
46

REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 170-172.

47

Ibid., pp. 162-164; F. RHRIG, Klosterneuburg, in Die bestehenden Stifte der AugustinerChorherren in sterreich, Sdtirol und Polen, ed. F. RHRIG (= sterreichisches Chorherrenbuch. Die Klster der Augustiner-Chorherren in der ehemaligen sterreichisch-Ungarischen
Monarchie, 2), Klosterneuburg, 1997, pp. 99-193.
48
H. WATZL, Die Babenberger und das Stift Heiligenkreuz im Wienerwald, in Sancta
Crux, 37 (1975), pp. 11-21; C. LUTTER, Locus horroris et vastae solitudinis? Zisterzienser
und Zisterzienserinnen in und um Wien, in Historisches Jahrbuch, 132 (2012), pp. 141-176.

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Vienna in 1155, where he would be buried in 117749. The strong Babenberg connection with Heiligenkreuz was renewed under his successor,
Leopold V (1177-1194), who is recorded as having donated a relic of the
True Cross to the monastery and would also be interred there, as was his
son Duke Friedrich I (1194-1198).
Leopold VI (1198-1230) was also a strong supporter of the Cistercian
order, but his primary focus was on the new monastery he founded at
Lilienfeld in Lower Austria in 1202. Settled from Heiligenkreuz in 1206,
Lilienfeld was the last male monastery to be founded by a Babenberg
Duke, and would serve as the burial site of its founder50. Unlike Heiligenkreuz, where the Babenbergs held the advocacy ab initio, Lilienfeld was
granted freedom from this office in accordance with the then Babenberg
model of the Duke as defensor rather than as advocatus of the monasteries
within his territories51. The other Cistercian custodian of an exemplar of
the MLA, the monastery at Zwettl in Lower Austria, had been established
as a daughter-house of Heiligenkreuz in 1137/3852. This monastery was
not founded directly by the Babenbergs, but rather by Hadmar I, a member
of the Kuenring family, who were ministeriales or administrators attached
to the Margrave. Royal and papal charters issued to Zwettl in 1139 and
1140 granted the monastery freedom from lay advocacy, although an
equivalent role was played by members of the Kuenring family53.
The Augustinian canonry at St. Plten, the final establishment associated with an MLA exemplar although the provenance is not completely secure stands out from the rest on account of its religious observance and the fact that it was an Eigenkloster of the Passau bishopric.
49
K. LECHNER, Die Grndungsgeschichte und die Anfnge der Schottenabtei in Wien, in
Religion, Wissenschaft und Kultur. Vierteljahrschrift der Wiener katholischen Akademie, 11
(1960), pp. 19-38; H. FLACHENECKER, Schottenklster. Irische Benediktinerkonvente im hochmittelalterlichen Deutschland, Paderborn, 1995, pp. 214-236; C. R. RAPF H. FERENCZY, Wien,
Schotten, in Die Benediktinischen Mnchs- und Nonnenklster in sterreich und Sdtirol
(= Germania Benedictina, 3/3), St. Ottilien, 2002, pp. 779-817.
50

LECHNER, Die Babenberger, pp. 204-205; N. MUSSBACHER, Das Stift Lilienfeld, in


1000 Jahre Babenberger in sterreich. Niedersterreichische Jubilumsausstellung, Vienna,
1976, pp. 155-165. Although the exact circumstances of its foundation are unclear, it appears
that Leopold VI also established the Cistercian nunnery of St. Mary (by St. Nicholas) outside
the walls of Vienna before 1228; LUTTER, Locus horroris (see above n. 48), pp. 168-176.
51

REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 159-162, 169, 269-274.

52

H. WOLFRAM, Zisterziensergrndung und Ministerialitt am Beispiel Zwettls, in Kuenringer-Forschungen, ed. A. KUSTERNIG M. WELTIN = Jahrbuch fr Landeskunde von Niedersterreich, n. s. 46/47 (1981), pp. 1-39; REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 226-260; LUTTER,
Locus horroris.
53

REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 226-260.

104

D. RIAIN

This institution actually began life circa 800 as a Benedictine monastery,


making it comfortably the oldest monastery within Lower Austria54. The
introduction of Augustinian canons circa 1083 was an initiative of the reforming Bishop Altmann of Passau, who had also been responsible for
founding an Augustinian canonry at Gttweig shortly before. The Babenbergs were granted the position of advocati of the St. Plten canonry in
fief by the bishops of Passau circa 115055.
From this short overview it will be clear that there is a good degree
of diversity in the foundation circumstances of the six houses associated
with the MLA. Nonetheless, the six religious houses are linked to a greater
or lesser extent by their connections to the Babenbergs. These were particularly strong in the case of Melk, Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld, where
members of the dynasty founded or refounded the monasteries. Although
Zwettl was not founded by a Babenberg, it was very much within the
sphere of influence of the dynasty, having been established by one of their
ministeriales. Admont and St. Plten, though Eigenklster of the Archbishop of Salzburg and Bishop of Passau, respectively, also had a concrete
connection with the Babenbergs through the role of the latter as advocates.
With regard to Admont, this Babenberg involvement ensured the monastery was already associated at this level with the other monasteries in
Lower Austria prior to the Babenberg acquisition of the Duchy of Styria
in 1192. The question arises as to whether the shared Babenberg connections of the individual monasteries may have had a bearing on the circumstances surrounding the compilation and transmission of the MLA. As will
be discussed in section 3.5., the stemmatic relationship of the surviving
exemplars suggests that the collection was, for the most part, not transmitted according to channels based on affiliation to a particular order. The
twelfth-century Austrian annals present an analogous manuscript tradition,
whereby codices can be shown to have circulated among a large group of
monasteries, including Melk, Heiligenkreuz, Admont and Zwettl, as well
as Klosterneuburg and the Schottenkloster in Vienna, with the transmission
54
F. SCHRAGL, St. Plten, in Die ehemaligen Stifte der Augustiner-Chorherren in sterreich und Sdtirol, ed. F. RHRIG (= sterreichisches Chorherrenbuch. Die Klster der Augustiner-Chorherren in der ehemaligen sterreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie, 3), Klosterneuburg, 2005, pp. 447-484; J. WEISSENSTEINER, Das bayerische Kloster Tegernsee und die
Anfnge von St. Plten im Mittelalter, and H. SPECHT, Das Kloster der Augustiner-Chorherren
im Hoch- und Sptmittelalter, in Sant Ypoelten. Stift und Stadt im Mittelalter. Katalogbuch zur
Sonderausstellung des Dizesanmuseums St. Plten aus Anlass der Verleihung des Privilegs
von 1159, St. Plten, 2009, pp. 35-46, 55-72.
55

REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, pp. 190-193.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

105

again not following channels of monastic affiliation56. If, as mooted in


section 1.2., the process surrounding the compilation and dissemination of
the MLA involved the cooperation of a number of monasteries, it is conceivable that Babenberg influence may have encouraged or facilitated these
processes, but evidence to this effect is lacking57. Whether the MLA was
the product of an external commission, either by secular or ecclesiastical
parties, remains unclear. The relatively widespread dissemination and
faithful transcription of the four-volume MLA leads to the conclusion that
it to some extent came to be regarded as a standard-work, a must-have
or should-have for monastic libraries in the region. It is possible that the
character of the MLA as a standard-work was a matter of design more than
chance, and that this was the ultimate intention of the commissioners.
Schmale viewed the patterns of transmission of the Austrian annals
as evidence for a consolidation of Austria through the intensification of
interdependent religious and political connections within a restricted region, and as a reflection of a growing unity58. The MLA can certainly be
regarded in a similar light, demonstrating as it does the extensive links
between religious houses in Austria / Styria, which were also integrated
into the regional political framework. By the beginning of the thirteenth
century, Babenberg policy in relation to the office of monastic advocate
sought the implementation of a model whereby each monastery within
their territories would have no advocatus, and instead have the Duke as
common defensor59. This system of Entvogtung, which served to sideline
those members of the local nobility who had traditionally occupied and
benefitted from the role of advocates aside from its worth as a means
of consolidating their authority within their territories can be seen to an
56

F. J. SCHMALE, Die sterreichische Annalistik im 12. Jahrhundert, in Deutsches Archiv


fr Erforschung des Mittelalters, 31 (1975), pp. 144-203.
57
If this was the case, then the absence of the other two monasteries directly founded by
the Babenbergs in the twelfth century, Klosterneuburg and the Schottenkloster in Vienna, from
the MLA narrative would appear curious, but, given the evidence for the loss of a number of
MLA exemplars, it may simply be the result of the quirks of manuscript survival. See sections
2.2., 3.2. and 3.3. for more concerning Klosterneuburg and the MLA. The holdings of the library
of the medieval Schottenkloster have been largely lost or dispersed and no catalogue survives
from the period; GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1, pp. 431-435.
58

SCHMALE, Die sterreichische Annalistik... (see above n. 56), p. 194: Die Verbreitung
der Melker, Klosterneuburger und Admonter Annalen spiegelt ja selbst bereits das Zusammenwachsen sterreichs aufgrund sich einander bedingender und ergnzender religiser und politischer Beziehungen wider... Sie sind ein Beweis fr die Verdichtung der Beziehungen in
einem begrenzten Raum, dessen wachsende innere Geschlossenheit darin treffend zum Ausdruck kommt.
59

See LECHNER, Die Babenberger, pp. 205-207; REICHERT, Landesherrschaft.

106

D. RIAIN

extent as a manifestation of the Babenbergs conception of a ducal monastic church, a network of monasteries all under the protective umbrella of
the dynasty. It can be viewed as an extension of the pre-existing Babenberg policy of seeking to acquire the office of advocate in respect of individual monasteries, as in the case of Admont and St. Plten. While the
existence of a closely-knit network of monasteries and canonries within
the Babenberg sphere seems not to be in doubt, it is more difficult to determine whether the religious houses and their individual members shared
a sense of belonging to a greater whole, a monastic community on a regional level. Equally, whether the compilation or transmission of the MLA
was somehow tied in with Babenberg visions of a monastic landscape
unified under their patronage must remain an open question.
Section 2: The manuscript tradition of the MLA
2.1. The six surviving MLA exemplars
The manuscript tradition of the MLA comprises 21 volumes and a
single, recently identified fragment. All but one of the manuscripts have
been retained by their original owners, the monastic libraries at Admont,
Heiligenkreuz, Lilienfeld, Melk and Zwettl. The exception is Cod. 336 of
the Austrian National Library (NB), which had already arrived at the
librarys predecessor, the Viennese Hofbibliothek, by 157660. The provenance of this particular exemplar, dating to circa 1200, remains uncertain,
but there are now strong indications that it was produced at the Augustinian canonry of St. Plten in Lower Austria. The manuscript has long
been associated with St. Plten due to the presence at its back of a report
in a fourteenth-century hand of the discovery of relics there in 120961. The
attribution has been considerably strengthened by the results of a recent
art-historical and palaeographical study by Friedrich Simader, who has
identified Cod. 336 as a product of the St. Plten scriptorium62. Aside from
the 21 manuscript volumes of the MLA, a single fragment has recently been
60
H. MENHARDT, Das lteste Handschriftenverzeichnis der Wiener Hofbibliothek von
Hugo Blotius 1576. Kritische Ausgabe der Handschrift Series nova 4451 vom Jahre 1597 mit
vier Anhngen (= sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Klasse. Denkschriften, 76), Vienna, 1957, p. 89.
61

The Historia inventionis reliquiarum is found in Cod. 336, fol. 402r-403v and edited in
AASS, Iunii t. 4, pp. 708-710, and H. PEZ, Scriptores rerum Austriacarum veteres ac genuini, I,
Leipzig, 1721, pp. 739-750. See also LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, p. 231.
62

F. SIMADER, Ein Buchmaler um 1200. Zu den Anfngen der Buchmalerei in St. Plten.
in Unsere Heimat. Zeitschrift fr Landeskunde von Niedersterreich, 72 (2001), pp. 25-34.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

107

discovered within the binding of a sixteenth-century printed book in the


library at Heiligenkreuz63. It constitutes a folio once belonging to the tailend of the incomplete Cod. 14 volume of the Heiligenkreuz exemplar, and
contains a section of the Gesta Silvestri (BHL 7725-27).
Only in Melk does a version of the MLA covering the entire year
survive, while the Heiligenkreuz and Zwettl exemplars are the most complete among the remainder64. Only one of the seven volumes at Melk actually belongs to the original exemplar, however, the others having been
copied by the Melk librarian, Christophorus Lieb, circa 1470. The exact
nature of the template available to Lieb remains a matter of uncertainty65.
It appears that each exemplar of the MLA was originally composed of quarterly volumes. Such manuscripts, consisting of up to 403 folios, survive
from all monasteries bar Melk. In a number of cases, however, these quarterly volumes were subsequently split into two volumes covering approximately six weeks, namely Lilienfeld Codd. 58/59, Zwettl Codd. 14/15,
Heiligenkreuz Cod. 14/missing volume, Melk Cod. 388/missing (thirteenthcentury) volume. It must be borne in mind, that while certain exemplars
such as Heiligenkreuz were undoubtedly once complete, others may, perhaps due to the laboriousness of copying a collection of this scale or to the
reliance on an incomplete template, never have been finished. The Admont
and Lilienfeld exemplars, which both cover a period of six months through
their surviving volumes, are the most suspect in this regard. A catalogue
of the Admont library holdings from 1380 records the presence of one
passionale sanctorum a kalendis Ianuarii usque ad kalendas Aprilis and
another a kalendis Aprilis usque ad kalendas Iulii66. These two entries undoubtedly relate to the surviving Codd. 24 and 25, and the absence of
further volumes in 1380 raises the question as to whether there were ever
more than two completed at Admont. Furthermore, the second volume in
the sequence, Cod. 24, covering the period April to June, has numerous
lacunae compared to the other MLA exemplars, including fifteen legends
between 4 and 14 June. Given the somewhat cavalier attitude to the transcription of the template evident in this manuscript, it would not surprise
if the copying process did not extend to any further volumes. Similarly, a
63

Stiftsbibliothek Heiligenkreuz, HS 7F/8K; KASKA, Zerteilt und zerstrt... (see above n.

15).
64

The Melk exemplar does omit a limited number of legends, but is unbroken in respect
of the calendrical period covered by its volumes.
65
66

See section 3.5.

G. MSER-MERSKY, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge sterreichs. Vol. 3: Steiermark, Graz, 1961, pp. 34-63, at p. 51.

108

D. RIAIN

thirteenth-century library catalogue survives from Lilienfeld and contains


reference to II passionalia67. These two legendaries may be identifiable
with the surviving Codd. 58/59 (before they were separated) and Cod. 60.
The question again arises as to whether the Lilienfeld MLA exemplar ever
extended beyond its current size. An assumption that the legendary was
copied in calendrical sequence might lead one to expect that at least an
additional volume covering the period April to June would once have
existed, considering that the surviving codices at Lilienfeld cover the periods January to March and July to September. As will be made clear in
section 3.5., however, it seems likely that there was never actually a complete exemplar available to copy at Lilienfeld, with the surviving volumes
having been transcribed from two stemmatically divergent templates.
As part of the VISCOM project, full codicological and palaeographical
descriptions of each surviving MLA exemplar have been compiled by
Martin Haltrich and will shortly be made available on www.manuscripta.at,
the internet portal of the Abteilung fr Schrift- und Buchwesen at the Institute for Medieval Research of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, which
already carries a very extensive range of Austrian manuscript descriptions
and catalogues. These descriptions will also incorporate the results of arthistorical appraisals, which are in the process of being undertaken by Susanne Rischpler and Lena Sommer68. For the purposes of this article a
simple list of the 21 MLA volumes with their current location, the approximate date of the manuscripts production and an indication of the calendrical period covered by the legends within is being provided. A discussion of the dating of the different exemplars is contained in section 3.4.
Bibliographical references are here largely restricted to the library catalogues. Further relevant literature can be found at www.manuscripta.at as
well as among the footnotes of this article. Pending the publication of the
project database and full descriptions of the individual manuscripts on
67

GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1, pp. 125-127, at p. 127. This catalogue has been more recently dated to about 1230; A. HAIDINGER F. LACKNER, Die Handschriften des Stiftes Lilienfeld. Anmerkungen und Ergnzungen zu Schimeks Katalog, in Codices
Manuscripti. Zeitschrift fr Handschriftenkunde, 18/19 (1997), pp. 49-80, at p. 63. The reference
to the passionalia appears, however, towards the end of the catalogue in a section added by a
second, slightly later hand.
68
Susanne Rischplers (Wrzburg) art-historical analysis of all illuminations contained in
the MLA is being funded in association with the VISCOM project (F4206-G18), and Lena
Sommers PhD project on layout and knowledge transfer in the MLA exemplars of Heiligenkreuz and Zwettl is being conducted at the Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures
(CSMC), University of Hamburg, within the framework of the SFB 950 (Manuskriptkulturen
in Asien, Afrika und Europa).

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

109

www.manuscripta.at, Poncelets catalogue remains the best guide to the


contents of the MLA exemplars. Also included in the list, though not a true
MLA exemplar, are the four constituent volumes of a legendary from the
Augustinian canonry at Klosterneuburg in Lower Austria. As will be discussed in section 2.2., these volumes are dependent on an incompletely
preserved MLA exemplar, and therefore occupy a position of some importance within the wider transmission.
List of manuscripts:
Admont, Styria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 25 (1 January-31 March)
Vellum, 272 folios. Date: circa 1200.

Admont, Styria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 24 (1 April-30 June)


Vellum, 215 folios (incomplete). Date: circa 1200.

Catalogue: J. WICHNER, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Admontensis (hand-written),


Admont, 1887, pp. 26-30.

Heiligenkreuz, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 11 (1 January-31 March)


Vellum, 273 folios. Date: late twelfth century.

Heiligenkreuz, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 12 (1 April-30 June)


Vellum, 327 folios. Date: late twelfth century.

Heiligenkreuz, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 13 (1 July-30 September)


Vellum, 266 folios (incomplete). Date: late twelfth century.

Heiligenkreuz, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 14 (22 November-27 December)


Vellum, 171 folios (incomplete). Date: late twelfth century.
Catalogue:

B. GSELL, Verzeichniss der Handschriften in der Bibliothek des Stiftes


Heiligenkreuz, in Die Handschriftenverzeichnisse der Cistercienser-Stifte, vol. 1 (= Xenia
Bernardina, II/1), Vienna, 1891, pp. 115-272, at pp. 124-132.

Lilienfeld, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 58 (1 January-15 February)


Vellum, 151 folios. Date: first third of the thirteenth century.

Lilienfeld, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 59 (16 February-29 March)


Vellum, 113 folios (incomplete). Date: first third of the thirteenth century.

Lilienfeld, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 60 (1 July-30 September)


Vellum, 279 folios. Date: first third of the thirteenth century.
Catalogue:

C. SCHIMEK, Verzeichniss der Handschriften des Stiftes Lilienfeld, in Die


Handschriftenverzeichnisse der Cistercienser-Stifte, vol. 1 (= Xenia Bernardina, II/1),
Vienna, 1891, pp. 481-561, at pp. 501-502.
A. HAIDINGER F. LACKNER, Die Handschriften des Stiftes Lilienfeld. Anmerkungen und
Ergnzungen zu Schimeks Katalog, in Codices Manuscripti. Zeitschrift fr Handschriftenkunde, 18/19 (1997), pp. 49-80, at p. 52.

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 388 (1 January-14 February)


Vellum, 265 folios (incomplete). Date: first half of the thirteenth century.

110

D. RIAIN

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 97 (15 February-30 April)


Vellum, 281 folios. Date: circa 1470.

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 492 (1 May-30 June)


Vellum, 291 folios. Date: circa 1470.

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 101 (1 July-31 August)


Vellum, 355 folios. Date: circa 1470.

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 16 (1 September-31 October)


Vellum, 348 folios. Date: 1471.

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 100 (1 November-30 November)


Vellum, 265 folios. Date: circa 1470.

Melk, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 546 (1 December-31 December)


Paper, 275 folios. Date: circa 1470.
Catalogue:

V. STAUFER, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum qui in bibliotheca monasterii Mellicensis O.S.B. servantur, vol. 1, Vienna, 1889, pp. 201-204; also pp. 957-1040
of the unpublished, hand-written section of the catalogue.
C. GLASSNER, Inventar der Handschriften des Benediktinerstiftes Melk. Teil 1: Von den
Anfngen bis ca. 1400 (= Verffentlichungen der Kommission fr Schrift- und Buchwesen
des Mittelalters, series II, 8), Vienna, 2000, pp. 180-182.

Vienna, Austrian National Library (NB), Cod. 336 (1 April-30 June)


Vellum, 403 folios. Date: circa 1200.
Original provenance: St Plten, Lower Austria (?).
Catalogue:

Tabulae codicum manu scriptorum praeter graecos et orientales in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi asservatorum. Vol. 1: Cod. 1-2000, ed. Academia Caesarea
Vindobonensis, Vienna, 1864, p. 47.

Zwettl, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 13 (1 January-31 March)


Vellum, 234 folios. Date: first quarter of the thirteenth century.

Zwettl, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 24 (1 April-30 June)


Vellum, 310 folios. Date: first quarter of the thirteenth century.

Zwettl, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 14 (1 October-16 November)


Vellum, 201 folios. Date: first quarter of the thirteenth century.

Zwettl, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 15 (20 November-31 December)


Vellum, 173 folios (incomplete). Date: first quarter of the thirteenth century.
Catalogue:

C. ZIEGLER, Zisterzienserstift Zwettl. Katalog der Handschriften des Mittelalters. Teil 1: Codex 1-100 (= Scriptorium Ordinis Cisterciensium Monasterii BVM in
Zwettl), Vienna, 1992, pp. 31-43, 55-59.

Klosterneuburg, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 710 (1 January-27 March)


Vellum, 358 folios. Date: circa 1300.

Klosterneuburg, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 708 (4 April-4 June)


Vellum, 399 folios. Date: circa 1300.

Klosterneuburg, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 709 (5 June-30 June; 11


November-29 November)
Vellum, 346 folios. Date: circa 1300.

111

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

Klosterneuburg, Lower Austria, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 701 (30 November to


31 December)
Vellum, 336 folios. Date: circa 1300.
H. PFEIFFER B. ERNK, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum, qui in bibliotheca canonicorum regularium s. Augustini Claustroneoburgi asservantur. Vol. 2: Codd.
453-1256 (= handwritten card-catalogue), without year (early twentieth century), pp.
931-945, 975-1022 (= permalink: http://manuscripta.at/?ID=908; ...915; ...916;...918).

Catalogue:

Library

Jan.-March

April-June

July-Sept.

Oct.-Dec.

Cod. 25

Cod. 24

Codd. 388, 97

Codd. 97, 492

Codd. 101, 16

Codd. 16, 100, 546

Cod. 11

Cod. 12

Cod. 13

Cod. 14, Frag.


HS 7F/8

Codd. 58, 59

Cod. 60

Zwettl (Z)

Cod. 13

Cod. 24

Codd. 14, 15

NB (V)

Cod. 336

Cod. 710

Codd. 708, 709

Codd. 709,701

Admont (A)
Melk (M)
Heiligenkreuz (H)
Lilienfeld (L)

Klosterneuburg (KL)

Table 1: Overview of the calendrical periods covered by the surviving MLA


exemplars and by its descendant, the Klosterneuburg Legendary.

2.2. The Klosterneuburg Legendary


The Augustinian canonry at Klosterneuburg houses among its rich
medieval holdings four interrelated legendary-manuscripts dating to circa
1300 (Codd. 701, 708, 709 and 710), which have over the past near two
centuries repeatedly been brought into association with the MLA, without
the exact relationship between the two collections having ever been determined69. While the Klosterneuburg Legendary (KL) was known to hold
fewer Lives, it largely mirrored the sequence of the MLA, nonetheless, and
its text witnesses were extremely close to the MLA redactions. The following section offers a clarification of the relationship between KL and
the MLA.

69
This tendency began as early as 1821, when Pertz presumed the Klosterneuburg Legendary as well as the MLA volumes from Lilienfeld and Melk to have been copied directly or indirectly from the Heiligenkreuz exemplar; see above n. 4.

112

D. RIAIN

Research to date
On the back of correspondence from the then Klosterneuburg archivist
and codicologist, Berthold ernk, Wilhelm Levison counted the Klosterneuburg Legendary as an additional exemplar of the MLA in his influential
1902 Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, despite there having been
no mention of the legendary in Poncelets 1898 article70. Levisons categorisation was, however, rejected by Jaroschka and Wendehorst, who
argued that KL was only a derivative of the MLA, lacking the monthly
praefationes of Wolfhard, exhibiting breaks in the MLA sequence and, although with more modest content overall, containing additional texts compared to the MLA71. Lhotsky was of similar opinion on the matter, arguing
that KL constituted a different legendary, which required closer examination72. Philippart described the legendary more recently as an overhauled
recension of the MLA73.
A more revealing picture of the relationship between the MLA and
KL emerges from studies concerning the transmission of individual texts
shared by both legendaries. As early as 1952 Heinrich Tritz concluded on
the basis of his study of the manuscript tradition of the Vita Leonis IX
(BHL 4818, 4821, 4829) that the text witness in Klosterneuburg Cod. 708
was directly dependent on the Life contained in NB Cod. 336 (i.e. the
MLA exemplar, V)74. Paolo Chiesa and Franois Dolbeau also postulated a
70
LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, pp. 529-706, at p. 535. In Pfeiffer
and ernks unpublished manuscript catalogue of the Klosterneuburg Stiftsbibliothek the relevant codices are all described as volumes of the MLA; see manuscript-list in Section 2.1. for
references.
71
Es fehlen die Einleitungen Wolfhards zu den einzelnen Monaten, die Reihenfolge der
Legenden ist teilweise durchbrochen, und obwohl die Klosterneuburg Ableitung weniger reichhaltig ist als das Magnum Legendarium, enthlt sie doch einzelne Viten, die in diesem nicht
erhalten sind: z.B. Cod. 709, fol. 240-253: Elizabeth von Thringen; JAROSCHKA WENDEHORST, Das Kreuzensteiner Legendar... (see above n. 30), pp. 369-418, at p. 375, fn. 28. This
opinion was based on a personal communication received from Horst Fuhrmann.
72

LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, pp. 220-221.

73

PHILIPPART, Legendare, col. 649-650. Followed by KNAPP, Die Literatur des Frh- und
Hochmittelalters... (see above n. 17), p. 173.
74
Es finden sich besonders die Auslassungen, die W allein aufweist, in K wieder;
H. TRITZ, Die hagiographischen Quellen zur Geschichte Papst Leos IX. Eine Untersuchung
ihrer berlieferungs- und Entstehungsgeschichte, in Studi Gregoriani, 4 (1952), pp. 191-364,
at p. 210. This assertion of the dependency of KL on V was endorsed in Krauses 2007 edition
of the Life; KRAUSE, Die Touler Vita Leos IX., p. 59, fn. 219. The possibility of a direct
relationship between Cod. 708 and V had already been raised by Elliott van Kirk Dobbie in
1937, on the basis of his investigation of the manuscript tradition of the Epistola Cuthberti de
obitu Bedae (BHL 1068), transmitted in both the MLA and KL: In three passages, KL2 and V1
agree as against the other MSS of the Legendary [i.e. the MLA]... If, as seems likely, KL2 was

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

113

close stemmatic relationship between the witnesses of the Vita Epiphanii


(BHL 2569) in Cod. 708 and in V on the basis of shared textual errors75.
In an article on the transmission of Hrotsvit of Gandersheims Conversio
Gallicani (BHL 3243, 3244), Sibylle Jefferis described the text witnesses
in Cod. 709 and in V as identical, sharing the same deviations from the
reconstructable Ur-MLA version against all other surviving exemplars76.
The stemmatic relationship between the Klosterneuburg Legendary
and the MLA
The consistent linking of KL with V in the above-mentioned studies
encouraged the present author to collate a sample of the readings from
Klosterneuburg Codd. 708 and 709, which contain legends covering the
period April to June, with the corresponding volumes in the Admont, Heiligenkreuz, Melk, NB and Zwettl MLA exemplars77. This comparison,
which involved comparing the incipits and explicits of the first 21 legends
in Cod. 708 and of the remaining June legends in Cod. 709 with the other
MLA exemplars, revealed numerous variae lectiones shared exclusively
by KL and V, most of which are included in appendix 1. The wealth of
shared readings brought forth by this limited amount of collation leaves
no doubt that the text witnesses in this section of KL are dependent, probably directly, on those contained in V. Between Cod. 708 and the first
section of Cod. 709 there are 88 legends relating to the period April to
June compared to 129 in Cod. 336 (V). This section of KL contains no
legend that is not also in V, while its calendrical sequence matches that of
V with four exceptions78. In some instances the text witnesses in KL are
shortened compared to V and the other MLA exemplars79.
taken from a MS of the Legendary, it is evidently to V1 or to a similar text, that we must look for
its immediate source; E. VAN KIRK DOBBIE, The Manuscripts of Cdmons Hymn and Bedes
Death Song, with a Critical Text of the Epistola Cuthberti de obitu Bed, New York, 1937, p. 64.
75
P. CHIESA F. DOLBEAU, Una traduzione amalfitana dellXI secolo: la Vita latina di
santEpifanio, in Studi Medievali, 30/2 (1989), pp. 909-951, at p. 914, fn. 9: Pu dirsi invece
accertata una relazione fra gli esemplari di Vienna (V) e di Klosterneuburg (C), che concordano
in errore....
76

JEFFERIS, Hrotsvit and the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, pp. 245-246.

77

The legends in Cod. 708 cover the period from the start of April to early June, beginning
with the Life of Ambrosius (MLA: 4 April; BHL 377) and ending with Quirinus (MLA: 4 June;
BHL 7035). The remaining June legends, running from Bonifatius Tarsensis (MLA: 5 June; BHL
1413) to Martialis (MLA: 30 June; BHL 5552) are found in the opening section of Cod. 709
(fol. 1-173).
78
The Lives of Theodosia (MLA: 02.04; BHL 8090) and Maria Egyptiaca (MLA: 02.04;
BHL 5415) first appear between those of Theophilus (MLA: 07.04; BHL 8121) and Apollonius

114

D. RIAIN

Given the dependency of the April-June legends in Codd. 708 and


709 upon NB Cod. 336, it can be presumed that the other sections of KL
were also copied from V. The loss of all other volumes of V, however, ensures that this hypothesis will have to remain unproven. Nonetheless, KL
can be assumed to provide a picture of the overall extent and structure of
the lost volumes of V, as well as potentially supply the characteristic readings of its text witnesses80. Thus, as an apparently direct copy of a largely
incomplete exemplar of the MLA, KL occupies an important position within the manuscript tradition of the collection. The four surviving volumes
of KL cover the period 1 January to 27 March (cod. 710), 4 April to 4 June
(Cod. 708), 5 to 30 June and 11 to 29 November (Cod. 709) and 30 November to 31 December (Cod. 701). Legends relating to the period July to
October are therefore absent from the legendary. The question arises as to
whether the original volumes of KL actually covered the entire calendar
year, or whether the surviving manuscripts constitute the full extent of the
collection. If so, this might reflect the extent of V, today only surviving in
Cod. 336, as it was in 1300. It could be that a significant portion of V was
already missing at this stage, which would explain the content of Cod. 709,
where there is a jump from 30 June to 11 November between the first and
second sections, a feature original to the manuscript81.
(MLA: 09.04; BHL 6804). Godehardus (MLA: 05.05; BHL 3582) is positioned between Alexander, Eventius and Theodolus (MLA: 03.05; BHL 266) and Florianus (MLA: 04.05; BHL 3054).
Iacobus (MLA: 01.05; BHL 4093) appears after instead of before Philippus (MLA: 01.05; BHL
6815) and Quiriacus (MLA: 01.05; BHL 7022).
79

The Vita Liudgeri (BHL 4942) in Cod. 708 finishes after the first book of the Life rather
than at the end of 34: i.e. Die Vitae sancti Liudgeri, ed. W. DIEKAMP (= Die Geschichtsquellen
des Bisthums Mnster, 4), Mnster, 1881, p. 116 instead of p. 131. The prologue of the Vita
Maximini (BHL 5824) is absent. Only one (BHL 3389) rather than two versions (BHL 3389 and
3364) of the Passio Georgii are present. The last chapter of the Vita Bonifatii archiepiscopi
(BHL 1400) was cut from the witness in Cod. 709: i.e. Qualiter in loco...; Vitae sancti Bonifatii
archiepiscopi Moguntini, ed. W. LEVISON (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum
Germanicarum, 57), Hannover, 1905, pp. 56-57. The prologues to the Vita Albani Moguntini
(BHL 200) and Conversio Gallicani (BHL 3243) are also missing from the same codex, and
there are only three rather than four sermones concerning St John the Baptist (24.06).
80

With regard to the possibility of KL supplying variant readings from lost text witnesses
of V, errors on the part of the Klosterneuburg copyists must also be allowed for. The collated
passages from the Vita Frontini and Vita Leonis IX in appendix 1 offer examples of such mistakes. In respect of the overall content of V, the appearance of certain texts in KL that are not in
any MLA exemplar remind one that the contents of KL cannot be taken to mirror those of V directly.
81

An entry describing Cod. 709 as it is today is contained in a library catalogue dating to


1330: Item passiones sanctorum Bonifacii martiris et aliorum usque ad adventum; GOTTLIEB,
Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1, pp. 100-120, at p. 114. This entry also provides a
terminus ante quem for KL.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

115

The proportion of MLA legends present in the Klosterneuburg Legendary is lower in its other constituent manuscripts than is the case in Cod.
708 and in the first section of Cod. 709, so that overall approximately half
of the corresponding MLA texts are found in KL. Regarding Cod. 710 and
the second section of Cod. 709 (fol. 174-346), the calendrical sequence
deviates only twice from that of the MLA, with only Cod. 709 containing
an additional text, namely the Vita Elisabeth Landgraviae Thuringiae
(BHL 2495b) mentioned by Jaroschka and Wendehorst, which was, of
course, written considerably later than the compilation of the MLA and the
transcription of V82. The sequence in Cod. 701 only differs from that of
the MLA twice, but this manuscript otherwise exhibits by far the most
changes compared to the MLA. It begins namely with a Prologus followed
by the sermon De adventu Domini, which constitute the first two texts in
the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine. Five further Advent sermones,
none of which are in the MLA, follow, before the first saints Life begins
on fol. 17v83. It seems clear that Cod. 701 was written to be the first volume of KL and that here the model of a legendary structured according to
the calendrical year offered by the MLA was jettisoned in favour of one
that followed the liturgical year. This obviously represents the greatest
structural deviation of KL from its MLA source.
As indicated in section 2.1. above, the long-standing, but tenuous, attribution of V to the Augustinian canonry at St. Plten has recently been
bolstered by the findings of Friedrich Simader, who identified Cod. 336 as
a product of the St. Plten scriptorium circa 1200. The existence of a copy
of V at Klosterneuburg, another Augustinian canonry, lends further support
to this argument, assuming that the transcription took place there. The
shared Augustinian affiliation would provide a ready explanation for the
arrival of this particular MLA exemplar at Klosterneuburg. Considering that
the text of the report concerning the finding of relics at St. Plten, which
is added to the back of Cod. 336, is generally dated to somewhat later than
KL, it would seem that the exemplar made it safely back to St. Plten84.
82
Cod. 709: the Life of Brandanus (MLA: 23.12; BHL 1436) is included after that of
Saturninus (MLA: 29.11; BHL 7495 and 7496) as the last item in the manuscript. Cod. 710:
Thaisis (MLA: 18.03; BHL 8013 and 8019) appears between some sermones in annuntiatione
Marie (MLA: 25.03) and Castulus (MLA: 26.03; BHL 1648d).
83
84

Cod. 701 also contains an additional series of sermones de nativitate Christi.

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 36: saec. XIV; H. J. HERMANN, Die


deutschen romanischen Handschriften (= Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in sterreich, 2/2), Leipzig, 1926, p. 330: von einer Hand der 1. Hlfte des XIV. Jahrhunderts.

116

D. RIAIN

The fact that an outside exemplar was copied circa 1300 makes it extremely likely that the Klosterneuburg canonry did not possess its own
copy of the MLA at this point in time. Whether it ever had its own MLA
exemplar must also remain in doubt. That such an important Babenberg
foundation within the regional monastic landscape did not participate in
the compilation or dissemination of the MLA would be somewhat surprising85. In any event, the canonry is, on the basis of the dependent Klosterneuburg Legendary, drawn into the story of the MLA, albeit as a straggler.
The MLA was thus copied in simplified form at Klosterneuburg, and,
through the change to a structure based on the liturgical year, to some extent transformed. Including only half of the sources legends, while containing some additional texts, and omitting the praefationes Wolfhardi, the
considerably younger KL represents a second stage in the dissemination of
the MLA. Although much less complete, as a late medieval copy of an original exemplar the Klosterneuburg Legendary arguably belongs in a group
with the volumes produced more than 150 years later at Melk. KL cannot
simply be treated as an exemplar of the MLA, as Levison and Pfeifer and
ernk did, but to describe it as merely a derivation (Jaroschka and Wendehorst) or as a different legendary (Lhotsky), masks somewhat the close
connection between the two collections86. The production of the Klosterneuburg Legendary, just as later the Melk volumes, can be seen as evidence of the continued value placed on the MLA both as a hagiographical
resource and as a collection of representative stature within the region.
Excursus: Melk-Gaming-Trier A late descendant of the MLA
The story of the reception of the MLA can be further enriched by reference to another legendary, whose connections with the collection have
recently been brought into focus. In an introduction to his edition of the
Vita Mariani (BHL 5527) Stefan Weber argued that Cod. 1176 of Trier
Stadtbibliothek, long recognised as a descendant of the MLA, is probably
dependent on the thirteenth-century Melk MLA volume, Cod. 388, via a
85
86

In this connection, see also below, section 3.2.

KL is, in any case, continually counted among the MLA exemplars in the literature concerning individual legends; e.g. C. I. M. I. VAN BEEK, Passio sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis,
vol. I, Nijmegen, 1936, pp. 141-142; TRITZ, Die hagiographischen Quellen (see above n. 74),
pp. 208-210; KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior, pp. LI-LII; BIELER, Four Latin Lives, pp.
15-21; JEFFERIS, Hrotsvit and the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, pp. 244-245; CHIESA
DOLBEAU, Una traduzione amalfitana dellXI secolo (see above n. 75), p. 910; KRAUSE, Die
Touler Vita Leos IX., pp. 38-41; C. LANRY, La tradition manuscrite de la Passio Sebastiani
(Arnobe le Jeune, BHL 7543), in Revue dhistoire des textes, 7 (2012), pp. 37-116, at p. 51.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

117

lost intermediary manuscript from the charterhouse at Gaming in Lower


Austria, which was founded in 133087. The Trier manuscript (T) is a compilation of hagiographical texts assembled from various Gaming manuscripts by the Erfurt Carthusian, Iacobus Bilagius, in 1627. As argued by
Weber, a copy of Cod. 388 must have been among Bilagius sources.
The first part of the manuscript (items 1-23) contains a selection of
texts corresponding largely to legends contained in the January to midFebruary section of the MLA, and following the same calendrical sequence.
Texts particularly diagnostic of an association with the MLA include
Wolfhards preface to the month of February and Lives such as the Vita
Mariani and Vita Mochullei (BHL 5978), the medieval transmission of
which is almost exclusively limited to the MLA. In a note on fol. 86r Bilagius mentions as one of his sources a legendary containing saints with
feastdays between 1 January and 14 February and erroneously carrying
the title Prima pars passionalis sancti Hieronymj88. Only Cod. 388 among
the surviving MLA manuscripts covers exactly the stated period, and the
title can be taken to represent an unfortunate deduction from the two
opening texts of the MLA, namely those letters exchanged between SS.
Chromatius and Heliodorus and St Jerome, which also constitute the praefatio to the Martyrologium Hieronymianum89. Without having had the
chance to consult T personally, a comparison of the items in Coens description thereof with Cod. 388 allows its dependence on the Melk manuscript to be confirmed90. According to Coens, the eighteenth text in T is
entitled Praefatio Hoshardi in Februarium. Such an incorrect rendering
87

WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, pp. 33, 51-53, 77-79. Earlier discussion in N. F.
PALMER, Visio Tnugdali. The German and Dutch Translations and Their Circulation in the
Later Middle Ages (= Mnchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des
Mittelalters, 76), Munich, 1982, p. 18: The Gaming (OCarth) manuscript was probably also
a copy of this legendary [i.e. the MLA], and D. RIAIN-RAEDEL, Ireland and Austria in the
Middle Ages: The Role of the Irish Monks in Austria, in Austro-Irish Links Through the Centuries, ed. P. LEIFER E. SAGARRA, Vienna, 2002, pp. 11-40, at p. 38: a now lost recension [of
the MLA] from Gaming survives in a manuscript in Trier. An overview of the history of the
charterhouse at Gaming is to be found in Kartause Gaming. Ausstellung anlsslich der Wiederherstellung des Herzogsgrabes. Herzog Albrecht II. und die Kartause Gaming, ed. W. HILDEBRAND, Gaming, 1985; M. HALTRICH, gt pcher und ander dinge. Untersuchungen von
Schriftlichkeit, Administration und Buchproduktion in der sptmittelalterlichen Verwaltung der
Kartause Gaming (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Vienna, 2010), pp. 19-50 (available
online at http://othes.univie.ac.at/12052/1/2010-11-11_9305457.pdf; visited 13 May, 2014).
88

Reproduced in WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, p. 79.

89

AASS, Nov. t. 2/1, p. LXXXII; WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, p. 79.

90

M. COENS, Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum bibliothecae civitatis Treverensis, in AB, 52 (1934), pp. 157-286, at p. 236-241.

118

D. RIAIN

of the title to this particular Praefatio Wolfhardi only appears in one MLA
manuscript, namely in Cod. 388, f. 209v: Prefacio Huoshardi in februarium. Furthermore, one can point to the title of the final text in T, which
reads Visio Mugdali militis cuiusdam Hybernie91. Among all extant MLA
volumes, this exact misrendering of Tnugdalus only occurs in Cod. 38892.
Whereas the Trier manuscript only contains a selection of the MLA
texts from the period 1 January to 14 February, its source, the lost Gaming
codex (G) must have constituted a complete or fuller transcription of
Cod. 388. Bilagius comments give the impression that a more complete
legendary volume with intact calendrical sequence was at his disposal in
Gaming93. Bilagius gave no hint as to the date of his source, but a piece of
palaeographical evidence relating to the above-mentioned misrendering of
the name Tnugdalus may provide a good indication. Whereas it is not
possible to date the alteration from Tnugdalus to Mugdalus within the text
itself in Cod. 388, a similar change was made to a table of contents added
to the Melk manuscript in the fifteenth century94. Here the title was altered
to Visio Mugaldi militis, most likely by the same person who made the
changes within the text itself95. The lost Gaming codex was, therefore,
probably written in the fifteenth century at the earliest, after these alterations had been made96.
Whether the lost Gaming codex contained legends additional to Cod.
388, which may have been included in T, cannot now be determined. Because the library of the charterhouse at Gaming was dispersed after its
dissolution in 1782 and many of its holdings lost in the meantime, trying
91
The three final texts in T are the Visiones Baronti (BHL 997), Wetini and Tnugdali.
They appear in the order Tnugdalus, Barontus, Wetinus at the end of January in Cod. 388, which
was most probably the source of these texts.
92
Whereas no name is contained in the actual title in Cod. 388, Mugdalus appears twice
in the text (fol. 193v, 195r), although the M is clearly the result of a later alteration of the two
original opening letters, assuredly Tn. The title of the work within a fifteenth-century table of
contents was also changed to Visio Mugaldi militis (see below).
93

Quod opus si per singulos menses, de qua dubito, quia nos tantum hunc primum tomum
habemus, integrum extaret, pro magno ecclesiae thesauro reputandum; per WEBER, Iren auf dem
Kontinent, p. 79.
94

Cod. 388, fol. 265v.

95

An M was added in suprascript above the erased opening letter(s) of the name.

96

Bilagius comment that only one volume of his source legendary was present in Gaming
may point to it having been transcribed in the period before Christophorus Liebs production of
six new volumes circa 1470. Weber believed that the inclusion of the Vita Sebaldi, which was
written between 1400 und 1410, in T offered a secure terminus ante quem non for G; WEBER,
Iren auf dem Kontinent, p. 346, fn. 707. This Life need not necessarily have been copied from
G, however, and could instead have been drawn from one of Bilagius other Gaming sources.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

119

to identify the other sources used by Bilagius would present a great


challenge97. Other texts in T might have had their provenance in further
Gaming copies of Melk codices, above all the Passio and Miracula S. Colomanni and De S. Gothalmo socio peregrinationis S. Colomanni. A closer
examination of the Trier Cod. 1176 may shine more light on the then connections between the Gaming Carthusians and Melk Benedictines, whose
monasteries were only circa 50km apart98.
Section 3: Old questions and new beginnings: an investigation of
the sources, compilation and transmission of the MLA
One of the key aims of the MLA project within VISCOM has been
the clarification of the many open questions with regard to the compilation
and transmission of the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum. This is, of
course, in itself a major research desideratum, but it is also necessary in
order to provide a sound basis for an exploration of the significance of the
legendary in relation to the underlying project focus on medieval visions
of community. The following section provides an overview of previous research conducted on the MLA, and, although the project is far from completion, it also offers significant new findings with regard to the compilation and transmission processes.
3.1. Research to date
As outlined above, Poncelets 1898 publication remains the startingpoint for any study of the MLA. His theories with regard to the sources
and manuscript tradition of the legendary, which will be treated in detail
below, continue to dominate the field. His conclusions concerning the relationship of the surviving MLA exemplars to one another have, however,
been challenged repeatedly within studies concerned with the dissemination of individual texts contained within the collection. Indeed, it has
97

See GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1, pp. 1-3. A project aimed at


a digital reconstruction of the erstwhile holdings of the Gaming monastic library is currently
underway at the Institut fr sterreichische Geschichtsforschung, University of Vienna: Die
virtuelle Bibliothek der Kartause Gaming (Project Leader: Prof. Thomas Winkelbauer); http://
www.univie.ac.at/Geschichtsforschung/node/469 (visited 25 January, 2014).
98

Regarding links between the two monasteries during the floruit of the Melk monastic
reform movement in the fifteenth century and for an example of the post-dissolution travels of
one fifteenth-century manuscript of probable Gaming provenance, see S. RISCHPLER M.
HALTRICH, Der Codex 5393 der sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek und seine lokalhistorische
Verortung, Eine Zusammenschau, in Mitteilungen des Instituts fr sterreichische Geschichtsforschung, 120 (2012), pp. 307-320.

120

D. RIAIN

been through this research channel that the greatest strides in the subject
area have been made. The modest number of essays concerning the MLA
Corpus as a whole that have appeared in the more than a century since
Poncelets standard-work have, on the other hand, brought relatively little
progress. In the course of two separate large-scale investigations concerning the sources of the Middle High German Mrterbuch and of the
late-fifteenth-century Sanctuarium of Mombritius, Gerhard Eis provided a
lengthy description of the MLA without offering much that was new99. His
comparison of individual MLA text witnesses with their supposed descendants in the Mrterbuch and the Sanctuarium is of greater value, insofar
as he drew attention to differences between the MLA exemplars and also
between the MLA and Windberg collections100. Perhaps the most important article of the last century was published by Anton Kern exactly 50
years after Poncelet101. On the basis of the provenance of particular texts
in the collection, Kern argued that the MLA was most likely compiled in
Regensburg rather than in Austria, with the result that the question of the
legendarys place of origin has since then been the central concern of MLA
studies. In contrast to the open question of the collections provenance,
Kern regarded the issue of the sources used by the compiler as for the
most part clarified, a very debatable conclusion, then as now102. Despite
this assertion Kern himself threw some new light on the sources of the
collection through his emphasis on texts of demonstrable Regensburg origin. As will be discussed in section 3.4., Kerns observations regarding the
date of the collections compilation also proved influential. Nonetheless,
his arguments in relation to both the provenance and dating of the MLA
reaped considerable criticism fifteen years later in a short piece by Alphons
Lhotsky, who championed an Austrian origin on grounds of the geographical spread of the surviving exemplars103. Guy Philippart included the
MLA among the classic legendaries of the post-Carolingian period in an
99
G. EIS, Die Quellen des Mrterbuches (= Prager deutsche Studien, 46), Reichenberg i.
B., 1932; ID., Die Quellen fr das Sanctuarium des Mailnder Humanisten Boninus Mombritius.
Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte der groen Legendensammlungen des Mittelalters (= Germanische Studien, 140), Berlin, 1933.
100
In an entry to the Verfasserlexikon, Eis also offered an introduction to the MLA and
some new observations regarding the identifiable sources of the legendary as well as its influence
on later collections; G. EIS, Legendarium Austriacum, Magnum, in Die deutsche Literatur des
Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, 1st ed., ed. K. LANGOSCH, vol. 5, Berlin, 1955, col. 600-606.
101

KERN, Magnum Legendarium, pp. 429-434.

102

Ibid., p. 429.

103

LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, pp. 220-221.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

121

entry to the Verfasserlexikon, comparing it with other large high- and latemedieval collections with regard to the number of texts it contains104. The
same author also emphasised the need to take a fresh look at the question
of the MLAs sources. In her introduction to a catalogue of the medieval
manuscripts at Zwettl, Charlotte Ziegler proposed that the MLA was
rooted within Cistercian tradition and originated in Heiligenkreuz, where
the collection was compiled or copied in accordance with the Cistercian
practice of possessing large legendaries, as exemplified by the four-volume
collection compiled at Cteaux in the twelfth century105. She pointed to arthistorical affinities between the Heiligenkreuz exemplar and manuscripts
produced in Cteaux. Zieglers conclusions were, however, not based on
any meaningful consideration of the content of the MLA or on textual comparison and did not give due regard to previous research undertaken on the
legendary and its transmission. Following the publication of the first part
of the Zwettl catalogue in 1992 an article concerning the MLA by Joseph
van der Straeten appeared in this journal, which, as a measure aimed towards completing Poncelets original list of contents, furnished the folio
and BHL numbers of the Lives contained in the Zwettl volumes106. Although somewhat circumspect with regard to Zieglers theory, he endorsed
the notion that the MLA was born out of Cistercian tradition, suggesting
that a pre-existing Cistercian legendary was one of the compilers sources
and speculating that Heiligenkreuz was the cradle of the MLA.
All in all, in the more than a century since Poncelets comprehensive
study some of the more important questions concerning the sources and
transmission of the MLA have failed to receive the attention they deserve
in the literature concerning the collection as a whole. In fact, the real progress in this regard has been made somewhat unnoticed in studies devoted
to individual legends contained within the MLA. Poncelets theories with
respect to sources and transmission have been subjected to reassessment
in numerous critical editions and essays, without the findings of the different investigations having ever been collated. The gathering together of
an extensive, if by no means exhaustive, array of such studies can be regarded in itself as an important achievement of the current project, insofar
as the linguistic and geographical spread of the works has led to general
lack of awareness among authors with respect to the like-minded earlier
104

PHILIPPART, Legendare, col. 649-650.

105

ZIEGLER, Handschriftenkatalog Stift Zwettl, part 1, pp. X-XII, XXXIII-XXXVI; part 3, pp.

XXIII-XXIV.
106

VAN DER

STRAETEN, Le Grand Lgendier Autrichien, pp. 321-348.

122

D. RIAIN

pursuits of their colleagues107. Moreover, the overview gained from the


collection and comparison of these studies also provides a solid basis for
further research. The value of the investigation of individual texts as a
means of unlocking the collection as a whole will become apparent in the
following sections concerning the MLAs sources, origin and transmission.
Most of the relevant authors have, understandably, proved somewhat
reticent in applying the results of their studies of the manuscript tradition
of individual MLA texts to the complete collection. Only through careful
investigation of the transmission of several legends could clarification of
the general issues concerning the sources of the legendary and the relationship between the surviving exemplars be hoped for108. The current project offers the opportunity to take this step and, through the collation of
the results of previous studies with the discoveries that come from an
extended investigation of the legendary, tackle in systematic fashion the
many open questions concerning the MLA.
3.2. The sources and compilation of the MLA
Poncelets basic theory regarding the compilation of the MLA, whereby the content of the collection was drawn from an existing large-scale
legendary combined with various smaller text groups and individual text
witnesses, has remained unchallenged109. The lost source-legendary was,
as Poncelet argued, the original (archetypum) or a copy of a hagiographical
collection that had been in circulation within southern Germany from as
early as the final third of the eleventh century onwards. On the other hand,
107
Edith Madas was, for example, of the belief that she was the first scholar to rebut Poncelets theory of the dependence of the MLA exemplar from Lilienfeld upon that from Heiligenkreuz: Diese Ansichten von Poncelet wurden nach meinem Wissen von niemanden widerlegt;
E. MADAS, Die heiligen ungarischen Knige in zisterziensischen Legendarien am Ende des 12.
bis Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts, in Zisterziensisches Schreiben im Mittelalter Das Skriptorium
der Reiner Mnche, ed. A. SCHWOB K. KRANICH-HOFBAUER (= Jahrbuch fr internationale
Germanistik. Reihe A, 71), Bern, 2005, pp. 219-229, at p. 225. Ulla Westerbergh had, in fact,
already taken this step some forty years before; U. WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius,
pp. 108-109. The present author has only recently become aware of a large collection of edited
Aquileian and Istrian saints Lives published in E. COLOMBI, Le Passioni dei Martiri Aquileiesi
e Istriani, 2 vols (= Fonti per la storia della Chiesa in Friuli. Serie medievale, 7 and 14), Rome,
2008 and 2013. Many of the critical editions draw upon MLA witnesses and the position of
same within the wider transmission is examined. An analysis of the findings of the respective
authors with regard to the MLA will have to await future publication.
108
For example, MADAS, Die heiligen ungarischen Knige, p. 227: Meine Beobachtungen
liefern jedoch einen Beitrag dafr, dass sich das Verhltnis der erhaltenen Exemplare des Legendarium magnum nur auf Grund sorgfltiger textkritischer Untersuchungen bestimmen lsst.
109

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, pp. 24-27.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

123

the proposal that a legendary of French Cistercian origin provided the basis
for the MLA, which was disseminated from Heiligenkreuz, as argued by
Ziegler and van der Straeten, is not plausible, not least because investigations as to the transmission of individual texts contained within the MLA
continually locate the closest stemmatic ancestors of the MLA versions
within the southern German and Austrian region, regardless of the origins
of the saint or date of the Lifes composition110. This latter research has
helped to cast light on the nature of the sources actually available to the
compiler.
Poncelet was of the belief that the large Windberg Legendary, compiled in Lower Bavaria at some point between 1141 and 1191, was also
based directly or indirectly on the archetypum, which the compiler of the
MLA relied upon in original or secondary form111. The possibility that
both the original exemplar of the MLA (the Ur-MLA) and the Windberg
Legendary (Wind) drew directly from the same source collection (whether
the archetypum or a descendant) now seems improbable. While the witnesses of the more than 200 texts shared by the two legendaries are closely
related, their stemmatic relationship appears to be more distant than that
contemplated by Poncelet. For example, on the basis of her study of the
manuscript tradition of the Vita Anastasii, Franklin came to the conclusion
that the text in Wind was a number of stages further removed from the original version of BHL 410 than the MLA Life112. Van Beek placed the MLA
and Wind witnesses of the Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis (BHL 6636) in
two different transmission groups, which would indicate that both were at
least one stage removed from their shared ancestor113. Lanry, on the other
110

ZIEGLER, Handschriftenkatalog Stift Zwettl, part 1, pp. XI-XII, XXXIII-XXXVI; part 3, p.


STRAETEN, Le Grand Lgendier Autrichien, p. 328, n. 30. As emphasised by
Franklin in a discussion of Zieglers theory, only through careful study of the collections contents and the production of stemmata of common texts can the dependence of one legendary
upon another be ascertained. Codicological and art-historical affinities cannot be isolated from
the contents of the manuscripts; FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, pp. 420-426 (esp.
pp. 425-426).
XXIII; VAN DER

111

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 26; ID., De legendario Windbergensi,


in AB, 17 (1898), pp. 97-122, at pp. 99-100. The complete Windberg Legendary (Wind) comprises six manuscripts (= Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 22240-45); see n. 32.
According to Jefferis, the Passio Gallicani, Iohannis et Pauli (BHL 3236, 3238) in the MLA
was copied from that in Wind, which amounts to the only assertion of direct dependence within
the literature; JEFFERIS, Hrotsvit and the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, pp. 244-249, 251
(stemma). Considering that no textual readings were proffered to support this theory, it must be
regarded as questionable.
112
113

FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, pp. 423-426.


VAN

BEEK, Passio sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis (see above n. 86), pp. 141-142.

124

D. RIAIN

hand, proposed that the Passio Theodorae et Didymi in Wind might have
been copied directly from the common source, while the Ur-MLA was one
stage removed114. Assuming that these shared texts were all derived ultimately from Poncelets archetypum, it would seem that the latter had been
copied on a number of occasions before it was indirectly used by the compilers of Wind and the MLA. It is noteworthy that neither the archetypum
nor the intermediary copies, which must themselves have been large legendaries containing more than 200 Lives, appear to have survived. The footprint of the archetypum can, nonetheless, be found in other descendant
copies besides Wind and the MLA115.
One of these manuscripts, which has the potential to throw considerable light on the location and method of the MLAs compilation, is Cod.
707 of the Stiftsbibliothek at Klosterneuburg. It dates to the second half of
the twelfth century and contains 40 texts pertaining to 34 saints or feastdays116. All the saints and feast-days in Cod. 707 are represented in the
If the stemma reconstructed by Holder-Egger for the Vita Lulli (BHL 5065) were to be expanded
to include the then unknown text witness in Klosterneuburg Cod. 707 (see the discussion immediately below), a similar picture would emerge, whereby both Wind and the MLA would be
removed from their common source by separate intermediary copies; Vita Lulli archiepiscopi
Mogontiacensis auctore Lamperto, ed. O. HOLDER-EGGER (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 38), Hannover, 1894, pp. XXI-XXIV.
114

LANRY, La Passion de Thodora et Didyme, pp. 12-17. Such conclusions are, of


course, necessarily dependent on the vagaries of manuscript survival. In this context, it is noteworthy, for example, that the corresponding volume of the Oberaltaich legendary (Clm 9506)
discussed in section 1.4., does not survive. Although it is not certain that the Passio Theodorae
et Didymi was contained in it, the presence of the Life in the MLA and Wind and by extension
in the archetypum, and the closeness of the content of Clm 9506 to Wind makes it probable that
it was. According to Holder-Eggers stemma for the Vita Lulli, it was with Clm 9506 that Wind
shared its immediate template.
115

The above-mentioned Clm 9506 from Oberaltaich is a salient example. A comparison


of its content with that of the more recent Wind suggests that the two legendaries are very
closely related, although a small number of Windberg Lives are absent in Clm 9506. It appears
to be a case of two sister manuscripts copied from the same source, but the exact relationship
between the two can only be established through text-collation. Holder-Eggers research on the
Vita Lulli might be indicative in this regard, the editor having proposed that the text witnesses
in the two collections were dependent on the same source; HOLDER-EGGER, Vita Lulli archiepiscopi, pp. XXI-XXIV. Significant with respect to the relationship between the MLA, Wind and
the Oberaltaich legendary is the fact that Holder-Egger excluded the possibility that the MLA
witness was copied from the shared source of the other two collections. Applying this conclusion more broadly, it would suggest that this shared source and the archetypum are not
identical. A thorough investigation of the relationship between the many legendaries compiled
in southern Germany (in particular Bavaria) and Austria in the late-eleventh and twelfth centuries, which would reveal the extent of the influence of Poncelets archetypum, remains a research desideratum.
116

PFEIFFER ERNK, Handwritten card-catalogue (see above p. 25), pp. 964-974


(permalink: http:// manuscripta.at/?ID=914).

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

125

MLA, but on four occasions the Klosterneuburg manuscript contains a different redaction to that found in the MLA117. Where Cod. 707 and the MLA
share the same redaction of a text, the witnesses are very close, as has been
revealed by collation undertaken in the context of critical editions. Thus,
Lanrys study of the transmission of the Passio Theodorae et Didymi led
her to propose that the versions in Cod. 707 and the Ur-MLA were copied
from the same source, a sister manuscript of Wind, with both going back
directly to a common source118. Similarly, Karwasiska argued that Cod.
707 and the MLA belonged to the same family within the manuscript tradition of the Vita Adalberti (BHL 37), which was closely related to, but
distinguishable from, that containing Wind119. Lanry took up Poncelets
theory regarding the main source of the MLA and, on the grounds of her
findings concerning the close textual relationship between the latter and
Klosterneuburg Cod. 707, postulated that a copy of the archetypum must
have already been in circulation in Austria prior to the compilation of both
legendaries. This insight is potentially of great significance with regard to
the debate surrounding the MLAs place of origin, insofar as it would encourage the abandonment of the oft-mooted theory of a Regensburg provenance120. The descriptive Austriacum, first bestowed by Poncelet, would
then gain added resonance.
It is, of course, not possible to come to definitive conclusions on the
basis of the stemma of a single legend, or indeed of two, if we accept
Karwasiskas transmission model as further evidence of the presence of a
copy of the archetypum i.e. the common source of the Vita Adalberti in
Cod. 707 and the MLA in Austria by the second half of the twelfth century. An examination of the content of Cod. 707, which comprises two
distinct sequences of calendrically arranged texts does, nonetheless, provide support for Lanrys theory. The first sequence covers 9 October to
15 November and is followed without a break by a group of legends pertaining to the period 4 April to 30 June. Only the very last text of the
manuscript, the Vita Sigismundi (BHL 7717; 1 May) departs from the sequence. Cod. 707 therefore clearly represents a partial copy of a larger

117

Dionysius: Cod. 707 has BHL 2187 and 2178 instead of 2175 in the MLA. Benignus:
BHL 1153 instead of 1155. Primus et Felicianus: both legendaries have BHL 6922, but in the
MLA the text is much shortened. Albanus Moguntinus: BHL 8111 instead of 200.
118

LANRY, La Passion de Thodora et Didyme, pp. 12-17.

119

KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior, pp. XIV-XV, XIX, LI.

120

This debate is outlined in section 3.3.

126

D. RIAIN

legendary, which was already arranged per circulum anni121. Furthermore,


a comparison of the calendrical arrangement of Cod. 707, Wind and the
MLA produces a notable result: Cod. 707 mirrors the sequence in Wind,
whereas both deviate from the MLA order on a number of occasions. The
Vita Hildulfi (BHL 3945) is included in Cod. 707 and in Wind at 8 November (date of translation), but this becomes 11 July (date of death) in the
MLA. The Vita Piniani et Lucinae (BHL 562) appears on 6 April in the
MLA, whereas it is accommodated at 11 May in the other two legendaries.
While the Lives of Columba (BHL 1887) and Primus et Felicianus (BHL
6922) are included at 9 June in all three collections, they appear in reverse
order in the MLA. This affinity in content between Cod. 707 and Wind becomes even clearer, when the particular redactions of the 34 legends in the
Klosterneuburg manuscript are compared with the corresponding items in
Wind: the two legendaries reveal an identical selection, and share the four
deviations from the MLA redactions mentioned above.
Despite the correspondence in overall content and calendrical sequence, Cod. 707 is textually closer to the MLA in the case of the redactions shared by all three legendaries. This contention, which represents
the findings of the studies of Lanry and Karwasiska, is supported by the
results of collation carried out by this author on selected samples of the
shared texts; this has revealed a significant level of concordance between
Cod. 707 and the MLA against the Windberg Legendary. The Passio Valentis episcopi (BHL 8456) lends itself as an example, as the MLA and
Windberg versions were together edited by Poncelet in an appendix to his
1898 article122. Comparison of the thirty-one variae lectiones provided by
Poncelet with the text in Klosterneuburg Cod. 707 (see appendix 2), shows
that Cod. 707 agrees with the dominant MLA reading five times against
Windberg and in no instance vice versa123. The collation of a limited section of the Vita Bonifatii archiepiscopi (BHL 1400) in all three legendaries
on the basis of Levisons edition brings similar results, with Cod. 707 and
the MLA agreeing against Wind in the case of most of the alternative readings124. The greater textual proximity of the Cod. 707 and MLA redactions
121
Interestingly, the two periods covered by Cod. 707 correspond closely to the fifth
(Munich, Clm 22244; October to mid-November) and second (Munich, Clm 22241; April to
June) volumes of the Windberg Legendary. It seems likely that the source of Cod. 707 (and of
the MLA) was a similarly arranged multi-volume legendary.
122
PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, appendix IV, pp. 133-135.
123
Appendix 2, fn. 1.3, 1.4, 1.10, 1.12, 2.5.
124
Vitae sancti Bonifatii archiepiscopi Moguntini, ed. W. LEVISON (see above n. 79).
A comparison of the six final variae lectiones of the Windberg text, as recorded in Levisons

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

127

is evident in these samples and adds weight to the findings of Lanry und
Karwasiska.
The ostensible contradiction presented by Cod. 707 having a greater
affinity with Wind with regard to overall content and structure on the one
hand, but a closer stemmatic relationship with the MLA on the other, can
be resolved by means of the following hypothesis: the Ur-MLA and Cod.
707 descend directly, or less likely, indirectly from the same source,
which Lanry entitled . This source, like the Windberg Legendary, was
ultimately derived from Poncelets archetypum. Furthermore, the correspondence between Cod. 707 and Wind in redactions and calendrical sequence allows the conclusion that both the shared intermediary source ()
and the archetypum were also structured in the same way and contained
these particular text versions. While the compiler of the MLA adopted
most of the Lives contained in , in the case of some legends he selected
an alternative redaction from another available source. Moreover, a new
overall structure was also created for the MLA with the result that certain
legends derived from were placed at a different point in the calendrical
sequence. The relationship between the three legendaries according to this
hypothesis can be illustrated by the following stemma codicum125:
Archetypum

Ur-MLA

KLN Cod. 707

Windberg Legendary

edition, with Cod. 707 (Kl) and the MLA exemplars produced the following results: MGH, p.
53(g) praedictum Wind; predictam AHMVZKl. p. 53(x) supradictum om. WindAHMVZKl.
p. 55(n)&(p) qui et incarnationis Domini DCCLV annus cum LXXmus Lmus secundus indictione octava conputatur Wind; qui (del., et corr Kl) et (om. AKl) incarnationis dominice septingentesimus (septigentesimus A; septingesimus HKl) quinquagesimus secundus annus cum indictione octava conputatur (deputatur Kl) AHMVZKl. p. 56(b) & (c) Qualiter in loco, ubi martyrum
sanguis effusus est, ecclesie paraturam fons vivus apparuit Wind; Qualiter in loco ubi martyrum
sanguis effusus (om. H) est (m. s. e. e.] martyrizatus est ad Z) ecclesie (ecclesiam M) paraturam
fons vivus apparuit HMVZ; om. AKl (space was left for a lemma, but never filled). p. 56(q) inmensis (corr. inmensas) inruptionis Wind; inmensas irruptiones AHMVZKl. p. 57(r) Explicit vita sancti Bonifacii archiepiscopi et martyris vel passio ipsius ac sociorum eius Wind;
om. H; Explicit vita vel passio sancti Bonifacii et (vel passio V) sociorum eius AMVZKl.
125
This stemma has been simplified, insofar as the, as yet, indeterminable number of legendaries which separated the archetypum from and Wind, respectively, have not been represented.

128

D. RIAIN

It is important not to lose sight of the fact that only provided the basis of
the MLA, which was supplemented many times over by smaller collections of texts and the Lives of individual saints. It seems probable that
just over a third of items in the MLA were absorbed from , assuming that
it was a legendary of similar scale and content to Wind126. The fact that
Klosterneuburg Cod. 707 contains no texts not also found in Wind encourages this assumption. It is noteworthy that neither nor Wind contains
legends composed after the second third of the eleventh century. On that
basis, it seems likely that the archetypum was completed within the final
third of the eleventh century, which would have left ample time for the production of multiple primary and secondary copies before the compilation
of the MLA in the latter part of the twelfth century. The absence of more
recent texts from Cod. 707 could indicate that was compiled long before
its transcription into the Klosterneuburg manuscript and the MLA. On the
other hand, a more recent date for seems equally plausible by reference
to the Windberg Legendary, which, despite having been compiled at some
point between 1141 and 1191, displays an equally antiquated character.
In contrast to the Klosterneuburg and Windberg legendaries, the MLA
comprises a state-of-the-art collection of hagiographical texts, particularly
in respect of those produced in the region of southern Germany and Austria. The compiler was clearly intent on including the latest hagiographical
products, and numerous texts from the second half of the twelfth century
were absorbed as a result. Considering this tendency and the sheer scale
of the MLA, it is easily imaginable that a call went out from the place of
compilation to other monasteries in search of material for this great compendium. It is noteworthy in the context of the manuscript sources of the
MLA and the collections place of origin that the various authors who have
studied the transmission of individual texts contained within the legendary
have failed to identify the direct sources of the MLA witnesses. It raises
the question as to what happened to this rich collection of hagiographic
material after it was copied into the Ur-MLA. Nonetheless, as will be discussed in the following section, indirect stemmatic antecedents and sister

126

More than 250 saints are commemorated in both the MLA and Wind, but the selected
redactions frequently differ, as is demonstrated by the above discussion regarding the content
of Cod. 707. Philippart has highlighted the difference between the MLA and Wind with regard
to the versions of the Vita Cypriani they contain, and warned against the simple equation of the
content of one legendary with the other: Lditeur autrichien avait ici choisi une autre source
que sa source principale; PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins, p. 104.

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129

copies of individual texts are in certain cases identifiable, offering the potential to cast new light on the issue of the collections provenance.
3.3. The place of compilation
The greatest obstacle to resolving the question of the provenance of
the MLA is posed by the absence of the original exemplar or Ur-MLA,
which might have offered codicological, palaeographical or art-historical
evidence to facilitate its attribution to a particular religious house. The
absence of the Ur-MLA has led to diverse methodological approaches
being employed in regard to the contested issue of the legendarys place
of origin. Before offering new insights concerning this question, an overview of the most important contributions to the debate to date is provided
below.
Research to date
Author

Date

Localisation

Main argument

A. Poncelet127

1898

Lower Austria

Most of the surviving exemplars originate


from there.

K. Uhlirz128

1914

Salzburg / Admont

The incorporation of a collection of Salzburg episcopal Lives.

A. Kern129

1948

Prfening / Regensburg The inclusion of particular texts written in


Regensburg or Prfening.

U. Westerbergh130 1963
A. Lhotsky131

127

A Benedictine monastery, possibly Melk

1963/ Lower Austria: Melk,


1964 Klosterneuburg, Heiligenkreuz, Zwettl or
Gttweig

The Melk exemplar ostensibly copied directly from the Ur-MLA


The predominant Lower Austrian distribution and the absence of exemplars or even
fragments outside Austria.

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 25.

128

K. UHLIRZ, Legendar (Zwettl, Stiftsbibliothek, HS No. XV), in Monumenta palaeographica, ed. A. CHROUST, ser. II.15, Munich, 1914, Pl. 9 (Pl. 389 of the complete work).
129

KERN, Magnum Legendarium.

130

WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, p. 110, n. 23.

131

LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, pp. 220-221; ID., Umri einer Geschichte der Wissenschaftspflege im alten Niedersterreich. Mittelalter (= Forschungen zur Landeskunde von Niedersterreich, 17), Vienna, 1964, pp. 54-55.

130

D. RIAIN

P. Chiesa132

1990

Austria

The MLA version of the Vita Epiphanii


derived from an Austrian template

C. Ziegler133

1992

Heiligenkreuz

The MLA as part of the Cistercian tradition. The presence of a multi-volume legendary at Cteaux. Art-historical considerations.

J. van der
Straeten134

1995

Heiligenkreuz

Because Heiligenkreuz held the earliest


exemplar and was ostensibly the template
for Lilienfeld and Zwettl.

D. RiainRaedel135

1998

Regensburg

Inclusion of a collection of Irish saints


legends, which probably originated at the
Regensburg Schottenkloster.

C. Lanry136

2004

Austria

The dependence of the MLA version of


the Passio Theodorae et Didymi on a lost
legendary circulating in Austria.

Table 2: Overview of theories regarding the provenance of the MLA

While Poncelet, Lhotsky, Westerbergh and van der Straeten based their
arguments on the legendarys transmission, the theories of others, in particular Uhrliz, Kern and Riain-Raedel, derived principally from a consideration of the provenance of individual parts of the collection137. Lhotsky
regarded the latter approach as unconvincing, an opinion that appears justified, although the fact that the relevant texts date largely to the period
shortly before the compilation of the MLA lends them a certain significance. Extrapolating the place of provenance from the location of the surviving exemplars, while potentially indicative, is also somewhat unpersuasive, considering that a number of MLA exemplars are no longer extant, as
132
CHIESA, Postille sulla tradizione manoscritta della Vita latina di santEpifanio, in
Studi Medievali, 31 (1990), pp. 455-461, at p. 460.
133

ZIEGLER, Handschriftenkatalog Stift Zwettl, part 1, pp. XI-XII, XXXIII-XXXVI; part 3, p.

XXIII.
134

VAN DER

STRAETEN, Le Grand Lgendier Autrichien, p. 329.

135

D. RIAIN-RAEDEL, The Travels of Irish Manuscripts from the Continent to Ireland,


in A Miracle of Learning. Studies in Manuscripts and Irish Learning. Essays in Honour of
William OSullivan, ed. T. BARNARD D. CRINN K. SIMMS, Aldershot, 1998, pp. 52-67,
at p. 56; EAD., Vita sancti Cemgeni, pp. 149-152.
136
137

LANRY, La Passion de Thodora et Didyme, pp. 12-17.

The relevant texts, namely the Salzburg episcopal Lives, Marian miracles and a Dialogus from Prfening as well as an Irish hagiographical collection are all discussed in detail
below (sections 3.3.-3.5.).

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131

will be made clear in section 3.5. The potential for art-historical considerations to help determine the provenance, an approach adopted in part by
Ziegler, appears to be very limited in the case of the MLA, given the loss
of the original exemplar and one of at least two direct copies thereof138.
The most promising approach to this issue is also a laborious one, namely
the localisation of the direct manuscript sources of the compiler by way of
the identification of templates, antecedents and parallel witnesses of individual legends within the MLA. As will be discussed presently, the studies
of Chiesa and Lanry can be seen to show the way in this regard.
The Great Austrian Legendary
The MLA and Klosterneuburg Cod. 707 both appear to have copied
directly a range of texts from the lost legendary source, , in the latter part
of the twelfth century. The inference to be drawn, as Lanry perceived, is
that , a copy of the archetypum postulated by Poncelet, had by then already made its way to the region of Austria / Styria. Moreover, because
represented the single main source of the MLA, it seems almost certain that
the compilation of the legendary occurred somewhere in Austria / Styria
and not at Regensburg or elsewhere outside the region. Some further evidence pointing to the MLA having originated within this area can be drawn
from studies concerning individual legends. Chiesa identified the twelfthcentury Admont Cod. 708 as the indirect source for the MLA-version of
the Vita Epiphanii, the text in the MLA being separated from Cod. 708 by
way of two intermediary copies. The lost immediate template of the MLA
text was also transcribed into Zwettl Cod. 144 and Lilienfeld Cod. 134
(from Kleinmariazell Benedictine monastery in Lower Austria). The regional basis of the distribution of this branch of the legends transmission
prompted the author to cast doubt on the possibility that the MLA was
compiled outside of modern-day Austria139. A collection of Irish saints
Lives, which was most probably assembled at the Regensburg Schottenkloster, was also incorporated into the MLA, but, significantly, it is transmitted independently of the latter in further later twelfth-century manuscripts of Austrian / Styrian provenance140. This suggests that the collection
138

See section 3.5.

139

CHIESA, Postille... (see above n. 132), p. 460: La presenza dellarchetipo di questo


ramo in Austria e la linearit con cui il testo sembra essersi diffuso nella regione costituisce un
elemento contro lipotesi di unelaborazione bavarese del Magnum Legendarium, avanzata dal
Kern e gi criticata dal Lhotsky.
140

See BIELER, Four Latin Lives, pp. 233-234; ID., An Austrian Fragment of a Life of St.

132

D. RIAIN

arrived into the region autonomously rather than as part of an alreadycompiled MLA141. This evidence and, above all, the implications of the
collections textual relationship with Klosterneuburg Cod. 707, when taken
together with the regional basis of its transmission, leave little doubt that
the collection was compiled somewhere in Austria / Styria.
Assuming a provenance within this region, various potential places
of origin become plausible. Because the full transmission of the MLA is
not represented by the six exemplars surviving today (see section 3.5.) the
location of the collections compilation need not have been among the
monasteries holding or associated with copies142. At the very least,
Klosterneuburg should be counted among the potential places of origin,
considering that the apparent main source of the MLA, the lost legendary, was copied there in the second half of the twelfth century. As
mentioned above, the absence of an original MLA exemplar from KlosterPatrick, in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 95 (1961), pp. 176-181; RIAIN-RAEDEL, Vita sancti
Cemgeni, pp. 147-149; WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, pp. 32-33, 735-740. This collection
is above all distinguished by the Lives it contains of particular Irish saints, who would otherwise have been unknown or little known outside of Ireland at the time, namely Mochulleus, Ita,
Ronanus, Coemgenus, Senanus and Flannanus. Traces of this collection can be found in two
late-twelfth-century manuscripts of Austrian provenance, Stift Rein Cod. 51 and Gttweig Cod.
9, Nr. 33. XII.1. Cod. 51 from a Cistercian monastery in Styria contains almost exclusively Irish
saints Lives, including the Vitae Ronani and Coemgeni; A. WEIS, Handschriften-Verzeichniss
der Stifts-Bibliothek zu Reun, vol. 1 (= Xenia Bernardina, II/1), Vienna, 1891, pp. 35-36. Going
by an entry to a catalogue from 1568, the library may once have held a second manuscript containing Irish legends, beginning with the Vita Brigidae; A. WEIS, Die Bibliothek des ZisterzienserStiftes Reun in der zweiten Hlfte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, in Beitrge zur Erforschung steirischer
Geschichte, 35 (new series, 3), (1906), p. 259, no. 217. Catalogues from the library at Heiligenkreuz dating to 1363-74 and 1381 also exhibit a manuscript boasting a collection of Irish Lives
very similar but not identical to Cod. 51; GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1,
pp. 11, 59, 69. The Gttweig fragment contains the final lines of the Vita Flannani followed by
the opening of an otherwise unknown redaction of the Vita Patricii, which suggests that the
folio once belonged to another legendary comprising exclusively or predominantly Irish Lives.
Because published editions have shown the Rein manuscript to contain better witnesses of the
Vitae Ronani, Patricii and Coemgeni than the MLA, and owing to the unique character of the
Gttweig redaction of the Vita Patricii, neither manuscript can be dependent on the MLA, and
instead constitute autonomous witnesses to this Irish collection; PONCELET, De magno legendario
Austriaco, appendix IX, pp. 159-166; BIELER, Four Latin Lives, pp. 14-39; RIAIN-RAEDEL,
Vita sancti Cemgeni, pp. 158-161.
141

Particularly worthy of note in this context is the fact that the version of the Vita
Patricii in the MLA is incomplete and its chapter sequence askew, a condition that Bieler
attributed to the loss of folios and a subsequent disarrangement; BIELER, Four Latin Lives, pp.
16-17. The text-witness in Rein Cod. 51 is, in contrast, complete. If we assume, as Bieler did,
that Patricks Life was transmitted as part of the wider Irish collection, then the version of the
source-collection available to copy at Rein cannot have been the same as that used in the compilation of the MLA, containing, as it did, an intact witness of the Vita Patricii.
142
From among the current custodians, Lilienfeld can, of course, be ruled out as the place
of origin, as the monastery there was only founded in 1202.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

133

neuburg is also somewhat incongruous, considering the importance of the


canonry as a Babenberg stronghold within the region and the strong cultural links between it and many of the other monasteries party to the legendarys transmission, as is attested, for example, by the manuscript tradition of the Austrian annals.
As will be demonstrated in section 3.5., it appears that only one of
the surviving exemplars of the legendary, namely that from Admont, was
copied directly from the Ur-MLA, whereas all the others are stemmatically
at least one, if not two, further steps removed from the original collection.
On the basis, therefore, of the proximity of its exemplar to the Ur-MLA,
Admont has a prima facie case to be the most likely place of compilation.
Furthermore, the conditions necessary for the creation of such a large-scale
compendium appear to have existed in Admont in the late twelfth century.
The manuscripts preserved from this period in the monastic library testify
to the presence there of a vigorous scriptorium, with an accumulation of
hagiographic material and extensive contact with other monasteries143.
Admont was first mentioned as a possible provenance for the MLA by
Uhlirz, on the basis that the monasterys close connections with the Salzburg archdiocese might account for the incorporation of a recently compiled collection of Salzburg episcopal Lives into the legendary144. Indeed,
it is certain that the Salzburg collection was present in Admont in the late
twelfth century; a manuscript of Admont provenance contains this group
of texts along with some additional Salzburg material not included in the
MLA145. Historically-documented connections with Regensburg, which,
143

Regarding Admonts contacts, see section 1.5. Concerning the Admont scriptorium
and library, see P. BUBERL, Die illuminierten Handschriften in Steiermark. I: Die Stiftsbibliotheken zu Admont und Vorau (= Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in
sterreich, 4/1), Leipzig, 1911, pp. 1-6; MSER-MERSKY, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge...
(see above n. 66), vol. 3, pp. 1-65; NASCHENWENG, Admont... (see above n. 42), pp. 141-148;
SEEBERG, Die Illustrationen im Admonter Nonnenbrevier... (see above n. 43), pp. 21-26, 53-56;
LUTTER, Geschlecht & Wissen... (see above n. 16), pp. 59-62.
144
UHLIRZ, Legendar... (see above n. 128). As will be discussed in section 3.4., it is not
certain, but probable that this collection, which is included at November 27 in the Heiligenkreuz, Lilienfeld and Melk exemplars, was also present in the Ur-MLA.
145
The relevant manuscript left Admont at some point after 1380, eventually ending up in
the library of the counts of Kuenburg at Mlad Voice in Bohemia, where its contents were recorded by Franz Martin before 1918; F. MARTIN, Eine neu aufgefundene Admonter Handschrift,
in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fr ltere deutsche Geschichtskunde, 41 (1919), pp. 267-282.
It is now in private hands in Salzburg, with a microfilm copy available to consult at the Salzburger Landesarchiv (SLA, HS 907). The whereabouts of this manuscript were unknown to the
present author until very recently. Preliminary indications are that a planned textual comparison of the manuscript with the MLA promises to shed much new light on the circumstances
of the MLAs compilation. The results of this research will have to await future publication.

134

D. RIAIN

as highlighted by Claudia Mrtl, resulted in the exchange of manuscripts in


both directions, are also of potential importance with regard to Admonts
plausibility as the place of the legendarys compilation, considering the
incorporation of a significant number of texts of Regensburg provenance
into the MLA146. Moreover, Mrtl cites evidence that certain of these
Regensburg texts were transmitted in Admont manuscripts independent of
the MLA147. Illustrative of one means by which source texts may have
arrived at Admont is a surviving copy of a letter sent by Abbot Gottfried
(1138-1165) to a former Admont monk, then residing in the Benedictine
monastery at Tegernsee in Upper Bavaria148. Gottfried requests of the
monk that he might make available to his former monastery, either through
lending or transcription, any works held in the Tegernsee library, which
were not also possessed by Admont. It may be that a copy of the Martyrologium Wolfhardi, which was the source of the monthly praefationes and
numerous short Lives in the MLA, made its way to Admont through this
channel, considering that the sole surviving witness of the martyrology is
an early eleventh-century manuscript from Tegernsee149. The abovementioned conclusion of Chiesa that the MLA-version of the Vita EpiAn indication that a copy of the Salzburg collection was present at Admont towards the end of
the twelfth century is also provided by the Vita Gebehardi archiepiscopi (BHL 3294), which
was written at Admont at some point between 1181 and 1199 and whose author displays
knowledge of the Vita Eberhardi archiepiscopi (BHL 2362), the latter forming part of the
Salzburg collection included in the MLA. An autograph copy of the Vita Gebehardi is preserved in Admont, Cod. 475. See Vita Gebehardi, Thiemonis, Chunradi, Eberhardi, Chunradi
II archiepiscoporum cum Chronico Admuntensi, ed. W. WATTENBACH (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, 11), Hannover, 1854, pp. 33-49, at pp. 34, 44; LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, p. 215; HAARLNDER, Vitae episcoporum, pp. 506-507. Neither this redaction of the
Vita Gebehardi nor the earlier one (BHL 3293) was included in the MLA. As will be discussed
below (n. 178) Gebehardus is included in the calendrical list of contents for Admont Cod. 24,
but without any Life actually appearing in the manuscript.
146
C. MRTL, Regensburg in den geistigen Auseinandersetzungen des Investiturstreits, in
Deutsches Archiv fr Erforschung des Mittelalters, 42 (1986), pp. 145-191.
147
Ibid., pp. 180-181. The relevant texts are the Vita Gregorii VII (BHL 3652) and Arnold
of Prfenings Dialogus de miraculis sancte Marie (BHL 5360). The Admont library also
housed a copy of the twelfth-century Prfening catalogue of ecclesiastical writers. As will be
discussed in section 3.5., the Dialogus only appears in the Heiligenkreuz and Zwettl exemplars,
leaving it uncertain as to whether it was present in the Ur-MLA.
148

H. PLECHL, Die Tegernseer Briefsammlung des 12. Jahrhunderts (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit, 8), Hannover, 2002, pp. 211-212 (no. 179).
149
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 18100; see above n. 26. It must be said,
however, that errors present in the Tegernsee witness but absent from the MLA appear to
exclude the possibility that the copy of the martyrology available to the compiler of the latter
was derived from the surviving Tegernsee manuscript; PONCELET, De martyrologio Wolfhardi,
p. 6; ID., De magno legendario Austriaco, appendices II-IV, pp. 128-135.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

135

phanii descends from an Admont manuscript also constitutes evidence,


however slight, linking Admont to the compilation of the MLA. A search
among Admonts rich hagiographical holdings for other saints Lives
stemmatically close to the MLA-versions may help to substantiate the
hypothesis, as yet tenuous, that the Styrian monastery was, indeed, the
cradle of the legendary150.
3.4. The date of the MLAs compilation and of its surviving exemplars
A study of the contents of the MLA, together with palaeographical
evidence, provides a basis for dating the compilation of the collection. A
legendary is no older than the latest text it contains, and in the case of the
MLA a collection of Lives and one individual legend offer potential termini post quem for its completion. The former consists of the group of
Salzburg episcopal Lives mentioned above, which is included at November
27, the anniversary of St Virgilius. This cannot have been compiled before
1181, as already noted by Poncelet151. It is not, however, certain that the
collection was part of the Ur-MLA, due to the absence of the relevant
volume of the Admont legendary. As will be argued below, there are
strong indications to suggest that the latter is the only one of the surviving
exemplars to have been copied directly from the Ur-MLA, with all others
descending from a lost second copy. It is therefore possible, although unlikely, that the Salzburg collection was first added to the corpus at the
time of the production of this second copy. Through its inclusion of a list
of past archbishops, the same Salzburg collection also offers a terminus
ante quem for the compilation of the MLA. This list ends in Heiligenkreuz
(Cod. 14, fol. 32v-33r) and Melk (Cod. 100, fol. 249v-250r) with Archbishop Adalbert, who was incumbent in 1168-1177 and 1183-1200. In
Zwettl (Cod. 15, fol. 33v), on the other hand, the list continues with Adalberts successor, Eberhard (1200-1246). It appears, therefore, that the
Heiligenkreuz MLA and the template of the fifteenth-century Melk volume
150

Illustrative in this regard is, for example, van Cranenburghs study of the manuscript
tradition of the Vita Pachomii (BHL 6410). According to the author, the text witness in Admont
Cod. 143 from the second half of the twelfth century is very close to the MLA version, enjoying
une ressemblance particulire to the Admont exemplar; S. H. VAN CRANENBURGH, La Vie
latine de saint Pachme, traduite du grec par Denys le Petit (= Subs. hag., 46), Brussels, 1969,
at p. 61. It remains to clarify the exact relationship between Cod. 143 and the MLA Life.
151
PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 25: certe non multo post annum 1181
prima collectio perfecta est. Concerning this collection, see Vitae et miracula sanctorum Iuvavensium Virgilii, Hartwici, Eberhardi, ed. W. WATTENBACH (= Monumenta Germaniae
Historica. Scriptores, 11), Hannover, 1854, pp. 84-103; LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, p. 219;
HAARLNDER, Vitae episcoporum, pp. 507, 510.

136

D. RIAIN

were written between 1183 and 1200, and the Zwettl copy after the latter
year152. Adalberts year of death can thus be regarded as a terminus ante
quem for the completion of the MLA. In estimating the approximate date
of the original compilation, it must also be taken into account that one of
the conclusions of the investigation into the stemmatic relationship of the
surviving MLA exemplars which follows is that neither the Heiligenkreuz
legendary nor Christophorus Liebs template were copied directly from the
Ur-MLA. Allowance should therefore be made for the time required to
transcribe the intermediary copy or copies, leaving aside potential delays
in the transmission of the collection from one monastery to the next.
A similar terminus post quem to that provided by the Salzburg collection is offered by the Vita Mariani (BHL 5527), which was written at
the Regensburg Schottenkloster. Its completion can be securely dated to
between 1177 and 1185 on the basis of papal privileges mentioned in the
text153. With the exception of that exemplar represented by NB Cod.
336, which lacks the relevant volume, the Vita Mariani is present in all
MLA copies, which means it was certainly included in the Ur-MLA.
Whereas Poncelet dated the completion of the MLA to after 1181 on account of the Salzburg collection, Kern moved the terminus post quem forward to 1189154. He argued that the description of Bishop Otto of Bamberg
as sanctus in the Prfening version of his Life, which is transmitted only in
the MLA, required the completion of the legendary after his canonization in
1189. This assertion is, however, problematic: the Vita Ottonis (BHL 6394)
was written between 1140 and 1146 and the description of Otto as sanctus
was, according to the Lifes editor, an original feature of the composition
and not a later interpolation155. In the medieval period canonization was,
152
WATTENBACH, Das groe Legendarium (see above n. 5), p. 645; UHLIRZ, Legendar...
(see above n. 128); A. FINGERNAGEL, Die Heiligenkreuzer Buchmalerei von den Anfngen bis
in die Zeit um 1200 (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Vienna, 1985), pp. 67-68.
153
WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, pp. 699-702. Weber also pointed to the death of the
first abbot of the Viennese Schottenkloster, mentioned in the text, as another possible terminus
post quem for its completion. This hypothesis is to be treated with caution, however, as the
Abbot Finianus installed in 1181 was not necessarily the direct successor of the deceased Sanctinus. Indeed, the necrology of the Schottenkloster, which survives only in seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century copies, gives 1169 as the latters year of death; Monumenta necrologica monasterii Scotorum Vindobonensis, ed. A. F. FUCHS (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Necrologia Germaniae, 5), Berlin, 1913, pp. 303-318, at p. 304.
154
155

KERN, Magnum Legendarium, p. 434.

J. PETERSOHN, Kloster Prfening und die literarisch-hagiographische Formung des


Andenkens Bischof Ottos von Bamberg im 12. Jahrhundert, in Ppste, Privilegien, Provinzen.
Beitrge zur Kirchen-, Rechts- und Landesgeschichte. Festschrift Werner Maleczek, ed. J.
GIEAUF R. MURAUER M. P. SCHENNACH (= Mitteilungen des Instituts fr sterreichische

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137

of course, not a pre-requisite for an attribution of sanctity or for inclusion


in a legendary. Otto of Bamberg would have been only one of hundreds
of unofficial saints, whose legends were incorporated into the MLA.
The Salzburg collection and the Vita Mariani, which provide a terminus ante quem of 1200 and a terminus post quem of 1181 or 1177/1185,
appear in the current state of research to provide the most secure parameters for the dating of the MLAs compilation. As mentioned above, it is
also possible to date the production of individual MLA exemplars or, at
least, individual manuscripts on the basis of the Salzburg archiepiscopal
list, primarily Heiligenkreuz Cod. 14 (1183-1200) and Zwettl Cod 15
(1200-1245)156. This dating tallies with palaeographical assessments of
the relevant manuscripts157. The case of Melk Cod. 100 is, however, more
complex, as it is one of the fifteenth-century MLA manuscripts. The absence of Eberhard from the archbishops list suggests that the template for
the fifteenth-century copy was written before 1200. Yet the only surviving
volume of the original Melk exemplar, Cod. 388, has been dated palaeographically to circa 1230158. It could be that the thirteenth-century copyist
simply omitted to extend the list beyond what he found in his template, or
that the template of the fifteenth-century codex was not actually the thirGeschichtsforschung. Ergnzungsband, 55), Vienna, 2010, pp. 327-338, at p. 334: Hufig
wird, insbesondere bei den Missionsschilderungen ... das Wort sanctus auf ihn angewendet.
Zweifellos also ist die Prfeninger Vita von Ottos Auserwhltheit und Heiligkeit berzeugt.
156

Internal evidence also allows other Zwettl MLA codices to be dated more closely. A
number of different texts, which only appear in the Zwettl exemplar, provide a terminus post
quem of 1188 for Cod. 13 (January-March). A copy of correspondence between Abbot Erbo II
of Prfening and Engelhard of Langheim can be dated accurately to between March 29, 1187
and January 20, 1188; B. GRIESSER, Engelhard von Langheim und Abt Erbo von Prfening.
Neue Belege zu Engelhards Exempelbuch, in Cistercienser-Chronik, 71 (1964), pp. 22-37
(Dating, p. 35); 76 (1969), pp. 20-24. A collection of exempla written by Engelhard, which follows the correspondence, was completed in 1188 at the earliest, because it incorporates under
the title of De fratre Joseph (BHL 3936) the metrical Life of St Hildegund, who died in the
same year. This codex is also the only MLA manuscript to contain Lambertus de Legias Vita
et Miracula s. Mathie (BHL 5700 etc.), written in Trier after 1186; R. M. KLOOS, Lambert von
Lttich (Lambertus de Legia), in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, ed.
K. RUH et al., vol. 5, Berlin, 1985, col. 491-494. A prose version of the Vita Hildegundis (BHL
3937) also appears in Zwettl Cod. 24 (April-June). Because it is written at the very end of the
manuscript in a different hand, a terminus post quem of 1188 cannot be regarded as certain,
despite the hand being roughly contemporary with that of the previous scribe; ZIEGLER, Handschriftenkatalog Stift Zwettl, part 1, p. 55. Otherwise only Lilienfeld Cod. 60 (July-September)
appears to include among its original contents a text datable to later than the 1177/1181/1185
terminus post quem of the Ur-MLA, namely the later Vita Altmanni (BHL 314), written between
1192 and 1194 by one Rubertus Abbas; HAARLNDER, Vitae episcoporum, pp. 484-485.
157

See n. 160 and 161.

158

See n. 160.

138

D. RIAIN

teenth-century exemplar represented today by Cod. 388. This complexity


is tied in with the open question of what template or templates were used
by Christophorus Lieb in the fifteenth-century159.
Because the monastery at Lilienfeld was not founded until 1202 and
settled in 1206, its exemplar can be safely dated to after this point, which is
in keeping with the palaeographic character of the surviving manuscripts.
The Lilienfeld, Zwettl and original Melk MLA exemplars have all been
assigned a date in the first third or half of the thirteenth-century in recent
authoritative studies carried out in conjunction with the compilation of new
library catalogues160. New palaeographical and art-historical assessments
of the Heiligenkreuz exemplar have again confirmed that it belongs to the
period before 1200, as can also be deduced from the Salzburg archiepiscopal list161. The Heiligenkreuz MLA has long been held to represent
the oldest surviving exemplar, but while it is certainly the earliest securely
datable copy, its seniority relative to the NB and Admont exemplars is
not definite. In Simaders recent study of a group of manuscripts which
he believes to have originated in the scriptorium of the Augustinian canonry at St. Plten, the author implies that a date before 1200 is conceivable
for the completion of the MLA manuscript NB 336162. The only MLA
exemplar not to have undergone a detailed palaeographical or art-historical
investigation in recent times is that from Admont. Poncelet dated it to the
thirteenth century, which accords with the entry in Wichners hand-written
1889 catalogue. The thirteenth-century date has been reiterated many
times since, but a significant number of authors have also assigned the
exemplar to the late twelfth century163. As it alone appears to have been
159

See section 3.5.

160

Lilienfeld: HAIDINGER LACKNER, Die Handschriften des Stiftes Lilienfeld... (see above
n. 67), pp. 49-80, at p. 52. Melk: A. HAIDINGER, Beobachtungen zum Festkalender des Stiftes
Kremsmnster, in Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner
Zweige, 109 (1998), pp. 27-67, at p. 45; GLASSNER, Inventar der Handschriften... (see above p.
110), p. 180. Zwettl: ZIEGLER, Handschriftenkatalog Stift Zwettl, part 1, pp. 31, 37, 40, 55.
161
The MLA manuscripts have been examined in the context of an ongoing study of the
output of the Heiligenkreuz scriptorium by Alois Haidinger and Franz Lackner, the results of
which are available through the www.manuscripta.at and www.scriptoria.at portals.
162
SIMADER, Ein Buchmaler um 1200... (see above n. 62), p. 30. Simader regards Cod.
336 as the oldest manuscript among a distinct group of St. Plten manuscripts, which includes
NB Cod. 2221, datable to circa 1200.
163
M. Tangl (in a marginal note in J. WICHNER, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Admontensis [hand-written], Admont, 1887, p. 26); BUBERL, Die illuminierten Handschriften (see
above n. 143), pp. 74-75 (no. 47 and 48); KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior, pp. XIV-XV;
SEEBERG, Die Illustrationen im Admonter Nonnenbrevier... (see above n. 43), p. 54, fn. 266; p.
61, fn. 303; KRAUSE, Die Touler Vita Leos IX., pp. 38-39.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

139

copied directly from the Ur-MLA, and also because the compilation of the
original collection may have taken place in this Styrian monastery, a more
exact dating of the Admont legendary would be particularly desirable164.
If the Admont exemplar were the earliest surviving one, it could conceivably represent a house-copy produced before the Ur-MLA was passed onto
another monastery. Alternatively, it might have been made after the UrMLAs return to Admont165. Because of the difficulty in dating Carolingian
minuscule of the period either side of 1200 with any great degree of accuracy, the relative chronology of the earlier MLA exemplars will probably
have to remain uncertain166.
3.5. The relationship of the surviving exemplars
Poncelets transmission model for the MLA has been adopted largely
unquestioned in published works concerning the complete collection. He
argued that the manuscript tradition was divisible into separate Cistercian
and Benedictine branches, with none of the surviving exemplars constituting the original legendary or Ur-MLA167. The Lilienfeld exemplar was
held to have been copied directly from that of Heiligenkreuz, while the
Zwettl copy was also believed to descend from the latter. He distinguished
this cisterciensium codicum familia from the Benedictine group comprising
the Admont and Melk exemplars on the basis that the former alone incorporated a particular group of texts at the end of either February or March
and that texts belonging to each manuscript group shared a distinct set of
variae lectiones. The NB manuscript, then without a clear provenance,
was held to be closer to the Benedictine manuscript family. Poncelet admitted, however, that he could not say anything more concrete about the
relationships between the individual exemplars beyond this.
On the basis of extensive bibliographical research undertaken as part
of this project and insights gained through intensive interaction with the
corpus, it has become clear that Poncelets model requires a complete re164

See sections 3.3. and 3.5.

165

As all other surviving exemplars derive from the second direct copy of the MLA, it is
possible that the Ur-MLA was only made available to one other monastery for the purposes of
transcription.
166

It is to be hoped that both an art-historical analysis of the illuminations in the MLA


manuscripts being undertaken by Susanne Rischpler and Lena Sommers PhD project on layout
and knowledge transfer in the MLA exemplars of Heiligenkreuz and Zwettl will contribute towards resolving this issue; see above n. 68.
167

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, pp. 30-31, 36-37.

140

D. RIAIN

assessment. The following section is intended as a contribution towards


this process and follows the lead of Franois Dolbeau, who proposed the
following method in attempting to reconstruct the relationships within a
group of legendaries:
Pour qui veut prciser les relations de parent existant lintrieur dun
groupe, la superposition de diffrents stemmata, scientifiquement tablis partir
de textes particuliers, est indispensable168.

Applying this approach successfully to the MLA presents a number of difficulties. Due to the incomplete nature of the surviving copies, there are
no texts for which witnesses from all six exemplars survive. Only the
Heiligenkreuz, Lilienfeld and Melk volumes for the July to September
section are extant, for example. In the case of every single text, therefore,
collation provides but a partial picture of the overall transmission, and only
through comparison can a coherent model emerge. Because editors of
individual works are dealing with only a part of the manuscript tradition,
their findings may need to be reinterpreted on the basis of the understanding of the wider MLA transmission gained from the comparison of
numerous texts. The potential use of second templates in respect to individual texts, volumes or whole exemplars must also always be borne in
mind. That contamination or, indeed, scribal correction in respect of a
single text might serve to disguise the overall stemmatic relationship between the MLA exemplars is also a danger. Furthermore, as will be made
clear below, it cannot be assumed that complete exemplars passed from
one monastery to another. Instead the volumes comprising a particular
exemplar may have been copied from different templates. Despite the
obstacles presented by a legendary of this scale, the following discussion
will show that it is possible to determine to a large extent the relationship
between the different surviving exemplars.
The special status of the Admont exemplar
From investigations to date and from the literature concerning individual texts within the MLA, a model of transmission is emerging, whereby
the Heiligenkreuz (H), Lilienfeld (L)169, Melk (M)170, NB (V) and Zwettl
168
F. DOLBEAU, Notes sur la gense et sur la diffusion du Liber de natalitiis, in Revue
dhistoire des textes, 6 (1976), pp. 143-195, at p. 178.
169

In the case of Lilienfeld exemplar, descendence from is only certain in the case of
the January to March volume (L1). As will be outlined below, it is not possible to pinpoint the
position of the July to September Lilienfeld volume (L2) within the stemma codicum, although
derivation from does seem likely.

141

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

(Z) exemplars all descend from a single intermediary copy (), which was
probably transcribed directly from the Ur-MLA. The Admont (A) legendary has a special status within the manuscript tradition: it alone appears
to have been copied directly from the original collection. The following
graph offers a hypothetical reconstruction of the stemmatic relationship
between the different MLA exemplars171:
Ur-MLA

Ma

H
L1

Mb

KL
The Admont Exemplar (A) has been accorded an exceptional status in a
number of studies regarding the transmission of individual legends, without
this binary model ever having been proposed for the MLA. On the basis
of his investigation of the manuscript tradition of the Passio Febroniae
(BHL 2844), Chiesa attributed a position of excellence to the Admont witness within the MLA, because it appeared to be immune from errors shared
by all other exemplars172. Karwasiska distinguished the Admont witness
of the Vita Adalberti (BHL 37) from all other MLA exemplars, placing it
170
While M will be used henceforth as the siglum for the Melk exemplar as a whole, Ma
and Mb will be employed where appropriate to distinguish between the thirteenth-century exemplar, of which only one part-volume, Cod. 388, survives, and the six fifteenth-century codices.
171
The existence of the exemplar is somewhat uncertain, the evidence for M, V and Z
relying on a distinct joint template not being conclusive at this point (see discussion below p.
153).
172
CHIESA, Le versioni latine della Passio sanctae Febroniae... (see above n. 18), pp. 9194, at p. 91: Una posizione di eccellenza potrebbe avere forse lesemplare di Admont, che pare
immune da alcuni errori comuni agli altri codici del gruppo.

142

D. RIAIN

within a sub-group with Klosterneuburg Cod. 707, owing to it being textually somewhat closer to both the version present in the Windberg Legendary and to the archetype173. In the case of the Vita Mariani (BHL 5527),
Weber detected a greater proximity of the witness in A to the Regensburg
branch of the Lifes transmission. At certain points in the text A agreed
with the Regensburg manuscripts against the remaining MLA witnesses,
most notably in the case of a complete clause, which is absent in all exemplars save Admont174. Such an omission of text passages, present only in A,
is a strong indication of a split in the MLA transmission and also occurs in
other Lives. The Vita Itae (BHL 4498), for example, features two clauses
that appear only in the Admont exemplar175. In this case, the omission of
both passages can be attributed to homoioteleuton on the part of the scribe
of the intermediary copy (), from which Heiligenkreuz, Lilienfeld, Melk,
NB and Zwettl exemplars together descend176.
An examination of the complete corpus of the Admont exemplar also
points to its exceptional status. A number of texts are absent from the two
surviving volumes, namely the Lives of Brigida (BHL 1455), Georgius

173

KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior, pp. XIV-XV, XIX, LI.

174

WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, pp. 81-83.

175

The text in A (Cod. 25, fol. 187va) reads ... quia mortuus fuerat, sed multo magis quia
sine herede contra promissionem suam in Christi nomine factam mortuus fuerat. Eatenus..,
whereas H (Cod. 11, fol. 164va), L (Cod. 59, fol. 35ra), Mb (Cod. 97, fol. 48va) and Z (Cod. 13,
fol. 153va) have ... quia mortuus fuerat. Eatenus... (the relevant volume of V is missing). A few
lines later A has ... depulsa, genuit filium quem sancta dudum promiserat Ita. A qua..., while the
others have ... depulsa ita. A qua... An edition of the MLA version of the Vita Itae (with the exception of L) is contained in C. GUNDACKER, Die Viten irischer Heiliger im Magnum Legendarium Austriacum (diploma thesis, University of Vienna, 2008), pp. 119-138 (available online at
http://othes.univie.ac.at/907/1/2008-08-04_0003644.pdf; visited 28 January, 2014). The lacunae
are noted on p. 126 (fn. 629 and 640).
176
Franklins edition of the Passio Anastasii (BHL 410) can also be cited in this regard.
The author identified two manuscript groups within the MLA transmission, namely HL and
MaZ, while it was not possible to assign the Admont witness to either group. An examination of
the editions variae lectiones reveals five readings, where A alone among the MLA exemplars
agrees with the text edition; FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, p. 429, fn. 24; p. 430,
fn. 37; p. 436, fn. 168; p. 439, fn. 237; p. 442, fn. 311. The reading honoranda instead of ignorata is perhaps the most significant among them. It should also be noted that a particular omission due to homoioteleuton, which according to Franklins edition occurs in A, Ma and Z, is, in
fact, only a feature of Ma and Z; ibid., p. 438, l. 212-213. Furthermore, the variae lectiones of
the Passio Valentis episcopi (BHL 8456) include an instance where a word is present in A,
Klosterneuburg cod. 707 and Windberg and thus, presumably, in the Ur-MLA, but is absent
from all other MLA exemplars (Appendix 2, fn. 1.2). Another example is offered by two
readings among the variae lectiones of a section of the Vita Mochullei (BHL 5978), reproduced
below, where A alone agrees with the independent text witness in the Codex Salmanticensis
(see appendix 3, fn. 13.9. and 13.10.).

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143

(BHL 3364), Fructuosus (BHL 3200) and Theudarius (BHL 8130)177. A


collection of vision-texts, comprising the accounts of Tnugdalus, Wettinus
and Esdrae, are also missing in A178. The Admont MLA is also marked out
from the other exemplars by some differences in sequence and by additions, as well as by further omissions179. The Vita Evagrii (BHL 6534) appears, for example, not only at 13 June in A, as in the other exemplars, but
also at 6 January. The Vita Iuliani (BHL 4529) is found in the remaining
exemplars at the latter date, but not in A180. The Dormitio Paulae viduae
(BHL 6548) is absent from A at 27 January. A short text entitled Praefacio
s. Iorinimi presbiteri, according with that contained in the Martyrologium
Wolfhardi, appears instead, but it is not followed by the actual Dormitio181.
The prologues to the Vita Iohannis Chrysostomi (27.01; BHL 4378) and
177
Two redactions of the Vitae Brigidae (BHL 1455 and 1457) and Georgii (BHL 3364 and
3389) appear in the other exemplars.
178
It is interesting to note that the entry Visio Wecti monachi appears at the end of January
in the contemporary calendrical table of contents accompanying Admont Cod. 25 (fol. VS, 1 v).
A gap of two and a half folios was left at the relevant point in the manuscript (fol. 115 r), but remained empty until partially filled with an unrelated text at a later date. Such differences (see
also n. 179) between table of contents and actual content occur in the case of almost all of the
MLA exemplars. As suggested in section 2.1., a possible explanation is that the table of contents
of the template was simply copied in full before the process of transcription began, with any
deviations in content subsequently introduced left unrepresented. A different reason might lie
behind the inclusion of Gebehardus archiepiscopus at 15 June in the list of June legends in Cod.
24 (fol. 1v), despite his Life appearing neither in A nor in the remaining MLA exemplars. The
absence of the Life of the founder of the Admont monastery in A and in the MLA overall is
somewhat surprising. It seems that the incorporation of Gebhards Life into A was, at least,
planned, but never carried out. Two redactions of the archbishops Life were written at Admont,
one in the late eleventh, the other in the late twelfth century; LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde, pp. 214215; HAARLNDER, Vitae episcoporum, pp. 506-507; see also n. 145. Could the planned inclusion, but eventual omission of the Life from A be in some way connected with the completion
of the new redaction (BHL 3294) at Admont ?
179

Admont deviates from the sequence of the other exemplars in the following cases: the
Vita Gregorii Septimi (BHL 3652) is included at 25 May (his correct anniversary) rather than
31 May; on 8 January Erhardus (BHL 2590) appears before instead of after Severinus (BHL
7657); on 25 May Iohannes Papa (BHLms Iohannes 03) comes before instead of after Germanus Parisiensis (BHL 3469). The Vita Walpurgae (BHL 8765) appears at 30 April in the other
exemplars, but at 25 February in A. A much-shortened version of the Life (BHL 8765b) is included at the latter date in the remaining exemplars. The Vita Mathildis (BHL 5685) is found on
the saints anniversary of 14 March in A, but at 22 December in the other exemplars. Interestingly, this Life does not appear within the table of contents for March in A (Cod. 25, Fol. VS-3v).
180
The Vita Iuliani appears instead at 9 January, at which date the other exemplars have a
shortened version.
181

See Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 18100, fol. 21r. The words Incipit Dormitio sanctae Paulae were added directly after the Praefacio in A, but the text that follows is
actually the Vita Thyrsi, Leucii, Callinici et soc. (BHL 8280), which led to the later deletion of
the line.

144

D. RIAIN

the Vita Gamelberti (27.01; BHL 3260) are omitted alone in the Admont
exemplar. The version of the Vita Augustini (26.05; from Bede, Historia
Ecclesiastica) is much shortened compared to that appearing in the other
exemplars. By far the greatest deviation of the Admont exemplar is the
absence of fifteen legends between 4 and 15 May, which was almost certainly the original situation, despite the fact that all but one, the Vita Gangolfi (BHL 3328), appear in the table of contents182. This can be deduced
from the fact that a blank space was left after the Vita Alexandri, Eventii
et Theoduli (03.05; BHL 266) on fol. 111v, rather than, as was standard in
the MLA, the subsequent legend following immediately. The next Life, the
Vita Pachomii (14.05; BHL 6410), appears at the top of fol. 112r.
The overall structure of the extant Admont volumes gives the impression of a poorly executed copy. While many of the deviations point
simply to corners having been cut by the copyists, the fact that A appears
to be the only surviving direct copy of the Ur-MLA raises the possibility
that some differences from the standard corpus, as represented by the other
five exemplars, are attributable to changes introduced in conjunction with
the production of the second copy (). For example, the absence of second
redactions of the Vita Brigidae and the Passio Georgii in A could be the
result of omission by its copyist or addition by that of . Such questions
must remain open for now. While omissions in A with regard to overall
content and within individual legends do not necessarily corroborate the
binary transmission model proposed above, they at least allow the conclusion that A constitutes a cul-de-sac with respect to the transmission of
the MLA; none of the other exemplars can be said to derive from the Admont exemplar183. The instances outlined above, in which A offers text
passages absent elsewhere, do, however, point to a split in the transmission
of the MLA. The proposed stemma codicum will serve as a working model
182

Cod. 24, Fol VSr. These legends were already marked as vacat by a late-medieval hand.

183
Examples of text passages uniquely omitted in A due to homoioteleuton can also be
cited: in the Vita Albarti (BHL 218) conversacione angelus Vita Albarti archiepiscopi Casellensis, ed. W. LEVISON (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum,
6), Hannover, 1913, pp. 21-23 (p. 21, l. 35); in the Vita Bardonis (BHL 977): quid acturi essent
homines annuntiavit. Amministravit cum Vita Bardonis maior, ed. W. WATTENBACH (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, 11), Hannover, 1854, pp. 321-342 (p. 330, l. 35).
See also FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, p. 429, l. 35-37; p. 447, l. 419-421 and the
variae lectiones of the Passio Valentis reproduced below (Appendix 2, AB fn. 3.2). Apparent
additions on the part of the copyist of occur in the Vita Adalberti. Two explanatory subclauses not present in A or the text edition are found in H, Mb, V and Z (L has no corresponding
volume). Quod nomen sonat consolatio exercitus was added after the name Woietech, and the
first name of the Bishop of Prague was also supplied primo nomine Tethmaro (Tethinaro
MbZ); KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior, p. 5, fn. a-a; p. 9, fn. t-t (with corrections).

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

145

for the purposes of future project research, although it will be subject to


repeated reassessment as further texts are examined with regard to their
transmission.
Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld: a reduced cisterciensium codicum familia
On the basis of project research to date and by reference to the results
of studies concerning the transmission of individual legends, it has been
possible to divide all but one of the remaining MLA exemplars, the descendants of , into two sub-groups, comprising Melk (M), NB (V) and
Zwettl (Z) on one side, Heiligenkreuz (H) on the other. It will be made
clear below that Z, contrary to Poncelets belief, does not belong to the
same branch of transmission as the Heiligenkreuz exemplar. Poncelets influential notion of a distinct cisterciensium codicum familia within the
manuscript tradition of the MLA therefore requires serious revision, also
in respect of the relationship between the Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld
exemplars. The position of L within the manuscript tradition is, namely,
the most problematic. On the basis of shared textual variants and similar
content, including a group of seven texts at the end of February, which is
missing from all other exemplars except Z, Poncelet argued that L was
copied directly from H. This now appears only to be true in part. Over
the past half-century a number of scholars have examined the stemmatic
relationship between text witnesses in H and L and come to starkly differing conclusions. Poncelets assertion of direct dependency has received
support from some quarters, namely Felim Briain in respect of two redactions of the Vita Brigidae (BHL 1455 and 1457), Ludwig Bieler in the
case of the Vita Patricii (BHL 6506), Carmela Franklin, the Passio Anastasii (BHL 410) and Stefan Weber, the Vita Mariani (BHL 5527)184. At the
same time voices have been raised in contradiction of this theory, beginning with that of Ulla Westerbergh in 1963. She concluded that the witness of the Sermo Theodori Studitae de sancto Bartholomeo apostolo (BHL
184
... the text of [the Vita Brigidae auctore Cogitoso in] L is a copy of the H text, as several textual peculiarities show...; F. BRIAIN, St Brigit (draft typescript, without date), Franciscan Library, Killiney, Co. Dublin, Felim Briain papers, box 1, no. 1, pp. 30-31, 269 (p. 30).
The HL-readings [in the Vita Patricii] ... would be explained most plausibly on the assumption
that L is a direct copy of H; BIELER, Four Latin Lives, p. 20. Furthermore, the copy of the
Passio S. Anastasii in the Lilienfeld codex (= L) shows without a doubt that it was copied directly from the Heiligenkreuz codex...; FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, p. 422.
Aufgrund etlicher, nur mit L gemeinsamer Lesarten [in der Vita Mariani] und aufgrund der
vermutlichen Entstehung dieser Lesarten ist in H wohl die Quelle fr L, nicht aber fr andere
Textzeugen zu sehen; WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, p. 77.

146

D. RIAIN

1005) in L was definitely not copied from H, because of numerous readings


deviating from the text edition, which are found only in H185. Furthermore,
she highlighted the fact that many errors unique to H are also contained in
the selection of MLA texts edited by Poncelet as an appendix to his 1898
article186. Edith Madas reached the same conclusion on the basis of her
study of the MLA transmission of the legend of St Stephen of Hungary
(BHL 7918 and 7920): H could not have been the template for L, because
H lacks a complete sentence and exhibits various deviations from both L
and Mb (the other extant MLA witness) in its readings187. Marcus Stumpf
argued similarly that H offered a worse copy of the Vita Heinrici regis
(BHL 3812) than L (and Mb), with the Heiligenkreuz scribe culpable of
numerous errors188. The dependence of L on H was also ruled out by Norbert Klaus Larsen on the basis of his examination of the transmission of
the Vita Marie Egyptiace (BHL 5419)189. The results of a collation of the
three extant MLA witnesses of the Vita Senani (BHL 7574) in H, L and Mb
cast further doubt on Poncelets theory. This study produced multiple instances of words missing from H alone, and of L and Mb agreeing against
readings in H190. The complete variae lectiones for two further texts, short
Lives of Pope Leo II (BHL Leo II) and Bishop Gregory of Neocaesarea
(BHLms Gregorius 14) extracted from the Martyrologium Adonis, paint a
similar picture, most variants in the H witness not being repeated in L191.
185

WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, pp. 108-109.

186

Ibid., p. 108, fn. 21. But see below, n. 197.

187

MADAS, Die heiligen ungarischen Knige... (see above n. 107), pp. 225-227.

188

Die zahlreichen Fehler gehen zu Lasten des Abschreibers von H; M. STUMPF, Die
Vita sancti Heinrici regis et confessoris und ihre Bearbeitung durch den Bamberger Diakon
Adelbert (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 69), Hannover,
1999, p. 137.
189
... jedoch machen individuelle Fehler deutlich, da Hk1 (12. Jh.) der Handschrift Lf
(13. Jh.) nicht als Vorlage gedient haben kann; N. K. LARSEN, Hildeberti Cenomanensis episcopi Vita beate Marie Egiptiace (= Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis, 209),
Turnhout, 2004, p. 104.
190

A sample of the variae lectiones (H = Cod. 13; L = Cod. 60; Mb = Cod. 101): administrabat H (fol. 1ra), pabulum salutis administrabat L (fol. 1rb) and Mb (fol. 1rb); sacratissimus
Senanus H (fol. 1ra), sacratissimus puer Senanus L (fol. 1rb) and Mb (fol. 1va); Quadam autem
die H (fol. 1vb), Quadam namque (Mb nanque) die L (fol. 2rb) and Mb (fol. 2vb); angelum dei
ministrum habuit H (fol. 2ra), angelum dei ministrum haberet L (fol. 2vb) and Mb (fol. 3rb); ad
hoc sepius protestatur H (fol. 2rb), ad hoc opus protestatur sepius L (fol. 3ra), ad hoc opus sepius
protestatur Mb (fol. 3va); Post hoc videlicet in die resurrectionis vel in die migrationis H (fol.
4rb), Post hec videlicet in die migrationis vel in die resurrectionis L (fol. 6rb) and Mb (fol. 7va).
191
The following are the variae lectiones for the Vitae Leonis and Gregorii in H (Cod.
13, fol. 5r), L (Cod. 60, fol. 7v-8r) and Mb (Cod. 101, fol. 9v) compared to the corresponding
readings in the archetype, the Martyrologium Adonis, which are furnished as head-words after

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147

A closer look at the text witnesses mentioned above may offer a solution regarding the ostensibly contradictory findings of the different authors.
In the case of the four editions where the authors endorsed the theory of
the dependence of L on H, the relevant Lives are all contained in the January to March section of the MLA, which in L is covered by Codd. 58 and
59, two parts of an erstwhile single volume (henceforth L1)192. Where, on
the other hand, scholars excluded the possibility of dependence, in all but
one case the relevant Lives fall within the period July to September, covered in L by Cod. 60 (henceforth L2)193. The exception is the Vita Marie
Egyptiace (28 February), where the editor, despite stating that a series of
shared readings distinguished H and L1 from the only other extant MLA
witness (Z), concluded that individual mistakes in H ruled out the possibility of it having been the template for L1. There is undoubtedly a close
textual proximity between H and L1 in the case of all the relevant January
to March legends, which marks these two exemplars out as a sub-group
within the MLA manuscript tradition. Such proximity has, however, not
been noted in the case of July-August Lives, again with one exception,
Westerbergh conceding that the close affinity of the H and L2 witnesses of
the Sermo Theodori could not be denied. Madas, on the other hand, argued that the Vita Stephani regis in L2 was closer to that in Mb, while
Stumpf made no reference to characteristic HL2 readings in respect of the
Vita Heinrici regis.
There are a number of possible conclusions to be drawn from these
findings. Turning firstly to L1, it is clear that this volume does have a very
close stemmatic relationship with H, frequent shared variae lectiones
marking them off from all other MLA exemplars. The abundance of exclusive HL1 readings in the section of the Vita Mochullei collated in appendix 3 demonstrates this textual proximity. With regard to content, L1
J. DUBOIS G. RENAUD, Le martyrologe dAdon. Ses deux familles, ses trois recensions. Texte
et commentaire, Paris, 1984. Vita Leonis (MA, p. 214, no. 5, l. 1) sedit menses decem] sedit
decem menses Rome H, sedit menses x Rome LMb; (MA, p. 214, no. 5 l. 4) graeca latinaque
lingua eruditus] graeca latinaque instructus fuit lingua H; graeca latinaque instructus fuit LMb.
Vita Gregorii (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 19) refugiens] refugens H, refugiens LMb; (MA, p. 213, no.
4, l. 20) derelinquit] dereliquid H, dereliquit LMb; (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 22) rupes] rupes HL,
rupis Mb; (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 22) vicini] vici H, vicini LMb; (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 23) praeterfluens] preterfluens HMb, prefluens L; (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 25) in oratione] in orationibus H, in
oratione LMb; (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 27) importuna] inoportuna HL (ante ras.), inportuna L (post
ras.) Mb; (MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 28) ad condendam] ad condendum H, ad condendam LMb; MA,
p. 213, no. 4, l. 29) quamplurima] quam plurima HL, conplurima Mb.
192
193

22 January, Anastasius; 1 February, Brigida; 9 February, Marianus; 17 March, Patricius.

1 July, Senanus; 3 July, Leo and Gregory; 13 July, Heinricus; 19 August, Stephanus;
24 August, Bartholomeus.

148

D. RIAIN

offers no text not in H, while it omits nine out of the 131 included in the
corresponding Heiligenkreuz volume194. The findings of Briain, Bieler,
Franklin and Weber would suggest direct dependence of L1 on H, but
Larsen ruled out this possibility in the case of the Vita Marie Egyptiace. It
must be said, however, that Larsens argument is not especially persuasive.
Of the variants he provides in support only two offer instances where L1
actually offers a correct reading together with the other surviving MLA
exemplar, Z, against H. Moreover, reference to the manuscripts shows the
editor to have been mistaken in both cases, L1 and H agreeing on destruxit
against construxit in Z and in the archetype, and elsewhere L1, H and Z all
agreeing on the reading spe for prece195. The variae lectiones in Larsens
edition show a very strong textual affinity between L1 and H, both, for
example, omitting the words ad horam. Ne coram sanctis confundar due
to homoioteleuton, text which is present in Z196. Despite the comments of
Larsen, it would seem the Vita Marie Egyptiace offers no barrier to the
conclusion that L1 was copied directly from H, rather than having to posit
a joint Cistercian template or some form of contamination197.
Indeed, there is some other textual evidence to strengthen the argument that L1 was copied directly from H. In support for his assertion that
194

The Lives are those of Paulus Thebaeus (BHL 6596), Maurus (BHL 5773), Antonius
ab. (BHL 609), Babylas (BHL 899), Iulius et Iulianus (BHL 4558), Euphrosyna (BHL 2723),
Phocas ep. (BHL 6838) and Benedictus Casinensis (BHL 1102), as well as the Inventio capitis
sancti Ioannis Baptistae (BHLms Iohannes 01). In all but the case of the Vita Benedicti, which
is also absent from Mb, the relevant text is present in all other MLA exemplars. The final two
Lives of the January to March period, namely those of Nonnosus (BHL 6247) and Quirinus et
Balbina (BHLms Quirinus 01), are also absent from L1, but this is due to folio loss.
195

LARSEN, Vita beate Marie Egiptiace... (see above n. 189), p. 104, fn. 24.

196

Ibid., p. 253, ls. 332-333.

197

Instances where L1 shares with other MLA exemplars better readings than H do occasionally arise across the editions. Bieler cited some examples in the Vita Patricii, but believed
that these could easily have been corrected by an intelligent copyist; BIELER, Four Latin
Lives, p. 20, fn. 1. Weber offered a similar argument in relation to discrepancies between H and
L readings in the Vita Mariani; WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, p. 77. One such instance also
arises in the case of the Vita Marie Egyptiace, where H has plusquam against postquam in L1, Z
and the archetype, but again it seems reasonable to assume that the Lilienfeld scribe simply improved upon the H variant; LARSEN, Vita beate Marie Egiptiace, p. 254, l. 341. Westerbergh
cited a number of divergent H readings in the apparatus of Poncelets appendices to support her
theory, which will be discussed below, that H and L were copied from a distinct joint template
rather than L being directly dependent on H; WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, p. 108.
However, a re-examination of the four relevant lectiones pertaining to Lives contained in the
January to March volume shows Poncelet to have been inaccurate in each case. The correct
MLA readings are: AB p. 136, fn. 3, miranda AMaZ, mirandaque HL1; AB p. 138, fn. 13, advexerat AHMa, adduxerat L1Z; AB p. 145, fn. 15, in more vel inmote A; inmonte HL1MaZ; AB
p. 162, fn.3, Deinde AHL1Z.

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149

L was dependent on H, Poncelet argued that corrections made to H were


incorporated ab initio by the Lilienfeld copyists198. Briain cited the
following example in support of this thesis: ... the original scribe of H,
copying his faulty exemplar, wrote (cap. 1): a sua puericia bonarum
studiis inoleuit (fol. 93a) omitting rerum after bonarum. A slightly later
hand inserted uirtutum in the bottom margin with a sign that it should follow bonarum. In L this uirtutum has been embodied in the text: bonarum
uirtutum studiis (fol. 108vb). The word does not occur in any other ms.199.
Furthermore, Bieler highlighted an instance of homoiotes, where the full
clause is repeated in the witness of the Vita Patricii in H, but only the first
four words in L1, as if the scribe had belatedly noticed the duplication in
his template200. The dependence of L on H would be the simplest explanation for both of these examples.
Discerning the position of L2 within the MLA stemma is a more difficult task, not least because only the H, L and Mb volumes for the period
July to August are extant201. It is abundantly clear from the MLA witnesses
of the Sermo Theodori and the Vitae Stephani, Heinrici, Senani, Leonis
and Gregorii that L2 is considerably closer to Mb than to H with regard to
variant readings. While the direct dependence of L2 on H can therefore be
ruled out, it does not necessarily follow that L2 is stemmatically closer to
Mb than to H. For while the text in L2 does not follow H in respect to most
of the latters errors, it does repeat a small fraction thereof, thereby agreeing with H against a correct reading in Mb. This leaves open the possibility
that L2 and H were both copied from a joint intermediary Cistercian
template, itself transcribed from , which already contained those textual
errors shared by L2 and H. This was Westerberghs conclusion with reference to the Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld witnesses of the Sermo Theodori202. She offered four readings where H and L2 together deviated from
Mb and the archetype in support of this argument. Reference to the manuscripts shows the editor to have been mistaken in relation to one of these,
the word octobrii having also been originally present in Mb before being
altered to octobris. The three other shared deviations are, however, correctly noted, namely apostoli corpus for corpus apostoli, cogitationes for
198

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 30.

199

BRIAIN, St Brigit (see above n. 184), pp. 30-31.

200

BIELER, Four Latin Lives, p. 20, fn. 1.

201

Furthermore, the absence of Lives pertaining to the period July to September from the
Klosterneuburg Legendary (Codd. 701, 708-710) ensures that nothing additional can be garnered
regarding the text or, indeed, the existence of the missing volume of the V exemplar.
202

WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, pp. 108-109.

150

D. RIAIN

cognitiones and tribulationem instead of tribulationis. In the case of the


Vita Gregorii H and L2 also agree once against Mb and the archetype203.
The fact that only the H, L and Mb volumes survive for the period July to
August makes the interpretation of these readings difficult. It could be
that these deviations were present in the Ur-MLA or in and were simply
corrected by Christophorus Lieb in the fifteenth century, if not at a previous stage in transmission. On the other hand they might indeed point to
a joint Cistercian template or even to some form of contamination, whereby the Lilienfeld copyists would have had more than one template available to them, including H, allowing them to avoid repeating most of the
mistakes contained in the latter.
The possibility of a discrete Cistercian template appears unattractive
when both L1 and L2 are taken into account. That H and L were copied
from a joint template in the case of one volume and not in another seems
unlikely. Yet the inconsistency between the close textual proximity of L1
to H on the one hand and the considerable divergence between H and L2
on the other makes the possibility of a shared intermediary in respect of
both the January to March and July to August volumes appear implausible204. As argued above, a direct dependence of L1 on H seems probable.
In the case of L2 the possibility that H was also available as a template,
albeit a secondary one, must be left open at this stage in the research205.
The stemmatic position of the primary, if not sole, template is difficult to
determine given the survival of only the H, L and M volumes206. Due to
203

See n. 191 (Re: MA, p. 213, no. 4, l. 27).

204

In this scenario the majority of the many variants in H would, in the case of the January to March volume, have already been present in the joint template, but, in the case of the
July to August section, be instead attributable to the Heiligenkreuz copyists.
205

There is one shared feature of the H and L2 volumes that could be taken to suggest a
close stemmatic relationship between the two. In both, namely, the Sermo s. Augustini de miraculis s. Stephani (BHL 7866) at 3 August is incomplete. The text is then continued at the end
of the relevant month in both volumes, albeit only the opening lines of the addendum appear in
L2 (see PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, p. 74 for details concerning the text). On
the basis of the foregoing consideration of the stemmatic relationship between H and L2, one
would assume that the text was already disunited in or even in the Ur-MLA. Yet the complete
text appears at 3 August in Mb, which would leave open the possibility that the split in the Miracula text in H and L2 stemmed from their sharing of a template or from L2s dependence upon
H. An alternative explanation more in keeping with the general results of textual comparison
would be that either Christophorus Lieb or an earlier scribe identified and remedied a rupture
present in or in the Ur-MLA.
206
With respect to content there is little to separate the three volumes. L2 omits two Lives
compared to the total contained in H, namely the Vita Bernardi (BHL 1217, 1218, 1220) and
the Vita Gorgonii (Martyres XL), while the latter Life as well as the Vita Theclae (BHL 8024o),
the Vita Arsenii (BHL 715b) and an Epistula de assumptione BMV (BHL 5355d) are absent from

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151

the absence of corresponding Admont volume, L2s descendance from


cannot be confirmed. Because there is no evidence for L2 preserving text
omitted in both H and Mb or providing superior readings, it seems reasonable, nonetheless, to assume that the template was not the Ur-MLA itself.
The textual affinity of L2 to Mb noted in the different editions may be attributable simply to a shared derivation from the Ur-MLA or from , the
relatively close textual relationship being attributable to the shared absence
of most of the variants marking out the H witnesses207. L2s primary/sole
template may have been itself, another lost exemplar or perhaps even the
missing volumes of V or Z. The uncertainty regarding the stemmatic position of its primary/sole template and the unresolved question of contamination ensure that it is not possible at this time to pinpoint the place of L2
within the MLAs manuscript tradition.
The apparent use of different templates for the two surviving Lilienfeld volumes raises some interesting issues. The circumstances could be
seen to provide support for the possibility mooted in section 2.1. that the
Lilienfeld exemplar may never have extended beyond the extant manuscripts; rather than the transcription of the entire MLA being too labourintensive, it seems plausible that there was never a complete exemplar
available to copy at Lilienfeld. Whether the seemingly ad hoc nature of
the acquisition of templates at Lilienfeld was unique or mirrored elsewhere within the MLA transmission cannot be determined, but clearly the
movement of complete templates from one monastery to the next cannot
be taken for granted.
Zwettl (Z), Melk (M) and NB Cod. 336 (V)
Poncelets contention that the Zwettl exemplar also derived from H
has provoked a mixed response from scholars investigating the transMb. L2 has one text not contained in H or in Mb, namely a second redaction of the Vita Altmanni
(BHL 314), which is found at the end of Cod. 60 (fol. 274r-279v); see n. 156. From the position
of this Life within the manuscript, it seems clear that it represents an addition on the part of the
Lilienfeld copyist, rather than a text present in the template. The relevant section of H (Cod. 13)
is missing due to folio loss, but the Life does not appear in the table of contents (Cod. 13, fol.
IVv). Mb also has one text not found in H or L2, namely the Passio Benedicti et soc. (BHL 1148).
Because it is only contained in Mb, it is possible that this Life was added to the corpus by Lieb
in the fifteenth century.
207
The possibility that L2 was the template for the corresponding volumes of Mb or their
template can be ruled out by reference to numerous individual errors not repeated in the Melk
codices; see, for example, WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, p. 108; STUMPF, Die Vita
sancti Heinrici (see above n. 188), p. 137, fn. 399; see also above, n. 191 (Re: MA, p. 213,
no. 4, l. 23).

152

D. RIAIN

mission of individual legends within the MLA. Briain regarded it as


highly probable that both redactions of the Vita Brigidae in Z were copied
from H, although he did not cite examples to support this contention208.
Petersohn did not propose direct dependency, but concluded that the witnesses of the Vita Ottonis Babenbergensis (BHL 6394) in both exemplars
were copied from the same template209. Franklin, on the other hand, asserted on the basis of common errors that the Passio Anastasii (BHL 410)
in Z shared a template with Ma and could not be derived from H210. Lanry
ruled out a dependence of the Passio Theodorae et Didymi (BHL 8073) in
Z upon H211. Bieler, Chiesa, Weber and Riain-Raedel all considered the
relationship between the Heiligenkreuz and Zwettl exemplars and found
no clear evidence specifically linking the two within the broader MLA
context212. Through the appraisal of the variae lectiones of a number of
MLA texts, it is possible to clarify to a certain extent the relationship between Z and H and the position of the Zwettl exemplar within the wider
MLA transmission. The Vita Haimeradi (BHL 3770), which was edited by
Kpke in 1854 drawing on the witnesses in H and V, may serve as an
example213. A comparison of a proportion of the alternative readings supplied by the editor with the remaining MLA text witnesses in Mb and Z
brings forth evidence of a clear split between H and MbVZ214. An assessment of the variae lectiones in Krauses edition of the Vita Leonis IX
208

BRIAIN, St Brigit (see above n. 184), pp. 30, 269.

209

PETERSOHN, Die Prfeninger Vita, pp. 29-31.

210

FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, p. 422.

211

LANRY, La Passion de Thodora et Didyme, p. 13. Van Kirk Dobbie also concluded
in respect of the Epistola Cuthberti de obitu Bedae (BHL 1068) that neither the witness in Z nor
those in A, Mb or V could be shown to derive from H; VAN KIRK DOBBIE, The Manuscripts of
Cdmons Hymn, p. 60.
212

BIELER, Four Latin Lives, p. 20; CHIESA, Le versioni latine della Passio sanctae Febroniae... (see above n. 18), p. 91; WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent, pp. 82-83; RIAIN-RAEDEL,
Vita sancti Cemgeni, pp. 155-156.
213

Vita sancti Haimeradi presbiteri auctore Ekkeberto, ed. R. KPKE (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, 10), Hannover, 1852, pp. 598-607.
214
The following constitutes a collation of the alternative H and V readings provided in
the last two pages of the Kpke edition with the corresponding passages in Mb and Z and with
some corrections: MGH, p. 606: (b) Mathilt HMbZ, Mahtilht V; (f) Berthae H, Berthe MbVZ; (h)
singillatim HMb, sigillatim VZ; (m) navia H, navigia MbVZ; (o) persecutione HMbVZ; (w) omnia
proprio ore H, omnia ore proprio MbVZ. MGH, p. 607, (c) retecto HVZ, reiecto Mb (post corr. ex
retecto ?); (f) seu HMZ, sive V; (g) salvus H, salvus esse MbVZ; (i) passio H, passo MbVZ; (l) hoc
HMbVZ; (m) deferebat H, referebat MbVZ; (n) sui circa sepulchrum viri mulierem H, sui circa
sepulchrum viri Dei mulierem MbZ, sui mulierem V; (o) HMbVZ profluente; (q) foderet dentibus
HMbVZ; (t) constat iram adversum H, constat iram Dei adversum MbVZ; (v) explicit written in
full HMb, initials only V, ad laudem et g. d. n. i. x. q. c. Z.

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153

(BHL 4829, 4818, 4821) offers an even clearer picture of this dichotomy;
whereas Z agrees only once with H alone, it shares on seventeen occasions
a reading contrary to the latter, again agreeing often with Mb and V alone,
more often with A as well215. A comparison of the alternative readings in
Poncelets edition of the Vita Mochullei (BHL 5978) with the Zwettl witness, which was unavailable to the editor, produces similar results. In this
case H and L1 frequently share readings deviating from all other exemplars, while Ma and Z (V has no corresponding volume) again display a
close relationship, sometimes agreeing together on a divergent reading,
other times agreeing with A against HL1 or vice versa216. Furthermore, Jefferis highlighted eight deviations in the Heiligenkreuz witness of the Conversio Gallicani from both the archetype and the Melk MLA exemplar217.
A collation of these readings with those in the V and Z witnesses reveals
that both agree with Mb against H in all cases with the exception of the
lemma, where et martiris is absent from both Z and H.
On the basis of the above it is clear that Z is not directly or indirectly
dependent on H. A strong connection between the Melk, NB and Zwettl
exemplars emerges from the examples cited, and this applies to both the
thirteenth- and fifteenth-century Melk codices. The question arises as to
whether these three exemplars depend directly on , the second copy of
the Ur-MLA, and are united simply by the absence of the characteristic H
readings, or whether they were copied from a joint template (), itself dependent on . It would only be possible to deduce the existence of such
an intermediary template from shared readings, additions and omissions
215
KRAUSE, Die Touler Vita Leos IX., pp. 79-243. The following is a representation of the
manuscript groupings corresponding to the variae lectiones within the MLA transmission, as
selected by Krause. L has no corresponding volume. MGH, p. 80 b) Mb v AHVZ, c) Mb v
AHVZ, d) H v AMbVZ; p. 82 e) H v AMbVZ f) V v AHMbZ; p. 84 n) H v AMbVZ; p. 90 i) H v
AVMbZ; p. 104 e) AH v MbVZ; p. 110 p) AH v MbVZ; p. 114 q) V v AHMbZ, w) V v AHMbZ; p.
116 l) A v HMbVZ; p. 118 o) Mb v AHVZ; p. 120 h) H v AMbVZ; p. 134 z) H v AMbVZ, h) AH v
MbVZ; p. 150 d) H v Mb v AWZ; p. 174 f) AMbZ v HV; p. 190 x) H v AMbVZ, k) AMbZ v HZ; p.
204 m) AMbZ v HV; p. 222 n) H v AV v MbZ; p. 230 a) H v AMbVZ; p. 234 g) HMb v AVZ; p. 238
n) Mb v AHVZ. The frequent correspondence of AMbVZ readings against H can be attributed to
deviations on the part of the Heiligenkreuz copyist from the text contained in the Ur-MLA (see
also below).
216
See appendix 3. See also the discussion of Larsens edition of the Vita Marie Egyptiace
above, where instances in which Z preserves text and correct readings not found in H and L1 are
discussed.
217
JEFFERIS, Hrotsvit and the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, p. 245. The Conversio
is not present in the A and L exemplars. See also KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior, pp.
b
XV-XVI, where the author points to a shared template for M , V and Z, albeit somewhat obliquely.
I am grateful to a colleague at VISCOM, Fabian Kmmeler, for translating the relevant section
of the Polish introduction, which is more comprehensive than the Latin.

154

D. RIAIN

contrary to both A and H. Such common readings are actually furnished


by the Vitae Anastasii (MaZ), Leonis (MbVZ) and Mochullei (MaZ), but
the evidence is insufficient at this stage to form a definite opinion218.
There seems, in any event, to be too little evidence across the different
editions to support Petersohns contention that H and Z were copied from
a joint template distinguishable from that of the Melk and NB exemplars219. Petersohn cited four readings where H and Z agreed against Mb
and V, in all but one case H and Z deviating from the text edition220. He
appears, however, to put too much weight on these HZ readings, as there
are more instances where Z agrees on a variant with both Mb and V or with
the latter alone against H and the edition221. Indeed, looking overall at the
variae lectiones of the Vita Ottonis, it is difficult to clearly discern different stemmatic groups. This might be taken to provide support for the conclusion that H, M, V and Z were each copied separately from a shared
template, i.e. , but the evidence cited above for common MVZ variants in
other edited texts means that the possibility that the three latter exemplars
depend on an intermediary template seems at this point a preferable hypothesis222. That H cannot have been the source for M, V or Z should be clear
from the foregoing. Neither is there any reason to suppose that any one of
the three exemplars, M, V and Z is directly dependent on another, with individual omissions and mistakes speaking against such a relation223. The
218

FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, p. 422, fn. 18, p. 438, l. 212-213 (see n.
175); KRAUSE, Die Touler Vita Leos IX., p. 104, fn. (e); p. 110, fn. (p); p. 134, fn. (h) (see n.
215); Vita Mochullei (appendix 3, fn. 12.11 and 12.14).
219
In the light of the divergence between the templates from which the two Lilienfeld
volumes were copied, it should be noted that the Vita Ottonis (30 June) appears in the same
April to June volume (Cod. 24) of the Zwettl exemplar as the Vitae Leonis (19 April) and Haimeradi (28 June).
220
sancti Georgii martiris in Bruviningen MbV, martiris om. HZ; diocesianis MbV, diocesionis HZ; ducentis MbV, quingentis HZ; pacientiam MbV, patientia HZ; PETERSOHN, Die
Prfeninger Vita, pp. 29-30. It should be noted that the accurate reading quingentis in the
Zwettl witness was inserted by the corrector, the original variant, probably also ducentis, having
been erased; ibid., p. 71(y).
221
e.g. PETERSOHN, Die Prfeninger Vita, p. 57(x) esset HMb (post corr.), esse Mb (ante
corr.), est VZ; p. 61(a) receptionem H, receptione MbVZ; p. 68(g) et om. MbVZ; p. 98(r) recenter
HMb, recens VZ; p. 99(v) aurifrigia HMb (post. corr.), aurifria Mb (ante corr.) VZ; p. 104(p)
tantum HMb, tamen VZ; p. 119(z) cultum H, cultu MbVZ; p. 126(t) adhortatus HMb, exhortatus
VZ; p. 127(y) impressit H, expressit MbVZ; p. 134(u) aberrare HMb, oberrare VZ.
222
The common MbVZ readings listed in the previous footnote could again be taken as
evidence in favour of a joint intermediary template, assuming the correct readings in H were
also present in . It is possible that the additional deviations occuring only in V and Z might be
attributable to corrections to the Mb witness on the part of Christophorus Lieb.
223
A dependency of Z upon Ma can be ruled out, for palaeographical reasons, amongst
others, as Cod. 388 is generally assigned a somewhat later date than the Zwettl exemplar.

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155

Zwettl exemplar, because of its numerous gaps and both reading and mechanical errors, can be most emphatically ruled out as a potential template
for any other MLA exemplar224.
It follows from the above textual comparisons that Poncelets assignment of the Zwettl exemplar to the cisterciensium codicum familia appears
to be no longer tenable. Yet, with regard to overall content, there are a
number of commonalities between the surviving Zwettl, Heiligenkreuz
and Lilienfeld exemplars, which distinguish them from the other exemplars. The question to be asked, however, is whether these shared features
constitute evidence of a discrete Cistercian stream within the MLA manuscript tradition or are rather simply the result of the fragmentary nature of
the collections transmission. These distinguishing attributes include the
series of texts at the end of February or March, which Poncelet laid such
store by as a defining feature of the Cistercian branch of the MLA. These
texts are, indeed, missing from both A and M, while V has no corresponding
volume. As it is one of the fifteenth-century Melk manuscripts that is in
question here, however, namely Cod. 97, from which a number of other
texts are absent, it is by no means certain that this group of texts was
actually missing from the original Melk exemplar. Indeed, included at 28
February in the table of contents for the February legends in the original
Melk exemplar (Cod. 388, fol. 265r) is the metrical Vita Marie Egyptiace,
the first text in the relevant group, and a text that does not appear in the
later Cod. 97. The February tables of contents for H (Cod. 11, fol. IVr)
and L1 (Cod. 59, fol. 1v) similarly mention only the Vita Marie Egyptiace
and not the remaining texts in the group225. It seems quite possible, if not
Comparing Cod. 388 with the corresponding Zwettl volume, Cod. 13, the former omits the Vita
Scholastica (BHL 7514) and contains a much-shortened version of the Vita Iuliani et Basilissae
(BHL 4529). The possibility of direct dependence of Cod. 13 on Cod. 388 or vice versa was
excluded by Franklin; FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius, p. 422. This Life also provides an example of a passage, which is missing from Cod. 388 alone; ibid., p. 443, l. 321-322;
see also PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, appendix V, p. 143, fn. 7.17: where the
words iam mitis et amabilis are absent alone in the Cod. 388 witness of the Vita Mochullei. For
palaeographical reasons, amongst others, the direct dependence of V on either Ma or Z can be
ruled out. The possibility that NB Cod. 336 was the template for the corresponding volumes
of Mb or of Z can also be excluded on account of not infrequent readings singular to the former;
see, for example, appendix 1, passim.
224
See, for example, n. 124 above, in re: MGH, p. 56(b) and (c). Petersohn even attributed
the numerous errors in the Zwettl witness of the Vita Ottonis to dyslexia on the part of the
scribe; J. PETERSOHN, Legasthenie als Ursache von Textvarianten ? Beobachtungen an der berlieferung der Prfeninger Otto-Vita, in Deutsches Archiv fr Erforschung des Mittelalters, 52
(1996), pp. 585-597.
225
The Lilienfeld table, which relates to the period 16 February to 31 March, is a seemingly faithful copy of the respective section of the original table, and was made in the four-

156

D. RIAIN

probable, that this series of texts was present in the original Melk exemplar, and cannot therefore be treated necessarily as a distinctive feature of
the Cistercian MLA copies. Indeed, the fact that Maria Egyptiaca also
appears in the February table of contents at Admont (Cod. 25, fol. VS-3r),
suggests that it might well have been present in the Ur-MLA, and that this
group of texts, including the Vita Marie Egyptiace a prose recension
(BHL 5415) of which also appears at 2 April in all surviving exemplars
were among those omitted by the Admont copyists. The Heiligenkreuz
and Zwettl legendaries are also marked out from the other surviving MLA
exemplars by the presence of two further texts, namely a collection of
Marian miracles (BHL 5357) and the Dialogus de miraculis sancte Marie
composed by Arnold of Prfening (BHL 5360). The suspicion again arises,
however, that the preservation of these texts exclusively in Cistercian
exemplars might be merely a quirk of the incomplete manuscript transmission. The Marian miracles, which are incorporated at the end of March
in H and Z, are missing from A and M, while V has no corresponding
volume and the relevant section of L has been lost226. Because the Melk
volume in question is again Cod. 97, there is no guarantee that the miracles were absent from the original Melk exemplar. Indeed, it seems more
likely than not that they were present, because there is evidence to suggest
that the miracles were contained in the lost January-March volume of V.
A selection of these Marian miracles appears namely towards the end of
the January-March volume of the Klosterneuburg Legendary, which, as
discussed above, was copied from V, the MLA exemplar represented today
by NB Cod 336227. It seems, therefore, that these miracles can no longer
be regarded as a potential characteristic of a discrete Cistercian MLA manuscript tradition. Uncertainty must also surround the transmission of Arnold of Prfenings Dialogus. While it is only preserved in H and Z (at 8
December), no corresponding volumes exist for A, L and V, and the relevant Melk volume is the fifteenth-century Cod. 546, which leaves open
the possibility that it was actually in the original Melk MLA among other

teenth century on the heels of the division of the exemplars first volume into two parts (Codd.
58 and 59).
226
The vision of Botho von Prfening, on the grounds of which this widely disseminated
collection was once attributed to the same, is present only in the Heiligenkreuz exemplar; see
A. MUSSAFIA, Studien zu den mittelalterlichen Marienlegenden. I., in Sitzungsberichte der
philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 113 (1886),
pp. 936-937, 943; KERN, Magnum Legendarium, pp. 430-433.
227

Cod. 710, fol. 342v-349v.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

157

exemplars228. The conclusion to be drawn would appear to be that there are


no clear indications that the distinctive features shared by the surviving
Zwettl, Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld exemplars should be taken to reflect
an original, discrete Cistercian branch within the manuscript tradition of
the MLA. It follows, therefore, that there is nothing concrete capable of
contradicting the evidence from collation pointing to the Zwettl exemplar
belonging to a separate group of transmission with the Melk and NB exemplars, or at least constituting an independent copy of the template.
The difficulties concerning transmission posed by the fact that six out
of the seven Melk MLA volumes belong to the fifteenth century and appear not to represent identical copies of the original Melk exemplar will
be clear from the preceding paragraph. Indeed, numerous questions surround the circumstances in which the Melk librarian, Christophorus Lieb,
copied the six volumes circa 1470. Poncelet speculated that the transcription was a consequence of the loss of all earlier volumes besides Cod.
388 in the documented library fire of 1297229. Petersohn suggested, on the
other hand, that the fifteenth-century manuscripts were copied from the
corresponding volumes of the original thirteenth-century exemplar, which
was by then in a damaged state230. Accordingly, Lieb would have relied
on the original house copy of the MLA rather than on an outside template.
It is true that the process of text collation has not yet thrown up any marked
difference in the position of the early and late volumes of M within the
MLA stemma codicum. It follows that Lieb may well have had the original Melk exemplar or its template (i.e or ) at his disposal. At the same
time, there are noticeable discrepancies between the original table of contents for February and March and the texts appearing in the corresponding
fifteenth-century volume, Cod. 97. While this could be taken to indicate
the use of an external template, the stemmatic position of the earlier and
later Melk volumes suggest that other explanations should be considered,
above all the possibility that Lieb was selective regarding the texts he
wished to transcribe231. Some support for the argument that Lieb actually
copied from the template of the original Melk exemplar is, as mentioned
228
Kern suggested that its absence from the Melk exemplar may have been due to it being
deemed a text inappropriate for inclusion in a legendary; KERN, Magnum Legendarium, p. 433.
229

PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, pp. 35-36.

230

PETERSOHN, Die Prfeninger Vita, pp. 23-24.

231

Indeed, Lieb sometimes expressly indicates that he is omitting a text present in his
template. For example, in place of the Vita Arsenii (BHL 715b), which is found in both of the
other surviving July-September MLA volumes, H and L2, Lieb writes the following Vita Arsenii
confessoris habetur in vitis patrum. Ideo pro brevitate omisi (Cod. 101, fol. 88v).

158

D. RIAIN

in section 3.4., provided by the list of Salzburg archbishops in Cod. 100,


which excludes Eberhard, whose tenure commenced in 1200. Because
Cod. 388 is dated palaeographically to circa 1230, the inclusion of Eberhard in the original Melk exemplar would be expected, as was the case in
the corresponding Zwettl volume. Attempting to clarify the nature of the
template available to Lieb will be one of the aims of future research on the
MLA transmission within the current project. A consideration in this regard will be the possibility of contamination, a prospect raised by Petersohn, who concluded that, while Lieb copied his text of the Vita Ottonis
from the original Melk exemplar, the corrections he himself subsequently
undertook show him to also have had access to a separate copy of the
MLA232.
Section 4: Summary and conclusion
Poncelets division of the surviving MLA exemplars into Cistercian
and Benedictine branches is no longer valid. It seems highly unlikely that
Poncelet would have proposed this model had he had access to the Zwettl
codices, which would have made clear the latters greater textual proximity
to M and V rather than to H and L. The two-way split Poncelet perceived
with regard to the five remaining manuscripts appears to have been the
product of the shared alternative readings of the H and L1, which linked
the latter legendaries through their presence and the three other exemplars
consulted through their absence. The commonality between A, M and V in
this regard extended also, as has been demonstrated, to the Zwettl exemplar, and can simply be traced back to their common derivation from the
Ur-MLA233. As has been illustrated, however, the stemmatic relationship
of M, V and Z is actually closer to H and L1 than to A, owing to the latter
having been copied directly from the Ur-MLA, while all the remaining
exemplars derive from , a second copy.
The reconstructed process of transmission proposed here paints a
much more complex picture with regard to the role of monastic affiliation
in the dissemination of the legendary than the model envisaged by Pon232
233

PETERSOHN, Die Prfeninger Vita, pp. 27-28.

This sharing of common, non-H or -HL1 readings, by A, M, V and Z is well illustrated


by the variae lectiones of the Vita Leonis IX, while the readings from the Vita Mochullei show
this commonality in the case of A, M and Z (V has no corresponding volume); see n. 215 and
appendix 3. As stated above, instances also arise where A agrees with H or HL1 against MVZ;
e.g. KRAUSE, Die Touler Vita Leos IX., p. 104 (e), p. 110 (p), p. 134 (h). These shared readings
again go back to their common derivation from the Ur-MLA, and also point towards the dependence of M, V and Z upon a shared template ().

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

159

celet. Only in the case of the Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld exemplars can
a clear connection between two monasteries belonging to the same order
be demonstrated. The long-held view that L was a copy of H requires
some revision, this dependency now being probable only in the case of the
January to March volume of the Lilienfeld exemplar, with the July to September section deriving primarily, if not solely, from a different template.
The classic model of a motherhouse, in this case Heiligenkreuz, lending a
manuscript to its daughter-house for the purposes of transcription only
rings true in the case of this single Lilienfeld volume. Monastic affiliation
appears otherwise not to have played a significant role in the process of
transmission, with the stemma codicum pointing to particular templates
having passed between houses belonging to the Cistercian, Benedictine
and, more than likely, Augustinian orders. The MLA in this regard bears
witness to connections across the monastic landscape of Austria / Styria in
the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries234. Whether the transmission
process can be said to have reflected or, indeed, contributed to a notion of
a regionally defined monastic community is one of the key questions of
the current project.
The conclusion arrived at above, that the compilation of the MLA occurred in all probability within Austria / Styria rather than outside, as had
long been maintained, represents something of a breakthrough in this field,
effectively closing the breach between the compilation and transmission
processes and opening up new avenues with regard to the historical contextualisation of the collection. Although there is some evidence pointing
to Admont, it is not possible at this stage to pinpoint the location of the
MLAs compilation within Austria / Styria. Renewing the search for the
sources of the MLA offers hope of bringing enlightenment in this regard.
The findings outlined above regarding the relationship between the twelfthcentury Klosterneuburg Cod. 707 and the MLA have greatly expanded our
knowledge regarding the sources and provenance of the MLA. They have
also shed considerable light on the oft-discussed relationship between the
MLA and the Windberg Legendary, and should inform future studies regarding the wider issue of the transmission of legendaries in Austria and
southern Germany between the late eleventh and late twelfth centuries.
As well as illuminating its prehistory, this article has also allowed some
clarity to be brought to the question of the collections reception in the
period after the initial wave of transmission, insofar as the true nature of
234

As mentioned in section 1.5., the transmission of the Austrian annals presents an analogous picture, with the circulation of manuscripts disregarding differences in monastic affiliation.

160

D. RIAIN

the relationship between the MLA and two later collections from Klosterneuburg and Gaming / Trier has been elucidated. The conclusion that the
Klosterneuburg Legendary represents a copy of a largely incomplete MLA
exemplar, which is today represented by NB Cod. 336, confers upon it
an important position within the manuscript tradition of the MLA and has
the potential to enrich future studies concerning the collections transmission.
The importance of the MLA within the hagiographical tradition of
Austria and the wider region will be clear from the foregoing. This article
has sought to create a working model through which future project research
on the collection might be structured. The planned production of critical
editions of selected texts will allow the theses developed here concerning
the sources and transmission of the MLA to be tested. These in-depth
case-studies will also focus on the content of the Lives. The selection of
the texts will be based both on the potential of the particular legends to
provide answers to questions concerning the manuscript tradition of the
MLA and on the suitability of the content of the text with respect to the
overriding concern of the project with medieval visions of community.
This article has constituted a Zwischenbilanz, the provisional results of an
ongoing investigation, and a modest supplement to Albert Poncelets venerable standard-work.
University of Vienna

Diarmuid RIAIN

Department of History
Universittsring, 1
A 1010 Wien

Rsum. Cet article prsente les premiers rsultats dune recherche de longue
haleine sur lune des plus vastes collections hagiographiques compiles dans lEurope mdivale, savoir le Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, transmis par six
exemplaires. Premire tude substantielle sur ce lgendier depuis celle dAlbert
Poncelet la fin du XIXe sicle, larticle vise actualiser ltat de la recherche et
insuffler un nouvel lan celle-ci. Proposant un nouveau stemma codicum, lA.
formule de nouvelles perspectives sur la provenance, le mode de compilation, la
rception et le contexte social de cette exceptionnelle collection de la fin du XIIe s.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

161

APPENDIX 1: the Klosterneuburg Legendary


Collation of readings from Klosterneuburg Codd. 708 and 709 with the surviving MLA exemplars, demonstrating the dependence of the Klosterneuburg text
witnesses upon those contained in Cod. 336 of the Austrian National Library (NB),
i.e. exemplar V.
235

A = Admont, H = Heiligenkreuz, K = Klosterneuburg, Mb = Melk (15c), V = NB, Z = Zwettl

Vita Ambrosii (BHL 377):


Explicit (Cod. 708, 17r): fuisse AHZ; fugisse VK; evasisse Mb
Passio Agapis, Chionae et Irenis (BHL 118)
Incipit (Cod. 708, 17r): sub obtutibus AHMb; obtutibus Z; subtutibus VK
Passio Vincentiae et Margaritae (BHL 8617)
Inc. (Cod. 708, 53v): due virgines christiane dominum confitentes AHMbZ; due
virgines dominum confitentes VK
Vita Frontini (BHL 3189)
Inc. (Cod. 708, 91r): peregret exemplum iniit accensus AHMbZ; peregret exemplum (...) accensus V; peregret exemplum accensus K
Expl. (Cod. 708, 93r): Acta sunt autem hec sub Antonio imperatore XIII
AHMbZ; Acta sunt hec sub Antonio imperatore XIII V; Acta sunt hec sub Antonio imperatore XIIII K
Vita Gregorii abbatis (BHL 3671)
Inc. (Cod. 708, 93r): compulsi audientium enodabimus devotioni AMbZ; compulsi audientium enuntiamus devotioni H; compulsi audentium VK
Vita Leonis IX
Praefatio (BHL 4829), expl. (Cod. 708, 114r): Ante Deum noster Leo papa piissime semper A(manu sec.)MbZ; Ante Deum nostrum Leo papa piissime semper
H; Ante Deum noster Leo papa memento tuere V(manu sec.)K
Vita (BHL 4818), Inc. (Cod. 708, 114v): pontifice Herimanno (Heremanno H,
Hermanno Mb) successit ei venerabilis Bruno AHMbZ; pontifice Herimanno
(Heirmanno K) Bruno VK.
Passio sancti Georgii (BHL 3389)
Prologus, expl. (Cod. 708, 163r): incipiet explicare narratio AHMbZ; incipiet
explicare VK
Vigilia S. Iohannis baptiste236
Expl. (Cod. 709, 88v): recte sexto mense HMbZ; recto sexto mense VK
Passio septem Dormientium (BHL 2315)
Expl. (Cod. 709, 125v): pro miraculo cum viderant HMbZ; pro miraculo quod
viderant VK (MbZ post corr.)
235

L has no corresponding volume.

236

The following two texts are missing from Admont Cod. 24 due to folio loss.

162

D. RIAIN
APPENDIX 2: Passio Valentis episcopi (BHL 8456)

Collation of the variae lectiones contained in Poncelets edition of the Passio


Valentis with the text-witness in Klosterneuburg Cod. 707 and the MLA exemplar
from Zwettl, which was unavailable to the editor; PONCELET, De magno legendario
Austriaco, appendix IV, pp. 133-135. For the purposes of the collation the variae
lectiones of the Martyrologium Wolfhardi were not considered. Poncelets MLA
readings have been corrected in a few instances.
The collation reveals the witness in Cod. 707 to be textually closer to the MLA
exemplars than to the Windberg Legendary, it agreeing on five occasions with the
dominant MLA reading against the Windberg variant and never with the latter
against the former.
A = Admont, H = Heiligenkreuz, Mb = Melk (15c), V = NB, Z = Zwettl, Kl = Klosterneuburg,
237
Cod. 707, Wind = Windberg Legendary

Passio sancti Valentis episcopi A


Passio Valentis episcopi et martyris HVZ238
Passio sancti Valentis episcopi et martiris Mb
Passio Valentini martyris Kl
Sancti Valentis episcopi et martyris Wind
AB p. 133, fn. 1.1 dum A, cum HMbVZKlWind; 1.2 sententia AKlWind, om.
HMbVZ; 1.3 violari AHMbVKl, violare ZWind; 1.4 vocem AHVZKl (ante corr.), voci
MbKl (post corr.) Wind; 1.5 pretermittentes AV, premittentes HMbZKlWind; 1.6 nisum
AHMbKlWind, visum V; 1.7 pastorali AHMVZKlWind; 1.8. mortuum A, mortuus
HMVZKlWind; 1.9. audiendus AHZKlWind, auditurus MbV; 1.10 secreta AHMbVZKl,
secreti Wind; 1.11 post AHMbVZKlWind; 1.12 eo A, Deo HMbVZKl, Dei Wind; 1.13
ficturi A, fictori HMbVZKlWind; 2.1 et add. A; 2.2 educaverat AHMbKlWind, edificaverat V deducaverat Z; 2.5. cathomon AHMbVZKl, cathomus Wind; 2.6 virida AHMb
(ante corr.) ZKlWind, viridia Mb (post corr.) V; 2.7 cathomo AHVZKlWind, cathomon
Mb, cathoma Z; 2.8 unicis AHMbZKlWind, inimicis V; 2.9 nequibat AHMbZ KlWind,
nequiebat V; 2.10 elogio AHMb (ante corr.) VZKlWind, eulogio Mb (post corr.); 2.13
perfecit AHMbVZKlWind; 3.1 torturi AHVZKl (ante corr.) Wind, tortori Mb, torturis Kl
(post corr.); 3.2 clamant-tormentis om. A; 3.3 genitor AVZ (post corr.) KlWind, geni
HZ (ante corr.), genetrix Mb; 3.6 ab eis add. V; 3.7 quo eos AMbVZKlWind, quos H;
3.8 existere A, exstitere HMbVZKlWind; aggreditur AHVZ, aggredi MbKl (post ras.)
Wind, aggreidi Kl (ante ras.); 3.10 alterum add. HVZ 239.

237

L has no corresponding volume.

238

The anniversary of the saint xii. kalendas iunii is also included in the margin in H, Mb,

V and Z.
239
Additional variae lectiones in Kl: AB p. 134, l. 2 agerentur Kl, ageretur al. codd.; p.
134, l.16 Deo Kl, Christo al. codd.; p. 135, l. 7 alterum sibi statuens Kl (ante corr.), alterum sibi
ad sinistrum (in marg.) statuens Kl (post corr.), alterum sibi ad laevam statuit al. codd.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

163

APPENDIX 3: Vita Mochullei (BHL 5978)


The following collation relates to the section of Poncelets edition between p.
147, l. 2 and p. 149, l. 29; PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco, Appendix V,
pp. 135-154. This corresponds to the fragment of the Vita Mochullei transmitted
within the so-called Codex Salmanticensis (Brussels, Bibliothque Royale, MS.
7672-74, fol. 220r-220v) from c. 1300, which represents the only witness of the
unabridged Life outside of the MLA, with the exception of the Life in Cod. 1176 in
Trier Stadtbibliothek, which, as discussed above (section 2.2.-excursus), is dependent on the MLA240. The variae lectiones which Poncelet provided for the Codex
Salmanticensis have been amended somewhat in accordance with the more recent
edition in Vitae sanctorum Hiberniae ex codice olim Salmanticensi nunc Bruxellensi,
ed. W. HEIST (= Subs. hag., 28), Brussels, 1965, pp. 410-413.
The collation demonstrates the characteristic proximity of readings in the
Heiligenkreuz and Lilienfeld exemplars, which frequently share variants that are
otherwise unique among the MLA exemplars. The high level of concordance between Ma and Z is also noticeable, whereby they sometimes share exclusively a divergent reading and on other occasions agree with A against HL1 or vice versa.
A = Admont, H = Heiligenkreuz, L1= Lilienfeld, Ma = Melk (13c), Z = Zwettl, S = Codex
Salmanticensis241

AB, p. 147, fn. 11.10 Quia A, Quam HL1MaZS; 11.11 interrogaverant AMaZS,
interrogaverunt HL1; 11.12 hinc om. S; 11.13 conscientia AMaZ, constantia HL1, continentia S; 11.14 versutia A, versutiam HL1MaSZ; 12.1 virago AHL1MaZ, virgo S; 12.2 ipsa
add. AMaZS; 12.3 veri AHL1ZS, viri Ma; 12.4 virum AHL1MaZ, illum S; 12.5 in fronte A,
infronite HL1MaZS; 12.6 ante AHL1MaZ, antea S; 12.7 Glenetis AMaZ, Glesnetis HL1S;
12.8 Deum AHL1MaZS; 12.9 veste intacta AMaZS, intacta veste HL1; 12.10 proceris A,
procerisque HL1MaZS; 12.11 seu om. MaZ; 12.12 agrestium om. HL1; 12.13 sibi alterutrum
AMaZS, sibique HL; 12.14 quodque A, quosque HL1S, quoque MaZ; 12.15 illustrati AMaZ,
illustrari HL1S; 12.16 videmus AHL1MaZ, videamus S; 13.1 tantae om. S; 13.2 regii A (post
corr.) Ma (ante corr.), regis (?) A (ante corr.), regi HL1 Ma (post corr.) ZS (post corr.), recti
S (ante corr.); 13.3 indicaverit AMaZS, indicaret HL1; 13.4 rex ipse AMaZS, ipse rex HL1;
13.5 proiecit AHL1MaZS (post corr.), proiectus S (ante corr.); 13.6 que A, qui HL1MaZS;
13.7 sibi add. AMaZS; 13.8 esse om. AMaZS; 13.9 vidisset AS, audisset HL1MaZ; 13.10
atque iterum add. AS; 13.11 in terram om. S; 13.12 potentissime AHL1MaZS; 13.13 quia
AHL1MaZ, qui S; 13.14 impia AHL1MaZ, impiam S; 13.15 audens AHL1 (post corr.) MaZS
(post corr.), audiens L1 (ante corr.), auderes S (ante corr.); 13.16 ausis AMaZS, ausibus
HL1; 13.17 etiam ipsum A MaZS, ipsum etiam HL1; 13.18/19 successionis meae posteritatem AMaS, successionem meae posteritatis HL1, posteritatem successionis meae Z; 13.20
ceu AHL1MaZ, seu S; 14.1 deambulaverunt AMaZ, deambularent HL1, deambulaverint S;
14.2 miseriis AHL1MaZS; 14.3 deitatis AHL1MaZ, divinitatis S; 14.4 fuerat A, fuerit HL1
MaZS; 14.5 qualis AHL1ZS, quasi Ma; 14.6 inpetrationem A, impetratione HL1MaZS; 14.7
240

Dating of the Codex Salmanticensis from P. RIAIN, Codex Salmanticensis: A Provenance inter Anglos or inter Hibernos ?, in A Miracle of Learning. Studies in Manuscripts and
Irish Learning (see above n. 135), pp. 91-100, at pp. 96-97.
241

V has no corresponding volume.

164

D. RIAIN

signorum AHL1 MaZ, miraculorum S; 14.8 clarificavit AHL1MaZS; 15.1 miracula add.
AMaZS; 15.2 post obitum suum om. AMaZS; 15.3 virtute sunt AMaZ, sunt virtute HL1,
virtute S; 15.4 Teotico AMa, Theoderico HL1Z (post corr.), Theorico Z (ante corr.), Teodrico S; 15.5 simultatibus AHL1MaZS; 15.6 invicem add. AMaZS; 15.7 forte A (post ras.),
fortuitu HL1, forte fortuitu A (ante ras.) MaZS.

ABBREVIATIONS
BIELER, Four Latin Lives = L. BIELER, Four Latin Lives of St. Patrick. Colgans
Vita Secunda, Quarta, Tertia, and Quinta (= Scriptores Latini Hiberniae, 8),
Dublin, 1971.
DOLBEAU, Les prologues = F. DOLBEAU, Les prologues de lgendiers latins, in Les
prologues mdivaux. Actes du colloque international dit par lAcademia
Belgica et lcole franaise de Rome, avec le concours de la F.I.D.E.M., ed. J.
HAMESSE (= Fdration internationale des Instituts dtudes mdivales.
Textes et tudes du Moyen ge, 15), Turnhout, 2000, pp. 345-393.
FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier of Anastasius = C. V. FRANKLIN, The Latin Dossier
of Anastasius the Persian. Hagiographic Translations and Transformations
(= Studies and Texts, 147), Toronto, 2004.
GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. 1 = T. GOTTLIEB, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge sterreichs. Vol. 1: Niedersterreich, Vienna, 1915.
HAARLNDER, Vitae episcoporum = S. HAARLNDER, Vitae episcoporum. Eine
Quellengattung zwischen Hagiographie und Historiographie, untersucht an
Lebensbeschreibungen von Bischfen des Regnum Teutonicum im Zeitalter
der Ottonen und Salier (= Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 47),
Stuttgart, 2000.
JEFFERIS, Hrotsvit and the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum = S. JEFFERIS, Hrotsvit and the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, in Hrotsvit of Gandersheim:
rara avis in Saxonia ?, ed. K. M. WILSON, Ann Arbor, 1987, pp. 239-252.
KARWASISKA, S. Adalberti Vita prior = S. Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris Vita prior, ed. J. KARWASISKA (= Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Series
nova, 4/1), Warschau, 1962.
KERN, Magnum Legendarium = A. KERN, Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, in
Die sterreichische Nationalbibliothek. Festschrift fr J. Bick, ed. J. STUMMVOLL, Vienna, 1948, p. 429-434.
KRAUSE, Die Touler Vita Leos IX. = Die Touler Vita Leos IX., ed. H.-G. KRAUSE
(= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 70),
Hannover, 2007.
LANRY, La Passion de Thodora et Didyme = C. LANRY, La Passion de Thodora et Didyme. dition des traductions latines BHL 8072 et 8073, in AB, 122
(2004), pp. 5-50.
LECHNER, Die Babenberger = K. LECHNER, Die Babenberger. Markgrafen und
Herzoge von sterreich, 976-1246 (= Verffentlichungen des Instituts fr
sterreichische Geschichtsforschung, 23), Vienna, 1976.

THE MAGNUM LEGENDARIUM AUSTRIACUM

165

LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum = W. LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, in Passiones Vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici
(= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum, 7),
Hannover, 1920, pp. 529-706.
LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde = A. LHOTSKY, Quellenkunde zur mittelalterlichen
Geschichte sterreichs (= Mitteilungen des Instituts fr sterreichische Geschichtsforschung. Ergnzungsband, 19), Graz, 1963.
RIAIN-RAEDEL, Vita sancti Cemgeni = D. RIAIN-RAEDEL, Vita sancti Cemgeni: An Edition of the Earliest Manuscript Version, in Glendalough: City of
God, ed. C. DOHERTY L. DORAN M. KELLY, Dublin, 2011, pp. 145-164.
PETERSOHN, Die Prfeninger Vita = Die Prfeninger Vita Bischof Ottos I. von
Bamberg nach der Fassung des Groen sterreichischen Legendars, ed. J.
PETERSOHN (= Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 71), Hannover, 1999.
PHILIPPART, Legendare = G. PHILIPPART, Legendare (lateinische im deutschen
Bereich), in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, ed. K.
RUH et al., vol. 5, Berlin, 1985, col. 644-657.
PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins = G. PHILIPPART, Les lgendiers latins et autres
manuscrits hagiographiques (= Typologie des sources du Moyen ge occidental, 24-25), Turnhout, 1977.
PONCELET, De magno legendario Austriaco = A. PONCELET, De magno legendario
Austriaco, in AB, 17 (1898), pp. 24-96.
REICHERT, Landesherrschaft = F. REICHERT, Landesherrschaft, Adel und Vogtei.
Zur Vorgeschichte des sptmittelalterlichen Stndestaates im Herzogtum
sterreich (= Beihefte zum Archiv fr Kulturgeschichte, 23), Cologne, 1985.
VAN DER STRAETEN, Le Grand Lgendier Autrichien = J. VAN DER STRAETEN,
Le Grand Lgendier Autrichien dans les manuscrits de Zwettl, in AB, 113
(1995), pp. 321-348.
WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent = S. WEBER, Iren auf dem Kontinent. Das Leben
des Marianus Scottus von Regensburg und die Anfnge der irischen Schottenklster, Heidelberg, 2010.
WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius = U. WESTERBERGH, Anastasius Bibliothecarius Sermo Theodori Studitae de sancto Bartholomeo apostolo. A Study
(= Studia latina Stockholmiensia, 9), Lund, 1963.
ZIEGLER, Handschriftenkatalog Stift Zwettl = C. ZIEGLER, Zisterzienserstift Zwettl.
Katalog der Handschriften des Mittelalters (= Scriptorium Ordinis Cisterciensium Monasterii BVM in Zwettl), 4 parts, Vienna, 1992-1997, part 1.

Bernard JOASSART
GODEFROID KURTH,
DDICATAIRE DES LGENDES HAGIOGRAPHIQUES

Les lgendes hagiographiques occuprent une place importante dans


luvre dHippolyte Delehaye1. Louvrage lui valut une relle notorit
et bien des tracas lors de la crise moderniste, en particulier la veille de la
Premire guerre mondiale. Il fut menac dtre mis lindex aprs avoir
t interdit de lecture dans les maisons de formation ecclsiastiques dItalie
par un dcret du 17 octobre 1913, pris par le cardinal De Lai, secrtaire de
la Congrgation Consistoriale2.
Attaqu par les uns, le bollandiste put aussi compter sur lappui de
savants qui ny trouvaient rien de contraire ni aux rgles de saine critique
historique ni la foi catholique.
Parmi ceux-ci, Godefroid Kurth, professeur lUniversit de Lige3.
Lorsque les Lgendes furent prises dans la tourmente, notamment sous les
coups de boutoir dEmmanuel Barbier, lequel ne mnagea point ses efforts
dans sa revue La critique du libralisme pour dnoncer toute la perversit
du livre4, Kurth semploya activement dfendre leur auteur5.

1
Sur luvre de Delehaye (1859-1941), bollandiste partir de 1891, cf. B. JOASSART,
Hippolyte Delehaye. Hagiographie critique et modernisme (= Subs. hag., 81), Bruxelles, 2000.
Rappelons que Les lgendes hagiographiques parurent dabord comme article dans la Revue
des questions historiques, 74 = N. S., 30 (1903), p. 56-112, avant dtre publies sous forme
douvrage en 1905.
2
Gaetano De Lai (1853-1928), cr cardinal en 1907 et nomm secrtaire de la Congrgation Consistoriale, fut lun des personnages majeurs de la Curie romaine dans la lutte
contre le modernisme (cf. G. VIAN, Gaetano De Lai, zelante collaboratore di Pio X nella repressione antimodernista, in In wilder zgelloser Jagd nach Neuem. 100 Jahre Modernismus
und Antimodernismus in der katholischen Kirche, d. H. WOLF J. SCHEPERS [= Rmische
Inquisition und Indexkongregation, 12], Paderborn, 2009, p. 453-473).
3
Au sujet de Godefroid Kurth (1847-1916), professeur lUniversit de Lige partir
de 1873 et directeur de lInstitut historique belge de Rome partir de 1907, cf. R. AUBERT, in
Dictionnaire dhistoire et de gographie ecclsiastiques, 29 (2007), col. 1013-1014.
4
Emmanuel Barbier (1851-1925), jsuite de 1859 1905, fut un animateur particulirement dur de la rpression du modernisme, spcialement travers sa revue La critique du
libralisme, dans laquelle, au sujet des Lgendes, il publia, sous le pseudonyme de Chaplain, un
premier article intitul propos dhagiographie (n du 15 juillet 1912, p. 484-487), quil
complta par une srie ayant comme titre Nouvelles doctrines, nouvelles mthodes. Luvre
dun Bollandiste, dans les nos des 15 juin (p. 309-329), 15 juillet (p. 469-486), 15 aot (p.
672-684) et 1er septembre 1913 (p. 737-749). Au sujet de Barbier, cf. M. BRILLAUD Y.
CHIRON, Labb Emmanuel Barbier (1851-1925), tampes, 2005.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015), p. 166-168.

KURTH, DDICATAIRE DES LGENDES HAGIOGRAPHIQUES

167

Kurth partageait les vues de Delehaye. Mais sans pour autant majorer limportance du fait , on peut aussi penser que lhistorien ligeois
se sentait dautant plus impliqu personnellement dans laffaire que Les
lgendes hagiographiques lui avaient t ddies.
Au sujet du choix de cette ddicace, jai retrouv deux lettres de Kurth
dans la correspondance de Delehaye.
La premire date du 31 janvier 1905. Kurth rpond Delehaye qui lui
avait propos de lui ddier son livre6:
Mon Rvrend Pre,
Vous voyez un homme tout confus de lhonneur que vous voulez bien lui
faire. Et cependant je laccepte avec reconnaissance et avec joie. Ce sera, si je
ne me trompe, en quelque sorte la conscration publique de la parfaite unit de
vues et des sentiments de vieille amiti qui me rattachent aux Bollandistes. Je
vous remercie donc cordialement de votre gracieuse ide et je vous prie de croire,
mon rvrend Pre, mes sentiments respectueux et les plus dvous. G. Kurth.

Comme nous lapprend le diaire des Bollandistes, louvrage sortit de


presse le 24 fvrier suivant. Delehaye en envoya aussitt un exemplaire
Kurth qui len remercia quelques jours plus tard, soit le 28 du mme mois:
Mon Rvrend Pre,
Je viens de lire dune traite votre volume, et jen suis enchant. Nous sommes
daccord sur tous les points, et je mettrais aussi volontiers mon nom au bas de
ces pages que jprouve de plaisir le voir en tte. Il sagit maintenant de faire
parvenir ce petit livre salutaire sa double adresse: gauche, pour faire taire des
aboyeurs comme Krusch7, droite, pour remettre leur place des censeurs comme
le P. Nimal8. Il fera certainement son chemin dans le monde scientifique et je ne
5
Kurth y alla dune rplique Barbier, Historiens et sycophantes, dans les Archives
belges du 25 novembre 1913, et prit galement contact avec lambassadeur de Belgique prs le
Saint-Sige (cf. B. JOASSART, Hippolyte Delehaye, p. 306-308).
6
Je nai pas retrouv la lettre de Delehaye dans laquelle il aurait propos Kurth de lui
ddier son livre. Il nest dailleurs pas impossible que cette offre ait t faite, oralement, par
Charles De Smedt, alors prsident de la Socit des Bollandistes, qui rencontrait rgulirement
Kurth aux sances de lAcadmie royale de Belgique.
7
Au sujet de Bruno Krusch (1857-1940), qui se distingua par sa collaboration aux
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, auxquels il fut associ ds 1879, et en devint lun des directeurs en 1903 (il fournit essentiellement les tomes 2 7 des Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum), cf. J.-M. HANNICK, in Dictionnaire dhistoire et de gographie ecclsiastiques, 29
(2007), col. 898-901. Si daucuns lui reprochrent un excs de critique et virent en lui un
rationaliste hypercritique, en particulier dans ldition des textes hagiographiques, il convient
de remarquer que les Bollandistes voulurent toujours juger de manire quitable ses travaux.
8
Hector Nimal (1850-1909), rdemptoriste belge, publia diverses tudes hagiographiques
et des travaux relatifs aux bguinages et labbaye de Villers (cf. M. DE MEULEMEESTER,
Bibliographie gnrale des crivains Rdemptoristes. 2e partie: Auteurs rdemptoristes, A-Z,
Louvain, 1935, p. 296-297). Il faut savoir que Nimal et Kurth staient opposs propos de
Christine lAdmirable, le rdemptoriste stant montr, aux yeux du second, par trop confiant

168

B. JOASSART

crois pas quil y ait lieu de sen proccuper beaucoup; mais il faut aussi quil pntre dans les milieux catholiques non scientifiques; cest l surtout quil y a des
prjugs dtruire et des hostilits dsarmer, et je pense, sauf meilleur avis,
que cest la presse quotidienne qui doit ici nous aider. Quune dizaine damis dvous prennent la peine dcrire des articles spcialement faits pour la masse des
catholiques intelligents mais peu au courant des problmes de la critique, voil,
ce me semble, ce quil y a de plus urgent. Je memploierai, pour mon compte,
en trouver quelques-uns.
Merci encore davoir mis cet excellent travail sous mon patronage ! Je reste,
avec les meilleurs sentiments et confraternit scientifique, votre cordialement
dvou, G. Kurth.

Delehaye ne put certainement quapprcier lloge de son correspondant. Par ailleurs, celui-ci voyait juste propos de lesprit dans lequel
louvrage avait t conu et que Delehaye exprimera en dautres termes
dans la seconde de ses Cinq leons sur la mthode hagiographique: dune
part, il voulait se dmarquer de lcole conservatrice, partisane tout crin
de la tradition et du dossier littraire de tout saint, considr comme
historique, et de lcole hypercritique, pour qui ce dossier ntait que lgende au point mme de refuser toute consistance propre la saintet
chrtienne; dautre part, il entendait suivre la voie de la critique rigoureuse
en vue de faire surgir les lments historiques enfouis au milieu de la
gangue lgendaire et de prserver la spcificit de cette saintet chrtienne9. En mme temps, ni lun ni lautre des deux savants ne se doutait
vraisemblablement pas des tribulations que le livre allait connatre.
Socit des Bollandistes

Bernard JOASSART

dans les qualits historiques de la Vie de la sainte crite par Thomas de Cantimpr, tandis que
les Bollandistes avaient pris parti en faveur de la position plus critique dfendue par Kurth (au
sujet de ce diffrend, cf. B. JOASSART, Hippolyte Delehaye, p. 154).
9

Cf. le chapitre Les rcits, p. 18-41, des Cinq leons sur la mthode hagiographique
(= Subs. hag., 21), Bruxelles, 1934.

Bernard JOASSART
UN VOLUME DE LOUIS DUCHESNE
NON RECENS PAR LES BOLLANDISTES
Louis Duchesne et les Bollandistes furent troitement lis damiti,
partageant les mmes vues en matire de travaux historiques. La correspondance change entre eux en tmoigne suffisance, o lon dcouvre
notamment la missive du Franais envoye ses amis belges le 8 mars
1911, loccasion du dcs de Charles De Smedt, dans laquelle il reconnat toute sa dette intellectuelle lgard de celui-ci1.
En cette anne 1911, on est en plein dans la phase de rpression du
modernisme. Les temps sont trs durs pour les historiens tudiant plus
particulirement lhistoire de lglise, qui remettent en cause nombre de
vnrables traditions au grand dam de Rome. Duchesne est surveill de
prs. Les Bollandistes ne le sont pas moins. Depuis une bonne dcennie,
ils sont entre autres contraints denvoyer toutes les recensions destines
aux Analecta Bollandiana la curie gnralice de la Compagnie de Jsus
o un censeur spcialement dsign par le Gnral de lOrdre veille la
stricte orthodoxie souvent mise en pril, aux yeux du Saint-Sige, par ces
dnicheurs de saints ! Et il sen faudra de peu que Les lgendes hagiographiques (1905) de Delehaye ne soient mises lIndex2.
Les deux premiers tomes de lHistoire ancienne de lglise de Duchesne sortirent de presse en 1906 et 1907. Paul Peeters (1870-1950),
bollandiste depuis 1904, en rendit compte dans les Analecta Bollandiana,
ayant toutefois t oblig de modifier quelques passages3.
Le troisime volume parut en 1910. Peeters entreprit de le prsenter
galement aux lecteurs de la revue. Mais sa recension ne paratra jamais.
Elle connatra mme deux versions prparatoires reproduites ici en deux
1

Cf. B. JOASSART, Monseigneur Duchesne et les Bollandistes. Correspondance (= Tab.


hag., 1), Bruxelles, 2002. La lettre du 8 mars 1911 se trouve dite aux pages 184-186. Sur
luvre de Duchesne, cf. B. WACH, Monseigneur Louis Duchesne (1843-1922), historien de
lglise, directeur de lcole franaise de Rome (= Collection de lcole franaise de Rome,
167), Rome, 1992.
2
Cette mesure avait t prise par Luis Martn (1846-1906), Prpos Gnral de la Compagnie depuis 1892 et navait pas t rapporte par son successeur Franz Xaver Wernz (18421914), lu en 1906. Sur cette priode particulirement difficile pour les Bollandistes, cf. B.
JOASSART, Hippolyte Delehaye. Hagiographie critique et modernisme (= Subs. hag., 81),
Bruxelles, 2000.
3
Ces recensions parurent dans les tomes 26 (1907), p. 100-101, et 28 (1909), p. 117-118.
Voir les remarques dans B. JOASSART, Hippolyte Delehaye, p. 784 et 796.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015), p. 169-174.

170

B. JOASSART

colonnes , dcouvertes tout rcemment dans un dossier des archives


bollandiennes, o sont conserves quelques recensions comptes rendus
rviss et carts.
Dans la colonne de gauche, on lira la premire version. Mais ainsi
quon lapprend par la censure romaine du 13 dcembre 1910, le texte fut
rejet4.
Peeters coup sr en accord avec ses collgues ne renona pas
purement et simplement. Un texte remani dont on trouve ci-aprs dans
la colonne de droite les changements apports au premier texte fut envoy Rome.
Le troisime volume de cet ouvrage dsormais clbre (cf. Anal. Boll. XXVI,
100-101, XXVIII, 117-18) va du commencement du Ve sicle la fin du pontificat de S. Lon. Aucun progrs notable de lorganisation et de lexpansion
chrtiennes ne rachte les abaissements
de cette longue priode, marque par
tant de dsastres, deux fois regrettables
parce que ces malheurs sont des fautes.
Le donatisme, il est vrai, achve de disparatre; lhrsie plagienne ne cause
quune agitation locale et peu profonde;
mais lantipathie contre Origne, devenue comme lide fixe de quelques esprits belliqueux, allume une querelle
opinitre, qui se ranimera encore, aprs
un sicle et ne steindra tout fait que
sous les dcombres dun dernier et plus
lamentable incendie. En mettant aux
prises les plus illustres personnages de
lglise dOrient, elle cre par avance
organise pour longtemps
deux partis entre lesquels toute question
deviendra un sujet de guerre, et elle les
arme lun contre lautre de ressentidun implacable
ments implacables. La crise nestorienne ressentiment.
et la raction monophysite clatent coup
sur coup dans ce milieu divis, et, en
deux secousses presque instantanes, dtachent de la communion catholique de
4

Cf. B. JOASSART, Hippolyte Delehaye, p. 810.

UN VOLUME DE L. DUCHESNE NON RECENS


puissantes glises qui entraneront bientt dans le schisme le reste du monde oriental. De telles catastrophes taient-elles
invitables ? Il devient de plus en plus
difficile de le croire, mesure que lon
connat mieux la pense que, de part et
dautre, on enfermait sous les formules
litigieuses, autour desquelles se livrait la
bataille. Aujourdhui, aprs quatorze
sicles de thologie, les historiens du
dogme, arms de leur langage technique parvenu une entire prcision,
ont encore peine rendre palpable et
sensible la signification relle des termes
controverss. Malgr toutes les explications irniques, qui tendent prvaloir
pour le moment, il semble bien que, la
part faite aux exagrations logomachiques, le dissentiment atteignait le fond
des choses. Mais il nest pas moins clair
que le gros des combattants sentretuaient pour des mots quils navaient
pas pris la peine de se traduire en langage plus concret, et que lon ne saisit
pas la trace dun seul effort srieux tent
en vue de se comprendre. Des antipathies personnelles, des rivalits dinfluence, des ressentiments invtrs, des
calculs politiques se sont empars des
questions doctrinales et les ont achemines sur une pente o le dsastre final
devenait invitable. Mgr Duchesne a
pris dassez haut lhistoire de cette triste
poque, pour dmler, dans la mesure du
possible, linfluence rciproque des ides
sur les faits et de la surexcitation desprit
cause par ces mmes faits, sur les thories qui les avaient provoqus. Ce tableau tant vrai ne pouvait tre rjouissant regarder. Parmi les vnrables
personnages que lon voit intervenir en
ces tristes querelles, tous ne sont pas
devenus saints prcisment pour la part
quils y ont prise. Lhistoire a d les
surprendre au moment o ils traver-

171

de ladmettre
que se
dgage plus clairement la pense

Aujourdhui encore
avec les ressources dun langage
technique parvenu son entire prcision, les historiens du dogme ont de
la peine rendre palpable
Du reste, malgr

vident
quils nauraient
pas su traduire

rancunes invtres
controverses
par une pente abrupte, vers le
dsastre o elles ont abouti.

sincre

sduisant

funestes
On a regret de les
surprendre ces moments o leur ca-

172

B. JOASSART

sent la scne dans une motion assez


peu hiratique. Telle vive esquisse de
Mgr D. paratra crayonne avec une
intention malicieuse. Mais cette ironie
elle-mme est indulgente, car elle dsarme le jugement plus svre quil
faudrait parfois prononcer sur certains travers par trop humains, si lon
sinterdit den sourire. Et pour apprcier le sentiment qui linspire ellemme, il suffit de voir quelle hauteur dloquence le ton slve quand
il sagit dun Chrysostome, dun Augustin, ou du pape S. Lon.

ractre sest dmenti. Telle et telle


vive esquisse de Mgr D. nest pas
dune gravit hiratique. Cette franchise irrvrencieuse lui a parfois t
reproche sur un ton qui nest pas
non plus parfaitement gal au sujet et
qui pche, dune autre faon, contre
le srieux de lhistoire. Quand on sinterdit de sourire, il ne reste souvent
qu sindigner. Lironie de Mgr D.
est plus indulgente; maintes fois, elle
russit, par un trait enjou, dsarmer le jugement svre que certains
cts trop humains des querelles religieuses arrachent irrsistiblement la
conscience du chrtien. Et pour apprcier le sentiment plus profond qui linspire elle-mme, il suffit de remarquer quelle hauteur dloquence le
ton de lhistorien slve chaque fois
que, sur la scne dshonore par tant
de petites passions, apparat la majestueuse figure dun Chrysostome, dun
Augustin, ou du pape S. Lon.

Les pages de Mgr D., malgr le soin


quelles prennent dviter tout appareil
pdantesque, contiennent la substance
dune rudition prodigieuse. Mais ce
nest l que leur moindre mrite. Il faut
avoir pratiqu soi-mme les documents
relatifs limbroglio des querelles christologiques pour apprcier sa juste valeur lextraordinaire lucidit de regard
avec laquelle Mgr D. y dcouvre un qui permet Mgr D. dy dcouvrir
principe dordre qui permet de les un principe dordre et de les raccorclaircir ou du moins de les raccorder. der avec un enchanement acceptable.
Nous prenons cet exemple entre beaucoup dautres. Pour nous, cette mer notre gr,
incomparable
veilleuse sret de coup dil est suren
tout sensible dans certains sujets, o
lminent auteur na pntr que par occasion, en se guidant sur des renseignements quil devait accepter de seconde
main. Sans doute, les travaux drudition
ne comportent jamais une exactitude ab-

UN VOLUME DE L. DUCHESNE NON RECENS

173

solue. Il se peut donc que lon trouve


On trouvera donc
contester quelques points de dtail contester quelques points de dtail
dans cette uvre magistrale; elle nen
sera pas amoindrie, et un excellent juge,
aprs avoir laiss parler trs librement
sa critique, na pas craint dajouter quil
tenait le livre de Mgr D. pour la plus
brillante histoire ecclsiastique des premiers sicles qui ait jamais paru (Dom
J. Chapman, Revue bndictine, XXVII,
528).

Le texte rcrit ne reut pas le placet romain. Une lettre du P. mile


Thibaut, Provincial de Belgique, envoye Peeters le 23 mars 1911 nous
renseigne ce propos:
Cher et rvrend Pre, P.C.
Le Pre Assistant5 me renvoie le compte-rendu, mais avec les observations
suivantes:
Ce compte-rendu est maintenant un peu modifi, mais je ne crois pas quil
passerait la censure.
Premirement, la rserve de lauteur pag. 4: on trouvera donc quelques points
de dtails contester dans cette uvre magistrale ne parat pas suffisante.
Secondement, la manire denvisager les grandes luttes doctrinales de ces
temps ne parat pas assez juste. Le censeur romain lavait dj observ la premire
fois.
Y a-t-il possibilit de modifier dans le sens de cette double remarque ? Je suis
tout dispos insister auprs du P. Assistant et me tiens votre disposition.
Patience et union de prires.
Rae Vae inf. in Xo servus Em. Thibaut S.J.

Peeters perdit-il la patience recommande par son suprieur ? En tout


cas, il sabstint de persvrer dans son projet de recension et louvrage ne
fut seulement quannonc la page 135 du tome 30 (1911) des Analecta
Bollandiana. La vigilance romaine ne baissait pas la garde et le 1er septembre 1911, une circulaire du cardinal Gaetano De Lai6 arrta que lHistoire ancienne de lglise ne pouvait plus tre lue dans les sminaires italiens. La mise lIndex fut dcide le 24 janvier de lanne suivante.
5
Wladimir Ledchowski (1866-1942) fut Assistant de Germanie de 1906 1915, avant
dtre lu Prpos Gnral de la Compagnie en 1915.
6

Gaetano De Lai (1853-1928), cr cardinal en 1907, fut nomm, en 1908, secrtaire de


la Congrgation consistoriale qui avait entre autres dans ses attributions la surveillance des maisons de formation ecclsiastique italiennes. Il fut lun des principaux acteurs de la lutte contre le
modernisme.

174

B. JOASSART

Duchesne mourut le 21 avril 1922. Il laissait en manuscrit le quatrime volume de son Histoire, achev depuis longtemps, mais que, dsabus, il avait renonc publier7. Le 28 fvrier 1919, il crivait Delehaye
qui lui avait propos de laider faire lever la sanction de 1911: [Le pape
Benot XV] mengagea publier mon 4e volume sous un titre qui ne le
prsente pas comme la suite des trois premiers et dattendre plus tard
pour lautorisation de rimprimer le reste [] Publier mon 4e volume
avec un faux nez ne me sduit gure. Du reste ce ne serait pas sr []
Mon volume paratrait, linstigation du pape, quil pourrait trs bien tre
condamn le lendemain. Ce tome ne sera imprim quen 1925, aprs
bien des pripties, par les soins de Dom Henri Quentin, et avec un faux
nez Lglise au VIe sicle qui donnait prcisment quelque apparence de ne pas tre la suite des prcdents volumes. Peeters reprit sa
plume et en rendit compte aux pages 406-407 du tome 44 (1926) de la revue bollandienne. Aucune censure ne vint entraver la libert du bollandiste. Il nhsita pas affirmer quil sagissait dun grand et beau livre
comme le matre disparu tait seul capable de lcrire, qui, par le plan et
la disposition gnrale [] rappelle de point en point lHistoire ancienne
de lglise. Et sil ne dit mot du coup darrt de 1910 les temps
ntaient pas encore loubli du modernisme que bien des chasseurs
dhrsies se plaisaient encore et toujours dbusquer un peu partout ,
on peut toutefois fort bien imaginer quil se souvenait parfaitement de
cette recension rentre quand il poursuivait: Le ton du style sest un peu
adouci. Au lieu de schapper en traits acrs avec la verve cinglante
dautrefois, lironie, quand il lui arrive encore de sourire, laisse percer
laccent dune exprience attriste8 !
Socit des Bollandistes

Bernard JOASSART

Cf. B. JOASSART, Monseigneur Duchesne et les Bollandistes (cf. supra n. 1), p. 216-

Soulign par moi.

217.

Franois DOLBEAU
CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS
Inventaire hagiographique
(Trente-deuxime srie)
Les catalogues comments dans cette nouvelle livraison dcrivent
des fonds conservs en Allemagne (Berlin, Munich), aux tats-Unis
(Princeton), en Italie (Cortone, Mantoue, Trente, Vntie), en Suisse (Lucerne) et en Pologne (Cracovie). En seconde partie, sont inventoris des
rpertoires dun autre type (Manoscritti datati dItalia, Scriptorium de
Nonantola). La majorit des manuscrits date du Moyen ge tardif, une
poque o luvre la mieux diffuse est le dossier pseudo-antique sur la
mort de Jrme (BHL 3866-68), restitu par les modernes Johann von
Neumarkt ( 1380)1. En ce qui concerne lhistoire des collections, les recueils les plus intressants paraissent tre un homliaire-lgendier de Cracovie (cot 1380), un lgendier systmatique de Lucerne (P 14 fol. en trois
tomes) et un recueil per circulum anni de Mantoue (218).
Abrviations employes ci-dessous:
FLEITH, Studien = B. FLEITH, Studien zur berlieferungsgeschichte der lateinischen Legenda
aurea (= Subs. hag., 72), Bruxelles, 1991 (dont est conserve la numrotation des chapitres).
FROS, Indits = H. FROS, Indits non recenss dans la BHL, in AB, 102 (1984), p. 163-196,
355-380.
PONCELET = A. PONCELET, Index miraculorum B. V. Mariae quae saec. VI-XV latine conscripta
sunt, in AB, 21 (1902), p. 241-360.
AH = Analecta Hymnica. LA = Legenda aurea. cal. = calendrier. lit. = litanies. mart. =
martyrologe.
a. = anno, -um, -is. s. = sicle (derrire un chiffre romain), saint/sanctus (ailleurs). ca = circa.
db., mil. = dbut, milieu. 1, 2 m. = premire, seconde moiti. 1, 2, 3 t. = premier,
deuxime, troisime tiers. 1, 2, 3, 4 q. = premier, deuxime, troisime, quatrime quart.
dioc. = diocse(s). orig. = origine. us. = usage de.
f., p. = folio(s), page(s). add. = addition(s), additionnel(s). acph. = acphale. c. = chapitre(s) epit. = pitom exc. = excerptum (-ta). expl. = explicit. fragm. = fragment.
inc. = incipit. lac. = lacune(s). mirac. = miracle/miraculum (-la). mut. = mutil en
finale. om. prol., epil. = omisso prologo, epilogo. var. = variantes.

Sauf indication contraire (pap. = papier), les manuscrits sont sur parchemin.
Les localisations indiques, quand elles sont prcises, doivent tre entendues comme
des provenances. Dans les renvois la BHL, la prsence dun astrisque signifie
que la rfrence est absente du catalogue analys ou quelle a t modifie.
1

Voir la notice de W. HVER, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, t. 4, Berlin New York, 1983, col. 686-695.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015), p. 175-208.

Fr. DOLBEAU

176

I. CATALOGUES PAR FONDS

Bassano del Grappa, Museo Biblioteca Archivio


Belluno, Biblioteca Capitolare Lolliniana
Voir ci-dessous Veneto (Biblioteche del).
Berlin,

Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preuischer Kulturbesitz

Die Handschriften der Signaturenreihe Hdschr. der Staatsbibliothek zu


Berlin Preuischer Kulturbesitz. Teil 1: Hdschr. 1-150. Beschr.
Kurt HEYDECK (= Kataloge der Handschriftenabteilung, 9/1). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2013, 301 p. [ISBN 978-3-447-06793-5].
Le fonds Hdschr., qui compte 436 numros, fut cr pour accueillir, partir de 1952, les nouvelles acquisitions de la Staatsbibliothek
Preuicher Kulturbesitz de Berlin-Ouest. Aprs la runification de Berlin,
il fut ferm le 31 octobre 1997. Les 150 manuscrits dcrits dans ce volume
reprsentent les acquisitions des annes 1951-1978, effectues surtout sous
limpulsion dHermann Knaus, depuis 1966, puis de Tilo Brandis, partir
de 1973. Lhagiographie y est peu reprsente.
Hdschr. 25 2 m. XVe s.; livre dheures; prov. Flandres ou France du Nord (?).
(f. 1-4v, 113v-118v) cal. fragm. (Janvier-Mars, Juin), lit.
Hdschr. 50 pap., 3 q. XVIe s. (pour les ff. concerns); psautier. (f. 164v-168v) lit.
destine Anna von Schnrath, prieure de Wenau ( 1580), O. Praem. (entre
Aix et Cologne).
Hdschr. 68 mil. XIIIe s.; psautier; prov. France du Nord (Paris ?). (f. I-VIv, 135v137) cal., lit.
Hdschr. 74 1 m. XIe s.; Trves. (f. 76-83v) Gengulfus m., 3328.
Hdschr. 86 pap., 1 m. XVIe s.; recueil de prires (bas allemand de Westphalie).
(f. 1-12v) cal. de la congrgation de Windesheim.
Hdschr. 87, 13 1 m. XIVe s.; brviaire monastique. (2 ff. fragm.) propre des
saints du 21/X au 11/XI (dUrsule Martin).
Hdschr. 148 1 m. XIIe s.; prov. Chartreuse de Champmol (Dijon). (f. 1-56) Martinellus: Martinus ep., *5610 om. epist. (f. 1-14v), *5611-5613 (f. 14v-20v),
*5619-5620 (f. 20v-21v), *5621-5623 (f. 21v-23v), *5614-5616 (f. 23v-54v);
Briccius ep., *1452. (f. 57-149v) Vitae Patrum exc.: *6524 exc. (f. 57-71v:
prol., c. 1, 15-16, 12-14); Malchus mon., *5190 (f. 71v-75); *6525 exc. (f. 75117v: c. 17-220); *6526 (f. 118-138v); *6527 ou *6528 exc. (f. 138v-142, 147149v); *6529 exc. (f. 142rv: c. I, 13); Thais paenitens, 8012 (f. 142v-143v).

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

177

Cortona (prov. Arezzo)

I manoscritti medievali della provincia di Arezzo. Cortona. Cur. Elisabetta CALDELLI Francesca GALLORI Martina PANTAROTTO
Maria Cristina PARIGI Gabriella POMARO Patrizia STOPPACCI.
Con la collaborazione di Michaelangiola MARCHIARO Francesca
RAMACCIOTTI (= Biblioteche e Archivi, 25; Manoscritti medievali
della Toscana, 5). Firenze, Regione Toscana SISMEL Edizioni
del Galluzzo, 2011, XX-172 p., 12 pl. coul., 175 pl. n. et bl. [ISBN
978-88-8450-331-2].
Chacune des quatre bibliothques de Cortone fait lobjet dune notice
initiale. La Biblioteca del Comune e dellAccademia Etrusca procde
dune double fondation: lAccademia Etrusca, constitue en 1726, regroupait les lettrs de la ville; la Bibliothque communale, cre en 1778 pour
recevoir les livres dun chanoine bibliophile, Orazio Macari, fusionna aussitt avec celle de lAcadmie; la nouvelle entit accueillit ensuite les collections des maisons religieuses supprimes en 1808, puis, aprs quon eut
effectu quelques restitutions, nouveau en 1866. Les ensembles les plus
importants proviennent de deux couvents de frres mineurs: franciscains
conventuels San Francesco, observants Santa Margherita, o fut actif
partir de 1450 le lettr Marco di Michele Basili. Ces deux maisons conservent aussi quelques manuscrits, dont certains hagiographiques. En
revanche, le Seminario vescovile ne possde que des antiphonaires et des
graduels. Chaque notice, sauf les deux dernires cites ici, est associe
une ou parfois deux planches.
Biblioteca del Comune e dellAccademia Etrusca
10-11 db. XIVe s.; lectionnaire hagiog. en 2 vol. de San Francesco (215 et 137 ff.).
(10, f. 1-215v) propre, de Saturnin (29 nov.) Hadrien (8 sept.), lac. (11, f.
1-76) propre, de Cyprien et Justine (26 sept.) Catherine (25 nov.), acph.
13 1 m. XIVe s.; missel dune glise de Cortone. (f. 2-7v) cal.
14 1 q. XIVe s.; missel copi Prouse. (f. 1-6v) cal.
15 4 q. XIIIe s.; missel dune maison suivant la rgle dAugustin. (f. 14-15v) cal.
16 1 m. XVe s.; missel de Santa Margherita. (f. 1-6v) cal.
17 2 m. XVe s.; missel dune famille de Cortone. (f. 1-6v) cal.
19 mil. XVe s.; livre dheures dun cardinal originaire de Cortone. (f. 1-11v) cal.
21 2 q. XIVe s., prov. Santa Margherita. (f. 1-106) Margarita de Cortona, 5314.
22 1 q. XIVe s., prov. S. M. (f. 1-229v) LA (= FLEITH, Studien, LA 148).
25 1 m. XIVe s., prov. S. M. (f. 1-4) Augustinus ep. Hippon., Vita en forme
daccessus, prcdant un corpus de traits du saint, inc. non prcis.

Fr. DOLBEAU

178

28 2 m. XVe s., prov. S. M. (f. 1rv) Augustinus ep. Hippon., Vita en forme daccessus, inc. Augustinus Aurelius Tagasti genitus alitusque est parentibus
29 2 m. XVe s., prov. S. M. (f. 113rv) Prosper Aquitanus, Vitae en forme dac2
cessus .
32 mil. XIVe s., prov. S. M. (f. 1-59v, 60-82, 82-84v) Franciscus Assis., *3107,
3
*3109 (?) , Bullae pro canonizatione.
e
36 2 m. XV s.; prov. S. M. (f. 2-10v, 13rv) Cyprianus ep. m., *2041, suivie de
la notice du De viris illustribus de Jrme; Vita en forme daccessus (inc. Ciprianus Cartaginensis archiep. martir et doctor precipuus sacrarum et gentilium literarum).
39 mil. XVe s.; prov. S. M. (f. 1-16) Gregorius Nazianzenus ep., *3668. (f.
111-158v) Iohannes Chrysostomus ep., *4374.
41 mil. XVe s.; prov. S. M. (f. 136v-147v) BMV, Assumptio, 5355d. (f. 148v152) Paulus erem., 6596. (f. 152-154v) Malchus mon., 5190.
45 3 q. XVe s.; prov. S. M. (f. 70v) Bertholdus de Ratispona, Vita en forme
daccessus, inc. Bertholdus vir sanctus et doctus siquidem
204 pap., 2 m. XVe s., prov. S. M. (f. 1-8) Paulus erem., 6596. (f. 8-12) Malchus mon., 5190.
209 pap., 4 q. XVe s., prov. S. M. Vitae par Basili en forme daccessus: (f. 128137, 158-160v) Dionysius ep. m., inc. D. Ariopagita urbe Athenarum ortus et
educatus vir; inc. D. Ariopagites philosophus et Athenarum episcopus (f.
138v-141) Ambrosius Traversari ab. Camaldul., inc. Ambrosius natione Flaminius ex oppido Portico oriundus. Hic adhuc puerulus
211 pap., 4 q. XIIIe s., prov. S. M. (f. 13v-32v) Vitae Patrum, epit., inc. Satis
humane eterni regni aditus penitentibus (f. 85rv) Purgatorium s. Patricii,
epit., inc. S. P. dum per Ybernia predicaret et parum proficeret oravit

Convento di San Francesco


s. c. 1 q. XIIIe s.; vangliaire de S. F. (add. f. 125v-126) cal. (I-II, XI-XII mut.).

Santuario di Santa Margherita


olim 60 1 q. XIVe s. (f. 1-1064) Margarita de Cortona, 5314.
olim 61 1 q. XIVe s. (f. 1-108v) Margarita de Cortona, 5314.
Krakw,

Biblioteka Jagiellioska

Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum Medii vi latinorum qui in Bibliotheca Jagellonica Cracoviae asservantur. 19802

La premire est extraite du De viris illustribus de Gennade, la seconde dbute par les mots:
Prosper equitanicus vir admodum religiosissimus sanctitate praecipuus Le mme manuscrit
comporte diffrents textes de Basili et dautres accessus pour Lactance et Pierre Lombard.
3

Le titre donn est Legenda minor (3110); ldition cite est celle des Miracula (3109);
le renvoi est BHL 466, o la page (qui est celle de 3109) a t traite comme un numro.
4
Ce tmoin possde le mme nombre de feuillets que Cortona 21 (olim S. M. 59), dont il
pourrait tre le modle.

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

179

7. Numeros continens inde a 1191 usque ad 1270. Composuerunt Maria


KOWALCZYK Anna KOZOWSKA Miecislaus MARKOWSKI Lucina NOWAK Anna SOBASKA Richardus TATARZYSKI Sophia
WLODEK Wladimirus ZEGA Marianus ZWIERCAN. Cracoviae, Bibliotheca Jagellonica Officina editoria Ksiegarnia Akademicka,
2000, XX-423 p. [ISBN 83-7188-395-1].
8. Numeros continens inde a 1271 usque ad 1353. Composuerunt iidem
auctores. Ibid., 2004, XXIII-533 p. [ISBN 83-7188-760-4].
9. Numeros continens inde a 1354 usque ad 1430. Composuerunt iidem
auctores. Ibid., 2008, XXV-704 p. [ISBN 978-83-7188-110-7].
10. Numeros continens inde a 1431 usque ad 1500. Composuerunt Anna
KOZOWSKA Lucina NOWAK Anna SOBASKA Richardus TATARZYSKI Wladimirus ZEGA Marianus ZWIERCAN. Ibid., 2012,
XXVII-535 p. [ISBN 978-83-7638-256-2].
Les six premiers volumes ont dj t dpouills dans cette chronique5. Les manuscrits sont en gnral tardifs, et intressent surtout lexgse, la thologie et la prdication. Lhagiographie est peu abondante,
comme cela est attendu dans un fonds o la composante universitaire est
majeure. On notera, cependant, sous le n 1380 un trs riche homliairelgendier des environs de 1400, qui possde le rare privilge dtre prcd
dun prologue6.
T. 7
1197 XIIIe s. (renfort de couture). Cal. us. Passau (de mai aot).
1212 pap., ca 1440. (p. 438) Stephanus protom., Quomodo natus est s. Stephanus, inc. Alio nomine vocabatur Natanael
1236 parch. et pap., 1 t. XVe s. (f. 12-120v, a. 1404) Dorothea vid., *2326.
(f. 236v-240, 241v-243v) LA, c. B5, M34.
1237 pap., a. 1449. (f. 182-189v) Hieronymus presb., 3866 exc., inc. Cum gloriosissimum athletam Christi bb. Ieronimum (c. 12-36, 45-46, 52).
1241 pap., ca 1452-1460. (f. 249v-253v) BMV, Assumptio, *5355d. (f. 254rv,
256v) BMV, exc., inc. De sacratissimo corpore M. v. perpetue eiusque sacre
anime assumpcione loqui
1250 XIIIe-XIVe s. (gardes). BMV, Vita fragm.
5

Cf. AB, 99 (1981), p. 383-384; 104 (1986), p. 432-433; 107 (1989), p. 192; 116 (1998),
p. 189-190.
6
Ce tmoin vient ainsi complter deux de mes tudes antrieures: Les prologues de lgendiers latins, in Les Prologues mdivaux, d. J. HAMESSE (= Fdration internationale des
Instituts dtudes mdivales. Textes et tudes du Moyen ge, 15), Turnhout, 2000, p. 345-393;
Un prologue indit de lgendier latin, in AB, 123 (2005), p. 369-376. Je donnerai bientt ldition de ce nouveau prologue.

Fr. DOLBEAU

180

1255 XVe s.; brviaire, us. Cracovie. (f. 300-433v) propre des saints. (f. 452454v) offices add.: Translatio s. Adalberti ep., Anna.
1256 parch. et pap., ca 1425; brviaire, us. Cracovie. (f. 1rv) cal. fragm. (nov.
dc.). (f. 61-62) Florianus m., 3054. (f. 240-355) propre des saints (avec
Transl. Adalberti ep.).
1257 XVe s.; brviaire, us. Wroclaw. (f. 1-6v) cal. (f. 238-418v) propre des
saints.
1258 pap., ca 1427; brviaire, us. Cracovie. (f. 1-4v) cal. fragm. (mai-dc.). (f.
87rv, 199v, 201-298, 317v-318) propre des saints.
T. 8
1280 pap., post 1427. (f. 137-138) Nemo, patronus fratrum neminitarum, *6050v
(inc. emprunt 3866); expl. et nemo illi dabat.
1283 pap., a. 1405. (f. 119-153, 153-160v, 161-193v) Hieronymus presb., 38663868.
1292 XIIIe-XIVe s. (p. 1) Dionysius ep. m., *2175 exc. (c. 8-9). (p. 149-154)
Petrus et Paulus app., 6671. (p. 355) Evang. pseudo-Matthaei, exc. (*5341,
c. VI, 2-3).
1294 XIVe s. (f. de garde). (f. II) lit. fragm.
1298 pap., ca 1405. (f. 174-177) Petrus et Paulus app., 6671.
1299 pap., ca 1400. (passim) Exempla (inc. et expl. fournis). (f. 80) Nicolaus
ep., epit. (contre-garde postrieure) LA, c. 89 fragm.
1349 ca 1431. (f. 175v-185v, 150-161v, 186-221v) Gregorius I p., *3642, *3641.
T. 9
1356 pap., a. 1395. (f. 68v-70) Gesta Salvatoris, epit., inc. Tempore quo passus
est d. I. C. celatus erat Tyberii Cesari, expl. defunctus est in pallacio suo
aput Romam (f. 70) Laurentius m., *4773. (f. 178-184v) Isidorus Hispal.,
De ortu et obitu Patrum, *6544.
1371 pap., ca 1420-1435. (f. 275v-282) BMV, Assumptio, *5355d. (f. 293295) Paulus erem., *6596 (f. 295-301) Hilarion ab., *3879 (f. 301-303)
Malchus mon., *5190.
1379 parch. et pap., ca 1400; homliaire de sanctis. (f. 35v-36, 36-37) Iohannes
ev., *4323d (= *6544 c. 72); 4324 (inc.), 4324d (expl.). (f. 55v-56v) BMV,
mirac., PONCELET 1707. (f. 68-69v, 69v-70v) Matthias ap., epit. (ex *5695),
*5696b. (f. 163-166v) Vincula Petri, 6682. (f. 167v-169v) Stephanus
protom., *7866. (f. 176-180, 187-188) BMV, Assumptio, *5355ca, *5355cb.
(f. 333-336) BMV, mirac., PONCELET 1666.
1380 ante 1400; homliaire-lgendier (f. 2-302), dans lequel les aptres sont
groups sous le titre spcial de Passionale apostolorum (f. 216v-245); beaucoup de textes sont incomplets (parfois interrompus par la formule Tu autem)
ou abrgs; les pitoms les plus brefs sont donns sans rfrence. (f. 2-6)
Prologue, suivi de capitula, inc. Hystoriam priorum sanctorum ad edificacionem
nostram deus voluit vereri7 (f. 18-24, 24-25, 25-26) Lebuinus presb.,
7

Ces premiers mots, emprunts la Passio ss. Chrysanti et Dariae, 1787, servent dou-

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

181

4812ab cum epist. Petri Cameracensis et Odilonis s. Medardi, 4810b, 4814.


(f. 26v-28v) Radbodus ep. Traiect., 7046b. (f. 28v-29) Willibrordus ep.
Traiecten., *8935 exc. (c. 23; autre copie, plus brve au f. 105). (f. 29rv) Bonifatius ep. Moguntinus, 1404. (f. 29v-30) Odulfus presb., 6318 om. prol.
(f. 30) Pancratius m., cf. LA, c. 76. (f. 30-31) Servatius ep., 7617-7618.
(f. 32v-33v) Petrus et Paulus app., 6648. (f. 40v-41v) Processus et Martinianus mm., 6947. (f. 43v) Felicitas cum 7 filiis, 2853. (f. 44v-47v) Margarita v. m., 5303. (f. 47v) Praxedis v., 6920; LA, c. 95. (f. 50v-52, 58v-65v)
BMV, mirac., 5403; *5355d. (f. 65v-67v) Werenfridus presb., 8858. (f. 74v79v) Hadrianus et soc. mm., 3744. (f. 79v-80v) Odgerus diac., 6269. (f. 80v81) Cornelius p. m., 1958. (f. 81) Cyprianus ep. m., cf. 2037. (f. 81v-82v)
Exaltatio crucis, 4178. (f. 82v-83v) Euphemia v. m. Chalcedone, cf. *2708ss.
(f. 83v-86) Lambertus ep., cf. 4681 om. prol. (f. 88v-89v) Mauritius et soc.
mm., 5737 om. prol. (f. 89v-92) Cosmas et Damianus mm., 1970 om. prol.
(f. 92-93) Michael archang., 5948. (f. 95v-96) Remigius ep. Remensis, 7155
exc. (f. 96) Dionysius ep. m., epit., inc. B. Ariopagita Dyonisius qui per ap.
Paulum apud Athenas predicantem (f. 101v-102v) Omnes sancti, *6332d.
(f. 105rv) Willibrordus ep., *8935 exc. (f. 105v) Claudius, Nicostratus et
soc. mm., epit., inc. Temporibus Diocleciani fuerunt quinque viri (f. 105v)
Theodorus tiro m., epit., inc. Cum Maximianus et Maximinus compellerent
christianos ad immolandum ydolis (f. 106v-116) Catharina v. m., 1663.
(f. 119) Eligius ep., *2474 exc. (c. II 47, inc. Cum corpus b. Elidii [sic] in
latere altaris esset sepultum) (f. 119-122v) BMV, Conceptio, LA, c. M34;
5341, c. 1-12. (f. 122v-123) Thomas ap., 8146. (f. 123rv) Pontianus m.
[20/XI] (f. 125-127v) Agnes v. m., 156. (f. 127v-128) Sebastianus m., 7543
exc. (f. 128rv) Polycarpus ep. m., 6874, exc. (f. 128v-129) Blasius ep. m.,
1370 exc. (f. 129) Vedastes et Amandus epp. (f. 129rv) Dorothea v. m.
(f. 129v) Iuliana v. m., LA, c. 43. (f. 130rv) Polychronius et soc. mm., 6884.
(f. 130v-131v) Eugenia v. m., 2666a*/2668b (inc.), 2666c (expl.). (f. 131v)
Ambrosius ep. (f. 132) Valerianus et Tiburtius mm., cf. 8483 exc. (f.
132rv) Georgius m., cf. 3391. (f. 132v) Vitalis m. Ravennae, cf. 8699/8700.
(f. 132v-133) Gordianus et Epimachus mm. (f. 133) Nereus et Achilleus
mm. (f. 133rv) Dunstanus ep., cf. 2346. (f. 133v) Urbanus I p. m., cf. 8376.
(f. 133v-134) Petronilla v. (f. 134) Marcellinus et Petrus mm., 5230-31.
(f. 134rv) Gengulfus m., cf. 3328. (f. 134v-135) Servatius ep. (f. 135rv)
Nicomedes presb. m., 6238 (f. 135v) Bonifatius ep. Moguntinus. (f. 135v136) Medardus ep. (f. 136-137v) Odulfus presb., 6318 om. prol. (f. 137v)
Felicula v. m. (f. 138rv) Vitus et Modestus mm., ex 8711/8712 (f. 138v)
Alexius conf. (f. 138v-139) Marcus et Marcellianus mm., cf. *5302 (f.
139rv) Gervasius et Protasius mm. (f. 139v-140) Albanus m., 209. (f. 140141) Acacius et soc. 10000 mm., 21 (inc.), *24d (expl.). (f. 141-142) Gallicanus, Iohannes et Paulus mm., 3236 (expl. var.). (f. 142rv) Dormientes 7
verture aux prologues des lgendiers de Saint-Trond (Lige, Bibl. de lUniversit 210, t. 1, a.
1366), et de Rouge-Clotre (Bruxelles, B. R. 409, XVe s.). Daprs son sanctoral, lhomliairelgendier de Cracovie ou ventuellement son modle provient aussi des anciens Pays-Bas.

182

Fr. DOLBEAU
Ephesi mm. (f. 142v-143) Benignus m. Divione, 1159. (f. 149) Processus
et Martinianus mm., ex 6947 (cf. f. 40v). (f. 149rv) Kilianus ep. m., 4660.
(f. 150v-151) Hermagoras ep. m. (f. 151rv) Fridericus ep. Traiect., cf. *3157d
(f. 151v) Apollinaris ep. Ravennas, 623. (f. 151v-155v) Pantaleon m., cf.
6436. (f. 155v) Felix II p.; Simplicius, Faustinus et soc. mm. (f. 155v-156)
Abdon et Sennen mm., *6. (f. 156v-157) Germanus ep. Autissiodor., 3453.
(f. 157-158) Machabaei (septem fratres), inc. Rex igitur Antiochus, qui appellabatur nobilis, misit senem quendam Antiochenus (cf. FROS, Indits, p.
357-358). (f. 158-160v) Stephanus I p. m., 7846. (f. 160v-162) Stephanus
protom., Inventio, 7851. (f. 163-164v) Sixtus II p. et soc. mm., 7801. (f.
164v) Donatus ep. m. Aretii. (f. 164v-167) Afra m., Conversio et Passio,
108-109. (f. 167-169v) Marcellus p. et soc. mm., 5234 (inc.), *5235a (expl.).
(f. 169v-171v) Laurentius diac. m., *4758n (inc.), 4753 (expl.). (f. 171v172) Tiburtius m., epit., inc. Tempore quo insidiabantur infideles fidelibus
(f. 172-173) Hippolytus presb. m., 3961. (f. 175-178v) Philibertus ab., 6805
om. prol. (f. 178v-180) Symphorianus m., 7967. (f. 180rv) Gregorius ab.
Traiect., 3681. (f. 180v) Anastasius m. Salonae, 414. (f. 180v-181v) Felix et
Adauctus mm., 2880 et alia Passio inc. In diebus Dyocleciani et Maximiani
impp. propositum est principibus et magistratibus (f. 181v) Aegidius ab.,
94. (f. 181v-183v) Petrus ep. Alexandrinus m., 6696. (f. 183v) Antoninus
m. Apameae in Syria [21/X]. (f. 183v-184) Bertinus ab., 763 exc. (f. 188)
Remigius ep.; Germanus ep. Autissiodor.; Vedastes ep. [1/X]. (f. 188rv)
Leodegarius ep. m., cf. 4852. (f. 188v) Franciscus Assis. (f. 188v-189)
Dionysius ep. m. (f. 189-190) Gereon, Victor et soc. mm., inc. Post passionem d. n. I. C. et eius gloriosam ascensionem (f. 190) Gallus ab., *3247
exc. (f. 190rv) Lucas ev., 4977 (LA, c. 156). (f. 190v) Cordula v. m., 1950.
(f. 191) Severus ep. Ravenn., 7681c. (f. 191) Severinus ep. Trever. (f. 191rv)
Crispinus et Crispinianus mm., cf. 1993. (f. 191v-192) Narcissus ep. [29/X],
inc. Tempore Thorocalli imp., qui et Bassianus dictus est (f. 194rv) Chrysogonus m., inc. Dyocleciano augusto in Aquileye partibus existente, tentus
est (f. 194v-195) Nicolaus ep., cf. 6105/6111/6115. (f. 195v) Lucia v. m.,
4992. (f. 195v-196v) Anastasia m., 401. (f. 196v-197) Silvester p., 7726.
(f. 197rv) Felix ep. [14/I] (f. 197v) Maurus disc. s. Benedicti. (f. 197v)
Marcellus p. et soc. mm., 5234. (f. 198v) Vincentius diac. m., 8630. (f. 199200) Agatha v. m., 133. (f. 200-202v) Euphrosyna v., 2723. (f. 202v-203)
Thais paenitens, cf. 8012/8017. (f. 203rv) Goar presb., *3565 exc. (f. 203v206v) Hieronymus presb., ex 3869 et 3871. (f. 207v-208) BMV, Annuntiatio,
*5355cc. (f. 208-212v) Petrus et Paulus app., 6664. (f. 212v-216v) Paulus
ap., *6576.
(f. 216v-245) Passionale apostolorum: (f. 216v-222v) Petrus et Paulus app.,
6657 (*4222g); cf. 6660; epit. (inc. Paulus ap. Christi post predicacionem
euang. secundum ammonicionem Christi); (f. 222v-224v) Iacobus Maior ap.,
4057; (f. 224v-226v) Bartholomaeus ap., 1002; (f. 226v-230) Matthaeus ap.,
5690; (f. 230-234) Simon et Iudas app., 7750-51; (f. 234-236) Andreas ap.,
428; (f. 236-240v) Thomas ap., 8136; (f. 240v-244) Iohannes ap. ev., 4320; (f.
244rv) Philippus ap., 6815; (f. 244v-245) Iacobus Minor ap., 4093.

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

183

(f. 278v-302) Supplment pour le sanctoral: (f. 278v-282) Dorothea v. et Theophilus mm., 2323, versus (AH 33, p. 74); (f. 282-283v) Christophorus m., cf.
1766; (f. 283v-286) Iudocus presb., 4504 om. prol.; (f. 286-287) Martinus ep.,
5619-23; (f. 287-288) Briccius ep., 1452; (f. 288rv) Pancratius m., 6427 (inc.),
*6420 (expl.); (f. 288v-291v) Clara v. abb., 1817; (f. 291v-293) Ludovicus ep.
Tolosanus, 5054 (a. 1317); (f. 293-296v) Thomas Aquinas, Officium de festo
corporis Christi; (f. 296v-299) Maria Magdalena paenitens, cf. LA, c. 96; (f.
301-302) Fides, Spes, Caritas mm., cf. 2970.
1382 pap., ca 1390. (f. 232-243v) Exc. et exempla hagiog. (tirs notamment de
2971 [Fides, Spes, Caritas], 6442a = FROS, Indits, p. 367 [Pantaleon]; LA, c.
37, 51, 119, 131).
1383 pap., ca 1410. (f. 244-246) BMV, Assumptio, *5355ca.
1389 pap., a. 1432. (f. 161-166v) Helena imperatrix, 3780. (f. 166v-170)
8
Regina v. [fte le 21 mai ], inc. Ut de qualitatibus et condicionibus vite bb.
Regine v. vobis assit certitudo plenaria, noveritis per presentes quod bb. R. fuit
unica filia regis Eracli, expl. Passa est autem bb. R. diversa tormenta, ut
prelibatum est, anno d. millesimo CCC quinquagesimo XII kal. iunii (f. 170172) Erasmus m., 2578 (expl. var.). (f. 172rv) Stephanus protom., cf. 7848d.
(f. 172v-174v) Aegidius ab., Conversio, inc. Olim fuit quidam rex nomine
Theodorus, mater Pelagia, qui cum nullum haberet filium (f. 175rv) Laurentius diac. m., Conversio, cf. 4773 et FROS, Indits, p. 356. (f. 176) Bartholomaeus ap., Conversio, inc. Fuit in Persidia rex quidam magnus nomine
Arelaus paganus (f. 176v-177) Martinus ep. Turon., 5663d. (f. 178rv)
Arsenius erem., mirac., inc. Nam sunt diversi homines opera diversimode bona
facientes (f. 178v-180) Lazarus ep., *4803b. (f. 180rv) Iudocus presb.
erem., epit., inc. Fuit in partibus Burgundie quidam nobilis puer nomine Iodocus (= FROS, Indits, p. 195). (f. 181v-184) Barbara v. m., inc. Tempore
impiissimi Maximi imp. principiabat Marcianus sub quo erat persecucio,
expl. signis que per eam deus infirmis est largitus. (f. 269-271v) Susanna v.
m., 7937. (f. 272-273) Apollonia v. m. Alexandriae, 641 (expl. var.). (f. 273274) Procopius ab. Pragensis, *6953d.
1398 pap., fin XIVe s. (f. 126v-127) Augustinus ep. Hippon., epit. (ex Adone).
(f. 133v-134, 137v-147v) BMV, Assumptio, *5355cb, *5355d.
1403 pap., ca 1420. (f. 304-312v) BMV, Assumptio, *5355d.
1404 ca 1450-1459. (f. 139v-182) Iohannes Chrysostomus ep., *4374.
1415 pap., a. 1466. (f. 171v-172v) Agatha v. m., LA, c. 39. (f. 186v-188)
Adalbertus ep., epit., inc. Dictus A. nacione Sclavus, pater eius Slawnik, genere
nobilis fuit (f. 191v-193) Iacobus Minor ap., 4098 (LA, c. 67). (f. 198rv)
Florianus m., epit., inc. Vigente magna persecucione christianorum sub Diocleciano et Maximiano (f. 201-205) Stanislaus ep. m., epit., inc. B. S., nacione Polonus, ex provincia Cracoviensi processit (f. 251v-253) Laurentius
diac. m., *4770 (LA, c. 117), incomplet. (f. 265v-267) Bartholomaeus ap., cf.
8

erron.

Le rapprochement, effectu par le rdacteur, avec Regina comitissa et BHL 7100 est

Fr. DOLBEAU

184

LA, c. 123. (f. 277rv) Matthaeus ap., LA, c. 140, incomplet. (f. 287-288)
Simon et Iudas app., LA, c. 159, incomplet.
1423 ca 1388. (p. 381-382) BMV, Mirac. 3, inc. Legitur de quodam rege, qui
tam seriosus fuit et tam annuosus
T. 10
1453 pap., ca 1416-1430. (p. 372-394) Evangelium Nicodemi, *4151p (*4222g),
expl. post menses uero IX credidit in Christo Ihesu Cesar etc.
1460 pap., a. 1403. (f. 299) Magi tres, mirac., inc. Legitur in ystoria tripertita:
In regione magorum qui stella duce ad Christum venerunt
1462 ante 1345; missel, us. Olomouc. (f. 4v-10v) cal.
1478 XIVe s.; brviaire fragm. (f. de garde). (f. IIrv) propre des saints (21/XII 20/I).
1490 pap., ca 1420. (f. 159rv) BMV, De nativitate, cf. LA, c. 131.
1494 pap., ca 1440. (f. 212-216v) BMV, mirac., inc. Legitur quod quidam presul
in partibus Libie nomine Gacianus (f. 279v-288) Evangelium Nicodemi,
*4151p (*4222g).
1500 pap., 1 m. XVe s. (f. 288) Vitalina v. = Greg. Turon., Gloria conf. 5.
Luzern,

Zentral- und Hochschulbibliothek und Staatsarchiv

Charlotte BRETSCHER-GISIGER Peter KAMBER Mikkel MANGOLD,


Katalog der mittelalterlichen Handschriften des Klosters St. Urban.
Dietikon-Zrich, Urs Graf Verlag, 2013, 272 p., ill. [ISBN 978-385951-278-8].
Labbaye cistercienne de Saint-Urbain, fonde par Lucelle en 1194,
appartenait la filiation de Morimond. Bien que lexistence dun scriptorium y soit garantie par un document du XIIIe s., la plupart des volumes
connus aujourdhui sont entrs dans la collection par dons ou par achats.
En avril 1513, un incendie dtruisit presque tous les btiments et une partie
du fonds mdival, dont le livre du chapitre (codex martirologii et regule:
p. 38). Aprs la suppression de labbaye en 1848, les manuscrits trouvs
sur place (soixante-dix au total, plus cinq fragments) furent transfrs aux
Archives et surtout la Bibliothque de Lucerne, o ils furent classs par
format et rpartis entre les cotes P et Pp (Pergament-, Papierhandschriften)9. Remarquable est le grand lgendier systmatique en trois volumes de mme format, copis et enlumins durant la seconde moiti du
e
10
v
XIII s. : P 14 fol. 1 (aptres et martyrs); P 14 fol. 2, f. 46-136 (saintes
9

Deux manuscrits conservs actuellement Fribourg et Vienne taient passs ds le


Moyen ge dans les fonds de Hauterive et de Melk.
10
Deux initiales ornes sont reproduites aux p. 22-23. Sur ce type de lgendier, moins
frquent en latin que dans les langues vernaculaires, voir F. DOLBEAU, Notes sur lorganisation

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

185

femmes11); P 14 fol. 3 (confesseurs). Daprs un inventaire de 1661 (p.


248), labbaye possdait alors un autre recueil, en partie hagiographique et
maintenant gar: Varii tractatus. De passione s. Catherinae. De virtutibus
et vitiis. Item in eodem Smaragdi abbatis Diadema monachorum. Item
Vita s. Roberti ab. Cisterciensis. Liber ms. in pergameno12.
Zentral- und Hochschulbibliothek
P 10 fol. 1 m. XIIIe s. (f. 81-93) Paula vidua, 6548. (f. 93-102) Maria Aegyptiaca paenitens, 5415. (f. 102-130) Pachomius ab. Tabennensis, 6410.
P 12 fol. XIIIe-XIVe s. (f. 187v) Mirac. duo, inc. Quedam regis filia deo vovit
virginitatem Quidam secularis complevit cotidie CL Ave Maria devote
P 14 fol. 1. 2 m. XIIIe s. (f. 1-236v) Lgendier de martyrs (aptres compris), du
9/I au 11/X, avec index ajout en finale: (f. 1) Iulianus et Basilissa, cf. 4529
om. prol.; (f. 11) Marcellus p., cf. 5234; (f. 12) Thyrsus et soc., 8280; (f. 20v)
Marius et Martha, 5543; (f. 22) Sebastianus, 7543; (f. 35v) Vincentius diac.,
13
8627, 8628, 8630, expl. non prcis; (f. 39) Praeiectus ep., 6917 ; (f. 42)
Blasius ep., cf. 1370; (f. 44) Valentinus ep., 8460; (f. 46) Faustinus et Iovita,
2838; (f. 51) Phocas ep., 6838; (f. 54v) Sebasteni, 7537; (f. 57v) Theodoritus
presb., 8074; (f. 59v) Georgius, 3374 om. prol.; (f. 61v) Marcus ev., 5276;
(f. 63) Trudpertus erem., 8328; (f. 65v) Vitalis et Valeria, cf. 8701; (f. 66)
Iacobus Minor ap., 4092; (f. 67) Philippus ap., 6814; (f. 68) Alexander p. et
soc., 266; (f. 71v) Inventio crucis, cf. 4169; (f. 74v) Gordianus et Epimachus,
3612; (f. 76) Gengulfus, cf. 3328; (f. 79) Pancratius, cf. 6421, 6427; (f. 80)
Nereus et Achilleus, 6058-59, 6063-64, 6066; (f. 85v) Victor et Corona, epit.;
(f. 86) Pontius, 6896; (f. 91) Bonifatius ep. Moguntinus, epit.; (f. 92) Bonifatius Tarsi, 1414; (f. 92v) Nazarius et Celsus, cf. 6039 om. prol.; (f. 95)
Basilides et soc., cf. 1019; (f. 95) Vitus et soc., 8714 om. prol.; (f. 101) Dormientes septem Ephesi, 2315; (f. 107v) Irenaeus ep. Lugdun., cf. 4457b et d.;
(f. 110) Petrus et Paulus app., 6657; (f. 116) Kilianus ep., 4661; (f. 120) Bur14
chardus ep., 1483 ; (f. 122) Iacobus Maior ap., 4057; (f. 124v) Christophorus, 1768; (f. 127) Pantaleon, 6434b; (f. 131) Polychronius et soc. Abdon
et Sennen, 6884, 6; (f. 135) Felix Gerundae, 2865 (inc.), 2866b (expl.); (f. 137)
interne des lgendiers latins, in Hagiographie, cultures et socits, IVe-XIIe sicles, Paris, 1981,
p. 11-29, spc. p. 16-17.
11
Dj dcrit et comment par K.-E. GEITH, Eine neue Handschrift der Aachener Vita
Karls des Groen, in Scripturus vitam. Lateinische Biographie von der Antike bis in die
Gegenwart. Festgabe fr Walter Berschin zum 65. Geburtstag, d. D. WALZ, Heidelberg, 2002,
p. 357-368 (article qui, hlas, semble avoir t ignor des rdacteurs du catalogue).
12
Ce tmoin perdu nest pas voqu par K. SPAHR, Das Leben des hl. Robert von Molesme. Eine Quelle zur Vorgeschichte von Cteaux, Freiburg i. d. Schweiz, 1944, dans son
chapitre, pourtant trs dtaill, sur la diffusion du texte.
13
Vie de confesseur; le modle devait tre un lgendier traditionnel, mlant martyrs et
confesseurs.
14

Vie de confesseur, copie aussi en P 14 fol. 3, f. 47.

Fr. DOLBEAU

186

Simplicius et soc., 7790; (f. 137v) Vincula Petri, 6682; (f. 140v) Stephanus I
p., 7845; (f. 145) Stephanus diac., Inventio 7850-51; (f. 148v) Sixtus II p. et
soc., 7801; (f. 150) Iustus et Pastor, 4595; (f. 151) Cyriacus et soc., 2056,
2058; (f. 154v) Laurentius diac., 4755; (f. 157) Euplus diac., 2729; (f. 158v)
Hippolytus presb., 3961; (f. 160v) Cassianus ludimagister, 1626; (f. 161) Eu15
sebius presb., 2740 ; (f. 161v) Agapitus, 125; (f. 164) Symphorianus, 7967;
v
(f. 165 ) Timotheus et Apollinaris, 8296; (f. 167) Bartholomaeus ap., 1002;
(f. 170v) Marcellus tribunus, 5240; (f. 172) Pelagius patronus Constantiae,
6615; (f. 173) Felix et Regula, cf. 2888, inc. Qui decem plagis Egyptum legit
attritam; (f. 176v) Iohannes Bapt., Decollatio, cf. 4293; (f. 179) Longinus,
4965; (f. 181) Antoninus in Gallia, 569 (prol.), 572, 573, hymnus (AH 45a, 12);
(f. 184) Anicetus et soc., 481; (f. 188) Ferreolus tribunus, 2911; (f. 189) Hadrianus et soc., 3744; (f. 197) Gorgonius et Dorotheus, 3617; (f. 199v) Exaltatio crucis, 4178; (f. 201v) Imago Christi Berytensis, cf. 4227, 4228; (f. 203)
Cornelius p., 1958; (f. 204v) Cyprianus ep., 2038; (f. 205v) Lambertus ep.,
4677 om. prol.; (f. 212) Matthaeus ap., 5690; (f. 217v) Mauritius et soc., 5741
(inc.), 5739b (expl.); (f. 220v) Iohannes Bapt., Inventio capitis, 4290 mut., om.
prol.; (f. 225) Cosmas et Damianus, 1970 acph.; (f. 227v) Tarachus et soc.,
7981-82, lac.
P 14 fol. 2 2 m. XIIIe s.; mil. XIIIe s. (f. 46-50v). (f. 1-21v, 21v-42v, 42v-43v)
Carolus Magnus imp., 1604 (livres I-II, du l. III, seulement prol. et lettre de
Turpin), 1590-94 et 1596 (rec. calixtina), 1604 (l. III, c. 8-9). (f. 46-136v)
Lgendier de saintes femmes, du 1/I au 25/XI, avec ajout dun index initial: (f.
16
46v-50v) Euphrosyna, 2723; (f. 51-56) Genovefa, 3338f ; (f. 56-59) Agnes et
Emerentiana mm., 156; (f. 59-61) Brigida, 1456; (f. 61-63v) Agatha m., 133;
(f. 63v-66) Dorothea et Theophilus mm., 2323; (f. 66rv) Iuliana m., *4522-23
mut. (inc. ), 4525; (lac.) [Perpetua et Felicitas, mm., texte perdu]; (f. 67-70)
Theodosia m., 8090 acph.; (f. 70-71) Waldburgis abb., 8765 exc.; (f. 71rv)
Petronilla et Felicula, Nicomedes mm., 6061 (inc. ), 606217; (f. 71v-72v) Pudentiana, cf. 6988; (f. 72v-74v) Fides, Spes et Caritas mm., 2971; (f. 74v-77v)
Margarita m., cf. 5303; (f. 77v-78) Praxedis, 6920; (f. 78-82v) Maria Magdalena, 5453, cf. 5443, 5491, *5462-63, *5466, *5472-76, *5478; (f. 82v-87)
Christina m., cf. 1756; (f. 87-90v) Afra m., 108-109; (f. 90v-94) Susanna m.,
7937; (f. 94-96) Seraphia m., 7586; (f. 96v-99v) BMV, Nativitas, 5344, 5343;
(f. 99v-109v) Eugenia, Protus et Hyacinthus mm., 2666m; (f. 109v-114v) Euphemia m. Chalcedone, 2708; (f. 114v-119) Lucia et Geminianus mm., 4985;
(f. 119-124) Thecla, 8020; (f. 124-128) Iustina et Cyprianus mm., 2047,
2050a; (f. 128-136v) Catharina m., 1663 mut.
P 14 fol. 3 2 m. XIIIe s. (f. 1-2) Feuillets remplacs par les actuels f. 54-55; sur
le f. 2v a t ajout un index du volume dj mut. (f. 3-152v) Lgendier de
15

Vie de confesseur, copie aussi en P 14 fol. 3, f. 78v.

16

Si lidentification avec 3338f devait se rvler exacte, cette recension serait intressante, car, jadis atteste dans le lgendier de Saint-Hubert en Ardenne, elle tait considre
comme perdue.
17

Cela complte les gestes de Nre et Achille, en partie copies au t. 1, f. 80ss.

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

187

confesseurs, mut. ses deux extrmits: (f. 3) Willelmus Gellonensis, 8916


acph.; (f. 3) Udalricus ep., cf. 8359; (f. 47) Burchardus ep., 1483; (f. 50v)
Alexius, 286; (f. 55) Arbogastus ep., 656; (f. 58) Eusebius ep., 2748; (f. 73)
Memmius ep., cf. 5907-08; (f. 75) Gaugericus ep., 3286; (f. 78v) Eusebius
presb., 2740; (f. 79v) Arnulfus ep., 692; (f. 89) Augustinus ep., 785, cf. 786;
(f. 117) Franciscus Assis., 3096 avec coupures; (f. 152v) blanc. Add. (f. 153)
Evurtius ep., 2799 acph. et sans epil.; (f. 153v) Imago Christi Berytensis,
*4230 mut.
P 27 fol. a. 1521-1522. (f. 1-154) mart. dUsuard.
P 1 4 mil. XVe s.; livre dheures, us. Paris. (f. 1-12v, 100v-105v) cal. en franais,
lit.
P 4 4 1 t. XIVe s.; brviaire O.Cist., dioc. Constance (?), puis Ble. (f. 3-8v) cal.
(f. 228-348v) propre (dAndr Catherine).
P 5 4 a. 1420; brviaire O.Cist. (f. 1-6v) cal.18 (f. 200v-335v) propre (de Saturnin Conrad).
P 6 4 fin XVe s.; livre dheures, us. Bamberg. (f. 3-14v, 168v-176) cal. en allemand, lit.
P 9 4 fin XIIIe s.; brviaire, O.Cist. (f. 1-6v) cal. (f. 280-429v) propre (de Saturnin Vital et Agricola).
P 13 4 mil. XVe s.; diurnal, dioc. Utrecht. (f. 1-7) cal.
P 14 4 mil. XIIIe s.; psautier, O.P. (f. 1v-4, 170v-173v) cal., lit.
P 22 4 pap. (en dpit de la cote); 1 q. XVIe s.; livre dheures; dioc. Constance.
(f. 7-12) lit.
P 25 4 XIIe-XIIIe s. (f. 1-34v, 34v-40v) Malachias ep., 5188 et deux sermons de
Bernard. (f. 41-124v) Bernardus ab., 1217-20.
P 29 4 2 t. XIVe s. (f. 1-26v) Evangelium Nicodemi, *4151p (4222g). (f. 2735v) Cura sanitatis Tiberii, cf. *4220. (f. 35v-37v) BMV, Assumptio, *5345v
exc., inc. In assumpcione autem b. M. semper v. Dionisium Ariopagitam cum
suis discipulis, expl. ut praedicacio d. n. I. C. non dissona esset. (f. 37v-40)
De Nerone et Domitiano, inc. Nero fecit primam persecucionem19
P 31 4 2 t. XIIIe s. (f. 67-89) BMV, mirac., 5357, avec des coupures. (f. 94v101v) De ortu Pylati, *4222d. (f. 101v-102v) De ortu Iude proditoris domini,
inc. Fuit in diebus Herodis regis Pilato preside vir in Iudea20
P 32 4 2 m. XVe s.; brviaire dt; dioc. Tours. (f. 131-133) lit. (f. 180-283v)
propre (de lExceptio reliquiarum Mauricii loctave de la Toussaint).
P 33 4 ca 1200. (f. 1-28) Udalricus ep., 8362 (sine epil. ?). (f. 29-61v) Gallus
ab., 3247. (f. 62-73) Otmarus ab., 6386.
P 35 4 2 m. XIVe s.; dioc. Strasbourg. (f. 31v-38) Vita et passio Christi, inc. In
sexto mense concepcionis Iohannis Baptiste missus fuit angelus, expl. ascen18

Les mois de fvrier et mars sont reproduits la p. 30.

19

Sur ce recueil dapocryphes, dont il existe une version en ancien franais, voir F.
DOLBEAU, Prophtes, aptres et disciples dans les traditions chrtiennes dOccident (= Subs.
hag., 92), Bruxelles, 2012, p. 147-148 et 381-382 (ms. cit).
20

Cf. FROS, Indits, p. 192; AB, 92 (1974), p. 203; 130 (2012), p. 186.

Fr. DOLBEAU

188

dit in celum ubi sedit ad dexteram patris. (f. 45-56v) Evangelium Nicodemi,
*4151p (4222g). (f. 164-175) Hystoria passionis Christi, inc. Mortuus est
Abymelech maritus Neomi que fuit puella, expl. ascendere hanc scalam que
ad deum patrem peruenire ualeamus. (f. 218) De invencione ligni s. crucis,
*4177m.
P 38 4 1 m. XIVe s. (f. 64-222) LA, version abrge avec des coupures; ignore
de FLEITH.
Pp 119 fol. pap.; a. 1489. (f. 5v-151) Postilla super passionibus Christi, inc.
Igitur vitam et miracula eiusque mirabilia opera que gessit, expl. benedictus
igitur dominus cuius gracia confisus hunc tractatum incepi et cooperante mihi
eadem gracia usque ad finem perduxi ad laudem
Pp 12 4 reliure parch., mil. XIIIe s. (f. 1rv) Martinus ep., 5612-13 fragm.

Staatsarchiv
KU 626 db. XVe s. (f. 3-14), a. 1390 (f. 15-61), fin XIIIe s. (f. 65-78); ncrologe
et livre danniversaires. Cal. (avec ddicace de Saint-Urbain, le 26/IV), lit. (f.
72-73).
PA 1033/20983.1 mil. XIIIe s. (f. 1rv) Caesarius Heisterbac., Dialogus mirac.,
fragm. (IX, 1-6).
PA 1033/20990.2 XIIIe s. (f. 1-2v) Germanus ep. Autissiodorens., *3453 fragm.
(c. 2-9, 17-24).
Mantova,

Biblioteca Comunale Teresiana

Catalogo dei manoscritti Polironiani. II: Biblioteca Comunale di Mantova


(mss. 101-225). Cur. Corrado CORRADINI Paolo GOLINELLI Giuseppa Z. ZANICHELLI. Con la collaborazione di Cristiana LIGHEZZOLO
Susanna POLLONI (= Storia di San Benedetto Polirone, III, 2; Il
Mondo medievale, 16). Bologna, Ptron, 2010, LII-347 p. (avec de
nombreuses ill. rparties dans le texte) [ISBN 978-88-555-3095-8].
Il ne sagit pas, dire vrai, dun catalogue de la Biblioteca Comunale,
mais de lanalyse des seuls manuscrits provenant de labbaye bndictine
de Polirone. Les numros mentionns dans le titre ne sont pas des cotes,
mais la numrotation continue de fiches renvoyant toutes des manuscrits
de Mantoue, dont les cotes se succdent, de faon discontinue, de 216
340 (ce sont ces dernires qui sont employes ci-dessous). Lhistoire de
San Benedetto de Polirone a t voque lors de la parution du premier
tome, en 199821. Un index hagiographicus, avec renvois la BHL et la
Biblioteca Agiografica Italiana, comme ctait dj le cas dans le volume
prcdent, figure aux p. 327-328.
21

Cf. AB, 119 (2001), p. 387-391.

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

189

218 db. XIIe s.; lgendier per circulum anni (fin juillet-31 dcembre). (f. I)
Apollinaris ep. Ravennas, 623 acph. (f. 1v-3) Nazarius et Celsus mm., 6040,
6050. (f. 3rv) Simplicius, Faustinus et Beatrix mm., 7790. (f. 4rv) Felix II
p., 2857. (f. 4v-6) Lucilla, Flora et soc. mm., 5017. (f. 6-7v) Machabaei
fratres, 5107 (inc.), 5108 (expl.). (f. 7v-9) Stephanus protom., Inventio, 7851.
(f. 9v-11) Sixtus II p. et soc. mm., 7801. (f. 11-13) Donatus ep. m. Aretii,
2289. (f. 13-15v) Laurentius diac. m., 4754. (f. 15v-17v) Hippolytus presb.
m., 3961. (f. 17v-18) Eusebius presb., 2740. (f. 18-19v) BMV, Assumptio,
*5355cb. (f. 19v-25v) Augustinus ep. Hippon., 792. (f. 25v-26) Iohannes
Baptista, 4289r. (f. 26rv) Sabina m. Romae, 7407. (f. 27-28v) Exaltatio
crucis, 4178. (f. 28v-29v) Cornelius p. m., 1958. (f. 29v-30v) Cyprianus ep.
m., 2038. (f. 30v-32v) Mauritius et soc. mm., 5737. (f. 32v-34v) Michael
archang., 5948. (f. 34v-39v) Hieronymus presb., 3871b. (f. 39v-41) Dionysius ep. et soc. mm., 2171. (f. 41-46v) Simon et Iudas app., 7750-51. (f. 4750v) Omnes sancti, *6332d. (f. 50v-55) Claudius, Nicostratus et soc. mm.,
1837. (f. 55-57v) Martinus ep. Turon., 5613, 5619-22. (f. 57v-58v) Briccius
ep., 1452. (f. 59-67v) Caecilia v. m., 1495. (f. 67v-72v) Clemens I p., 1848,
1855, 1857. (f. 72-75v) Andreas ap., 428. (f. 75v-85v) Ambrosius ep. Mediolan., 377. (f. 85v-96) Nicolaus ep. Myr., *6111-12. (f. 96-97v) Lucia v.
m., 4992. (f. 97v-105v) Thomas ap., 8136. (f. 106-125v) Silvester p., 7742c
ss., mut.
238 1 m. XIe s. (f. 171v-174v) Pelagia paenitens, 6607.
239 XVIe s. (pour les feuillets concerns). (f. 42-55v) Benedictus ab., Vita metrica inc. Natus es o foelix puer o Benedicte sub astris (f. 56-58v) Symeon
erem. prope Mantuam, Vita metrica, inc. Altus ubi Euphrates fluitat uel ubi
lambit Araxis
243 XVe s. (f. 16-21v) Symeon erem., inc. Symeon ex ea parte Armenie que ab
occidue regione rapidiori cursu Euphratis abluitur, expl. ut ne guttam quidem
amplius emiserit, prestante
269 pap., db. XVIe s. (f. 1-23) Tabula per alphabetum scripta de nominibus
sanctorum qui fuerunt ante et post ss. patrem nostrum Benedictum, inc. S.
Antheros p. et m., s. Agatho p., expl. s. Zolus mon. et ab. in partibus Aquilegie. (f. 26-34v) Martyres huiusmodi ordinis, inc. S. Longinus magister prius
miles, qui lancea, expl. passiones describit Petrus diac. et miracula, in quorum festiuitate sermones fecit, hymnos composuit et cantus adinvenit. (f. 4956) Benedictus ab., Testimonia (notamment *7167-68; mirac., inc. Postquam
vero bb. pater B. hedificavit monasterium Casinense; *1141 exc.).
279 pap., XVe-XVIe s. (f. 140v) Benedictus ab., mirac. (in monast. s. Helie), inc.
Nocte vero illa quae solempnem precesserat diem, contigit ut
296 XIIe s. (f. 149-156) Benedictus ab., *1117.
313 db. XIIe s. (f. 164v-165, add. XVe-XVIe s.) Epist. spuriae Ignatii m., Iohannis ev. et Mariae v., cf. *5347n. (f. 165v-167) BMV, Vita (ex Ambros.,
De virginibus, 2, 2, 6ss.), inc. Sit igitur vobis tamquam in imagine descripta
322 XIe s. (f. 1v-22) Remigius ep. Remensis, 7155 (inc.), *7164 (expl.); inc.
Remigius presul meritis ortuque venustus, expl. tutor viventium ut precibus

Fr. DOLBEAU

190

Remigii te valeamus perfrui. (f. 22v-49v) Silvester p., 7725 (om. fine), 772632, 7733, 7735 (expl. var.). (f. 52-56v) Omnes sancti, *6332d. (f. 56v-58v)
BMV, Assumptio, *5355d exc. (c. 1-3). (f. 60-61v) Inventio crucis, *4169.
(f. 62-63v) Eusebius ep. Vercell., 2748 mut. (f. 64-67v) Iohannes Chrysostomus ep., cf. 4375. (f. 68v-69v) Hieronymus presb., 3870 mut. (f. 70-72)
Gregorius I p., *3640 acph. et mut. (c. I, 3-III, 16).
327 mil. XIe s. (f. 211-212v) Exaltatio crucis, 4178 mut.
332 a. 1449-57; diurnal. (f. 7-12v) cal. (f. 211v-215v) lit. (congreg. S. Iustinae).
334 XIe-XIIe s. (f. 1-16v) Nicolaus ep. Myr., 6105 (ou *6111 om. prol.), 6112,
Oratio. (f. 16v) BMV, Assumptio, *5355d fragm. (f. 17-62, 62-63, 63-72)
Maiolus ab., 5178, Hymnus Odilonis, 5182 om. prol. (f. 73-83) Germanus
ep. Autissiodor., *3453 om. epist. ad Censurium.
Mnchen,

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

Katalog der lateinischen Fragmente der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek


Mnchen. Bd 3: Clm 29550-29990. Kurzkatalog mit Nachtrgen zu
den Katalogbnden 1 und 2 nebst einem Anhang zu den bislang nicht
ausgelsten Handschriftenfragmenten. Beschr. Hermann HAUKE
Wolfgang-Valentin IKAS (= Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Monacensis, IV, 12, 3). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2013,
XX-459 p. [ISBN 978-3-447-06944-1].
La description des fragments latins de Munich, qui sachve avec ce
troisime volume, a t loccasion dun reclassement systmatique (selon
un plan rappel ici p. 319-322) et dune nouvelle cotation des fragments
dtachs, susceptible dintgrer de nouvelles trouvailles, de Clm 29202
Clm 2999022. Les deux premiers volumes ont paru, sous la seule signature
dHermann Hauke, en 1994 et 2001. Le premier, correspondant Clm
29202-29311, couvrait les fragments dauteurs paens, de la Bible et de la
liturgie de la messe; le second, voqu dans cette chronique23, dcrivait
Clm 29315-29520, cest--dire le reste de la liturgie (notamment brviaires
et litanies), les auteurs chrtiens de lAntiquit, les fragments thologiques
et philosophiques. Avec ce volume, sont recenss les fragments juridiques,
grammaticaux, scientifiques et historiques, les textes littraires du Moyen
ge et de la Renaissance, plus deux sries de trs petits fragments, souvent des bandes de renforcement, laisss en dehors du classement systmatique, sous les nos 29980 (recenss plus sommairement p. 220-246) et
29990 (en papier, voqus en bloc p. 247). En appendice (p. 249-263),
22

Une concordance avec les cotes antrieures est donne aux p. 283-302.

23

AB, 124 (2006), p. 158-160.

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

191

sont fournis des addenda aux t. 1 et 2, puis viennent les concordances et


les index. En finale (p. 323-459), une annexe importante recense les fragments non dtachs de leur support et donc sans cote, sous le titre Nicht
ausgelste und daher nicht mit Individualsignaturen versehene Fragmente in alten Drucken.
Dans ce volume, plusieurs recueils de fragments dtachs intressent
directement les spcialistes dhagiographie: calendriers (Clm 29800 et
29810, 32 et 37 entres); martyrologes (Clm 29893, 11 lments, dont un
du IXe s.); Vies et Passions des saints (Clm 29890-92, dtaills ci-dessous);
Miracles (Clm 29895, 4 lments). Parmi les bandes regroupes sous le
n 29980, de brves notices signalent encore deux calendriers (p. 225,
229), un martyrologe (p. 233) et nombre de brviaires. Et parmi les fragments sans cote rests dans les imprims, se trouvent aussi des brviaires
en grand nombre (p. 343-357), quelques calendriers (p. 358, 378, 394), des
dbris de lgendiers ou de passionnaires (p. 373-374, 381-382 [Margarita,
Ursula, Gervasius et Protasius, Marcellus p.], 421, 456 [Paphnutius
ab., *6450]), des litanies (p. 394). Naturellement, aucune des pices nest
complte.
Clm 29890 (classement alphabtique) A1, Albinus m., XIIe s. B1, Benedictus
ab., mil. IXe s.; B2, Bernardus ab., XIIIe-XIVe s.; B3, Brandanus ab., *143624,
e
e
X s. C1, Crispinus et Crispinianus mm., XIII s.; C2, Inventio crucis, 4169,
e
e
2 q. IX s. F1, Felix conf., XIII s.; F2, pap., Florianus m., XVIe s. G1,
Gengulfus m, XIe s.; G2, Georgius, XIVe s. J1, Iuliana v. m., 2 q. IXe s.; J2,
Iulianus, XIIIe s.; J3, Iohannes Chrysostomus ep. (?), Zacharias, Mennas m.,
e
e
e
XI s. K1, Cunegundis imperatrix, *2001, XIII -XIV s. L1, Lambertus ep.,
*4681, XIe s.; L2, Laurentius m., Agapitus m., Iacobus, XIIe s. M1, Margarita v. m., db. XIe s.; M2-3, BMV, XIIIe et XIVe s.; M4, Martinus ep.,
*5616 (?), mil. IXe s.; M5, Matthaeus ap., *5690, XIIIe s. N1, Nicolaus ep.,
mirac., 2 m. XIe s. S1, pap., Severus ep. Ravennas, XVe s.; S2, Silvester p.,
e
e
e
XV s.; S3-4, Stephanus protom., mil. IX et XIV s. T1, Theodosia v. m.,
e
e
e
XII s.; T2, Theophilus vicedom., XIV s.; T3, Theudarius ab., 8130, XII s.;
e
e
e
T4-5, Thomas ap., XII -XIII et XIII s. V1, Virgilius ep. Salisburgensis,
*8682, XIVe s. W1, Waldburgis abb., *8765, IXe-Xe s.
Clm 29891 (classement chronologique) 1. Cosmas et Damianus mm., Laurentius m., 2 m. VIIIe s. 2. Apollinaris; Cantius, Cantianus et Cantianilla mm.;
Hilarus ab., *3913; Paternianus ep., *6472, 2 m. IXe s. 3. Syrus et Iventius,
epp., 7977, 4619, 2 m. XIe s. 4. Sebasteni (mm. 40), XIe s. 5. Sebastianus
m., *7543; Agnes v. m., *156, XIe-XIIe s. 6. Dormientes septem Ephesi mm.,
2315 (?); Symphorianus m., 7967; Timotheus et Apollinaris mm., 8296; Hip24

Copi par Froumundus de Tegernsee et class dans la tradition par G. O RLANDI, in


Filologia mediolatina, 9 (2002), p. 67.

Fr. DOLBEAU

192

polytus presb., 3960 (?), 4 q. XIIe s. 7. Callistus p. et Calepodius mm.,


*1523; Dionysius ep., XIIe-XIIIe s. 8. Eugenia et Basilla mm., XIIIe s.
9. Gregorius I p., Ambrosius ep., Maria Magdalena paenitens, Iacobus ap.
(?), Quiriacus ep. m. (?), Margarita v. m., Simplicius et Beatrix mm., Abdon
et Sennen mm., Stephanus protom., Inventio; Sixtus II p.; Alexius conf., 2 m.
e
e
XIII s. 10. Sebastianus m.; Polycarpus ep. m., XIII s. 11. Agatha v. m.,
e
*133; Valentinus m.; Cathedra Petri, XIII s. 12. Acacius primicerius m.;
Vi[r]gilius ep. m. (?), XIIIe s. 13. Leo p.; Petrus ap., cf. LA, c. 88-89 (?),
e
e
XIII -XIV s. 14. Elisabeth landgravia; Clemens I p., cf. LA, c. 168, 170 (?),
e
XIV s. 15. Laurentius m., Eusebius, Tiburtius m., Hippolytus presb.,
Patriarchae (?), Marcellus, Marcus, Fides v. m., Sergius et Bacchus mm.,
e
e
XIV s. 16. Sixtus p. et soc., XIV s. 17. Cosmas et Damianus mm., Crispinus et Crispinianus mm., Simon et Iudas app., Thecla v., XIVe s.
Clm 29892 (classement chronologique) 1. Verba seniorum, *6527 (VII 32, 5-35,
13, X 44, 10-48, 4, daprs C. M. Batlle), db. IXe s. 2. Patrum Vitae, 3 q. IXe
s. 3. *6525 (exc. de Theodoro ab.), Xe s. 4. Andreas ap., XIIe s. 5. Antonius ab. et alii, ca 1160. 6. Basilius ep., cf. *1022, XIIIe s. 7. Verba seniorum, XVe s.
Princeton,

University Library

Don C. SKEMER, Medieval & Renaissance Manuscripts in the Princeton


University Library. Incorporating contributions by Adelaide BENNETT
Jean F. PRESTON William P. STONEMAN, and the Index of
Christian Art. Princeton, NJ, Department of Art and Archaeology
Princeton University Library, in Association with Princeton University Press, 2013, 2 vol., XXV-483 p., 88 pl. coul.; XIX-558 p. [ISBN
978-0-691-15750-4].
Les premires acquisitions de lUniversit remontent 1876. En
2012, les manuscrits antrieurs 1600 taient au nombre denviron 550:
tous sont dcrits dans le prsent catalogue, lexception des papyrus, des
manuscrits en grec, armnien et gorgien, et de deux collections conserves hors de la Bibliothque Universitaire (Princeton University Museum,
Princeton Theological Seminary Library). Outre un fonds principal, cot
de 1 221, la bibliothque possde quatre fonds spars, dont trois furent
donns par danciens tudiants: Robert Garrett, en 1942; Robert H. Taylor,
en 1985; Lloyd E. Cotsen depuis 2000; le quatrime fut achet en 1946
aux hritiers de Grenville Kane. Chacun de ces fonds spciaux reflte les
intrts de ceux qui les formrent (par exemple les auteurs classiques pour
Kane); le fonds principal est plus diversifi, mais renvoie aussi, pour une
part, aux choix dun bibliothcaire et collectionneur fameux: Ernest

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

193

Cushing Richardson (1860-1939), dont les propres manuscrits sont aujourdhui Washington. Les textes hagiographiques latins sont partout peu
frquents25. En revanche, labondance des calendriers et des litanies nous
contraint adopter une prsentation plus brve, ne respectant pas lordre
des cotes.
Garrett Ms. 65 3 q. XVe s.; Huysburg, dioc. dHalberstadt. (f. 97v-99v) De ortu
et de obitu prophetarum et apostolorum, inc. Isayas in Iherusalem nobili genere
natus26
Garrett Ms. 68 a. 1451; Sacchetta (prs de Mantoue). (f. 1-60, 60v-71v, 71v-125)
Hieronymus presb., 3866, *3867, 3868.
Garrett Ms. 76 XIIIe-XIVe s.; orig. franaise (?). (f. 1-12, 12-14) Franciscus
Assis., 3107, 3109; (f. 14-20) Dominicus fundator O.P., 2219; (f. 20-25) Vnde
ortum fuit quod salve dicatur, inc. Bonorum aemulus diabolus, *PONCELET
148 (suivi dautres textes dont les inc. nont pas t donns).
Garrett Ms. 115 a. 1023-1033; Aquitaine. (f. 57v-58) notes autographes dAdmar de Chabannes sur Martial.
Garrett Ms. 158 3 q. XVe s.; orig. ital. (Bologne ?). (f. 206rv) Epistula Lentuli,
*4151za. (f. 206v) Epistula Pilati, *4222m.
Kane Ms. 30 a. 1458; Medicina (prs de Bologne). (f. 132rv) Epistula Lentuli,
*4151za. (f. 132v-133) Epistula Pilati, *4222g ou h.
Princeton Ms. 15 pap.; XVe s.; Sts-Pierre-et-Paul dErfurt. (f. 1v-406) LA, avec
additions dont les inc. ne sont pas mentionns; cf. FLEITH, Studien, p. 262 [LA
750].
Princeton Ms. 51 XIIe s.; Lambach. (f. 1-61) BMV, mirac. *5357a.
Princeton Ms. 132 Fragm. runis par le libraire Bernard M. Rosenthal. 132.1-2
et 4 (Xe s.; Allemagne): Agnes v. m., 156 fragm. 132.10 (XIe s.; Allemagne)
Bonifatius ep. Moguntinus (fragm. final ?27), Agnes v. m. (rubrique) 132.14
(XIIe-XIIIe s.; Allemagne) Martinus ep. Turonensis, *5610 fragm. 132.85
(XVe s.) Hieronymus presb., *3870 ou 3871 fragm.
Princeton Ms. 138 Fragm. runis en 1992 dans la bibliothque de Princeton.
138.64 (1 m. XIIe s.; Italie) mart. fragm. avec obits, 5 ff. (1/I-18/III).
Princeton Ms. 175 pap.; XIVe-XVe s.; O.F.M., Allemagne du Sud. (f. 1-11) BMV,
mirac. exc.; Vitae Sanctorum, exc. (notamment Adalbertus ep. Pragensis, 37).
Princeton Ms. 178 pap.; ca 1436; Souabe (?). (f. 55-70) Vita Pilati, *4222f.
(f. 70) Epistula Pylati missa Tyberio super morte Christi, inc. *4222g ou h
25

Notons la prsence de Vies en franais: Barbe (Garrett Ms. 51), Isabelle de France
(Princeton Ms. 188), et en allemand: Catherine (Princeton Ms. 203), Henri et Cungonde (Garrett
Ms. 133).
26
27

Ed. F. DOLBEAU, Prophtes, aptres et disciples (cit. n. 19), p. 79-89 (ms. collationn).

Pour ce fragment, les mots cits dans le catalogue (nunc ruptum est speculum et qua
uoce audiat nimio timore) renvoient en fait non un texte sur Boniface de Mayence, mais une
Vita s. Alexii (*286, 7 et 10), dont le protagoniste fut enterr dans une glise ddie Boniface
de Tarse.

Fr. DOLBEAU

194

(avec substitution du nom de Tibre celui de Claude), expl. a Iudeis pecuniam accepisse. (f. 71-81v) Vita Iude, inc. Auctorum veterum placuere poemata multum, expl. possit ut in vita te collaudare superna (WALTHER, Initia,
1685).
Livres liturgiques renfermant un calendrier, des litanies ou des lectures hagiographiques
Brviaires:
p. 64: Garrett Ms. 42, XIVe s. (O.P., Bologne, puis Prouse), cal., lit., propre (dAndr Saturnin).
Calendriers seuls (ou insrs dans des mss non liturgiques):
p. 218: Garrett Ms. 99, XIIIe-XIVe s. (O.P., France). II p. 118: Kane Ms. 52, a. 1435 (Allemagne). p. 282: Princeton Ms. 79, ca 1455 (Florence, cal. de poche). p. 436: P. Ms.
168, 4 q. XVe s. (Cologne ?). p. 486: P. Ms. 202, XVe-XVIe s. (Bavire ?).
Missels:
p. 41: Garrett Ms. 37, XIe et XIIe s. (Rhnanie), cal. lac. p. 44: G. Ms. 39, 3 q. XIVe s. (O.F.M,
Vntie), cal. p. 53: G. Ms. 40, mil. XVe s. (O. Carm., Nantes), cal. p. 60: G. Ms. 41,
e
e
XIII -XIV s. (Dominicaines, Poissy), cal. lac., lit.
Psautiers:
p. 32: Garrett Ms. 34, ca 1260 (Sarum), cal., lit. p. 35: G. Ms. 35, XIIIe-XIVe s. (Angleterre),
lit. p. 39: G. Ms. 36, 3 q. XIIIe (Sainte-Croix de Poitiers), lit. II p. 10: Kane Ms. 5, mil.
e
e
XV s. (Rhnanie), cal., lit. p. 14: K. Ms. 7, 2 m. XV s. (Italie), lit. p. 296: Princeton
Ms. 86, 1 q. XVe s. (Valence [France]), cal., lit. p. 349: P. Ms. 120, XVe-XVIe s. (O.P.,
Allemagne), cal., lit.
Recueils dvotionnels:
p. 267: Princeton Ms. 67, ca 1424 (Allemagne), lit.
Livres dheures des XVe ou XVIe s. (cal. et lit. y sont souvent de fantaisie)
Garrett Ms. 47 (usage de Rome, cal. en franais); G. Ms. 48 (Paris); G. Ms. 49 (Rome, lit. PaysBas mrid.); G. Ms. 50 (Rome, cal. Bruges); G. Ms. 51 (Paris); G. Ms. 52 (Troyes); G.
Ms. 53 (Utrecht); G. Ms. 54 (Rome, cal. rgion lyonnaise); G. Ms. 55 (Paris); G. Ms. 56
(Rouen); G. Ms. 57 (Rome, cal. Lige ?); G. Ms. 58 (Rome, cal. O.F.M.); G. Ms. 59 (Anvers); G. Ms. 60 (Utrecht); G. Ms. 61 (Rome, cal. Ferrare ?); G. Ms. 62 (Rome); Taylor
Ms. 7 (Paris); Cotsen Ms. 46825 (Bourges); C. Ms. 52225 (Utrecht); Princeton Ms. 14
(Rome); P. Ms. 70 (Rome, cal. en flamand); P. Ms. 87 (Paris); P. Ms. 111 (Paris); P. Ms.
116 (Toul); P. Ms. 121 (Rome, cal. Vntie); P. Ms. 129 (Rome); P. Ms. 183 (Rome, cal.
de Paris).
Rovigo,

Accademia dei Concordi


Voir ci-dessous sous Veneto (Biblioteche del).

Trento

(Citt e provincia)

I manoscritti medievali della Biblioteca comunale di Trento. Cur. Adriana


PAOLINI. Con la collaborazione di Lorena DAL POZ Leonardo
GRANATA Silvano GROFF (= Biblioteche e Archivi, 14). Firenze,
Provincia autonoma di Trento SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo,
2006, XX-158 p., 10 pl. coul., 169 pl. n. et bl. [ISBN 88-8450-186-5].
I manoscritti medievali di Trento e Provincia. Cur. Adriana PAOLINI. Con
la collaborazione di Marina BERNASCONI Leonardo GRANATA (= Bi-

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

195

blioteche e Archivi, 20). Firenze, Provincia autonoma di Trento


SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2010, XXXIII-198 p., 10 pl. coul.,
151 pl. n. et bl. [ISBN 978-88-8450-311-4].
Les tablissements couverts par le second volume sont cinq bibliothques de Trente: Biblioteca capitolare dellArchivio diocesano, Castello
del Buonconsiglio, Fondazione Biblioteca S. Bernardino, Museo Diocesano Tridentino, Seminario teologico, et cinq bibliothques de sa province:
Ala, Biblioteca Comunale; Arco, Biblioteca civica; Lizzana, Archivio diocesano; Riva del Garda, Biblioteca civica; Rovereto, Biblioteca civica. En
ce qui concerne les recueils hagiographiques latins, un dpouillement exhaustif a t publi en 200528: il serait donc inutile de le refaire ici. Le
fonds le plus riche, et de beaucoup, est celui de la Biblioteca Comunale de
Trente, qui possde 181 manuscrits antrieurs 1500. Le noyau majeur
en est lancienne bibliothque piscopale, enrichie surtout par lvque
Iohannes Hinderbach (1465-1486). En 1805, 70 volumes environ furent
transports Vienne, dont 47 furent restitus lItalie en 1919: ces derniers conservs dabord au Museo Nazionale di Trento, furent dposs en
1958 la Biblioteca comunale, o il constitue un fonds spcial cot W.
Veneto

(Biblioteche del)

I manoscritti medievali di Vicenza e provincia. Cur. Nicoletta GIOV


MARCHIOLI Leonardo GRANATA Martina PANTAROTTO. Con la
collaborazione di Giordana MARIANI CANOVA Federica TONIOLO
(= Biblioteche e Archivi, 17; Manoscritti medievali del Veneto, 3).
Firenze, Regione del Veneto SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo,
2007, XII-225 p., 16 pl. coul., 272 pl. n. et bl.; CD-ROM [ISBN 97888-8450-238-4].
Les tomes 1-2 de cette sous-srie ont dj t dpouills29. Des six
bibliothques examines, deux seulement ne possdent pas de recueils de
contenu hagiographique: Schio, Biblioteca civica; Lonigo, Biblioteca del
Convento di San Daniele. Des quatre autres fonds, le plus riche est celui
de la Biblioteca civica Bertoliana de Vicence, qui tire son nom de Gio28
Antonella DEGLINNOCENTI Donatella FRIOLI Paolo GATTI, Manoscritti agiografici
latini di Trento e Rovereto (= Quaderni di Hagiographica, 3), Firenze, SISMEL Edizioni
del Galluzzo, 2005, LXX-317 p., 48 pl. [ISBN 978-88-8450-207-0]. Ce livre innove, en accordant une place importante aux manuscrits postrieurs 1500 (p. 187-259) et aux fragments (p.
261-285).
29

Cf. AB, 118 (2000), p. 428-430; 122 (2004), p. 169-171.

196

Fr. DOLBEAU

vanni Maria Bertolo, un bienfaiteur qui fut lorigine de la cration de


cette bibliothque publique en 1708. La collection grossit ensuite par dons
et legs et par la saisie des couvents supprims, notamment ceux des dominicains de Santa Corona et des franciscains observants de San Giuliano de
Vicence.
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana
8 mil. XIVe s.; lectionnaire dominicain, acph. et mut., de contenu non prcis.
(add. f. 171v) Leontius et Carpophorus mm. Aquileiae, Passio, mut.
28 1 m. XVe s.; brviaire, acph. (f. 1-8v) cal.
29 3 q. XVe s. (f. 1-73v, 74-87v, 87v-150, 150rv) Hieronymus presb., *3866-68;
Translatio corporis.
30 2 m. XVe s.; livre dheures, copi Virle Piemonte (prov. Turin). (f. 1-12v)
cal.
33 2 m. XVe s.; livre dheures, dun milieu franciscain. (f. 1-12v) cal.
36 1 m. XVe s. (f. 1-35v, 35v-40v, 42-68) Hieronymus presb., *3866, *3867 mut.,
*3868 acph.
46 4 q. XIVe s. (f. 1-135v) Historiae sanctorum per anni circulum, mut. (sans
dtail de contenu).
48 mil. XVe s.; hymnaire et brviaire O.E.S.A. (f. 1-6v) cal.
73 3 q. XVe s.; psautier, prov. Santa Corona. (f. 1-6v) cal. O.P.
74 3 q. XVe s.; brviaire, dun Ordre suivant la rgle dAugustin. (f. 1-6v) cal.
87 pap., 3 q. XVe s. (f. 30-34) Epistula Pilati ad Claudium, cf. *4222g-h
93 pap., 2 m. XVe s. (f. 2-27, 27-32, 32-55) Hieronymus presb., *3866-68. (f.
135v-137) Magnus ep. Opitergiensis, cf. *5165 (?). (f. 137v-143, 143rv) Marcus ev., Translatio, Prol. in Vita. (f. 145-151v) Mamas m., Passio trad. du
grec par Giovanni Aurispa.
98 2 m. XVe s., prov. San Giuliano. (f. 1-45, 45-53, 53-89v) Hieronymus presb.,
*3866-67, *3868 mut.
139 mil. XVe s. (f. 62v) Epistula Lentuli, cf. *4151za. (f. 62v-63v) Tres epistulae
Pilati: de nece Christi, ad Tiberium (cf. *4222m), ad Domitianum.
205 pap., 2 m. XVe s. (f. 1-38v, 38v-45v, 45v-79, 82v-89v) Hieronymus presb.,
*3866 lac., *3867-68; cf. *3870-71.
212 mil. XVe s., prov. Santa Corona. (f. 1-3v) LA, c. 94 (Alexius). (f. 188-209v)
BMV, Assumptio, *5355d. (f. 219-221v) LA, c. 84, 92 (Marina, Theodora).
331 a. 1376 (f. 1-47), XIIIe-XIVe s. (f. 48-70), orig. Santa Corona. (f. 1-47)
Tractatus de translatione et festo Corone et de edificatione istius conventus 30.
(f. 48-63) Officia et sequentiae in festo s. Coronae, acph. et mut.
345 ca 1475; missel, aux armes de la famille Godi. (f. 1-6v) cal.
351 pap., fin XVe s., quaternion isol. (f. 1v-7) Rochus conf., *7273-74.
30
Lvque de Vicence, Bartolomeo da Breganze, O.P., avait reu de Louis IX, en 1260,
une sainte pine, conserve ensuite dans le couvent dominicain de la ville, Santa Corona (cf.
4199-4200).

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

197

355 a. 1493; prov. St-Nazaire de Vrone, OSB. (f. 1-6v) cal. (f. 7-70v) mart.
mut.
364 1 q. XVe s.; missel. (f. 1-6v) cal. us. Vrone.
423 pap., 1 q. XVe s., orig. Vntie. (f. 1-34, 34-40, 40v-69v) Hieronymus
presb., *3866-68.
463 parch. et pap., a. 1455. (f. 104v-105) Epistula Lentuli, cf. *4151za. (f. 105rv)
Epistula Pilati de nece Christi, cf. *4222g-h.
591 1 m. XVe s.; missel. (f. 1-6v) cal. (en add., ddicace de lglise de Barbarano
Vicentino).

Vicenza, Biblioteca del Capitolo della Cattedrale


s. c. 1 q. XVe s.; missel, dcor Padoue (?). (f. 1-6v) cal.

Bassano del Grappa, Museo Biblioteca Archivio


Esp. 1 1 m. XVe s.; livre dheures. (f. 138-148v) cal.
Esp. 2 XVe-XVIe s.; livre dheures, aux armes des Gradenigo. (f. 5-16v) cal.
Esp. 3 mil. XVe s.; brviaire O.Cist., prov. San Salvatore a Settimo (?). (f. 1-5v)
cal.
Esp. 4 fin XVe s.; livre dheures. (f. 1-12v) cal.
Esp. 9 1 m. XIVe s. (f. 1-12v) Iustinus, Florentius et Felix mm., cf. *4586-87 (?).

Collezione privata della provincia di Vicenza


2 2 m. XVe s.; livre dheures en nerlandais. (f. 1-11) cal. us. Utrecht.
3 mil. XVe s.; livre dheures. (f. 2-14) cal.
6 1 q. XVe s.; missel. (f. 2-7v) cal. dAllemagne du sud.
13 mil. XVe s.; livre dheures. (f. 1-10v) cal. acph.

I manoscritti medievali delle province di Belluno e Rovigo. Cur. Nicoletta


GIOV MARCHIOLI Leonardo GRANATA (= Biblioteche e Archivi,
21; Manoscritti medievali del Veneto, 4). Firenze, Regione del Veneto
SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2010, IX-131 p., 10 pl. coul., 111
pl. n. et bl.; CD-ROM, 238 pl. coul. [ISBN 978-88-8450-388-6].
Des six bibliothques examines, deux seulement possdent des recueils de contenu hagiographique: la Biblioteca capitolare Lolliniana de
Belluno, et lAccademia dei Concordi de Rovigo. Les autres dpts, Belluno, Feltre et Adria, ne possdent aucun livre de ce type. La bibliothque
du chapitre de Belluno, atteste pour la premire fois en 1387, tire son nom
dun vque bibliophile, Luigi Lollino, qui lui donna ses manuscrits latins
en 1625. Ce fonds, dcrit dans un catalogue imprim en 1758, fut transfr
en 1840 dans son site actuel, au sminaire diocsain, et y subit des pertes
durant loccupation autrichienne de 1917-1918. LAccademia dei Concordi, fonde vers la fin du XVIe s., possde, en co-proprit avec la com-

Fr. DOLBEAU

198

mune de Rovigo depuis 1836, une bibliothque et une pinacothque. Ses


manuscrits proviennent la fois de dons le plus considrable tant celui
de la famille Silvestri en 1858 (fonds cot Silv.) et des maisons religieuses supprimes sous Napolon. Les auteurs nont pas jug utile de renvoyer la Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, ni de reproduire les incipit.
Belluno, Biblioteca Capitolare Lolliniana
3 pap., a. 1415. (f. 1-21v, 21v-25, 25-43) Hieronymus presb., *3866-68. (f.
326-329) Vindicta salvatoris, cf. *4221ss.
5 a. 1416. (f. 1-15, 15v-17) Martinus ep. Turon., *5610, suivi dun officium.
(f. 17v-19, 27v-29) Ioathas (Zotas) m., patronus eccl. Bellunensis, *9027 (?),
suivi dun officium. (f. 19-22) Victor et Corona mm. (f. 22v-27v) Euphemia, Dorothea, Thecla et Erasma vv. mm. Aquileiae, cf. *2706-2707.
9 mil. XIIe s. (f. 166-173) Inventio crucis. (f. 181-182v) Briccius ep. (f. 182v188v) Nicolaus ep., mut. (f. 189-198v) Blasius ep. m. (f. 199-203v) Zeno ep.
17 pap., 2 q. XVe s. (f. 21) Prosper Aquitanus, Vita en forme daccessus, inc.
Iste Prosper fuit Equitanicus vir erudissimus
29 mil. XVe s. (f. 1-18) Paulus erem., *6596. (f. 18v-31v) Malchus mon., *5190.
38 1 m. XVe s.; psautier-hymnaire. (f. II-VIIv) cal. us. Belluno (en add., nombreuses dates de ddicace).
42 2 m. XIIIe s. (f. 48-54v) Carolus Magnus imp., *1580.
44 2 m. XVe s. (pour les ff. concerns) (f. 28-31) Malchus mon., *5190.
50 pap., 1 m. XVe s. (f. 1-17), 2 m. XVe s. (f. 18-75). (f. 1-8v, 8v-10, 10-17v)
Hieronymus presb., *3866-68. (f. 26v-28v) Malchus mon., *5190. (f. 28v30v) Paulus erem., *6596.

Rovigo, Accademia dei Concordi


Silv. 54 a. 1452; livre dheures. (f. 1-12v) cal.
Silv. 58 1 m. XVe s.; livre dheures. (f. 1-4v) cal. (mai, aot, sept., nov.).
Silv. 71 2 m. XVe s.; livre dheures. (p. 1-22) cal. acph.
Silv. 123 2 m. XVe s., prov. San Francesco di Rovigo. (f. 1-92v) mart. acph. et
mut.
Vicenza

(Citt e provincia)
Voir ci-dessus sous Veneto (Biblioteche del).
II. AUTRES CATALOGUES

Manuscrits

dats dItalie

Manoscritti datati dItalia. Firenze, SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 1996-

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

199

Les principes de cette collection ont t exposs loccasion de la


sortie du premier volume31. Ils ont t depuis lgrement modifis en
2007. Les critres de slection restent rigoureux: seuls sont retenus en
principe les livres qui comportent une souscription, un lieu de copie ou
une date, cette dernire formule avec prcision et antrieure au dernier
jour de 150032. Cela explique le nombre rduit de recueils retenus. Les
textes hagiographiques latins sont, en gnral, recenss de faon sommaire,
sans renvoi systmatique aux numros de la BHL.
18. I manoscritti datati della Biblioteca Queriniana di Brescia. Cur. Nicoletta GIOV MARCHIOLI Martina PANTAROTTO. 2008, IX-86 p., 81
pl., CD-ROM [ISBN 978-88-8450-306-0].
La Biblioteca Queriniana porte le nom de son fondateur, le cardinal
Angelo Maria Querini, qui en dcida louverture en 1750. Elle recueillit
les fonds dtablissements religieux supprims sous Napolon: Biblioteca
Capitolare, Santa Giulia, San Faustino Maggiore, comme en 1866. Endommage en 1944, elle possde actuellement 411 manuscrits mdivaux,
dont 77 dats.
A. VII. 20 pap., a. 1448-49, prov. San Faustino Maggiore. (f. 2-41v, 104-24033)
Gregorius I p., *3641.
B. VI. 13 a. 1247, prov. S. F. M. (f. 1-111) Vitae Sanctorum: Maria Aegyptiaca paenitens, 5417; Thais paenit., 8015; Pelagia paenit., 6605; Euphrasia
v., 2718; Euphrosyna v., 2722; Agnes v. m., 156; Cyprianus et Iustina mm.,
2047; Matthias ap., 5695; Alexius conf., 2862 (? fautif pour 286); Eustachius
et soc. mm., 2761b; Bartholomaeus ap., 1002; Lucia v. m., 4992; Andreas ap.,
429.
B. VI. 21 pap., 2 m. XVe s., prov. Oratoriani di Brescia. (f. 13-27v) Martinus ep.
Turonen., *5610. (f. 27v-33v) Paulus erem., *6596.
C. II. 3 4 q. XVe s.; brviaire, copi par un chantre de Parme. (f. 287-505) propre
des saints.
C. VII. 8 pap., a. 1464. (f. 43-56) Martinus ep. Turon., *5610.
D. VII. 34 pap., fin XVe s. (f. 85-92) Simon puer m. Tridenti, livret renfermant
la Passio 7762 (f. 86-90v), associe des pomes en latin et en italien.
E. II. 8 pap., a. 1387-88, copi Santarcangelo di Romagna. (f. 10-11v, 11v-14)
Hieronymus presb., *3868, *3867.
H. II. 14 a. 1466; brviaire O.F.M. (f. 1-6v) cal.
H. IX. 5 mil. XVe s.; brviaire. (f. 1-6v) cal.
31

AB, 116 (1998), p. 189-190.

32

Une section intitule Manoscritti scartati justifie le rejet de livres dont on a cru tort
quils portaient une date, une localisation ou un nom de copiste.
33

Sans lacune: le saut dans la foliotation est d linsertion de cahiers adventices.

Fr. DOLBEAU

200

L. III. 31 a. 1447. (f. 1v-49v) livret consacr Martinus ep. Turon.: (f. 1-42)
*5614-16 acph. et mut.; (f. 42-44, 44-49, 49rv) De transitu, Versus de transitu,
De basilica s. M.

19. I manoscritti datati della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze.


T. I: Plutei 12-34. Cur. Teresa DE ROBERTIS Cinzia DI DEO Michaelangiola MARCHIARO, con il contributo di Ida Giovanna RAO.
2008, IX-131 p., 114 pl., CD-ROM [ISBN 978-88-8450-298-8].
Le tome 12 de la srie dcrivait dj certains fonds de la Laurentienne34: Acquisti e doni, Antinori, Calci, Martelli, Redi, Rinuccini, Tempi.
En matire hagiographique, un dpouillement fort utile de toutes les
richesses de cette bibliothque a t publi en 2007, accompagn dune bibliographie, dun incipitaire et de divers index (saints, auteurs et anonymes,
numros de BHL, dates et provenances)35. Il est donc inutile de procder
ici des dpouillements partiels, qui feraient double emploi.
20. I manoscritti datati di Grottaferrata, Subiaco e Velletri. Cur. Raffaella
CROCIANI Massimiliano LEARDINI Marco PALMA, con il contributo di Luchina BRANCIANI Tiziana CRISTIANO Stefano PARENTI
Valentino ROMANI Nicola TANGARI. 2009, IX-82 p., 60 pl., CDROM [ISBN 978-88-8450-342-8].
Deux des quatre bibliothques concernes Velletri, Biblioteca Comunale et le Collegio internazionale di san Bonaventura (en cours de transfert SantIsidoro de Rome) ne possdent rien qui intresse cette chronique. La limitation aux manuscrits dats ne donne gure une image plus
valorisante des autres fonds, les abbayes de Subiaco et Grottaferrata. En ce
qui concerne Subiaco, le premier tome dun catalogue, en principe complet,
est paru en 200636, mais il ne donne pas non plus le dtail des nombreux
passionnaires, lgendiers et lectionnaires hagiographiques de labbaye.
34

I manoscritti datati del fondo Acquisti e doni e dei Fondi minori della Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze. Cur. Lisa FRATINI Stefano ZAMPONI. Firenze, 2004, IX-133
p., 112 pl., CD-ROM [ISBN 88, 8450-153-9].
35

Rossana E. GUGLIELMETTI, I testi agiografici latini nei codici della Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana (= Quaderni di Hagiographica, 5). Firenze, SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo,
2007, XXIII-982 p. [ISBN 978-88-8450-244-5].
36

I manoscritti della Biblioteca Statale Monumento Nazionale di Santa Scolastica di Subiaco. T. 1: Dal s.s. 1, I al s.s. 113, CX. Cur. Raffaella CROCIANI Massimiliano LEARDINI,
coordinamento e revisione Isabella CECCOPIERI (= Indici e Cataloghi, n. s. 17). Roma, Istituto
Poligrafico Zecca dello Stato, 2006, 297 p., avec 256 illustrations [ISBN 88-240-1123-3]. Du
point de vue hagiographique, plus dtaills sont lancien catalogue manuscrit de L. ALLODI,
compil en 1877 et mis en ligne par la Bibliotheca Digitale Italiana, ou encore le rsum dAl-

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

201

Grottaferrata, Biblioteca Statale del Monumento Nazionale dellAbbazia di San Nilo


lat. 162 a. 1281; brviaire O. Cist. (f. 2-200v).

Subiaco, Biblioteca Statale del Monumento Nazionale del Monastero


di Santa Scolastica
3 (III) a. 1410; Lectionnaire de loffice, Commune legendarum (f. 1-108v).
29 (XXVII) parch. et pap., a. 1489, copi Subiaco. (f. 106v-108) Petrus et
Paulus app., *6671.
31 (XXIX) a. 1470; Lectionnaire de loffice, De tempore (f. 1-217v).
310 (CCCIII) pap., a. 1478; Lectionnaire, De tempore et de sanctis per tempus
hyemale (f. 1-280).

21. I manoscritti datati della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze.


T. 3. Cur. Susanna PELLE Anna Maria RUSSO David SPERANZI
Stefano ZAMPONI. 2011, IX-199 p., 128 pl., CD-ROM [ISBN 978-888450-409-8].
Les deux premiers tomes de cette sous-srie sont parus, sous les numros 5 et 9, en 2002 et 200337. Le prsent volume couvre les fonds:
Banco rari, Landau Finaly, Landau Muzzioli, Nuove accessioni, Palatino
Baldovinetti, Palatino Capponi, Palatino Panciatichiano, Tordi. Les textes
hagiographiques italiens y sont plus nombreux que les latins.
Banco rari 239 a. 1481; brviaire acph. et lac., copi pour le cardinal Giovanni
Arcimboldi (1441-1491). (f. 1-6v) cal.
Banco rari 322 a. 1478; livre dheures, copi Florence au monastre dit delle
Murate. (f. 1-6v) cal.
Landau Finaly 66 2 m. XIVe s. (f. 47-53v, 53v-58, 58-83v) Hieronymus presb.,
*3868, c. 1-3; *3867; *3868 c. 4-27; 3872. (f. 84v-86) BMV, mirac., inc. Unus
homo de divite pauper; LA, c. 51 exc. ; inc. Fuit quidam mercator qui cotidie
dicebat (f. 86v-95) Officium novum b. Hieronymi.
Nuove accessioni 1003 pap., a. 1476. (f. 1-66) Athanasius ep. Alexandr., *732.

22. I manoscritti datati dellArchivio Storico Civico e Biblioteca Trivulziana di Milano. Cur. Marzia PONTONE. 2011, IX-131 p., 83 pl., CDROM, ca 250 pl. coul. [ISBN 978-88-8450-427-2].
LArchivio Storico Civico conserve les documents administratifs de
la commune de Milan depuis la fin du XIVe s.; il accueillit dans ses locaux
lodi, fourni par G. MAZZATINTI, Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche dItalia, t. 1 Forl,
1890, p. 161-230. La confection dun inventaire hagiographique de Subiaco serait bienvenue.
37
Leur dpouillement figure in AB, 122 (2004) p. 156-157 (fonds des Conventi Soppressi);
123 (2005), p. 174-175 (fonds Palatino).

Fr. DOLBEAU

202

le patrimoine livresque de la famille milanaise des Trivulzio, au moment


de son achat par la ville en 1935. Parmi les Trivulzio, le plus grand collectionneur parat avoir t Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (1441-1518), un condottiere au service des Franais, devenu vice-roi de Milan, mais sa collection fut disperse au XVIe s.; le fonds actuel, cot Triv., remonte en fait
au XVIIIe s. et deux frres bibliophiles, Alessandro Teodoro (1694-1763)
et Carlo Trivulzio (1715-1789). Les datations concernent seulement les
textes retenus.
Triv. 392 pap., db. XVe s. (f. 119-123) Iohannes de Meda presb., fundator Humiliatorum, 4413.
Triv. 409 pap., a. 1472; missel copi Iseo. (f. 2v-8v) cal.
Triv. 479 2 m. XVe s.; livre dheures. (f. 104v-124v) lit.
Triv. 502 pap., a. 1453. (f. 127-228) Catharina Senensis, *1702.
Triv. 509 a. 1327, copi pour Saint-Victor de Meda. (f. 3-15, 15v-19v) Officium
et Passio Victoris Mauri m. Mediolani. (f. 19v-22v) Felix et Fortunatus mm.
Aquileiae. (f. 22v-24v) Officium dedicationis sancti Victoris. (add., 2 m.
e
XIV s.: f. 29-39) Haymo et Veremundus conf. Medae, *3764m, *3764n mut.
Triv. 654 a. 1475; exemplaire offert Iohannes Hinderbach, ep. Trident. (f. 422) Simon puer, m. Tridenti 1475: Thomas Pratus (Tommaso Prato), De immanitate Iudaeorum in Symeonem Tridentinum infantem, prcd de la ddicace
Hinderbach (f. 1-3v).

23. I manoscritti datati della Biblioteca Riccardiana di Firenze. T. 4: Mss.


2001-4270. Cur. Teresa DE ROBERTIS Rosanna MIRIELLO. 2013,
IX-173 p., 155 pl. [ISBN 978-88-8450-491-3].
Les deux premiers tomes de cette sous-srie ont dj t dpouills38.
partir de la cote 1002, la quasi-totalit des textes est en langue italienne.
Les manuscrits dats de 1501 1550 sont traits en appendice. Le tome 23
achve la description du fonds.
2624 pap., mil. XVe s. (f. 145) De fundatione ecclesiae s. Michaelis archangeli.
2858 recueil htrogne (le texte cit appartient une section non date). (f. 124) cal. et obituaire de San Pier Maggiore Florence.
Nonantola

(San Silvestro di), prov. Modena

Mariapia BRANCHI, Lo scriptorium e la biblioteca di Nonantola. Presentazione Giuseppa Z. ZANICHELLI (= Biblioteca, 49). Nonantola, Centro
38
AB, 118 (2000), p. 422-423; 119 (2001), p. 385. Le tome 3, rdig par les mmes auteurs que le tome 4, ne comportait aucun des textes retenus dans cette chronique: I manoscritti
datati della Biblioteca Riccardiana di Firenze. T. 3: Mss. 1401-2000 (= Manoscritti datati
dItalia, 14). Firenze, 2006, IX-105 p., 124 pl. [ISBN 978-88-8450-220-9].

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

203

Studi Storici Nonantolani Modena, Edizioni Artestampa, 2011, 446


p., ill. [ISBN 978-88-6462-088-6].
Labbaye de Nonantola fut fonde au VIIIe s. par un certain Anselme,
qui en devint le premier abb. Ce dernier, exil sous les Lombards au
Mont-Cassin, put revenir son monastre, aprs 774, grce la protection
des souverains francs. Cela explique la prsence Nonantola de quelques
livres prestigieux, originaires dItalie mridionale. Dautres manuscrits
furent produits dans le scriptorium local (une quinzaine subsiste encore de
la premire moiti du IXe s.). Mais, en 899, une incursion hongroise dtruisit par le feu une bonne partie de labbaye, qui ne retrouva une certaine
prosprit que sous les Ottoniens. Plusieurs documents conservs permettent dtudier lhistoire de la bibliothque: une premire liste recense les
39 livres copis sous labb Rodulfus I, entre 1002 et 1035 (d. p. 387, pl.
258); un catalogue dat de 1166 dcrit 61 volumes, mais ne correspond
apparemment qu une partie du fonds (d. p. 388-389, pl. 259-261);
dautres inventaires, rdigs notamment en 1331 et 1464, donnent une
image plus complte de la bibliothque, qui, au XVe s., possdait 258 volumes. Devenue cistercienne en 1515-1516, labbaye fut peu peu dpouille de ses ressources livresques, jusquau transfert massif de 54 de
ses manuscrits labbaye de Santa Croce in Gerusalemme elle-mme
victime, en 1821, dun vol fameux qui aboutit une ultime dispersion.
Une longue introduction (p. 15-199) retrace lhistoire du fonds. Vient
ensuite un catalogue des plus anciens manuscrits retrouvs, class par
ordre chronologique du Ve au dbut du XIIe s. (p. 121-278). Celui-ci met
laccent moins sur les textes dont lidentification nest pas toujours
prcise que sur les aspects palographiques et codicologiques. Il est
accompagn de 261 illustrations (p. 281-384), de qualit assez mdiocre,
et complt par une riche bibliographie (p. 395-441). Il reste pourtant utile
de se rfrer aux deux ouvrages de G. Gullotta et J. Ruysschaert, parus au
Vatican en 1955 (= Studi e Testi, 182 et 182bis) et, pour certains recueils
hagiographiques, aux dpouillements antrieurs des Bollandistes. Lintrt majeur de cette publication, subventionne par la Cassa di Risparmio
de Modne, est de proposer un bilan actualis sur la date et lorigine des
manuscrits. Un index des manuscrits tudis, dans lordre alphabtique des
dpts, fait cruellement dfaut.
Roma, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Sess. 590, 2 m. VIIIe s. (Italie mrid.), rachet
en 1933. (f. 366v-367v, add. db. IXe s.) Inventio crucis, *4169.
Roma, BNC, Sess. 40, 1 q. IXe s. (Nonantola). (f. 185-205v) Furseus ab., *3209,
*3213 mut. (f. 206-210) Visio Wettini, acph. et mut.

Fr. DOLBEAU

204

Roma, BNC, Sess. 41, 1 q. IXe s. (Non.). (f. Irv, garde, XIIe-XIIIe s.) Nicolaus ep.,
*6150-53. (f. 1-8) Paulus erem., 6596. (f. 8-56v) Antonius ab., 609 om.
epil. (f. 56v-76v) Hilarion ab., 3879. (f. 77-82v) Malchus mon., 5190.
(f. 82v-90v) Symeon Stylita senior, 7957. (f. 91-183v) Paradysus Palladii,
*6532 om. epist. et prol.
Sankt Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, 567, 2 q. IXe s. (p. 1-73, Non.). (p. 1-73) Silvester
p., *7725, 7726, *7727 (inc.), *7729 (expl.), *7731-33, *7735 (p. 69-73: Legendum in inventione s. crucis = *7733, *7735).
Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, B. III. 30 [Patr. 20], 1 m. IXe s. (f. 70-176, Non.).
(f. 70v-176v) Silvester p., *7725 acph., 7726 etc., autre copie du livret prcdent (f. 171v-176v: Legendum de inventione s. crucis).
Roma, BNC, Sess. 95, 2 m. IXe s. (Non.). (f. 40-42) lit.
Roma, BNC, Sess. 71, a. 899-911 (Non.). (f. 1-2v) lit.
Citt del Vaticano, Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Vat. lat. 5051, a. 1002-1035 (Non.). (f.
50v-51v) Maria Magdalena paenitens, *5454 (expl., var. note par Poncelet).
Citt del Vaticano, BAV, Vat. lat. 622, a. 1002-1035 (Non.). (f. 114-117) Petrus
ep. Alexandrinus m., 6698f. (f. 118-120v) cal. mut.
Roma, BNC, Vittorio Emanuele 1443, a. 1002-1035 (Non.), rachet en 1971. (f. 143) Iohannes Eleemosynarius ep., *4388. (f. 43-64) Basilius ep., *1024e (?).
(f. 69-76v) Euphrosyna v., *2723. (f. 76v-97v) Euphrasia v., *2718. (f.
98-110v) Macarius romanus, *5104. (f. 111-116v, add. fin XIe s.) Iohannes
Chrysostomus ep., *4376.
Roma, BNC, Vittorio Emanuele 1472, a. 1002-1035 (Non.), rachet en 1972. (f.
129-135) Remigius ep., Vita par Hincmar, avec des coupures.
Roma, BNC, Vittorio Emanuele 1408, 1 m. XIe s. (Non.), rachet en 1969. (f. 40182v) Passiones sanctorum et homiliae, avec lac. interne (dtail non prcis39).
Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, 1604, 2 m. XIe s. (orig. Non. ?, Cathdrale de
Bologne ?). (f. 1-356v) Vitae sanctorum per circulum anni, acph. et mut.
(dtail non prcis40).
Roma, BNC, Sess. 48, 4 q. XIe s. (Non.). (f. 1-184v) Vitae sanctorum per circulum
anni (dtail non prcis41). (f. 185-186v) Ambrosius ep., 377 acph.
Nonantola, Museo Diocesano di Arte sacra, Acta sanctorum, s. c., 156 ff., XIe-XIIIe s.
(Non.). (1 m. XIe s.): (f. CCLXXVIv-CCLXXIXv) Anselmus ab. Nonantulanus,
541; (f. 1-80) Silvester p., 7725, *7726ss, *7736; (f. 88v-93, 117-156v) Hadrianus III p., 3738, 339. (add. post 1053): (f. 93-108, 109-116) Senesius et
Theopompus mm., 8118, 8115.

39
Le commentaire mentionne les noms dAgathe, Jean et Paul (26 juin), Marc, Matthieu,
Pierre et Paul, Simon et Jude, Thomas (3 juillet).
40

Les feuillets 342ss sont additionnels. La prsence de lectures pour la translation de


Senesius et Theopompus (8115-8116) explique lhypothse sur lorigine; voir lanalyse dA.
PONCELET, in AB, 42 (1924), p. 342-346.
41

Voir lanalyse dA. PONCELET, Catal. cod. hag. lat. bibliothecarum romanarum (= Subs.
hag., 9), Bruxellis, 1909, p. 106-107.

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS

205

INDEX SANCTORUM
in pagellas 175-204
REMARQUES
1. Les chiffres renvoient la pagination; ils sont prcds dun astrisque (*) lorsque le saint
est mentionn plus dune fois sur la mme page.
2. Lorthographe des entres suit celle de la BHL.
3. Les noms suivis au moins dune rfrence un texte narratif sont en romains; ceux qui ne
sont que mentionns (calendrier, litanies, offices) apparaissent en italiques.
Abdon et Sennen mm.: 182, 185, 192
Acacius et soc. 10000 mm.: 181, 192
Adalbertus ep. Pragensis: *180, 183, 193
Aegidius ab. in Occitania: 182, 183
Afra m. Augustae Vindel.: 182, 186
Agapitus m. Praeneste: 186, 191
Agatha v. m. Catanae: 182, 183, 186, 192,
204n.
Agnes v. m. Romae: 181, 186, 191, *193, 199
Albanus m. Verulamii: 181
Albinus m. (Coloniae cultus ?): 191
Alexander p. et soc. mm.: 185
Alexius conf.: 181, 187, 192, 193n., 196, 199
Amandus ep. Traiectensis: 181
Ambrosius ep. Mediolan.: 181, 189, 192, 204
Ambrosius Traversari ab. Camaldul.: 178
Anastasia m. in insula Palmaria: 182
Anastasius m. Salonae: 182
Andreas ap.: 182, 187, 189, 192, 194, 199
Anicetus, Photinus et soc. mm.: 186
Anna mater B. V. Mariae: 180
Anselmus ab. Nonantulanus: 204
Antoninus m. Apameae in Syria: 182
Antoninus m. Apamiis in Gallia: 186
Antonius ab. in Thebaide: 192, 204
Apollinaris ep. Ravennas: 182, 189, 191
Apollonia v. m. Alexandriae: 183
Apostoli: 193
Arbogastus ep. Argentinensis: 187
Arnulfus ep. Mettensis: 187
Arsenius erem.: 183
Athanasius ep. Alexandrinus: 201
Augustinus ep. Hipponensis: 177, 178, 183,
187, 189
Barbara v. m. Nicomediae: 183
Bartholomaeus ap.: 182, *183, 186, 199
Basilides et soc. mm.: 185
Basilius ep. Caesareae: 192, 204
Basilla m. Romae: cf. Eugenia
Benedictus ab. Casinensis: *189, 191

Benignus m. Divione: 182


Bernardus ab. Clarevallensis: 187, 191
Bertholdus de Ratispona: 178
Bertinus ab. Sithivensis: 182
Blasius ep. Sebastenus m.: 181, 185, 198
Bonifatius ep. Moguntinus: *181, 185, *193
Bonifatius m. Tarsi: 185
Brandanus ab.: 191
Briccius ep. Turonensis: 176, 183, 189, 198
Brigida v. Kildariae: 186
Burchardus ep. Wirziburgensis: 185, 187
Caecilia v. m. Romae: 189, cf. Valerianus
Callistus p. et Calepodius mm.: 192
Cantius, Cantianus et Cantianilla mm.: 191
Carolus Magnus imp.: 186, 198
Cassianus ludimagister m.: 186
Catharina v. m. Alexandriae: 177, 181, 185,
186, 187
Catharina Senensis: 202
Christina v. m.: 186
Christophorus m. in Lycia: 183, 185
Chrysanthus et Daria mm.: 180n
Chrysogonus m. Aquileiae: 182
Clara v. abb. Assisii: 183
Claudius, Nicostratus et soc. mm.: 181, 189
Clemens I p.: 189, 192
Conradus ep. Constantiensis: 187
Cordula v. m. soc. S. Ursulae: 182
Cornelius p. m.: 181, 186, 189
Coronati quattuor: cf. Claudius, Nicostratus
Cosmas et Damianus mm.: 181, 186, 191,
192
Crispinus et Crispinianus mm.: 182, 191, 192
Crux Christi
De ligno crucis: 188
Exaltatio: 181, 186, 189, 190
Inventio: 185, 190, 191, 198, 203, *204
Cunegundis imperatrix: 191
Cyprianus ep. Carthaginiensis m.: 178, 181,
186, 189

206

Fr. DOLBEAU

Cyprianus et Iustina mm.: 177, 186, 199


Cyriacus, Largus et Smaragdus mm.: 186
Dionysius ep. Parisiensis et soc. mm.: 178,
180, 181, 182, 189, 192
Dominicus fundator O.P.: 193
Donatus ep. m. Aretii: 182, 189
Dormientes septem Ephesi mm.: 181, 185,
191
Dorothea v. et Theophilus mm. Caesareae
Cappad.: 181, 183, 186
Dorothea Montoviensis vid.: 179
Dunstanus ep. Cantuariensis: 181
Eligius ep. Noviomensis: 181
Elisabeth landgravia Thuringiae: 192
Emerentiana v. m. Romae: cf. Agnes
Erasmus ep. m. in Campania: 183
Eugenia, Prothus et Hyacinthus mm.: 181,
186, 192
Euphemia v. m. Chalcedone: 181, 186
Euphemia, Dorothea, Thecla et Erasma vv.
mm.: 198
Euphrasia v. in Thebaide: 199, 204
Euphrosyna v. Alexandrina: 182, 186, 199,
204
Euplus diac. m. Catanae: 186
Eusebius presb. Romanus: 186, 187, 189, 192
Eusebius ep. Vercellensis: 187, 190
Eustachius et soc. mm.: 199
Evurtius ep. Aurelianensis: 187
Faustinus et Iovita mm. Brixiae: 185
Felicitas m. cum septem filiis: 181
Felicula v. m.: 181, 186
Felix II p.: 182, 189
Felix conf. (quis ?): 191
Felix ep. (quis ?): 182
Felix m. Gerundae: 185
Felix et Adauctus mm. Romae: 182
Felix et Fortunatus mm. Aquileiae: 202
Felix, Regula et soc. mm.: 186
Ferreolus tribunus m. Viennae: 186
Fides v. et Caprasius mm.: 192
Fides, Spes et Caritas mm.: *183, 186
Florianus m. Laureaci in Norico: 180, 183,
191
Franciscus Assisiensis: 178, 182, 187, 193
Fridericus ep. Traiectensis: 182
Furseus ab. Latiniacensis: 203
Gallicanus, Iohannes et Paulus mm.: 181,
204n
Gallus ab. in Alamannia: 182, 187

Gaugericus ep. Cameracensis: 187


Gengulfus m. Varennis: 176, 181, 185, 191
Genovefa v. Parisiensis: 186
Georgius Cappadox m.: 181, 185, 191
Gereon et soc. mm.: 182
Germanus ep. Autissiodor.: *182, 188, 190
Gervasius et Protasius mm.: 181, 191
Goar presb. Treverensis: 182
Gordianus et Epimachus mm.: 181, 185
Gorgonius et Dorotheus mm. Nicomed.: 186
Gregorius I p.: 180, 190, 192, 199
Gregorius Nazianzenus ep. CP: 178
Gregorius ab. Traiectensis: 182
Hadrianus III p.: 204
Hadrianus et soc. mm. Nicomediae: 177,
181, 186
Haymo et Veremundus conf. Medae: 202
Helena imperatrix: 183
Hermagoras ep. m. Aquileiae: 182
Hieronymus presb.: 179, 180, 182, 189, 190,
*193, *196, 197, *198, 199, *201
Translatio: 196
Hilarion ab. in Palaestina: 180, 204
Hilarus ab. Galeatensis: 191
Hippolytus presb.: 182, 186, 189, 191, 192
Iacobus (quis ?): 191, 192
Iacobus Maior ap.: 182, 185
Iacobus Minor ap.: 182, 183, 185
Iesus Christus
Corona spinea: 196
Cura sanitatis Tiberii: 187
De ortu Iude: 187
De ortu Pilati: 187
Epist. Lentuli: *193, 196, 197
Epist. Pilati: *193, *196, 197
Evang. Nicodemi: *184, 187, 188
Evang. pseudo-Matthaei: 180
Gesta Salvatoris: 180, cf. Evang. Nicodemi
Imago Berytensis: 186, 187
Officium corporis Christi: 183
Passio Christi: 187, *188
Vindicta salvatoris: 198
Vita Pilati: 193
Vita Iudae: 194
Cf. Crux Christi
Ioathas: cf. Zotas
Iohannes ap. ev.: 180, 182
Iohannes Baptista: 189
Decollatio: 186
Inventio capitis: 186
Iohannes Chrysostomus ep. CP: 178, 183,
190, 191, 204

CATALOGUES DE MANUSCRITS LATINS


Iohannes Eleemosynarius ep.: 204
Iohannes de Meda presb.: 202
Iohannes et Paulus mm: cf. Gallicanus
Irenaeus ep. Lugdunensis m.: 185
Iudocus presb. erem. in pago Pontivo: *183
Iuliana v. m. Nicomediae: 181, 186, 191
Iulianus (quis ?): 191
Iulianus, Basilissa et soc. mm.: 185
Iustina: cf. Cyprianus
Iustinus, Florentius et Felix mm.: 197
Iustus et Pastor mm.: 186
Iventius ep. Ticinensis: 191
Kilianus ep. m. Herbipoli: 182, 185
Lambertus ep. Traiectensis: 181, 186, 191
Laurentius diac. m. Romae: 180, 182, *183,
186, 189, *191, 192
Lazarus amicus Christi ep.: 183
Lebuinus presb.: 180
Leo I p.: 192
Leodegarius ep. Augustodunensis: 182
Leontius et Carpophorus mm. Aquileiae: 196
Longinus miles m.: 186
Lucas ev.: 182
Lucia v. m. Syracusis: 182, 189, 199
Lucia et Geminianus mm.: 186
Lucilla, Flora et soc. mm. Romae: 189
Ludovicus ep. Tolosanus: 183
Macarius dictus Romanus: 204
Machabaei (septem fratres): 182, 189
Magi tres: 184
Magnus ep. Opitergiensis: 196
Maiolus ab. Cluniacensis: 190
Malachias ep. Armacanus: 187
Malchus mon. captivus: 176, *178, 180,
*198, 204
Mamas m. Caesareae Cappad.: 196
Marcellinus, Petrus et soc. mm: 181
Marcellus p. et soc. mm.: *182, 185, 191
Marcellus tribunus et soc. mm. in Aegypto:
186
Marcellus et Apuleius mm. Romae: 192 (?)
Marcus ev.: 185, 204n
Translatio: 196
Marcus p.: 192 (?)
Marcus et Marcellianus mm.: 181
Margarita v. m. Antiochiae: 181, 186, *191,
192
Margarita de Cortona: 177, *178
Maria Aegyptiaca paenitens: 185, 199
Maria Magdalena paenitens: 183, 186, 192,
204

207

Maria Virgo: 191


Annuntiatio: 182
Assumptio: 178, 179, *180, *183, 187,
189, *190, 196
Conceptio: 181
Mirac.: *180, 181, *184, 187, *193, 201
Nativitas: 184, 186
Vita: 179, 189
Marina v.: 196
Marius, Martha et soc. mm.: 185
Martialis ep. Lemovicensis: 193
Martinus ep. Turonensis: *176, *183, 188,
189, 191, 193, 198, *199, 200
Matthaeus ap.: 182, 184, 186, 191, 204n
Matthias ap.: 180, 199
Mauritius et soc. mm. Agaunenses: 181,
186, 187, 189
Maurus disc. S. Benedicti: 182
Medardus ep. Noviomensis: 181
Memmius ep. Catalaunensis: 187
Mennas Aegyptius m.: 191
Michael archangelus: 181, 189, 202
Narcissus ep. m.: 182
Nazarius et Celsus mm.: 185, 189
Nemo patronus Neminitarum: 180
Nereus et Achilleus et soc. mm.: 181, 185,
cf. Felicula, Nicomedes, Petronilla
Nicolaus ep. Myrensis: 180, 182, 189, 190,
191, 198, 204
Nicomedes presb. m. Romae: 181, 186
Odgerus diac. Ruraemundae: 181
Odulfus presb.: *181
Omnes sancti: 181, 189, 190
Otmarus ab. Sangallensis: 187
Pachomius ab. Tabennensis: 185
Pancratius m. Romae: 181, 183, 185
Pantaleon m. Nicomediae: 182, 183, 185
Paphnutius ab. in Thebaide: 191
Paternianus ep. Fanensis: 191
Patricius ep. ap. Hibernorum
Purgatorium: 178
Patrum Vitae: 176, 178, *192
Paradysus Palladii: 204
Patrum (de ortu et obitu): 180
Paula vid. Romana: 185
Paulus ap.: *180, 181, *182, 185, 201, 204n
Paulus Thebaeus erem.: *178, 180, *198, 199,
204
Pelagia paenitens: 189, 199
Pelagius m. patronus Constantiae: 186
Perpetua et Felicitas mm.: 186

208

Fr. DOLBEAU

Petronilla v. Romana: 181, 186


Petrus ap.: *180, 181, *182, 185, 192, 201,
204n
Cathedra Petri: 192
Vincula Petri: 180, 186
Petrus ep. Alexandrinus m.: 182, 204
Philibertus ab.: 182
Philippus ap.: 182, 185
Phocas ep. m. Sinope: 185
Polycarpus ep. Smyrnensis m.: 181, 192
Polychronius ep. Babylonis m.: 181, 185
Pontianus m. (quis ?): 181
Pontius m. Cimellensis: 185
Potentiana: cf. Pudentiana
Praeiectus ep. Arvernus: 185
Praxedis v. Romana: 181, 186
Processus et Martinianus mm.: 181, 182
Procopius ab. Pragensis: 183
Prosper Aquitanus: 178, 198
Protus et Hyacinthus mm.: cf. Eugenia
Pudentiana v. Romana: 186
Quiriacus ep. m. Hierosolymis: 192 (?)
Radbodus ep. Traiectensis: 181
Regina v. (quis ?): 183
Remigius ep. Remensis: 181, 182, 189, 204
Robertus ab. Molismensis: 185
Rochus conf. Montepessulanensis: 196
Sabina m. Romae: 189
Saturninus m. Romae: 177, *187, 194
Sebasteni (Martyres 40): 185, 191
Sebastianus m. Romae: 181, 185, 191, 192
Senesius et Theopompus mm.: 204
Seraphia v. m. Romae: 186
Sergius et Bacchus mm.: 192
Servatius ep. Tungrensis: *181
Severinus ep. Treverensis: 182
Severus ep. Ravennas: 182, 191
Silvester p.: 182, 189, 190, 191, *204
Simon et Iudas app.: 182, 184, 189, 192,
204n
Simon puer m. Tridenti: 199, 202
Simplicius, Faustinus et Beatrix mm.: 182,
186, 189, 192
Sixtus II p. et soc. mm.: 182, 186, 189, *192
Stanislaus ep. Cracoviensis m.: 183
Stephanus diac. protom.: 179, 180, 183, 191
Inventio: 182, 186, 189, 192
Stephanus I p. m.: 182, 186
Susanna v. m. Romae: 183, 186

Symeon erem. prope Mantuam: *189


Symeon Stylita senior: 204
Symphorianus m. Augustoduni: 182, 186,
191
Syrus ep. Ticinensis: 191
Tarachus, Probus et Andronicus mm.: 186
Thais paenitens: 176, 182, 199
Thecla v.: 186, 192
Theodora Alexandrina: 196
Theodoritus presb. m. Antiochiae: 185
Theodorus tiro m. Amaseae: 181
Theodosia v. m. Caesareae: 186, 191
Theophilus vicedominus: 191
Theopompus ep. m. Nicomediae: cf. Senesius
Theudarius ab. Viennensis: 191
Thomas ap.: 181, 182, 189, 191, 204n
Thyrsus, Leucius et soc. mm.: 185
Tiburtius m. Romae: 181, 182, 192
Timotheus et Apollinaris mm. Remis: 186,
191
Trudpertus erem. m.: 185
Udalricus ep. Augustanus: *187
Urbanus I p.: 181
Ursula et soc. vv. mm.: 176, 191
Valentinus ep. Interamnensis m.: 185
Valentinus presb. m. Romae: 192 (?)
Valeria m. Mediolani: 185
Valerianus sponsus Caeciliae m.: 181
Vedastes ep. Atrebatensis: 181, 182
Victor et Corona mm. in Aegypto: 185, 198
Victor Maurus m. Mediolani: 202
Vigilius ep. Tridentinus m.: 192 (?)
Vincentius diac. m. Valentiae: 182, 185
Virgilius ep. Salisburgensis: 191
Visio Wettini: 203
Vitalina v. Arthonensis: 184
Vitalis et Agricola mm. Bononiae: 187
Vitalis m. Ravennae: 181, 185, cf. Valeria
Vitus et Modestus mm. Romae: 181, 185
Waldburgis abb.: 186, 191
Werenfridus presb.: 181
Willelmus dux mon. Gellonensis: 187
Willibrordus ep. Traiectensis: *181
Zacharias (quis ?): 191
Zeno ep. Veronensis: 198
Zotas (Ioathas) m. in Pentapoli Libyae: 198

BULLETIN DES PUBLICATIONS HAGIOGRAPHIQUES


Querelles autour de lhagiographie bretonne la fin du XIXe sicle. Dom
Franois Plaine et les Bollandistes. Correspondance. Prsentation,
dition et commentaire par Philippe GUIGON (= Tabularium hagiographicum, 8). Bruxelles, Socit des Bollandistes, 2015, 128 p.
[ISBN 978-2-87365-030-8]
Franois Plaine (1833-1900), originaire de Bde (F/Ille-et-Vilaine), do il
tira son nom monastique de Bde, entra Solesmes en 1857, du temps de labb
Prosper Guranger (1805-1875) qui lenvoya en 1864 Ligug (F/Vienne), puis fut
exil en 1881 Silos (E/Burgos), o il mourut. Les quarante documents conservs
par la Socit des Bollandistes, auxquels se joignent quatre lettres prserves labbaye de Saint-Wandrille (F/Seine-Maritime), transcrits et annots par Ph. G., couvrent la priode allant du 30 octobre 1871 au 9 aot 1893 et constituent malheureusement un monologue, Plaine ou ses confrres ayant probablement dtruit la
correspondance reue des jsuites belges par suite des avatars rsums ci-dessous.
En 1871, travaillant depuis dj quelques annes sur Charles de Blois (v. 13191364), prtendant au duch de Bretagne, en esprant le voir canonis il sera batifi, grce ses innombrables efforts, le 14 dcembre 1904 , le bndictin contactait les Bollandistes, tout dabord Victor De Buck (1817-1876), afin dobtenir
des informations de nature hagiographique. En 1875, il recevait communication
dun extrait de lenqute de canonisation mene Angers en 1371, transmis par
Remi De Buck (1819-1880), frre du prcdent. Des relations cordiales se nourent
alors et se poursuivirent avec un autre projet, trs utopique bien que soutenu par
lintelligentsia bretonne et les vques de la province, savoir ldition, suivant
lillustre modle des Acta Sanctorum, des Acta Sanctorum Britanni. Plaine se
rendit pour ce motif au Muse bollandien de Bruxelles, entre fin avril et fin mai
1877, puis entama une correspondance rgulire avec Charles De Smedt (18311911). Ce dernier linvita publier dans les Analecta Bollandiana, de 1880 1889,
six travaux portant sur des saints bretons Paul de Lon, Brieuc, Judical et Men,
Melar, Samson, Magloire et un sur Pierre dOsma; mais De Smedt refusa dditer
dautres articles de Plaine en raison dirrconciliables divergences mthodologiques.
Les rapports du bndictin avec les Bollandistes se dtriorrent ds la publication
du Bulletin des publications hagiographiques, apparu en 1891, o plusieurs recensions virulentes de ses travaux (non signes, elles taient en ralit dues Albert
Poncelet [1861-1912]), contraignirent le bndictin, pouss par sa congrgation,
cesser toute relation avec les Bollandistes en 1893.
Les documents ici publis montrent ltat de lhagiographie en Bretagne, ses
saints et le culte qui leur tait rendu la fin du XIXe s., antrieurement aux synthses de Franois Duine (1870-1924). La recherche restait encore trs marque
par les publications apologtiques dAncien Rgime, comme en tmoignent les travaux aujourdhui dpasss du principal historien breton du moment, Arthur de La
Borderie (1827-1901), membre de lAcadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,
Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015).

210

BULLETIN

ami puis ennemi de Plaine, qui se flicita bruyamment de la querelle lopposant aux
Bollandistes. Un autre Breton plus connu apparat en filigrane dans ces textes,
lacadmicien Louis Duchesne (1843-1922), vritable tte de Turc des moines de
Ligug, Franois Chamard (1828-1908), et un degr moindre Plaine. Si les lettres
initiales montrent la qualit du travail de ce dernier sur Charles de Blois, partir de
sources darchives de premire main, les suivantes tmoignent de ses travers conceptuels, communs ceux de ses confrres de la Congrgation de France dalors,
tenants dune glise intransigeante, ultramontaine et dogmatique, rtifs des travaux nutilisant pas leur mthodologie devenue archaque et dpasse. Son affligeante dfense de lapostolicit du christianisme dans les Gaules, thorie pourtant
abandonne depuis Jean Mabillon (1632-1707), dmontre son raidissement doctrinal, dnonc avec vigueur par le Bulletin des publications hagiographiques: ainsi
la controverse sur la venue de Marie-Madeleine en Provence fit-elle rage en 1893,
les Bollandistes applaudissant la dmonstration de Duchesne. Dans une lettre du
14 juillet, Plaine protestait vivement: Tant quils [les Bollandistes] continueront
leur Bulletin hagiographique (ajout rcemment aux Analecta), ils me feront rude
guerre et ne maccorderont ni trve, ni merci. Cest ce Bulletin, quon devrait attaquer au nom de la pit catholique dans lUnivers et ailleurs []. Post mortem, il
fut entendu puisque cette publication, qui manqua dtre supprime en 1901, demeura soumise au contrle de Rome jusque 1920: dans lintervalle, la crise moderniste, qui avait provoqu dans lglise les graves troubles que lon sait, manqua en
1906 dengloutir la Socit des Bollandistes.

Hagiographies. Histoire internationale de la littrature hagiographique


latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines 1550. Vol. VI. Sous
la dir. de Monique GOULLET (= Corpus Christianorum). Turnhout,
Brepols, 2014, 917 p. et 1 pl. [ISBN 978-2-503-54747-3]
Cest dsormais M. Goullet qui reprend la direction de la grande entreprise
lance par G. Philippart (cf. en dernier lieu AB, 129 [2011], p. 175-180). Le moins
quon puisse dire, cest que tant la quantit que la qualit sont au rendez-vous de ce
volume VI, le plus pais de la srie, riche en contributions de haute tenue. Les deux
premires concernent nouveau lItalie. R. MANFREDONIA traite de lAgiografia
latina del Mezzogiorno continentale dItalia e della Sicilia (1266-1517) (15-106).
Lpoque en question voit se succder priode angevine et priode aragonaise. La
premire compte plusieurs hagiographes de renom, issus en majorit des Ordres
mendiants, parmi lesquels S. Antonin de Florence, Angelo Clareno et le B. Raymond de Capoue. Pour lensemble de lpoque considre, lhagiographie sicilienne noffre quune dizaine de textes, relatifs six saints rcents, carmes ou
mendiants. LA. donne pour chaque priode un catalogue des uvres ordonn par
saints, ainsi que dintressants tableaux rcapitulatifs, montrant la part respective
des uvres dauteurs connus (autochtones, trangers, lacs, ecclsiastiques) et
des uvres anonymes, des textes dats et non dats, des modles de saintet et des
Ordres religieux. Sous le titre de Bibliotheca Hagiographica Umbriae (1130-1500)
(107-234), E. DANGELO nous livre une tude de la production hagiographique
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dans cette petite rgion au destin exceptionnel. Si la part des Franciscains y est videmment considrable, elle ne nat pas dans un dsert. Lhagiographie martyriale
et piscopale connat, surtout au XIIe s., de nombreuses rcritures; un genre particulier est constitu par les Vies dvques grgoriens, dont lidal monastique
apparat comme une composante essentielle. Lhagiographie monastique proprement dite voit dune part la composition de Vies de fondateurs (ou saints ponymes) de divers monastres; dautre part, les Vies dermites refltent, par leur
nombre et leur diversit, la richesse du mouvement rmitique dans la rgion. Au
e
XIV s., lefflorescence du mysticisme fminin voit se dvelopper une hagiographie
propre, qui sera aussi un lieu privilgi du passage de la langue latine au volgare.
Quelques Vies dvques du Moyen ge relvent de lhagiographie humaniste, surtout dveloppe en Lombardie et en Toscane, o sont mme rcrites des Vies de
saints dOmbrie. Cet excellent expos, bien au fait des travaux rcents, dont lA.
nhsite pas discuter les conclusions, est complt par des tableaux rcapitulatifs,
puis par la BHU proprement dite: un rpertoire alphabtique (par nom de saint) de
toutes les uvres, au nombre de 116.
Si les chapitres concernant lhagiographie de la pninsule ibrique des origines au XIIIe s. nous sont enfin annoncs pour le volume suivant, on se rjouit de
trouver ici un long expos de D. BRIESEMEISTER sur le bas Moyen ge: Hagiografa latina y verncula en la Pennsula Ibrica (1350-1500) (235-399). Une premire section concerne lhagiographie du Portugal, compltant ainsi la contribution
de J. Mattoso parue dans le vol. II (Le Portugal de 950 1550). Une version portugaise de la Legenda aurea, traduite sur la base de versions castillanes et intitule
Ho Flos Sanctorum, est imprime en 1513. La grande majorit de la production hagiographique de lpoque est dailleurs en portugais. LA. envisage ensuite successivement les territoires de langue castillane (expos trs dvelopp et embrassant une
matire plus vaste que lhagiographie au sens strict) et ceux de langue catalane, distinguant chaque fois lhagiographie latine et celle en langue vulgaire. Cette dernire est largement majoritaire, et due en bonne partie laction des Ordres religieux
parmi lesquels, outre les Cisterciens et les mendiants, on trouve les Mercdaires, les
Trinitaires et les Hironymiens. (Un paragraphe a t imprim deux fois p. 374).
Lespace germanique fait lobjet dun important chapitre de M. RENER, Hagiographie im deutschen Raum (1125-1220) (401-520). Alors que lhagiographie
du XIe s. tait domine par les Vies de moines, celle du XIIe est essentiellement
piscopale. Elle dcrit un nouveau type dvque, conciliant les exigences du service de lEmpire avec les ides de rforme promues par Rome. Les questions juridiques y tiennent une place importante. Le saint vque est dsormais celui qui assure la justice et prend cur les intrts de son diocse. LA. structure son expos
selon la typologie de ces vques: au pape Grgoire VII font suite les vques grgoriens, lvque vu comme fidelis dispensator, lvque en conflit avec les villes;
viennent ensuite les fondateurs de monastres, les femmes et les saints empereurs.
Deux contributions sattachent la partie mridionale de la France. On doit
A.-M. BULTOT-VERLEYSEN une excellente prsentation de lHagiographie dAquitaine (750-1130) (521-704), divise en deux sections: la priode 750-930, puis,
pour la priode 930-1130, des complments aux contributions de P. Bonnassie et de

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P. A. Sigal (dans le tome I) consacres respectivement au Sud-Ouest de la France et


aux diocses de Bziers et Narbonne. Ici, lA. a choisi de considrer les textes par
province ecclsiastique et par diocse des scriptoria et des hagiographes. Cest sans
doute le meilleur choix que lon puisse faire dans le cadre dune histoire de la littrature hagiographique, mme si la localisation de certaines uvres reste incertaine.
Pour la priode carolingienne, elle dcrit 45 dossiers (certains composs de plusieurs textes). Si les vques et les moines y sont majoritaires, ils appartiennent
presque tous lpoque mrovingienne. Le seul avoir eu lhonneur dune Vie
aussitt aprs sa mort est Benot dAniane. Les Complments portent sur 37 dossiers. On enchane avec un chapitre co-sign par Chr. BAILLET et P. HENRIET,
Gallia, 1130 fin XIIIe sicle. Provinces de Bordeaux, Auch et Narbonne (705-807).
Une soixantaine de textes y sont prsents, pour un peu moins de 30 dossiers.
Lordre adopt est ici celui des saints: les anciens sont largement majoritaires, et
en particulier, dans laire gasconne, les martyrs. On ne connat que trois dossiers
de confesseurs modernes: Grard de la Sauve-Majeure, Bertrand de Comminges
et Bertrand de Grandselve (rcit de ses visions).
Le dernier chapitre est d J. R. WEBB, Hagiography in the diocese of Lige
(950-1130) (809-904). Ce diocse avec ses princes-vques, ses coles, ses riches
monastres, a t lun des plus productifs dans le domaine de lhagiographie.
Celle-ci se caractrise notamment par un latin de haut niveau, un style particulier
(got de la prose rime, citations dauteurs classiques). Les saints traits sont surtout des saints locaux: on rcrit les Vies des saints fondateurs en sefforant de replacer ceux-ci dans leur contexte historique. Un genre fort cultiv est celui des
Gesta episcoporum et des Gesta abbatum. Aprs avoir examin la production de la
ville de Lige mme (cathdrale, abbaye Saint-Jacques, abbaye Saint-Laurent), lA.
envisage les diverses institutions monastiques, successivement dans les territoires
de langue romane et dans ceux de langue germanique.
Au terme de ce volume, on ne peut que constater dune part le niveau excellent de chacune des contributions (relevons en passant la richesse des bibliographies qui les concluent), et dautre part la grande diversit dans le mode dapproche
de la littrature hagiographique, reflt dans la structure adopte par chaque chapitre: les uns privilgiant les saints, dautres les auteurs, dautres encore les lieux de
composition. Diversit due sans doute en partie la situation trs diverse qui caractrise lhagiographie dans les diffrentes rgions dOccident aux diffrentes poques.
Vouloir imposer un cadre uniforme ne respecterait pas cette complexit et en appauvrirait lapprhension. On se rjouit en tout cas de lavancement remarquable de
lentreprise, dont la conclusion (deux volumes seraient encore ncessaires) se profile
lhorizon.
R. GODDING

Puglia [vol. I]. Cur. Giorgio OTRANTO Immacolata AULISA (= Santuari


dItalia). Roma, De Luca Editori dArte, 2012, 319 p., ill. [ISBN
978-88-6557-087-6]
En dehors de Rome et du Latium, aucune rgion nest sans doute aussi riche
en sanctuaires que celle des Pouilles. Cest ce qui a dcid les diteurs y consacrer
Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015).

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deux volumes de la grande collection Santuari dItalia (cf. AB, 132 [2014], p. 445448). Le premier, que voici, ddi aux sanctuaires non mariaux, est d une quipe
de lUniversit de Bari dirige par G. Otranto. Sur les cinquante-six sanctuaires recenss, cinq ne sont connus que par les sources crites (Martyrologe hironymien et
textes hagiographiques). lexception dOtrante (800 martyrs de 1480), le culte
des martyrs et de leurs reliques est un culte dimportation, qui reflte bien le statut
des Pouilles, carrefour entre lOrient et lOccident: ct de Lucie, Nazaire, Vitus,
Chrysanthe et Daria, on trouve Matthieu, Nicolas, Cme et Damien, Potitus, Barsanuphe, Blaise et Marina.
Mais les Pouilles abritent surtout, depuis des sicles, deux sanctuaires de renomme universelle: celui de larchange S. Michel vnr ds le Ve s. dans la grotte
de Monte SantAngelo au sommet du Monte Gargano, et la basilique ddie S.
Nicolas Bari, o les reliques du saint vque, voles Myre, arrivrent en 1087.
Deux contributions de G. OTRANTO leur sont consacres: Il santuario di San Michele sul Gargano: un modello diffuso in Italia e in Europa (25-48) et Dalla Puglia
allEuropa: san Michele e san Nicola tra culto, pellegrinaggi e tradizioni popolari
(49-88). Le modle reprsent par le sanctuaire du Gargano fit cole et, aprs lan
mille, on trouve dans toute lItalie mridionale des grottes consacres (ventuellement aprs quelles eussent t ddies un autre saint) larchange. Plus au nord,
ce sont surtout les lments du mont et du rocher qui seront retenus pour lrection
de sanctuaires en lhonneur de S. Michel, ainsi au Mont-Saint-Michel, au Puy-enVelay, la Sacra di San Michele, mais aussi en Irlande, en Angleterre, en cosse,
dans les pays scandinaves, en Suisse, en Catalogne. Un lieu lev, et donc proche
du ciel, convient un archange. Laccs au sanctuaire requiert par ailleurs une ascension, parcours de sacrifices et de purification. Depuis le VIIe s., ces plerins ont
laiss des traces de leur passage en gravant croix, symboles et inscriptions sur les
murs de la grotte et des passages qui y mnent. Des caractres runiques du VIIIe s.
attestent ainsi la visite de plerins anglo-saxons. De nombreux plerins ont dcrit
les lieux, depuis le moine franc Bernard (867) jusqu Anselme Adorno, en passant
par sainte Brigitte de Sude. Aux XIXe et XXe s., un des traits les plus caractristiques du plerinage est lorganisation des plerins en compagnie, dont ltude se
rvle riche sur le plan du folklore et de la dvotion populaire. Quant S. Nicolas,
sa translation Bari ne doit rien au hasard. Son culte y tait dj solidement implant et fut lorigine du projet; la volont de devancer les Vnitiens, qui lon
prtait la mme intention, poussa sa ralisation. La nouvelle de la translation se
rpandit aussitt, contribuant insrer Bari, ct de Monte SantAngelo, sur la
route du plerinage Jrusalem. Les nombreux patronages exercs par le saint, des
jeunes filles en qute de mari aux marchands et aux marins, en passant par les
enfants, attestent son immense popularit. Grce aux recherches menes depuis des
annes par le P. Cioffari et son Centro Studi Nicolaiani, la figure de lvque de
Myre nous est mieux connue, tant dans sa dimension historique que dans les aspects lis au folklore et la religion populaire.
La premire partie du volume comprend encore trois articles: A. M. TRIPPUTI,
I musei devozionali: luoghi della piet popolare e delle grazie (89-106): ces muses trs peu tudis refltent lhistoire du culte, la vie quotidienne du sanctuaire, sa
dimension thaumaturgique; les objets exposs relvent parfois de lart sacr mais,
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le plus souvent, il sagit dobjets trs simples: images pieuses, statuettes, souvenirs,
mdailles, vtements Parmi ceux-ci, les ex-voto revtent un intrt tout particulier. Ds le XVIIe s., les guides de certains sanctuaires mentionnent les collections
dex-voto (gallerie dei miracoli) qui y sont conserves. Les muses dvotionnels
sont les hritiers de ces collections. Lun des plus anciens est celui de Saint-Antoine
Padoue. Dans les Pouilles, lA. dcrit le contenu des principaux: le muse de la
basilique de Saint-Michel Monte SantAngelo, le Museo Nicolaiano de Bari, et
celui du sanctuaire de San Matteo San Marco in Lamis. Cest prcisment une
statue conserve dans ce sanctuaire quest ddie la contribution dE. CASTELLI,
Uso e riuso della statua di san Matteo nellomonimo santuario a San Marco in
Lamis: una questione aperta (107-113). Ce sanctuaire doit son origine un gte
dtape pour les plerins en route vers le Monte Gargano; une poque indtermine, il devint une abbaye bndictine place sous la protection de S. Jean (San
Giovanni de Lama), qui fut florissante au XIe s.; devenue cistercienne en 1311, elle
fut confie aux Frres Mineurs en 1578, lesquels, cause dune relique de S. Matthieu obtenue Salerne, lui donnrent le nom de lvangliste. La statue en question, qui reprsente aujourdhui S. Matthieu, et ce depuis au moins 1596, pourrait
avoir t lorigine (XIIIe s.) une statue du Christ bnissant. Le dernier article de
cette premire partie est une courte Biografia di padre Pio da Pietrelcina (115-120)
par F. CASTELLI. La basilique qui lui est ddie San Giovanni Rotondo est en
effet devenue le sanctuaire le plus frquent dItalie. La grande inspiration du capucin, savoir la construction de lhpital Casa sollievo della sofferenza, ne se
situe-t-elle pas dans la continuit dune tradition qui a rserv une grande place aux
saints thaumaturges, commencer par les SS. Cme et Damien auxquels pas moins
de huit sanctuaires de la rgion sont ddis ?
La deuxime partie du volume (168-316) est constitue, comme de coutume,
par les notices descriptives des cinquante-six sanctuaires et des cultes qui y sont
attachs. Chaque notice est suivie dune bibliographie. Liconographie est abondante et trs varie. Dans la premire partie, elle fait une large place au folklore et
la dvotion populaire, avec de nombreuses photographies anciennes ou plus rcentes.
Dans la seconde, elle sattache davantage aux difices et aux objets. On attend avec
impatience le second volume sur les sanctuaires mariaux.
R. GODDING

Lubomra HAVLKOVA Peter IVANI Martin HETNYI. In the Footsteps


of St. Cyril and Methodius. Selective Bibliography of Works from
Bohemia and Slovakia Published in 1945-2011. Nitra, Univerzita
Kontantina Filozofa v Nitre, 2013, 238 p. [ISBN 978-80-558-0431-6]
This bibliography is a bilingual publication in English and Slovak, the latter
title being Po stopch Sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Vberov bibliografia eskch a slovenskch prc za roky 1945-2011. As the title indicates, the bibliography lists works
published in Bohemia, which includes Moravia, and Slovakia, and not all the works
written by Czech and Slovak scholars are listed, e.g. only seven of the over thirty
publications of Frantiek Dvornk between 1945 and 1974. This does not, however,
diminish the value of this handy bibliography since such works are listed in other
Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015).

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bibliographies and it remains a very useful reference work since it lists 2180 books
and articles published in no fewer than 103 periodicals (listed on pp. 39-43), not a
few of which are rarely available in other countries.
The entries for each year are divided into two sections: the first lists monographs, dictionaries, university textbooks, and collections of articles, misleadingly
called proceedings since not all are of conferences, while the second lists articles
and studies, viz. the entries in periodicals and proceedings. All titles in Cyrillic
have been transliterated into Latin script and all the editions of individual works
have been listed separately, which is understandable when the later edition(s) have
been revised and augmented but perhaps superfluous when they are merely reprints,
which could have been noted under the first edition, e.g. nos. 5 and 9 and nos. 1177
and 1192.
Since the overwhelming majority of the entries have been published in either
Czech or Slovak, which are mutually intelligible, the added value of the English
translation of the Introduction (p. 20) and the brief account of the mission of the
two brothers, entitled St Cyril and Methodiuss Mission in Great Moravia (pp. 3138) is somewhat limited. Incidentally, it is a pity that the English was not checked
by a native speaker since it is frequently incorrect as the very title shows (St. Cyril
instead of SS. Cyril), although the translation will in places amuse the reader, e.g.
Nicholas I died on November 14, 867, after a long service (p. 33), and in only a very
few cases is it incomprehensible, e.g. Wiching was bishop of Nitra under the Zobor
(p. 35). However, this is only a minor blemish on an otherwise very useful reference
work.
F. J. THOMSON
.

[The Good Helmsman. The Cult of Saint Nicholas in the Christian World]. Ed. Aleksandr V. BUGAYEVSKY. Moscow, Skinija,
2011, 598 pp., ill. [ISBN 978-5-86544-027-7]

This collection of twenty-eight articles is based on the papers delivered at a


conference at Bari in 2007 and is intended not only for specialists but also for a
wider circle of readers. It is divided into three sections: hagiography, hymnography
and iconography. All the articles are in Russian but have rsums, 23 in English, 3
in German and 2 in Italian and to save space titles based on those of the rsums
will be given here but with the correction of the errors in their translation. The preface (pp. 6-8) by Archbishop Pavel Ponomarv of Ryazan and Kasimov (since 2013
Metropolitan of Minsk) is more of a sermon than a paper and in it he draws attention
to the great Russian veneration of Nicholas by pointing out that prior to 1917 some
200 of the 1000 or so churches in the archdiocese of Ryazan were dedicated to the
saint (p. 8).
The first article in the section hagiography is Focus on Byzantine Sources.
An Attempt at Hagiographical Reconstruction (pp. 10-34) by A. Bugayevsky, which
contains his Russian translations of 23 tales about Nicholas and miracles wrought
by him in which he has eliminated the mistakes which are the result of the faulty

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transmission of the accounts. In Heiliger Nikolaus zwischen Hagiographie und


Archologie (pp. 36-55) A. Vinogradov gives four examples where the realia in an
account of a miracle point to a specific site, e.g. those of the Praxis de stratelatis
(BHG 1379z-1350) to Andriake, the port of Myra in Lycia. From Michael the
Archimandrites Vita of Nicholas (BHG 1348) it is known that Nicholas died on 6
December and Bugayevsky in his second article, Greek Texts on St Nicholas Deeds
and Miracles as a Historical Source (pp. 56-99), argues that some of the tales and
miracles are not of the 9th or 10th century as usually considered but are of the 8th or
even 6th century and on the basis of details in several of them (BHG 1349-1352) he
concludes that Nicholas died in 334 (pp. 66-68). While not challenging this conclusion, this reviewer remains somewhat sceptical as to the value of many tales
about Nicholas as historical sources.
Vinogradov in his second short contribution, Griechische hagiographische
berlieferung des heiligen Nikolaus. Probleme und Perspektiven (pp. 100-107),
considers that the various collections of miracles which are the basis of the Vitae go
back as far as the 4th or at the latest to the early 5th century, while new discoveries
have shown that the conflation of the Vitae of Nicholas of Myra and Nicholas of
Sion is more complicated than Anrich thought and on pages 104-106 he publishes a
useful table of the episodes in six versions.
It is scarcely surprising that G. Cioffari, director of the Centro di Studi Nicolaiani and of the archives and library of the Basilica at Bari where St Nicholas relics
are kept, should make a contribution to this collection, Le fonti latine su San Nicola
anteriori al X secolo (pp. 108-165), but what is surprising is that his introduction
(pp. 108-109) begins with an attack on the Bollandists, who in his opinion are responsible both for the widely held view that the first Latin work devoted to Nicholas
is his Vita by John of Naples in the late ninth century and for the fact that the saint
has been not been exhaustively studied because, firstly, they never published the
December volume of the Acta Sanctorum and, secondly, they consider that after the
study and edition of the sources relative to the saint by the Alsatian scholar Gustav
Anrich (1867-1930) nothing remains to be done. The neglect of sources prior to the
tenth century he blames on the fact that the list of sources in the BHL begins with
the Vita by John, for which in his first footnote he gives the reference: Bibliotheca
Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis ediderunt socii Bollandiani.
Bruxellis, 1898-1899. A-I. P. 890-899, which does not inspire the readers confidence since the saints name begins with N and is in volume K-Z published at
Brussels in 1900-1901, pp. 890-899. Cioffari has clearly overlooked the fact that in
the BHL the order of the entries under a saints name are not listed in chronological
order but in order of relative importance: Vitae, miracles, epitomes, chronicles and
accounts of the invention and translation of relics so that the fact that Johns Vita is
listed first is hardly misleading. Despite the introduction Cioffaris article is an important contribution to the collection and contains not only a description of the
sources but also the edition of the Latin version of the Praxis de stratelatis in the
Passionarium Romanum (pp. 113-117) which he dates to the 4th century (p. 109),
the account of Archbishop Sergius of Ravenna in the Liber pontificalis Ecclesiae
Ravennatis in which Nicholas is involved (pp. 120-121), the Vita in Rhabanus

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Maurus Martyrologium (pp. 125, 128-129), three early hymns (pp. 132-139) and
John of Naples Vita S Nicolai (pp. 140-163), all accompanied by a Russian translation.
K. Ivanovas contribution, Texts Devoted to St Nicholas in the Balkan Cyrillic
Calendar of Saints (pp. 166-175) gives the details of twenty-one Slavonic translations of works devoted to St Nicholas in Bulgarian, Moldavian and Serbian manuscripts as well as of two eulogies of the saint ascribed to the Bulgarian Bishop
Clement of Ochrid and in each case the earliest traced manuscript is indicated. She
rightly stresses the necessity of comparing all their texts with those in East Slav
manuscripts as the latter in some cases preserve the original text more accurately
(p. 171). In Ancient Slavic Manuscripts of Miracles of St Nicholas of Myra in Lycia.
Problems of Slavonic Translation (pp. 176-187) I. Makeyeva examines the cycle of
Nicholas miracles in three important MSS and correctly points out that the earliest
translation is the Miracle of the Three Stratelatae and that the Miracle of the Saracen wrought jointly by SS. Nicholas and George is of Bulgarian origin, but she
strangely gives an incorrect call number for codex F.p.I.46 in the Russian National
library (she omits 46) and dates codex 215 in the collection of Aleksey Khludov in
the State History Museum to the 13th cent., whereas it is generally considered to be
of the early 15th cent.
According to the Vita of King Stephen Uro III (1321-1331) of Serbia by
Gregory Tsamblak St Nicholas appeared three times to Stephen and in Sul legame
tra Ssn Stefano di Deani e San Nicola (di Bari) (pp. 188-191) A. Naumov deals
with the fact that by the sixteenth cent. his cult had spread and that Gregory Tsamblaks Vita was inserted into the Russian Illuminated Chronicle ( )
with thirty-one miniatures, of which the 3rd, 8th and 20th depict these appearances
and in the second half of the century he is depicted on Serb icons and frescoes of
Stephen. The following contribution by V. Guminsky, St Nicholas and the Early
Russian Tradition of Pilgrimage (pp. 192-204), represents an astonishing case of
editorial incompetence since the English rsum on p. 204 is in fact a second translation of the beginning of the rsum of the article by V. Sarabyanov on St Nicholas in the murals of the cathedral of St Sophia at Kiev (cf. p. 463) and has nothing
whatsoever to do with Guminskys article, which is a pity since despite its title it
contains an interesting description not only of early Russian pilgrims visits to Myra
and Bari but also of Russian travellers visits to Bari down to the visit of the future
Tsar Nicholas II in 1892.
The first article in the section hymnography, Saint Nicholas of Myra in
Byzantine Hymnography, by M. Zheltov (pp. 208-221) gives a survey of fifty-five
canons, more than to any other saint, as well as four kontakia and two akathistos
hymns. This is then followed by a list of the canons with their incipits (pp. 214216), a list of their approximate chronological order (pp. 217-218) and the editio
princeps of a supplicatory canon found in codex Vatic. Palat. gr. 128, accompanied
by his own Church Slavonic translation of it (pp. 218-221). M. Yovcheva in her article, The Establishment of a Weekly Commemoration of Saint Nicholas of Myra in
the Byzantine and Slavonic Oktoechoi of the 10th-14th Centuries (pp. 222-231), traces
the inclusion of the commemoration under the influence of the Constantinopolitan

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tradition in the 10th cent. down to its final establishment in the 13th in the Greek octoechos and the slower inclusion in the Slavonic octoechus, which was accelerated in
the 13th cent. by the introduction of the Euergetis typicon and confirmed by the
Neo-Sabaitic typicon in the 14th. The earliest Slavonic MS to contain kontakia in
honour of St Nikolas is codex K-5349 of the late 11th or early 12th cent. in the State
Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow, and the manuscript is described and the two kontakia
and one oikos edited by T. Vladyshevskaya in Kontakia in Honour of Saint Nicholas
of Myra in the Oldest Russian Chant Repertory, Tipografsky Typicon & Kontakarion (11th-12th Century) (pp. 232-237; kontakia ed. p. 234, oikos p. 236). S.
Cherkasovas article, Russian Hymnography for the Feast of the Translation of the
Relics of Saint Nicholas of Myra (pp. 238-251), is devoted to the development of
the office for the feast on 9 May, which is edited with the musical score on the basis
of 17th-cent. codex 65 in the collection of the celebrated historian of ecclesiastical
music Dmitry Razumovsky in the Russian State Library.
The final article in the section hymnography is Holy Processions in Honour
of St Nicholas by G. Romanov (pp. 252-279), which might better have been included
in the section iconography since his icon was always carried in the processions.
The claim that these processions go back to the 1090s (p. 253) is unproven since it
depends on the miracle of the boy saved from drowning in the Dnieper by St Nicholas, which could have taken place in the 1190s. The question cannot, however, be
examined here. The processions, some made by boat along rivers, did not only take
place on the saints feasts but on many other occasions, e.g. on the day on which a
church had been dedicated to St Nicholas or when a particular miracle-working
icon was celebrated. The icon of St Nicholas the Warrior became a symbol of the
protection of Russia from enemies, so much so that when in 1552 the residents of
Solikolamsk appealed to Ivan the Terrible for troops to defend their town, he sent
them an icon (p. 263). Processions also protected towns from plague, e.g. Volokolamsk (p. 272), and other calamities, e.g. Tomsk (p. 270). St Nicholas was also
a protector of harvests and processions took place in the fields with prayers for rain
(pp. 275-276). Despite Soviet anti-religious measures processions in which thousands participated did take place (p. 277) and since the fall of communism many
have been revived.
The section iconography begins with a general introduction by N. Patterson
evenko, Saint Nicholas in Byzantine Art (pp. 282-295, 15 ill.), in which it is
pointed out that the saint was popular not as a martyr, healer or theologian but as
someone who restored order and justice for the individual in a turbulent world. For
M. Bacci, Iconography of St Nicholas. Results and Prospects (pp. 296-317, 29 ill.)
the exhibition of the iconography of the Saint at Bari from December 2006 to May
2007 had provided an excellent opportunity to stress the major role played by icons
in the cult of St Nicholas and to counter the claim of Charles W. Jones (1905-1989)
in his book St Nicholas of Myra, Bari and Manhattan (Chicago 1978) that it is the
literary tradition which is decisive. He includes a bibliography of 84 books and articles on the saint and his icons (p. 297).
In his article Iconography of St Nicholas in the Medieval Art of Southern Italy
(pp. 318-335, 29 ill.) V. Pace examines twenty frescoes with portrayals of the saint.

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In The Bari Roots of Russian Carved Icons of St Nicholas, 14 th-18th Centuries (pp.
336-365, 32 ill.) A. Ryndina suggests that the earliest one at Mozhaysk (ill. 9-10)
was made by someone who had seen the silver sculpture placed over the sepulchre
at Bari in 1319 and the votive icon sent to Bari by King Stephen Uro III of Serbia
(ill. 18). In Images of Archbishop Nicholas of Myra in Lycia with Selected Saints.
Special Features of Russian Iconographic Versions (pp. 366-381, ill. 1-17) E.
Smirnova describes two variant groups of icons in which other saints are portrayed
with him, the first with only their busts and the second with their entire bodies.
Special attention is paid to icons which include Russian saints. I. Sterlingova devotes her contribution, Precious Icons of St Nicholas in Mediaeval Russia (pp. 382409, 37 ill.), to icons and pectoral crosses with gold, silver and jewels, which were
second only in the richness of their decoration to those of Our Lady. E. HausteinBartsch describes a 19th-cent. icon in the collection of the Ikonen-Museum at
Recklinghausen which has three medallions, a large one portraying Nicholas, two
smaller ones portraying his miracles and a background with his miraculous healing
of Prince Mstislav of Novgorod in 1113, Die Ikone des heiligen Nikolaus vom
Jaroslav-Hof (Nikolaj Dvorienskij) und ihre Legende (pp. 410-417, 11 ill.).
In her article Saint Nicholas in Post-Byzantine Iconography (pp. 418-425, 9
ill.) M. Vassilaki examines the influence of Cretan icon painters Andreas Ritzos and
Angelos Akotantos of the fifteenth century. The Image of Saint Nicholas the Thaumaturge in Russian Miniatures (pp. 426-445, 25 ill.) is the subject of E. Serebryakovas contribution. The earliest is of the 14th cent. but she pays special attention
to the codex with 408 miniatures made for Ivan the Terrible and a copy of it made a
century later for Tsar Alexius as they illustrate the underlying stylistic development
(pp. 428-430). She also deals with the miniatures of Nicholas in the Illuminated
Chronicle with its thousands of miniatures also made for Ivan the Terrible (pp. 428430). The Image of St Nicholas the Thaumaturge in the Murals of the Cathedral of
St Sophia in Kiev in which he is portrayed once in the mosaics and twice in the
frescoes is the theme of Vladimir Sarabyanovs article (pp. 446-463, 18 ill.) but his
conclusion that they bear witness to a special veneration of the saint in Russia is
exaggerated as they are the work of Byzantine artists and many Russians were still
pagans in c. 1040 when the cathedral was decorated.
The icons of St Nicholas of the River Velikaya are all the same in that in the
centre is a portrait of St Nicholas and around him are illustrations of eight episodes
in his Life but just as written texts have various redactions so copies of icons have
subtle stylistic changes and these are the subject of M. Makhankos contribution:
The Vologda Version of the Icon St Nicholas of the River Velikaya. On Various
Redactions of the Hagiographical Version of the Miracle-Working Image (pp. 464483, 12 ill.). Mikhail de Buar (1939-2009) had a collection of some six hundred
icons and A. Preobrazhensky describes his icons of St Nicholas, the earliest being
of the 14th cent., in The Icons of St Nicholas in the Collection of Mikhail de Buar
(Yelizavetin) (pp. 484-521, 12 ill.) [The art critic Lyubov Yelizavetina was his fifth
wife]. In 2004 the businessman Mikhail Abramov founded a private Museum of the
Russian Icon at Moscow and N. Zadorozhny, its director, and I. Shalina describe its
icons of St Nicholas, the earliest being of the 14th cent. and the most recent an Old

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Believer icon of the 19th cent.: Icons of St Nicholas in the Private Museum of the
Russian Icon (pp. 522-549, 21 ill.). There is also a picture of the museums interior
(p. 523). The last contribution, The Typology of the Early Russian Iconography of
St Nicholas of Myra, XI-XVI Centuries (pp. 550-591, 33 ill.), is by I. Shalina, who
points out that whereas the Byzantine tradition underwent little change over the
centuries the Russian tradition did change, which is illustrated by the reproductions.
Among the various versions St Nicholas of Mozhaysk (pp. 561-564) and St Nicholas of Zaraysk (pp. 564-569) are common as is the combination of SS. Nicholas and
George (pp. 569-571).
In conclusion, one aspect of the entire book must be stressed: it is printed on
glossy paper and the quality of the illustrations is quite simply superb.
F. J. THOMSON

Jacques DALARUN. La Vie retrouve de Franois dAssise (= Sources


franciscaines). Paris, ditions franciscaines, 2015, 164 p. [ISBN 9782-85020373-2]
Au moment o nos lecteurs auront pris connaissance, dans la prsente livraison des AB, du texte latin de la Vita beati patris nostri Francisci (ou Vita brevior)
de Thomas de Celano, rcemment dcouvert par Jacques Dalarun, ils seront heureux dapprendre que le mme diteur en a simultanment prpar une traduction
franaise. Celle-ci, due celui qui est aussi le matre duvre de la nouvelle traduction franaise du corpus des sources franciscaines (cf. AB, 129 [2011], p. 188190), offre ainsi lavantage dune grande cohrence vis--vis de celle des autres
uvres de Thomas de Celano. Aprs avoir brivement rappel les circonstances de
la dcouverte, lintroduction situe la Vita brevior dans le contexte de la Question
franciscaine. Comme on la lu dans les pages qui prcdent, elle apparat comme
la source exclusive de la Legenda ad usum chori (que lon croyait jusqu prsent
forme partir de la Vita prima); elle fut aussi utilise, conjointement la Vita
prima, par Julien de Spire dans sa Vita S. Francisci. Ces trois textes furent composs sous le gnralat du Frre lie, entre 1232 et 1239.
la question de savoir ce que la Vita brevior apporte de neuf au dossier du
Poverello, J. D. donne une rponse circonstancie. Mme si les 71 miracles quelle
relate nous taient dj connus par le Mmorial rdig vers 1250, il nest pas indiffrent de savoir quils avaient dj t mis par crit une quinzaine dannes auparavant; et la version la plus ancienne nous offre sans doute une formulation plus
prcise, des dtails plus proches de la ralit. La Vita brevior ne se contente pas
dabrger la Vita prima: elle lactualise. On y trouve consigns la translation la
nouvelle basilique Saint-Franois (25 mai 1230), le titre dvque dOstie du cardinal Raynald (1231), la canonisation dAntoine de Padoue (30 mai 1232), la mort
de Jean Parenti, ministre gnral de 1227 1232, et surtout, trente-trois nouveaux
miracles posthumes attestant lactualit de la saintet de Franois et lefficacit de
son intercession. Elle nous livre aussi quelques dtails indits sur le saint lui-mme:
ainsi la faon dont il rparait sa tunique, non pas avec des fils mais avec des corces
darbres ou de plante. Quelques pisodes, qui nous taient connus par des crits
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plus tardifs, y apparaissent pour la premire fois dans toute leur fracheur: Franois
saccroupissant dans un coin et demandant laumne, parce quil juge que la table
dresse par ses frres est trop somptueuse; Franois se prosternant aux pieds dun
paysan qui lavait exhort rester fidle lui-mme; Franois, encore dans le sicle,
se rendant Rome en voyage daffaires (et non en plerinage comme le dira plus
tard la Lgende des trois compagnons) et voulant faire lexprience de la misre des
pauvres. Pour J. D., le fait que ces pisodes viennent sous la plume de Thomas
aprs 1232 nest pas un hasard: la monte en puissance des frres prtres et des universitaires dans lOrdre conduit lhagiographe rappeler le sens bien rel, et non
symbolique, de la pauvret vcue et voulue par Franois. Par contre, si la Vita brevior passe sous silence le fameux moment o Franois se dpouille de ses vtements,
cest sans doute pour navoir pas rappeler le geste de lvque dAssise couvrant
Franois de son manteau: geste de porte juridique, qui aurait pu encourager les
vques revendiquer lautorit sur les Frres Mineurs dans leur diocse, alors que
lexemption de lOrdre constituait, tant pour ce dernier que pour le Saint-Sige, un
lment essentiel.
Une lecture attentive fait encore apparatre une volution significative dans le
chef de Thomas de Celano. L o la Vita prima dcrivait un Franois ravi devant
les cratures, la Vita brevior en prcise les fondements profonds: Il nommait
toutes les cratures du nom de frre en raison de leur unique principe. Si tous sont
frres et surs, cest parce quils sont tous fils et filles dun mme Pre. Une perspective mditer par ceux qui aujourdhui ne voient en Franois quun amoureux
de la nature.
Il faut savoir gr J. D. davoir voulu sans tarder mettre sa dcouverte la
disposition du public le plus large. La mme traduction, cette fois annote, sera publie dans la revue tudes franciscaines, avec un tableau de concordances entre la
Vita brevior et onze autres lgendes franciscaines primitives. Des traductions anglaise et italienne, entre autres, sont en prparation. Le petit volume manuscrit qui
nous a conserv le texte (lequel en occupe peine plus du dixime), doit lui aussi
faire lobjet dune tude approfondie: son contenu, o lon trouve notamment les
Admonitions de Franois (il en est le plus ancien tmoin) et un commentaire du
Notre Pre, mais aussi un ensemble de traits, sermons, florilges, livres bibliques,
devra tre soigneusement analys et pourrait encore livrer des surprises.
R. GODDING

- .
( ) -
[The Slavo-Russian Synaxarium Based on the Earliest Manuscripts].
I: [Text and Commentary] .
. . . . .
. . Moscow, , 2010, LXXXIX-822 . II: . [Indices. Studies] . . .

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BULLETIN

. . . Moscow,
, 2011, 855 p. [ISBN 978-5-91172-041-4]
In view of its variable contents the textology of the Slavonic synaxarium is
extremely complicated and there can be no doubt but that this book makes a most
important contribution to the solution of many questions. In the introduction the
editor-in-chief, Vadim Krysko, rightly remarks (I, p. V) that the various theories
and hypotheses about its development can only be judged on the basis of critical
editions and the first volume contains the edition of the earliest codex of the first
redaction in which the Vitae are not accompanied by brief edificatory readings taken
from homilies, paterica and other works (I, pp. 2-802). The manuscript in question,
codex 1324 in the collection of the Cathedral of St Sophia in the Russian National
Library, St Petersburg, is a convolute, the first 160 folia of which are of the late
twelfth or early thirteenth century and contain the Vitae of September to February,
whereas folia 161-371 of the thirteenth century are a later addition containing edificatory readings also in kalendar order. As the latter were not in the earliest redaction
they have not been included in this edition. Unfortunately the codex is defective
and only contains readings for September 1, 4, 23-25, 30, October 1-January 14 and
January 26-February 28. The lacunae have been filled by Vitae taken mainly from
two other MSS, the earliest dated MS, codex 187 in the collection of Aleksey
Khludov of either 1262 or 1282 (the third letter is ambiguously written) in the State
History Museum, Moscow, usually referred to as the Lobkov synaxarium after its
former owner, and codex 156 of the late 13th or early 14th century in the collection
of the Synodal Typography in the Russian State Archives of Early Acts, Moscow,
sometimes referred to as the Pskov synaxarium, although its origin is not absolutely
certain. All of the variant readings of these MSS have also been listed in the apparatus criticus and where they do not contain an entry of the Sophia codex the variants of codex 239 in the Russian Synodal collection in the State History Museum,
which was copied at Pskov in 1313, are given. In addition no fewer than thirty-two
other MSS and thirteen fragmentary MSS are quoted in the very detailed apparatus
criticus in order to establish the original readings. It should be noted that although
the Sophia codex is of East Slav origin it does not contain a Vita of any Russian
saint and for that reason the Russian saints in the later MSS have not been included
but their presence is noted in the apparatus criticus.
The Slavonic edition is accompanied by the Greek text which is closest to the
Slavonic translation. It is based on codex Vaticanus graecus 2046 of the late 12th or
early 13th century of Italo-Greek origin, in addition to which three other Greek codices in the collection of Ivan Dujev at Sofia as well as two printed editions,
Mignes edition of the Menologium of Basil and Hippolyte Delehayes of the synaxarium of Constantinople, were consulted. One drawback of the Greek apparatus
criticus is that it also occasionally gives the readings of codices used by Delehaye,
which are referred to by his abbreviations without any indication of the manuscript
to which they refer.
Delehayes abbreviations: Fa: Codex Parisiensis 1590 of 1063. H: Codex Hierosolymitanus S. Crucis 41 of 10-11th c. K: Codex Petropolitanus 240 of 1249. L: Codex Musei

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Britannici add. 24. 378 of 14th c. Me (not ME): Codex Parisiensis Coislin. 309 of 14th c.
R: Codex Petropolitanus 227 of 12th c. Sa: Codex Parisiensis 1594 of 12th c. T: Codex
Taurinensis C. I. 12 of 14th c. Leid: Codex Leidensis Vossiano Quarto 54 of 15th c.

The fact that the closest Greek text is of Italo-Greek origin is just one more
instance of the Italo-Greek influence on the beginnings of Slav literature, to which
Aleksey Pentkovsky refers in his article in the second volume,
, The Greek Original of the Slav Synaxarium and its Location (pp. 651-664), and correctly concludes (p. 661) that the
Slavonic translation was probably made in Macedonia in the eleventh century.
This is also borne out by the fact that the translation has South Slavisms such as
(I, p. 792) for potter, , and (I, p. 210) for priest,
. The Greek text used for the translation cannot antedate the late tenth century as some saints of that time are included, e.g. Phantinus iunior of Calabria is
mentioned for 14 November (I, p. 352). The apparatus criticus is very dense because not only lexical variants are listed but also phonetic, orthographic, morphological and syntactic ones, which are of interest for Slavists but not so much for
hagiographers or Byzantinists. However, since the text is not being reconstructed
attention is drawn to the obviously original readings in the apparatus by underlining
them.
The second volume begins with a list of the misprints in the edition in vol. I
(II, pp. 6-13), almost all of which are minor, e.g. about half of them are incorrect
accents on Greek words. This is followed by nine tables: 1 (pp. 26-315): a Slavonic
> Greek list of all the words and the forms in which they occur in the Sophia codex;
2 (pp. 316-450): a similar list of all of the words and their forms in the MSS used to
fill the lacunae of the Sophia codex; 3. (pp. 451-463): a similar list of all the words
not found either in the Sophia codex or in the passages from other MSS filling its
lacunae but readings in other codices which clearly go back to the original and were
therefore underlined in the apparatus criticus; 4 (pp. 464-501): a list of all the Slavonic words found in lists 1-3; 5 (pp. 502-539) a reverse list of all the words in list
4; 6 (pp. 540-626): a Greek > Slavonic glossary which shows the various ways in
which Greek words were rendered; 7 (pp. 627-640): a list of the names of saints,
feasts and events commemorated with their dates; 8 (pp. 641-643): a Slavonic >
Greek incipitarium of the sixty-eight liturgical tropes found in the edition; 9 (pp.
644-647): a Greek > Slavonic incipitarium of sixty-four liturgical tropes found in
the edition which are listed in Enrica Follieris Initia hymnorum Ecclesiae Graecae
(vols i-vbis, 1960-1966). In this context it is to be regretted that they did not add the
references to Dieter Sterns Incipitarium liturgischer Hymnen in ostslavischen Handschriften des 11. bis 13. Jahrhunderts (vols i-iii, 2008).
These tables are then followed by five articles, the first of which is Aleksey
Pentkovskys mentioned above. This is followed by Larisa Prokopenkos ( -), The Characteristics of the Translation of the Synaxarium (based on the data for SeptemberFebruary) (pp. 665-689), in which she points out that the translation was made from
a Greek MS of Hippolyte Delehayes redaction B*, which was closest to codex Vaticanus graecus 2046. The most important of the three other Greek MSS consulted
is codex Sophiensis 240 in the collection of Ivan Dujev at Sofia, only 45 folios of
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which survive but they are of the late 10 or early 11th century and belong to family
B*, to which the Menologium of Basil also belongs. Although the Slavonic translation is closest to the Vatican codex it has twenty-nine commemorations in common
with the Menologium of Basil, e.g. the Vitae of Veronica for 4 October, that of
Gregentius for 21 December and of Philadelphus for 8 February (for the list see p.
666, n. 6), and where the Vatican MS has a different redaction from that in the Menologium the Slavonic often follows the latter, e.g. Empress Theophano for 16 December and Melania of Rome for 31 of December. However, the Vatican codex
and the Slavonic translation often have minor details not in the Menologium, e.g.
name of the place where the saint was born and the names of his parents (for some
examples see p. 668, nn. 17-18), which, as she points out, probably means that they
are closer to the archetype of B* than the Menologium of Basil is.
The third article, also by Prokopenko, is entitled
() -, The Textology of the Synaxarium for SeptemberFebruary (pp. 690-759), which deals with the appearance of the second expanded
redaction in which many Vitae were revised, new Vitae added, others moved to different dates and brief edificatory readings first included, which in some cases led to
texts being muddled (see pp. 694-697 for examples). The relations between the early
MSS are examined and the difficulties involved in trying to draw up a stemma are
illustrated by the fact that obviously original readings are sometimes found only in
later MSS, to give but one example, the original correct rendering of the phrase
in the prologue to the synaxarium by is only found in
three MSS of the fourteenth-century, codices 157 and 159 in the collection of the
Synodal Typography and codex 510 in the Rogozhsky Cemetery collection in the
State Library of Russia at Moscow, whereas all other MSS have the nonsensical
, it is ordered (see p. 703; for the edition see I, p. 1).
With regard to South Slav MSS (pp. 706-714) she points out that the previous
division of them into two redactions, an earlier one and a later one is not confirmed
by the variants. There are in fact two groups; the first has preserved original readings but also has secondary readings and has eradicated East Slavisms, whereas the
second group is characterized by many alterations and interpolations, but nevertheless preserves many passages that are closer to the original than those in the other
group. The earliest MS of the first group is the mid thirteenth-century Bulgarian
codex 72 in the collection of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, while that of the
second group is the Serbian codex Wuk 37 of the late thirteenth or early fourteenth
century of the Preuischer Kulturbesitz in the State Library at Berlin. At the end of
her article Prokopenko gives a table of 200 Greek words with the basic variants of
both redactions of the East Slav MSS and the two groups of the South Slav MSS in
fifteen parallel columns (pp. 716-759).
Of considerable value for Slav philologists but of lesser interest for hagiographers and Byzantinists are the last two articles devoted to a detailed analysis of
the language of Sophia codex 1324, the fourth is by Igor Ladyzhensky and entitled
- (pp.
760-797), The (Palaeo)Graphic-Orthographic Features of the Earliest Copy of the
Synaxarium, and the fifth is by Vadim Krysko and entitled -

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, The Morphological Features of


the Part of the Sophia Synaxarium with the Vitae (pp. 798-837).
In addition to the many commemorations the edition contains sixty-seven liturgical tropes which are found in the Sophia codex as well as one for St Euphemia
of Chalcedon on 16 November found in a thirteenth-century fragment preserved in
the Library at Lvov (ed. I, p. 76-78). Very few early Slav MSS contain tropes and
it has been suggested that they are a later addition in some MSS but, as Prokopenko
points out (p. 686), the tropes in Sophia codex 1324 are mostly the same as those in
codex Vaticanus graecus 2046 and were therefore translated at the same time as the
Vitae. Another seventeen that are not found in Sophia codex 1324 are in the fourteenth-century codex 1325 in the same collection of the cathedral of St Sophia in
the Russian National Library, St Petersburg, as well as one found in a fragment of a
codex preserved in Sweden, and these have been edited together with the Greek originals by Prokopenko in an appendix to the volume (pp. 838-852).
The edition has two minor defects which are not user-friendly: the list of abbreviations of works quoted in vol. I, pp. X-XV, is also valid for vol. II so that the
articles in the second volume sometimes use abbreviations which are only found in
the first volume and, secondly, both in the bibliography of works cited in vol. I, pp.
X-XV, and in most of the bibliographies at the end of each article in vol. II, the pages
of the periodicals in which articles quoted were published are not given. However,
this does not detract from the importance of the editio princeps of the earliest Slavonic synaxarium with the variants of thirty-two MSS together with the Greek original. The edition is the result of the collaboration of Russian and Bulgarian scholars:
the text of the Sophia codex was prepared by Veselka Zhelyazkova, while the passages taken from other manuscripts were prepared by Olga Shevchuk, who together
with Larisa Prokopenko was responsible for the variant readings. The latter also
edited the Greek text, while the final text of the Sophia codex and the variant readings were checked by Igor Ladyshevsky and the coordinator and editor-in-chief of
the project was Vadim Krysko. All five of them are to be congratulated on their
most valuable contribution to the study of the Slavonic synaxarium.
F. J. THOMSON

Mitchell B. MERBACK. Pilgrimage and Pogrom. Violence, Memory, and


Visual Culture at the Host-Miracle Shrines of Germany and Austria.
University of Chicago Press, 2012, XII-382 p. + 20 pl. [ISBN 978-0226-52019-3]
Du milieu du XIIIe s. lavnement de la Rforme surgirent en Occident de
nombreuses lgendes mettant en scne la sainte Eucharistie, relique par excellence
du corps du Christ pour les mdivaux. Dans plusieurs dizaines de cas, ces rcits
imputent des Juifs des profanations dhosties. Bien quelles prsentent des variantes locales, ces traditions, trs codifies, trouvent leur prototype dans la relation
dun sacrilge survenu Paris en 1290, et se dclinent grosso modo selon un mme
scnario. Un Juif (ou plusieurs), ayant acquis illgitimement une hostie, la soumet

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015).

226

BULLETIN

en secret divers svices, au point que celle-ci se met saigner. Affol, limpie
tente de la faire disparatre mais un miracle signale sa prsence. Le clerg la rcupre alors solennellement tandis que le coupable est jug et, souvent, excut. On
difie par la suite une chapelle commmorative lendroit prcis o lhostie fut
souille et, dans le mme temps, rvla sa substance relle. Ce type de lgende
connut un succs ingal dans lespace germanique (lhistorien P. Browe a tabli
que sur 48 cas connus daccusations, 35 manent de ces rgions). titre de comparaison, seule une affaire incriminant explicitement des Juifs est atteste dans les
Pays-Bas (Bruxelles, 1370), o pourtant les host-miracles furent aussi trs populaires. M. M. sest ds lors attach tudier ces lgendes entre 1300 et 1520 dans
quatre rgions mridionales du Saint-Empire: la Franconie, la Souabe, la Bavire et
la Basse-Autriche. Les sanctuaires de plerinage qui furent rigs sur les lieux prsums de ces profanations, et la culture visuelle qui sy dployait, se trouvent au
cur de son enqute. Fruit dune dcade de recherches, et de frquentes visites in
situ, ltude de M. M. simpose dores et dj comme un ouvrage de rfrence sur
le sujet. Splendeur pour les yeux, ce superbe volume sur papier glac, aux nombreuses illustrations et au riche contenu, se distingue galement par une langue lgante, friande en jeux de mots et en formules percutantes.
Trois glises de plerinage, nes sur fond dhistoires dhosties supplicies,
retiennent particulirement lattention: celles du Saint-Sang dIphofen (Basse-Franconie, tablie aprs 1298), du Saint-Sang de Pulkau (Basse-Autriche, aprs 1338) et
du Saint-Sauveur de Passau (Bavire, 1479). Nous avons ici notons-le au passage
les deux titulatures les plus courantes, avec celle du Saint-Spulcre, attribues aux
host-miracle shrines. Plusieurs autres sanctuaires eucharistiques sont galement
considrs, tel celui de labbaye dAndechs (Bavire), o trois hosties, sans aucun
lien avec un quelconque mythe anti-juif cette fois, taient vnres. Tout au long
des neuf chapitres de louvrage, lA. sinterroge sur the interrelationships between
events, narrative, symbols and spaces (p. 46), quon peut identifier au vritable fil
rouge de lanalyse.
Dans cette formulation, lordre des mots et en particulier la place liminaire
occupe par le terme events ne doit rien au hasard. Car les vnements, eux,
furent indniables sur le plan historique. Plusieurs vagues de perscutions commencer par les massacres de 1298 (perptrs par les troupes de lnigmatique Rintfleisch) et de 1336-1339 (par larme du roi Armleder) dcimrent des dizaines
de communauts ashknazes et des milliers de vies. Ces tueries furent-elles chevilles aux accusations de profanations dhosties portes lencontre des Juifs,
comme le soutiennent la plupart des sources crites ? LA. consacre son chapitre
initial la question et ses rponses ne manquent pas dinterpeller. Les dossiers
dIphofen et, plus encore, de Deggendorf (Bavire), suggrent en effet que les accusations de sacrilge et leurs lgendes corrlatives, loin dtre les causes des violences contre les Juifs, furent souvent postrieures celles-ci. Nous aurions donc
affaire, du moins dans plusieurs cas, une modlisation mythique et rtrospective des vnements. Deggendorf, si une cinquantaine de Juifs furent effectivement tus en 1338, et si une inscription gothique lie le massacre la dcouverte du
corps de Dieu profan et lrection expiatoire de lglise du Saint-Spulcre,

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tout porte croire quil sagit dune operative fiction ne ultrieurement. Oui, il
y eut fondation dglise, mais dans le but dlargir le circuit processionnel suivi lors
des rituels de la Semaine sainte. Oui, il y eut un bain de sang, mais celui-ci fut dclench par des ressentiments dordre conomique et non par une rvolte spontane
dordre religieux. Iphofen, sige dune des plus anciennes host-sacrilegechurches, cest probablement linfluente famille des Hohenlohen qui, au bord de la
banqueroute en 1298, abandonna aux meutiers les Juifs, parmi lesquels se trouvaient ses cranciers, voire attisa le pogrom dans un contexte de rivalit avec
lvque de Wurzbourg. Ici aussi, la lgende du moins celle qui nous est parvenue tablissant un lien de cause effet entre une profanation dhostie et
lexplosion de violence semble postrieure aux faits. Comment ds lors expliquer
ces greffes narratives ultrieures ? Selon M. M., celles-ci servirent rationaliser la
perscution et le meurtre mais aussi tablir the cult pedigree of the shrine et
lexalter en vue de promouvoir les plerinages encore timides vers ces sanctuaires
eucharistiques. LA. sattache aussi aux liens existant entre ces accusations de sacrilge et celles de prtendus crimes rituels commis contre des chrtiens, dj suggrs par lhistoire du petit S. Werner, mis mort prs de Bacharach en 1287 par
des Juifs qui lavaient au pralable pendu par les pieds pour lobliger dglutir une
hostie. Dans plus dun cas, les gravures traduisent visuellement cet apparentement:
les corchures parsemant le corps de S. Simonin de Trente sont ainsi trs semblables celles infliges aux hosties.
Lglise dIphofen, au centre de laquelle se trouve une fosse solennise
(Senkgrube), o lhostie avait t soi-disant jete mais par miracle prserve de
la fange grce une toile daraigne ! amne lA. rflchir sur les interactions
entre lgende, sanctuaire et cult environment. La force de la premire modela-telle lamnagement du sanctuaire ? Est-ce, au contraire, la topographie du lieu ou
lexistence dune chapelle antrieure qui induisit les dtails de la lgende ? La prsence, frquente, de cavits souterraines dans les glises eucharistiques, par ex.
Erding (Bavire) et Heiligengrabe (Brandenburg), tmoignerait de transpositions
between eucharistic and sepulchral symbols and images (p. 56), et constituerait
autant dallusions au tombeau vide du Christ. La basilique du Saint-Spulcre Jrusalem a sans nul doute servi dinspiration architecturale plusieurs de ces sanctuaires hosties, comme Bren (Westphalie). Puits et sources figurent aussi rgulirement dans leurs lgendes de fondation et font lobjet du dernier chapitre du
livre.
Aucune de ces hosties mdivales mouchetes de sang, habituellement exposes dans une monstrance, et vnres dans une chapelle spciale comme lillustre
le retable de Seefeld (Tyrol), ne semble avoir survcu aux affres de la dcomposition. En revanche, la culture visuelle gnre par ces sanctuaires eucharistiques
et leurs host-miracles fondateurs, est encore abondante. Le magnifique retable
de Pulkau (haut de prs de dix mtres), ralis vers 1515-1520 la demande de
labb humaniste Chelidonius, son Christ de piti et les peintures antismites de
sa prdelle, font lobjet dune analyse minutieuse (chap. 2 et 3). Le site de Pulkau
savre particulirement intressant non seulement parce quil offre un exemple
rare o la chapelle et son mobilier nont pratiquement pas chang depuis des sicles

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mais aussi parce que, ds sa naissance en 1338, la lgende de lhostie outrage par
des Juifs fut entache de soupons de supercherie. Une enqute, ordonne par le
pape et mene par lvque de Passau, aboutit probablement innocenter les Juifs
(aucun document officiel ne subsiste cependant). Trente ans plus tt, Korneuburg, une enqute ecclsiastique similaire avait conclu quun clerc avait lui-mme
asperg de sang une hostie avant de la dposer sur le seuil dun de ses concitoyens
juifs. Au moyen de telles investigations, lglise cherchait avant tout reprendre le
contrle de phnomnes qui, par la frnsie quils suscitaient, lui chappaient en
partie. Il importait en outre que la vnration soit lgitime et se porte sur des objets
de dvotion authentiques. Korneuburg et Pulkau constituent des exemples prcoces
de ces proccupations thologiques sur les blood-miracles qui connatront leur
acm au XVe s. lors de la controverse autour du plerinage de Wilsnack. Pourtant,
malgr les doutes mis, le culte de lhostie miraculeuse se perptua Pulkau.
From Bleeding Host to Cult Image ?: la question pose par M. M. soulve un vrai
dbat. Il est en effet probable que, entre la fin du XIVe et le dbut du XVIe s.,
lhostie dite miraculeuse fut eventually, quietly, phased out of public visibility, et
que la vnration fut recentre subrepticement sur le retable et donc sur une image.
Ltude de M. M. savre trs fconde pour liconographie eucharistique,
quil sagisse de reprsentations de la sainte hostie, des prtendues profanations
mais aussi des images de Christ souffrant. Les devotionalia, savoir les insignes
de plerinage ou autres gravures commmoratives mises par les sanctuaires, ont
eux aussi retenu lattention. Le lecteur dcouvre avec intrt nombre de documents
mconnus, parfois spectaculaires mentionnons par ex. cet tonnant couteau juif
figur au sein dun pamphlet de 1529 (p. 141) ou cette belle gravure colore de
1487 montrant lostension des reliques sur le Fischmarkt de Nremberg (pl. 13).
Ces illustrations ne datent pas seulement de la fin du Moyen ge mais aussi de
lpoque moderne, tmoignant du mme coup de la persistance de ces lgendes,
voire du regain dintrt quelles suscitrent alors. Si liconographie est donc traite
avec grand soin, les aspects littraires ou proprement historiques de ces lgendes
font lobjet dune attention bien moindre. Deux exemples parmi dautres: les prcdents littraires, notamment byzantins, de ces mythes antismites sont voqus
brivement, sans le moindre dveloppement. Mme constat pour le rle jou par
les Ordres mendiants dans ces agitations anti-juives.
Au terme classique diconographie, lA. prfre celui de visual culture.
En effet, davantage quaux spcificits techniques des uvres analyses, M. M.
sintresse plutt la perception quelles induisirent chez leurs contemporains. Ce
concept de perception nous semble central dans lapproche adopte. Il implique
un exercice dlicat car les interprtations, on sen doute, furent multiples et ambivalentes. Certaines lectures de liconographie, forcment subjectives, ne rencontrent
pas toujours une pleine adhsion. Dautres grnent plusieurs exgses possibles
qui, tout en tant plausibles, demeurent invrifiables. Ainsi, le Christ de piti de
Pulkau est successivement dfini comme orant, intercesseur misricordieux, juge
menaant, et acteur majeur dune elaborately staged Pestbild. Les peintures antismites de la prdelle du retable, retraant le sacrilge allgu de 1338, font lobjet
dune analyse pousse et donnent lieu, elles aussi, quatre lectures. Parmi celles-ci,

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la volont de dnigrer les rites juifs nous parat probante. Ajoutons ce propos que
nombre de lgendes de profanation se droulent aux alentours de la Semaine sainte,
soit un moment o la proximit voire la simultanit de la Pque juive et de la
fte chrtienne de Pques, pouvait en effet exacerber les tensions. Autre vise manifeste du peintre: le souci, didactique, de dmontrer la prsence relle dans lEucharistie. Confront aux critiques des polmistes juifs (qui raillaient ce pain
pollu), le principe de transsubstantiation inhrent lhostie soulevait aussi des
doutes chez les chrtiens, alors qumergeait lentement mais srement une pense
rationnelle et empirique.
Un chapitre entier (chap. 7), relatif lostensio reliquiarum, rappelle par
ailleurs limportance de lexprience visuelle dans la vnration des reliques:
hosties miraculeuses et autres reliques de la Passion telle la Sainte Lance, dvoile
annuellement Nuremberg constituaient de prcieux talismans collectifs, lheure
o hrtiques et Ottomans menaaient lempire. Les relations entre Chrtiens et
Juifs, empreintes de mfiance, de fascination et dappropriations, font lobjet du
chapitre 8. Seize cas de transformations de synagogues en glises, toutes ddies
Marie, ont t comptabiliss entre 1391 et 1520 par H. Rckelein. Lglise du SaintSauveur Passau nen fait pas partie, bien quelle fut souvent prsente comme
telle (sans doute parce que sa construction, en 1479, suivit de peu lexpulsion des
Juifs de la ville). M. M. analyse comment cette affirmation, loin dtre fortuite, relevait dune propagande visant valoriser le sanctuaire.
Le chap. 6 met bien en valeur la multifonctionnalit de ces host-miracle
shrines, surtout travers lexemple dAndechs: lieux ddis la vnration du
corps du Christ souffrant, ils servaient aussi de centres thrapeutiques, de Gnadensttten dispensateurs dindulgences, de zones dinhumation prises par laristocratie et dglises propices la prire pour les mes du purgatoire. Les lgendes
mlant accusations anti-juives et exaltation de lEucharistie comportent galement
de manire sous-jacente des appels aux plerinages, voire une nostalgie des croisades, une poque o celles-ci staient interrompues. Sur le plan psychologique,
les sanctuaires ns en marge dune maltraitance du corps divin, tmoigneraient dune
volont dexpiation et de rconciliation avec Dieu de la part de la communaut
chrtienne majoritaire. Le bien-fond de telles hypothses dpasse parfois les comptences dun historien... Plus dune fois cependant, ltude, aux forts accents anthropologiques, pose des questions stimulantes sur les mentalits tardo-mdivales:
dans quelle mesure une lgende put, ou non, pousser les foules laction ? En
loccurrence, ce qui semble avoir fait des ravages, cest la popularisation de ces
mythes anti-juifs au travers de chansons, de sermons, de pomes, de sayntes,
canaux aptes toucher une vaste audience et susciter des ractions motionnelles.
Autre question: lhostie consacre et mise en scne relevait-elle de la relique ou de
limage ?
Dot dun index onomastique et thmatique trs complet, ce beau livre ne
comporte gure de conclusion rsumant ses principales hypothses. Une lecture
intgrale simpose ds lors. Cet exercice exigeant en vaut certainement la peine et
rappelle que la reconstruction, souvent strotype, du pass ne fut pas seulement
lapanage des Vies de saints.
Fr. DE VRIENDT

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Charles CASPERS. Een bovenaardse vrouw. Zes eeuwen verering van


Liduina van Schiedam. / Thomas van Kempen, Het Leven van de
Heilige Maagd Liduina. Vertaald door Rijcklof HOFMAN (= Middeleeuwse Studies en Bronnen, 153). Hilversum, Verloren, 2014, 168 p.,
ill. [ISBN 978-90-8704-487-9]
lge de 15 ans, alors quelle patinait sur la glace avec quelques amies, Lidwine (1380-1433) fit une chute qui allait changer sa vie. Sa convalescence sternisa et, en dfinitive, elle garda le lit les 33 dernires annes de son existence, sans
jamais toucher le sol, et en se privant progressivement de toute nourriture, hormis
la communion. Cet alitement, adouci par des ravissements clestes et mme par une
vision eucharistique en 1412, saccompagna dun dprissement de son corps, rong
par les vers. Suscitant de son vivant la curiosit et la vnration, elle redistribua
aux pauvres les aumnes qui lui taient octroyes et, ds 1421, lautorit municipale de Schiedam (actuelle banlieue de Rotterdam) jugea bon de consigner officiellement son histoire dans une charte. Cette volont de ne plus toucher terre se prolongea jusque dans la tombe: conformment ses vux, son corps fut plac sur des
poutres lintrieur du caveau de sorte quil ne soit pas en contact avec le sol.
Cest donc plus dun titre que Lidwine, voulant chapper aux contingences terrestres non seulement sur le plan spirituel mais aussi au sens propre du terme,
mrite la qualification de bovenaardse vrouw. Un an aprs sa mort, une chapelle
fut difie sur sa spulture.
Fond en partie sur des programmes de recherche mens lUniversit de Nimgue, ce petit livre lgant parat loccasion de Liduina van Schiedam jaar
2015, la thmatique annuelle choisie par la municipalit. Joliment illustr, muni
de trois index (biblique / personnes et thmes / lieux) et dune abondante bibliographie (207 rfrences), il est conu comme un dyptique et fera date dans lhistoriographie de la sainte. Seules lune ou lautre erreur dans le renvoi aux illustrations
(ex. p. 22 et 38) dparent un rien cette russite.
Dans la premire partie (p. 14-86), C. C. prsente succinctement et avec une
clart exemplaire la figure historique de Lidwine, les textes hagiographiques qui lui
assurrent une renomme rgionale et, surtout, sa postrit cultuelle du XVe au XXe
s., comblant sur ce dernier point une lacune vidente. Pas moins de cinq Vitae
furent composes dans les vingt annes suivant la mort de Lidwine: celle du chanoine de Brielle Hugo van Rugge (BHL 4923), qualifie par J. Romein de document [du XVe s.] le plus riche pour lhistoriographie des Pays-Bas, le remaniement
ralis par Thomas a Kempis vers 1448 (BHL 4927), une traduction en moyen
nerlandais vers 1450, un nouveau rcit par le franciscain Jan Brugman en 1456
(BHL 4926) et les abrviations de Jean Gielemans. Dans son principe, la destine
de Lidwine offre des analogies avec celle de bguines du XIIIe s. comme Odile de
Lige ou Marguerite dYpres et, plus encore peut-tre, avec celle de Fina de San
Gimignano ( 1253) qui, elle aussi alite des annes durant, connut des tourments
physiques sans nom. Dans le mme temps, la Vita initiale de Lidwine abonde en
dtails spcifiques la Hollande, ce qui fait dire F. van Oostrom dans la prface
que son hrone fut absoluut uniek en tegelijk ook niet. C. C. sest attach
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montrer comment Thomas a Kempis russit transformer une figure populaire et


excentrique en modle monastique: vacuant les passages susceptibles de troubler,
il insiste moins sur laggravation continue de la maladie que sur la progression spirituelle de Lidwine, quil place dans la ligne de personnages bibliques ayant endur la souffrance (Job, lise, Jean-Baptiste). sa manire, la jeune ascte
incarne aussi lesprit de la Devotio moderna, chre Hugo et Thomas, tmoignant
que des ecclsiastiques pouvaient prendre pour exemple des lacs et, inversement,
quil tait possible pour des lacs de vivre hors du clotre une exprience religieuse
intense.
LA. a rcolt diverses attestations du culte de Lidwine et les a classes de
manire chronologique dans les trois chapitres constitutifs de la premire partie,
dgageant les hauts et les bas de la dvotion. Prcisons quil ne sest que peu intress liconographie. Aux XVe et XVIe s., la vierge de Schiedam ne semble pas
susciter de plerinage massif ni recueil de miracles, ni insignes de plerins nont
t conservs mais quelques indices, telle sa mention ajoute dans la marge dun
martyrologe dUtrecht ou limpression, avec gravures, de deux de ses Vies, attestent un intrt certain son gard. Lavnement de la Rforme protestante et linterdiction de lglise institutionnelle qui sensuivit, contriburent faire de Lidwine
une figure identitaire de la foi catholique. Ltude met bien en vidence le rle fondamental jou par les Jsuites dans ce processus dexaltation (Rosweyde et Jacobi
lui rservrent une place de choix dans leurs crits). Paradoxalement, aux XVIIe et
e
XVIII s., elle est ignore par les documents liturgiques officiels destins la Mission de Hollande. Cette absence sexplique-t-elle par lexode de ses reliques ? Au
terme dun scnario rocambolesque, les prtendues reliques de Lidwine furent en
effet drobes par J.-B. Gramaye durant lautomne 1615 et transfres dans les PaysBas mridionaux, o elles aboutirent dans la collection des archiducs Albert et Isabelle. Les souverains en redistriburent une partie au chapitre des chanoinesses de
Mons, aux Cisterciennes de Soleilmont et aux Carmlites de Bruxelles. lheure
actuelle, les seules reliques censes subsister sont celles des Carmlites et un os revenu Schiedam en 1723. Selon C. C., cest seulement aux XIXe et XXe s. quintervint la pleine gloire de Lidwine. La canonisation officielle fut obtenue en
1890, grce la persvrance et au sens stratgique du cur de Schiedam, P. J. van
Leeuwen. Le lancement dun mensuel portant le nom de la sainte et le roman de
lcrivain franais J.-K. Huysmans renforcrent son succs. Lors du jubil de 1933,
pas moins de 7000 jeunes filles participrent un jeu scnique centr sur la vie de
Lidwine. Il sagissait l si on ose lexpression du chant du cygne car, aprs la
Seconde guerre mondiale, la notorit de la sainte ne cessa de dcrotre, sans toutefois disparatre totalement. Le Martyrologium romanum (2001) la enregistre en
avant-dernire position parmi les saints du 14 avril, tout en introduisant une erreur
dans sa localisation...
Outre lvolution de limage et du statut de lascte visionnaire dont ltranget fascina les gens du peuple, modle monastique, figure identitaire du catholicisme, patronne des malades de longue dure , ce qui frappe surtout la lecture
de ces pages, est de percevoir comment chaque poque interprta son exprience
extrme de la souffrance. Le calvaire vcu par Lidwine tait-il imitable ? Ou, pour

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le dire autrement, tait-il concevable de proposer en modle une telle vie ? Si une
certaine valorisation de la douleur est indniable certaines poques, entre autres
lors de la premire moiti du XXe s. moment o crot par ailleurs lengouement
lgard de Thrse Neumann, dont la destine rappelle celle de Lidwine , les tourments vcus par cette dernire permirent de promouvoir des vertus juges corollaires la souffrance: celles de patience illimite, dendurance dans la foi, de fidlit mimtique au Christ ou de glorification de lEucharistie.
La seconde partie (p. 87-161) propose une nouvelle traduction en nerlandais
du texte de la Vita rdige par Thomas a Kempis au couvent Saint-Agns de
Zwolle. Celle-ci, remplaant avantageusement deux traductions antrieures, lune
et lautre parues en 1924, est base sur ldition de Pohl (1905), qui avait encore eu
la chance dexploiter le manuscrit autographe de Thomas avant quil ne disparaisse
dans lincendie de la bibliothque de Louvain (1914). En prambule, R. H. donne
un aperu de la tradition manuscrite restreinte du texte (six manuscrits du XVe s.
connus, quatre conservs).
On terminera cette recension par deux complments dinformation qui, nous
lesprons, pourront avoir quelque utilit. Nos Collectanea Bollandiana conservent,
outre une copie de la charte de 1421, quatre lettres du XVIIe s. envoyes aux Bollandistes au sujet de Lidwine. Il ne serait peut-tre pas superflu de les expertiser.
Par ailleurs, si lA. affirme bon droit que les reliques conserves Mons (cf.
supra) furent gares lors de la Rvolution franaise, on signalera la dcouverte
rcente, dans la maonnerie du matre-autel de la collgiale du lieu, de trois coffrets
reliques du XVIIe s. Leur analyse, actuellement mene par lIRPA, dira si ceux-ci
contiennent ou non les ossements donns en 1616 par Aubert Le Mire, alors chapelain des archiducs.
Fr. DE VRIENDT
Historiens modernes et Moyen ge mridional. Sous la dir. de M. FOURNI
D. O. HUREL D. LE BLVEC (= Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 49). Toulouse, ditions
Privat, 2014, 496 p., ill. [ISBN 978-2-7089-3452-8]. Le 49e colloque de Fanjeaux se tint en juillet 2013. Comme le prcise la prsentation de la quatrime page
de couverture, ce Cahier offre une synthse autour de la manire dont les auteurs
de lpoque moderne ont crit lhistoire religieuse mdivale mridionale, quil
sagisse dhistoire des provinces, de celle des villes et des institutions, ou encore
dhagiographie et dhistoire des hrsies. Signalons ici les contributions plus particulirement ddies lhagiographie ou qui ont un lien direct avec elle.
Nol COULET sest intress sept Histoires ecclsiastiques de Provence
des 17e et 18e sicles, parues entre 1629 et 1755; elles avaient toutes en commun de
vouloir fondamentalement dfendre, en raction au protestantisme, lorigine apostolique des premiers vques et la continuit de la succession apostolique, ce qui ne
leur vita pas de rencontrer plus dun cueil suite la mise en vidence de certaines
lacunes durant la priode mdivale.
Nicole LEMAITRE tudia lHistoire des vques de Rodez (1619) dAntoine
Bonal (1548-1627), lequel voulut lui aussi dfendre la succession apostolique en
tablissant une liste des vques depuis S. Amans.

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Lucie LAUMONIER a scrut lHistoire de la ville de Montpellier depuis son


origine jusqu notre tems (1737-1739), de Charles dAigrefeuille (1668-1743), qui
mettait entre autres en vidence la profonde religiosit de la cit, marque notamment par la dvotion ses saints Benot dAniane, Fulcrand de Lodve et Roch ,
comme dautres personnages ayant vcu une vie exemplaire, tel Bernard de Castanet, cr cardinal par Jean XXII en 1316, qui se rvla un pieux et savant Evque.
Franois DOLBEAU prsenta une communication consacre la recherche des
manuscrits du Languedoc et du Sud-Ouest de la France par le mauriste Claude Estiennot (1639-1699); cette tude fut pour lA. loccasion de donner une nouvelle
dition des Vie et Translation de S. Maianus (BHL 5945-5946).
Bernard JOASSART fit une tude du dossier de Marie-Madeleine rdig par le
bollandiste Jean-Baptiste Du Sollier (1669-1740) pour le tome 5 des AASS de Juillet
(1727). Alors que dans son dition du martyrologe dUsuard (1714), lAnversois
avait dfendu la thse de lexistence de trois femmes la pcheresse anonyme de
lvangile de Luc, Marie de Bthanie et Marie-Madeleine , il en vint plus tard
affirmer la thse de lidentit des trois femmes, malgr tout courant favorable la
position contraire, illustr notamment par Jean de Launoy, et bon nombre dindications envoyes par le chanoine parisien Claude Chastelain, lun des plus fidles
correspondants des hagiographes dAnvers; le bollandiste fut vraisemblablement
amen revoir son jugement, voulant avant tout tre romain en raction des
savants trop marqus par le jansnisme et le gallicanisme.
Le carme Dominique de Jsus (1595/6-1638), originaire dAurillac, fut lauteur dune Histoire paraentique des trois saincts protecteurs du Haut Auvergne,
Flour, Mary et Graud (1635) et de La monarchie sainte, historique, chronologique
et gnalogique de France ou Les vies des saints et bienheureux qui sont sortis de
la tyge royale de France (1670); Sbastien FRAY sest pench sur ces deux ouvrages, montrant combien lauteur voulait certes faire uvre critique, mais aussi que
ses travaux trahissent encore un lien trs troit entre histoire et hagiographie, et que
la conception de lhistoire [du religieux] se situe entre vise difiante et action de
grce (p. 480).
Rgis BERTRAND a explor luvre demeure majoritairement indite de
lrudit provenal Pierre-Joseph de Haitze (1656-1737). Il sintressa notamment
aux saints tienne de Muret et Bnzet, Ste Roseline de Villeneuve, ainsi quau
bienheureux Grard Tenque. y regarder de prs, Haitze voulut certes tre critique,
sans toutefois parvenir la perfection en la matire.
B. J.
M. CHMELEWSKY P. PIERLING W. LIWOWSKA. LAffaire Gagarine. La
conversion du prince Gagarine au catholicisme: un drame familial, politique et religieux dans la Russie du XIXe sicle (= Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S.I., 77).
Roma, Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2014, 367 p., ill. [ISBN 978-88-7041377-9]. La mme anne quAu service de la rconciliation des glises paru dans
la collection Tabularium hagiographicum, dition de la correspondance change
entre le bollandiste Victor De Buck et ses confrres jsuites Jean Gagarine et Jean
Martynov (cf. supra, p. 203), parat lAffaire Gagarine, dont M. Chmelewsky par
ailleurs ditrice du Journal, 1833-1842 du mme personnage (Paris, DDB [= Pages

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dhistoire Document], 2010) a tout la fois coordonn la prparation mais aussi


assur une grande partie de la rdaction.
Au vu de la seule table des matires, louvrage pourra paratre quelque peu
composite. Encore quil concerne essentiellement le passage de Gagarine de lorthodoxie au catholicisme et son entre dans la Compagnie de Jsus, vnements qui
furent durement apprcis dans les milieux russes. On accusa, mais sans aucune
preuve, Gagarine davoir t lauteur des lettres anonymes adresses Alexandre
Pouchkine lui rvlant la liaison de son pouse avec lofficier franais dAnths et
davoir pouss le pote dfier son rival en un duel qui lui fut fatal; Gagarine serait
alors entr en religion pour expier cette faute. En outre, louvrage sintresse de
prs aux rpercussions que cette conversion et cette entre dans la vie religieuse
eurent dans la vie de Gagarine et en Russie: le jsuite fut tout jamais banni de son
pays et laffaire agita vivement tant sa famille que les cercles de la haute socit
russe, cette affaire tant finalement rvlatrice de la mfiance de lunivers orthodoxe russe lgard du catholicisme latin.
Dtaillons quelque peu le contenu. La prface du P. Franois Rouleau est
suivie de la notice biographique que Paul Pierling rdigea pour le Dictionnaire
biographique russe (t. 4, 1914, p. 69-74). Puis, le lecteur peut dcouvrir la traduction du chapitre que W. liwowska consacra Gagarine dans son ouvrage Dans le
cercle des prcurseurs de Herzen, paru en polonais, Varsovie en 1971. Notons la
prsence dun complment bibliographique qui sarrte lanne 2008. On y ajoutera le volume cumnisme au XIXe sicle, que Robert Danieluk publia en 2009
(cf. AB, 127 [2009], p. 457). Ce livre sera dautant plus utile consulter quil permet de nuancer le passage o W. . affirme que nous ne savons gure de choses sur
la vie de Gagarine cette poque. Il fait son noviciat, tudie la thologie dans le
silence du couvent. Ses activits en faveur de lunion de lglise orientale et occidentale, ses publications scientifiques, ses controverses, tout cela, il le fera beaucoup plus tard, principalement dans les annes soixante et soixante-dix (p. 41).
Ds son noviciat, Gagarine fit part au Gnral de son dsir duvrer la rconciliation des glises (cf. notamment son mmoire daot 1843 publi par R. Danieluk
aux p. 69-77 de son livre) et ce projet ne labandonna jamais. Dailleurs, la revue
tudes, conue lorigine afin de diffuser des travaux qui favoriseraient la rconciliation des glises, sera lance ds 1856; et cest la mme anne que Gagarine publiera La Russie sera-t-elle catholique ?, lun de ses plus fameux crits en faveur de
lunion.
La dernire partie de louvrage, prpare par M. Ch. est intitule Laffaire
Gagarine dans la correspondance prive. Elle comporte ldition de 131 lettres,
souvent fort longues, principalement adresses Gagarine par ses parents, sa sur,
son beau-frre Serge Boutourline, dautres membres de sa famille, et quelques familiers, dont son ancien prcepteur Marin-Darbel. Passionnant nest sans doute
pas le terme le plus appropri pour qualifier ces documents, encore que Car prcisment, ils sont, comme on lindiquait dj plus haut, autant de reflets de lmoi
caus par le passage de Gagarine au catholicisme non seulement dans sa famille,
mais aussi dans la haute socit russe. Ou, si lon prfre, ils justifient pleinement
le sous-titre de louvrage.
B. J.

Analecta Bollandiana, 133 (2015).

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Un grand nombre de chercheurs nous font lhonneur et lamiti de nous
envoyer un exemplaire (volume, tir part ou photocopie) de leurs travaux.
Quils en soient remercis. Plusieurs des titres mentionns feront lobjet dun
compte rendu dans un prochain numro de la Revue.
I. HAGIOGRAPHICA
BALATSOUKA, S. I. . - (
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Euthymius ab. in eremo sanctae Civitatis; Elisabeth thaumaturga]
BERGER, A. Mokios und Konstantin der Groe. Zu den Anfngen des Mrtyrerkults in Konstantinopel, in . .
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V. A. LEONTARIOU K. A. BOURDARA E. S. PAPAGIANNI. Athen, Ant. N. Sakkoulas,
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ESP FORCN, C. ESP FORCN, F. Demonic Possessions and Mental Illness: Discussion of
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[Franciscus Assisiensis; Aemilianus Cucullatus conf..; Dominicus ab. Exiliensis]
Gerardi Cameracensis Acta synodi Atrebatensis, Vita Autberti, Vita tertia Gaugerici. Varia
scripta ex officina Gerardi exstantia. Ed. S. VANDERPUTTEN D. J. REILLY (= Corpus
Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis, 270). Turnhout, Brepols, 2014, XL-262 p., ISBN
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LANRY, C. Note dhagiographie africaine: les Passions de Salsa de Tipasa et de Marcienne
de Csare, in La Passio sanctae Salsae (BHL 7467). Recherches sur une Passion tardive
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annote du GRAA. tudes runies par S. FIALON J. MEYERS (= Scripta Antiqua, 72).
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Le lgendier de Turin. MS. D.V.3. de la Bibliothque Nationale Universitaire. Coord. de M.
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Leonzio di Neapoli, Niceforo prete di Santa Sofia. Vite dei saloi Simeone e Andrea (BHG
1677, 115z). Cur. P. CESARETTI (= Testi e studi bizantino-neoellenici, 19). Roma, Sapienza, Universit di Roma, 2014, 397 p., ISBN 978-88-940045-2-6.
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236

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Normes et hagiographie dans lOccident latin (VIe-XVIe sicle). Actes du colloque international
de Lyon (4-6 oct. 2010). Ed. M.-C. ISAA Th. GRANIER (= Hagiologia, 9). Turnhout,
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RIAIN, P. Four Tipperary Saints. The Lives of Colum of Terryglass, Crnn of Roscrea,
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PHILIPPART, G. Les lgendiers, des origines au dbut du IXe sicle, in Le lgendier de Turin.
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die Gegenwart. Hg. F. KOLOVOU (= Byzantinisches Archiv, 24). Berlin, De Gruyter, 2012,
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[Ambrosius Traversari]
OGLIARO, M. Il Venerabile Padre Giovanni Antonio Rubino di Strambino (1578-1643), in
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SOLVI, D. Lagiografia su Bernardino santo (1450-1460) (= Quaderni di Hagiographica, 12;
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Herman the Archdeacon and Goscelin of Saint-Bertin. Miracles of St Edmund. Ed., with an
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SEGALA, Fr. Sant Euprepio primo vescovo di Verona. Note sulla comunit cristiana precostantiniana della citt nel centenario delleditto di Costantino (313) (= Studi e documenti
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ZUCCA, U. Beato Francesco Zirano martire (= Maestri e Testimoni, 5). Oristano, Biblioteca
Francescana Sarda Provincia di Sardegna dei Frati Minori Conventuali, 2014, 275 p. +
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RIAIN, P. Fursas Irish Origins: Munster, Connacht or Ulster ? (= Fursey Occasional Paper,
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SOUCHE-HAZEBROUCK, V. La transformation du prologue de la Vita tripartita de Gertrude de
Nivelles dans lun des prologues de recueils de Jean Gielemans, in Normes et hagiographie dans lOccident latin (VIe-XVIe sicle). Actes du colloque international de Lyon
(4-6 oct. 2010). Ed. M.-C. ISAA Th. GRANIER (= Hagiologia, 9). Turnhout, Brepols,
2014, p. 435-457.
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Legenda o sv. Vintovi. Vita s. Guntheri. Ed. P. KUBN (= Fontes Bohemiae Hagiographici, 1).
Praha, Togga, 2014, 278 p., ISBN 978-80-7476-064-8. [Guntherus erem. in Bohemia]
DALARUN, J. FIELD, S. L. LEBIGUE, J.-B. LEURQUIN-LABIE, A.-Fr. Isabelle de France,
sur de saint Louis. Une princesse mineure. Avec la collab. dA. DUFOUR F. GUILLOUX
X. HLARY D. POIREL (= Sources franciscaines). Paris, ditions franciscaines, 2014,
506 p., ISBN 978-2-85020-331-2.
[Isabella v. filia Ludovici VIII regis Franciae]
MARTN-IGLESIAS, J. C. En torno a las composiciones litrgicas latinas de la Hispania medieval
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[Leander ep. Hispalensis]
Jerome, Vita Malchi. Introduction, Text, Translation and Commentary by C. GRAY (= Oxford
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BANEV, K. Myriad of Names to Represent Her Nobleness: The Church and the Virgin Mary
in the Psalms and Hymns of Byzantium, in A Celebration of Living Theology. A Festschrift in Honour of Andrew Louth. Ed. J. MIHOC L. ALDEA (= T&T Clark Theology).
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MARKESINIS, B. Cod. Taurinensis c.III.14 (Pasinus XXXV.b.V.15), Cod. Vind. Theol. gr. 109
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The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor. Ed. P. ALLEN B. NEIL. Oxford, University
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II. VARIA
A. Opera
1000 personnalits de Mons et de la rgion. Dictionnaire biographique. Sous la dir. de L.
HONNOR R. PLISNIER C. POUSSEUR P. TILLY. Waterloo, Avant-Propos, 2015, 815
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CLEAVER, L. OBRIAIN, H. C. Latin Psalter Manuscripts in Trinity College Dublin and the
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FABER, E. Von Ulfila bis Rekkared. Die Goten und ihr Christentum (= Potsdamer Altertumswissenschaftliche Beitrge, 51). Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2014, 300 p., ill., ISBN
978-3-515-10926-0.
La Iglesia como sistema de dominacin en la Antigedad Tarda. Coord. J. FERNNDEZ UBIA
A. J. QUIROGA PUERTAS P. UBRIC RABANEDA (= Coleccin Historia). Editorial Universidad de Granada, 2015, 358 p., ISBN 978-84-338-5763-7.
Inkunabeln der Universittsbibliothek Tbingen, der Frstlich Hohenzollernschen Hofbibliothek
Sigmaringen und des Evangelischen Stifts Tbingen. Bearb. von G. BRINKHUS E.
DUBOWIK-BARADOY, unter Mitwirk. von A. BREITH (= Inkunabeln in Baden-Wrttemberg.
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Die Inkunabeln der Wissenschaftlichen Stadtbibliothek Trier. Beschr. von R. NOLDEN. Mit
einem Beitrag von A. BOECK (= Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier, n. S., 3). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2015, XXXIV-1304 p. en 2 vol.,
ISBN 978-3-447-10034-2.
Juanetn Nio. Interrogatorio en la causa de la venerable virgen sor Ana Mara de San Jos,
francisca descalza. Ed., introd. y notas de M. MARCOS SNCHEZ (= Bibliotheca SeraphicoCapuccina, 102). Roma, Istituto storico dei Cappuccini, 2015, 219 p., ISBN 978-8888001-96-8.
Katalog der Handschriften der Universitts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol in Innsbruck. Teil 8:
Cod. 701-800. Katalogband. Unter der Leitung von W. NEUHAUSER. Bearb. von P.
AUSSERLECHNER W. NEUHAUSER A. OHLENSCHLGER Cl. SCHRETTER U.
STAMPFER. Mit Beitrgen von K. GIRSTMAIR M. STIEGLECKER. Registerband. Bearb.
von P. AUSSERLECHNER. Unter Mitarb. von W. NEUHAUSER A. OHLENSCHLGER U.
STAMPFER (= sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische
Klasse. Denkschriften, 456; Verffentlichungen zum Schrift- und Buchwesen des Mittelalters, Reihe II, 4). Wien, Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
2014, 2 vol., 539 p. + 2 pl. + 1 CD-ROM et 186 p., ISBN 978-3-7001-7530-8.
Katalog polonikw biblioteki Pontificia Universit Urbaniana / Catalogue of Polonica in the
Library of the Pontifical Urbaniana University. Opracowali P. PLUDRA-UK M. SPANDOWSKI (=Polonika XVI-XVII Wieku w Bibliotekach Rzymskich / Polonica From the 1618th Centuries in the Roman Libraries, 2). Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, 2012, XIX202 p. + 16 pl., ISBN 978-83-7009-794-3.
Katalog polonikw w Biblioteca Universitaria Alessandrina / Catalogue of Polonica in the Biblioteca Universitaria Alessandrina. Opracowa K. SOLISKI (= Polonika XVI-XVII Wieku
w Bibliotekach Rzymskich / Polonica From the 16-18th Centuries in the Roman Libraries,
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Katalog starych drukw biblioteki Papieskiego Kolegium Polskiego w Rzymie / Catalogue of
Early Printed Books in the Library of the Polish Pontifical College in Rome. Opracowa
M. SPANDOWSKI. Proweniencje opracowaa J. BORYSIAK (= Polonika XVI-XVII Wieku w
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Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, 2010, XVI-142 p., ISBN 978-83-7009-666-3.
Languages and Cultures of Eastern Christianity: Greek. Ed. S. F. JOHNSON (= The Worlds of
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PETREK, T. Church Society and Change. Christianity Impaired by Conflicting Elites. Lublin,
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Profeti e profetismi. Escatologia, millenarismo e utopia. Cur. A. VAUCHEZ (= Conifere). Bologna, Centro editoriale dehoniano, 2014, 488 p., ISBN 978-88-10-56008-2.
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TROVATO, S. Antieroe dai molti volti: Giuliano lApostata nel Medioevo bizantino (= Libri e
Biblioteche, 34). Udine, Forum, 2014, XII-526 p., ISBN 978-88-8420-778-4.
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2015, 263 p., ISBN 978-2-204-10349-7.
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