Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
1, 2011
Asghar lran-Nejad
College of Education
The University of Alabama
Tuscaloosa, Al35487-231
airannej@bamaed.ua.edu
Madeleine Gregg
College of Education
The University of Alabama
Tuscaloosa, Al35487-231
mgregg@bamaed.ua.edu
ABSTRACT
41
How does knowing as an inherently segmental categorization process work? The classic
experiments by Bransford and Johnson (1972) and a theoretical example from an article by
Schurz and Lambert (1994) illustrate the widespread assumption that understanding requires
deeply interconnected knowledge schemas stored in the form a taxonomic corpus in long-te rm
memory (lran-Nejad 1978, 2000). By definition, each taxonomy uses explicitly defined segments
of information to categorize phenomena and processes within a specific domain. Though
holistic, a domain-specific schema is no more than an abstract tool for formalizing (e.g .,
classifying and standardizing) concrete segmental knowledge.
Ordinarily, considerate discourse or text comprises both part-to-part and part-to-whole
connections. The latter serve as clues for locating and accessing the relevant domain-specific
schema (taxonomy) that provides the abstract connections necessary for deeper understanding .
In the Bransford and Johnson study, the researchers used carefully-crafted passages with wellformed part-to-part connections, but free of part-to-whole clues. In other words, the words and
sentences in the passages were well-formed and meaningful by themselves but were difficult to
understand as an ensemble. As predicted by the authors, the group provided with prior
knowledge (schema) outperformed the other group in measures of memory and understanding.
Bransford and Johnson came to the conclusion that deeply connected knowledge schemas are a
necessary and sufficient condition for understanding.
Like Bransford and Johnson, Schurz and Lambert assumed deeply connected knowledge
structures stored in long-term memory to be a prerequisite to understanding and did not see
any reason to qualify their assumption as being applicable only to taxonomic understanding .
According Schurz and Lambert, to 'understand a phenomenon Pis to know how P fits into one's
background knowledge" (1994, p. 66).
The Challenge of Going beyond Taxonomic Understanding
42
segmented into idea units and then asked to recall as much as they can (e.g., Johnson, 1970;
Meyer, 1975). Their recall is compared with the number of idea units in the original text to
produce a measure of comprehension. In other words, comprehension is measured by the
amount of information in the segmental responses (Sharp, 2004) .
It is widely accepted that segmental sources of understanding do not fully account for discourse
comprehension, let alone comprehensive understanding in general. An invitational "Sit down!"
uses the same segments as a reproving "Sit down! " , and yet, people have no difficulty
comprehending the meaning in both contexts . Something more is at work in people's
comprehension of language. Yet, when researchers have sought additional sources that
contribute to understanding, they have not looked beyond segment-to-segment interaction. For
example, Sharp (2004) used the notion of idea-unit segments to capture between-the-lines
comprehension (i .e., the communication between text and reader). Sharp defined idea units as
complete thought units, " segmented according to Johnson (1970), with 'pausal boundaries '
being designated to allow quantitative assessment of recall" (p. 335).
Sharp noted that some of the sources that contribute to text comprehension originate (within
the lines) in the text and some are added (between the lines) by the reader. Some are
quantitative and others are qualitative . However, he assumed all of the sources to be either
segmental or capable of being segmental and , therefore, formalized them all in the manner of
text segmentals . An example of a non-segmental source that Sharp treats as if it were segmental
is the " pausal unit." If a pausal unit has its origin in nonsegmental sources of understanding such
as rhyme, rhythm, intonation, thematic understanding, and reader intuition, then treating it as a
segmental does not realize the benefits of formalizing its contribution .
Biofunctional Activity in the Absence of the Knowledge of a Situation
nontaxonomic
constellation
firing
of the
self-awareness
neurons
(intuitive
thematic
knowledge).
(or
Momentary
segmental
knowledge).
Again, we illustrate these ideas with examples . The first is from Auble, Franks, and Soraci
(1979), which is more like a simulation than a real example. Consider the statement The
haystack was important because the cloth ripped. Reading this sentence simulates a state of
uncertainty (i.e., the absence of situational knowledge) that marks the start of a sustainable
process of ongoing biofunctional activity punctuated by momentary constellation firing of
43
neurons with the potential to culminate in an aha-triggering insight. The insight, in this case,
comes when people hear the clue parachute soon after exposure to the statement. Such
understanding is essentially a nonlinear process of nonsegmental-to-segmental understanding.
A second example is found in a story of a firefighter named Wag Dodge who, in 1949, survived a
fire in which 13 of his colleagues died (Lehrer, 2008) . Wag and his crew found themselves caught
between a fast approaching wall of fire and a mountain hill impossible to climb . Like everyone
else, Wag began running away. At that moment, he was using prior knowledge of an escape
strategy (run from danger) without understanding the specific context of his lived experience .
But, then, he hesitated in the midst of the desperate uncertainty of his position and looked over
his shoulder to see what the wall of fire was doing. This pause gave his ongoing biofunctional
activity time for a momentary constellation firing that led to a different idea (i .e., an insight) that
saved his life: fighting one raging fire by starting another. So he quickly set fire to the bushes in
front of him . Then, as the new fire cleared the foliage in front of him, he dropped face down on
the still burning embers. There, he waited as the big fire arrived and, finding no foliage to
consume, passed over his body, leaving him relatively unharmed . Later, Wag could not explain
what gave him the idea that saved his life except to say that it was the obvious thing to do!
Defining Complexity and a Solution
Why did so many firefighters die when faced with a problem for which there was, as Wag Dodge
characterized it, so obvious an escape route of a solution to survival? The answer can be
explained by the inordinate stability of taxonomic understanding, on the one hand, and the
unrestrained flexibility of nontaxonomic understanding, on the other. Taxonomic understanding
is segmental-knowledge driven and an inert source of ill-structured complexity (Bereiter &
Scardamalia, 1985; Renkl, Mandl, & Gruber, 1996), Nonsegmental understanding is a fertile
source of solutions to complexity (lran-Nejad, 2000). In other words, segmental knowledge
breeds complexity; because it is a taxonomic maze of certainties filled with blind alleys (like the
escape route Wag's friends took to their death) . Nonsegmental understanding fosters timely
solutions to complexity, because it results from nontaxonomic, ongoing biofunctional activity
ready to deliver self-evident taxonomic solutions .
In the absence of nontaxonomic understanding, human knowledge is complex, ill -structured,
and difficult to describe in coherent ways (Loftus, Oberg, & Dillon, 2004; Lyons & Page, 1981;
Spiro, Feltovich, Jacobson, & Coulson, 1992). The phenomena and processes involved in the
resolution of this complexity have eluded systematic study, though they are governed by
hitherto unsuspected systemic dependencies .
The origin of human nontaxonomic understanding is not in prior knowledge or the certainty of
it but conversely in the uncertainty of its absence. Moreover, nontaxonomic understanding
cannot be set out in straight lines, discrete objects, and linear interactions. To focus on any part
of a complex idea, situation, or system is to oversimplify it, to the point of no longer actually
44
matching the reality of its entire context. The death of Wag Dodge's colleagues resulted from
such oversimplification.
Productive and Inert Cause-Effect Dependencies
In many ways, comprehensive states of understanding are like ecosystems such as forests,
seashores, or deserts (Gibson, 1966) . Though perspectives vary on their nature (Muller, 1997),
there is general agreement that ecosystems differ from industrial production-lines . What is the
difference? Are cause-effect dependencies in ecosystems different from those in factories? Do
ecosystems function analogously to nontaxonomic understanding and factories by means of
taxonomic knowing? We attempt to answer this question by distinguishing taxonomic
segment<>segment interaction from nontaxonomic segmental<>nonsegmental integration.
In ecosystems, as in production lines, various forms of linear segment<>segment interaction
may be observed: part< >part, part<>whole, and whole<>whole. In a forest, for example, there
are part<> part relations between branches and leaves; whole<>part relations plants have with
their branches, flowers, fruits, and leaves; and whole<>whole relations between trees . In favor
of their individual identities, parts differ in color and texture. Taxonomic classification uses and
standardization removes these differences . The obvious advantage of using or removing
differences in factories
can
be
assembled
or
disassembled and parts can be replaced without affecting the structural integrity of the system.
Thus, a part may be replaced without the system showing any sign of acceptance or rejection of
those parts . Reliance on local cause-effect dependencies is convenient but carries a cost. It
makes factories mechanical rather than organic, artificial rather than natural, and static rather
than dynamic. Over-re liance, or reliance of a different kind, on segmental proclivities comes at
the expense of nonsegmental dependencies .
Taxonomic classification and standardization can also be applied to such human capacities as
knowing and understanding with analogous results. To be sure, for the purpose of deliberate
stan dardization or classification, it is easy to focus on segment-wide features of knowing (e.g .,
abstract vers us concrete) and difficult to deal with comprehensive or system-wide qualities of
understanding (e.g., rejection of the part by the whole) . Linear interdependence, for example,
enables the manipulation of the mean-ends events of local problem solving as well as domain specific mental objects of remembering, learning, and thinking. However, these conveniences of
simplification by isolation in the context of taxonomic knowing have too long delayed learning
about peo ple's other capacities for simplifying life, which might be even more effective or
powerful. For exam ple, by assuming that knowing and understanding are fundamentally the
same, we have built an infrastructure in education that over-relies on the segment<>segment
events of taxonomic knowing. That is, curriculum focuses on specific part<>part, part<>whole,
or whole<>whole interaction among isolated but interdependent objects of the mind . What is
needed is a new infrastructure in education that is more balanced with
respect to
45
Human beings are capable of at least two major kinds of problem solving. The first is taxonomic
problem solving enabled by people's capacity of knowing, or the capacity for classifying objects
using varying patterns of segment<>segment interactivity. Knowing is a vital capacity, but it has
at least one major negative effect when used improperly. Bartlett {1932) and others have
described it as problem solving by isolating objects or simplification by isolation {lran-Nejad,
McKeachie, & Berliner, 1990; Salomon, 2006) . In other words, since categorizing objects
demands individualizing them, problem solving by means of knowing is done by manufacturing
differences or isolating objects to simplify their use {Shulman, 2002). Taxonomies become more
and more complex. This kind of problem solving is the driving force behind educational
taxonomies (Bloom, Englehart, Furst, Hill, & Krathwohl, 1956). The implication of simplification
by isolation is that educators must be cautious in how they use knowledge . Because knowing is a
taxonomic capacity, using taxonomies {Shulman, 2002) is the mandate for proliferating
complexity.
There are segmental ways to go beyond immediate segmen<>segment causality that are less
likely to run into the problem of complexity. In particular, segments may be redefined by adding
part<>whole features to them. According to Koestler {1967), when one part of a natural system
images the complexity of the system, the part is a "halon," a word Koestler coined to help in the
discussion of complexity. Similarly, Sperry {1988) explained the downward control exerted by
46
mental objects over the information processing system using the analogy of how features such
as the shape cause a wheel to roll down a hill.
The second major type of problem solving, about which past research has given us no direct
theory
or evidence,
is
by segmental<>nonsegmental
integration
enabled
by
people's
biofunctional capacity for understanding. We have argued in this article and elsewhere (lranNejad & Gregg, 2001; lran-Nejad & Stewart, 2010) that biofunctional segmental<>nonsegmental
problem solving is a special case of the same kind of problem solving that occurs in
comprehensive
ecosystems.
Complex
ecosystems
are
governed
by
multiple-source,
dependency
on
which
nonsegmental>segmental,
segmental<nonsegmental,
and
47
the ecosystem, which is why the fish cannot live out of the water where oxygen is still present
but not integrated with water.
The nonsegmental<>segmental cause-effect relations in an ecosystem, such as oxygen-toorganism or water-to-organism, have coevolved in dynamic balance. Any particular segment-a
drink or a deep breath that an organism takes-may seem isolated, inefficient, or even illstructured when viewed through the lens of immediate, adjacent, or local action or linear
interaction, much more so than any corresponding part in a tightly-woven factory . A healthy
ecosystem
governs
its
cause -effect
dependencies
comprehensively
and
synergistically,
producing astonishing biodiversity, biomass, biogeography, and bioenergy (Hubbell & Borda-deAgua, 2004; Tilman, 1999).
From the perspective of the nonsegmental theory, it is untenable to formalize remembered
experiences, incidental impressions, moods, skills, dispositions, insights, and imagination
segmentally. All these work simultaneously in the ecosystem of nonsegmental<>segmental
biofunctional activity, rather than like in a segment<>segment factory assembly. They are
synergistically integrated to produce comprehensive states of understanding. Whenever a
person learns something new, or demonstrates genuine conceptual change, the person's
integrated understanding is reworked more comprehensively than is captured by any form of
linear interaction that may describe a person's changing representation from one specific
domain to another (Carey, 2000; Clancey, 1997).
In the world of understanding, as in an ecosystem, domain-specific knowledge structures (or
ideas) do not exist as separate entities with permanently fixed internal structures (Clancey,
1997). They are not independent parts that can be manipulated or simplified by isolating them
from the context in which they arise (Bartlett, 1932). They are more likely to be momentary
outcomes of comprehensive understanding from which they cannot be excised (lran-Nejad,
1980) . They do not rely solely on part-to-part interaction (the sum of the parts) or on part-whole
relations (more than the sum of the parts). A tree's or a fish's survival is not dependent simply
on a whole that is more than the sum of its parts. Rather, biological survival depends on sources
as far apart as the ocean and the sun. Causal dependencies of human understanding rely on
nonsegmental integration, something fundamentally different from "sum of their parts"
thinking .
revolutionary thinker to set him apart from the more knowledgeable contemporary biologists
(Wiggins & McTighe, 2005).
Nonsegmental<>segmental integration is different from all forms of segment<>segment
interaction. Dynamic ecosystems rely comprehensively on the integration of multiple sources,
unlike segments that interconnect by means of interdependent interaction. In an ecosystem,
and analogously in the biological person, system-wide integration and localized interaction
among the parts are fundamentally different processes. In other words, ecosystems illustrate
the principle of simplifying complexity by integration (Bartlett, 1932; lran-Nejad et al., 1990;
48
Salomon, 1991, 1995, 2006}. Factories, by contrast, simplify complexity by means of immediate
interdependent interaction. This is simplifying complexity by isolating segments to have them
ready to reconnect by interaction. Simplification by isolation breaks down nature into separate
parts each with its own seemingly immutable structure . The human -made process of simplifying
complexity by dividing nature into its segments robs nature of its inherent systemic conditions.
Yet, understanding depends on the dynamic integration of nonsegmental dependencies.
Existing Evidence for Nonsegmental Understanding
from
the
water.
It
seems
that
evolution
makes
maximal
use
of
this
natural
evidence
nonsegmental<>segmental
points
(e.g.,
reasonable
validity
and
uncertainty-to-insight)
with
process
by
reliability
which
the
to
the
ongoing
biofunctional activity and the momentary constellation firing of the cells in the nervous system
understands the world (lran-Nejad & Ortony, 1984}?
Why, then, in so much of science and education, have we overlooked the ubiquitous presence of
the nonsegmental<>segmental integration process in the world and its counterpart in our
nervous
and
bodily
systems?
Some
lines
of
research
have
investigated
the
49
poetry and prose . And, like rhythm and rhyme, accent makes the language spoken in one region
to sound different from another region .
Thus, at any given moment, nonsegmental<>segmental cause-effect integration is working
always behind what appears to be segment<>segment cause-effect interaction . Educators in
both behavioral and cognitive science have been too occupied with the segment<>segment
causality to observe the nonsegmental<>segmental dependencies that nature so plentifully
illustrates. Such dependencies are perceived when people share among themselves their
dynamic lived experiences (Merleau-Ponty, 1962) of both the linguistic and the nonlinguistic
kinds (Dowhower, 1994; Erteschik-Shir, 2006; Kuhn & Stahl, 2003).
In terms of available evidence, some past research on nonsegmentals has been reported using
words like supersegmental and prosody, even though the term nonsegmental has also been
occationally used (Crystal, 1973; Ruch, 1936), especially in the realm of phonology and its
development in young infants, but in other areas as well (Beddor, Krakow, & Lindemann, 2001;
Blackburn, 1983; D'Odorico, 1984; Krakow, 1993; Munro, 1995; Perfetti & Zhang, 1991).
Research suggests that the gestural stream that accompanies talk provides interpretation cues
unavailable from segmental language alone (Quek et al., 2002). Similarly, supersegmentals-in dynamic-motion, like pitch and tone, seem to shape understanding, as when sounds with a
rising pitch contour suggest disagreement or request, or sounds with a short frequency range
and long duration imply hesitation (Nagasaki & Komatsu, 2004). The interjection " aha " that
signals a moment of understanding comes with a nonsegmental-to-segmental burst of affect
(lran -Nejad, 1987).
Many linguists distinguish between nonsegmental and segmental phonology (Fiege, 1981) . Long
ago, Irwin and Weiss (1930), talking about newborns during their first 10 days of life,
distinguished their segmental (discretely identifiable behavior) from their nonsegmental-indynamic-motion behavior (that involved the entire body). Such early activity may be the
precursor to the gestural stream that adults display during conversation . Later, D'Odorico and
colleagues reported that nonsegmental features affect the duration of infant vocalizations
(D'Odorico, 1984; D'Odorico, Franco, & Vidotto, 1985). Similarly, nonsegmental sources such as
speaking rate and style affect nasal co-articulation (Krakow, 1993). Finally,
prelingual
50
later becomes (Gibson, 1973; Lyons & Page, 1981). Whole journal issues have debated the claim
that children are capable of bypassing phonemic (or meaning bearing) segmentals in
understanding speech (Ogden & Local, 1994) .
The evidence just reported suggests that nonsegmental sources work in dynamic motion
between the lines of the observable behavior. However, the underlying assumption in much of
the research reviewed here is that nonsegmentals are processed in the same way as segmentals.
Erteschik-Shir (2006), for example, noted that viewing (between-the-lines) topic and focus as
supersegmental, poses the dilemma of when and when not to treat them in the manner of
(within-the-lines) lexical items. Questioning the wisdom behind formalizing (e.g., classifying or
standardizing) supersegmentals in terms of segmentals, Frick (1985) pointed out that "it seems
unlikely that peoples' abilities to discriminate emotions prosodically is based on the profiles of
those emotions using simple summary descriptors such as average pitch or average loudness"
(p. 417) . In fact, several studies have suggested the possibility that language supersegmentals
may serve as the immediate context for nonsegmental understanding (Coombes, Cauraugh, &
Janelle, 2007; Perfetti & Zhang, 1991) . Nonetheless, these supersegmentals have tended more
often to be formalized as segmental features percolating upward from text segmentals
(Erteschik-Shir, 2006).
The research on language supersegmentals targets their role in expressing thoughts, emotions,
and personality traits (Erteschik-Shir, 2006; Frick, 1985; Nagasaki & Komatsu, 2004) . A general
strategy for formalizing interdependent activity is implemented in terms of symbolic or subsymbolic connections, units, and activation levels or weights (McClelland & Rumelhart, 1986;
Rumelhart
&
McClelland,
1986).
But
in
all
of
this
research,
the
presence
of
From an educational standpoint, the taxonomic practice of simplifying complex thoughts for the
purpose of understanding by isolating segments from their embodied contexts in biology and
beyond is likely to have undesirable side effects for learners. The assumption seems to be that
not only knowledge acquisition but also understanding can be achieved by breaking down ideas
into simple, more or less long-lasting pieces, detached from the comprehensive ecosystem that
keeps people's lived experiences in perpetual motion. A corresponding assumption is that the
51
broken down pieces of lived experiences can then be re-assembled by means of segment-tosegment causal interaction to produce similarly complex future experiences . We have known for
some time now that when people use the simplification by isolation strategy for learning (e.g .,
Salomon, 2006), a proliferation of detached pieces of knowledge can resist reassembly, and
result in ill-structured complexity (Spiro et al., 1992) and inert knowledge (Bereiter &
Scardamalia, 1985; Renkl et al., 1996). One implication of the arguments in this article is that
educators can now recognize these negative side effects on learner understanding of seeking
and working with knowledge taxonomies.
For interdependent interaction among segmental mental objects to work best, educators must
find ways to utilize the multiple near and far sources of nonsegmental human understanding.
The focus on segmental interaction at the expense of nonsegmental integration has had many
nontrivial consequences: the traditional emphasis on the specialization, if not fragmentation ,
that comes with content knowledge at the expense of nonsegmental sources of human wisdom
(Mayer, 1995; Prawat, 2000; Wiggins & McTighe, 2005). Among these are the emphasis on
content at the expense of passion (Neumann, 1999, 2006a); the separation of learning from
application (Bransford & Schwartz, 1999); the problem of symbol grounding (Harnad, 1990,
1993, 2001); or the problem of the separation of the mind from the physical body (Bruer, 1997).
Like the analytic practice of simplification by isolation, the taxonomic strategy of limiting
learners to part<>part, part<>whole, and whole<>whole varieties of segment<>segment
patterns of interactivity has unintended consequences. Nonsegmental integration at the
expense of segmental interaction would also have unintended effects. In the multiple-source
ecosystem of the biological person, both aspects of understanding are needed . Segmental
interaction in the form of knowledge and nonsegmental sources of understanding integrate to
produce powerful learning.
The central theme of this article suggests that interdependent interaction among mental objects
is not enough for understanding the complexities of human understanding. It may be, of course,
that the theory of interdependent interaction is not the culprit, either. Rather, the problem may
be the propensity of any theory to foster simplification by isolation. Moreover, In addition to
language-related supersegmentals, human understanding may rely fundamentally on between the-lines themes, moods, intuitions, and attitudes . Such subjective mental phenomena have
been traditionally set aside as epiphenomenal, biased, animalistic, irrational, self-centered, and
undesirable (Barrett et al., 2007; Neumann, 2006; Panksepp, 1998). The extent to which these
contributing sources of understanding continue to be overlooked in theories prone to
simplification by isolation is likely to determine the prevalence of inert knowledge (Bereiter &
Scardamalia, 1985; Renkl et al., 1996), the pathologies of learning (Shulman, 1999) and the gap
between research and practice or learning and application ., Yet, it is with systemic,
nonsegmental integration that human understanding, learning, and communication come to
life.
52
How could the infrastructure of today's education change, as so many assert it should? On the
on e hand, an
appreciation
of the
entire
iceberg
of
human
understanding-i.e .,
its
segme nta l<>nonsegmental integration cycle-may be needed to steer the field toward a new
infrastructu re in tune with the evolution -tested ways of natural ecosystems . On the hand, if
ove ra nalyzed in consc ious content, the seductive attention-grabbing tip of the iceberg (i .e., the
network of its segment<>segment interaction pattern) might turn into an impediment to
progress. Recall that segmental contents of understanding are noisy mental objects in plain sight
of t he co nsciousness : letters, sounds, words, concepts, and schemas. These are the material for
interdepend ent, within-the-lines interaction . The less familiar nonsegmental sources of
un derstand ing include invisible processes such as incidental impression formation , intonation,
rh yme, rhythm, them e, attitude, and intuition. They constitute the sources for between-theli nes integrat ion . Educational research and practice must integrate both kinds of sources . The
goa l of th e nonsegmental theory presented in this paper is to move in this unexplored direction.
A re late d way to thin k about the distinction between segmentals and nonsegmentals is in terms
of how rea dily a mental object - a word, phrase, sentence, concept, schema, and propositioncan beco me the focus of attention. Well -learned segmentals are always selective attention
rea dy. Nonsegmentals (e .g., gravity) are selective attention invisible/unprepared, or perhaps
even inherently resistant to direct selective attention (i.e ., perpetually invisible) . The challenge
in ed ucat ional science and practice is to make the ir integration the object of experimental
inve stigat ion without having one work at the expense of the othe r. As Bartlett (1932) pointed
out and demonstrated , such an undertaking is well within the realm of experimental research .
The adva ntage today is that we have more sophisticated perspectives available on the nature of
human und erstand ing than did Bartlett (lran-Nejad & Stewart, 2010; Mayer, 1989, 1995; D.
Perkin s & Blythe, 1994; D. N. Perkins, 1988; Wiggins & McTighe, 2005).
Com plex lea rn ing of the
kind
investigated
by Bartlett (1932)
required
nonsegmental
un derst and ing m ade possible by the biological system's capacity for multiple-source integration.
As a syste m for solving the complex problems of survival, the nervous system almost certainly
evolved the cap acity for multiple-source integration first without the kind of noisy segmentation
that re quires analyti c selective attention to mental objects . This (silent) aspect of the evolution
of the nervou s system mirrors that of other (silent) ecosystems in which multiple -source
integra t ion is at least as common an occurrence as are (noisy) higher mental functions such as
rememberi ng, le arning, and thinking in the authentic real world. For example, both plant and
animal life is multipl e-source dependent, relying for survival on the organisms capacity to
integrate air, w at er, min erals, and the like without anything like mindful segmentation of these
sources. Mind f ul se lective attention would have come later with the evolution of the segm ental
capacity t o fo cus deliberately on mental objects . This is probably how segmentals acquired their
selective-a ttention -readiness that is realized with learning. What is needed in education and
research , t hen, is a perspective on segmental interdependent interaction that takes into account
both in t egrat ive and analytic aspects of human understanding. It is perhaps because of the ir
nonsegme ntal nature that human intuition or passion, on the one hand, and human insight, on
53
the other, have been seen as mysterious and irrational phenomena when viewed through the
one-way lens of analytic science (Dewey, 1938; Neumann, 1999, 2006) .
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