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pter 6: Rea
alism
Chap

Re
ealism has been the dominant
d
ttheory of world
w
politic
cs since thee beginning of
aca
ademic Intternational Relations..

Ou
utside the academy,
a
realism
r
ha s a much longer
l
history in the w
work of cla
assical
political theorrists such as
a Thucyd
dides, Mach
hiavelli, Ho
obbes, andd Rousseau.

The unifying theme aro

ound which
h all realist thinking co
onverges i s that state
es find
emselves in
n the shad
dow of ana rchy such that their security
s
caannot be taken for
the
gra
anted.

At the start of the new millennium

m
m, realism continues
c
to
t attract aacademicia
ans and
info
orm policy-makers, although
a
in
n the period
d since the
e end of thee cold war we have
see
en heighte
ened criticis
sm of realisst assump
ptions.

There is a lacck of conse

ensus as to
o whether we can me
eaningfullyy speak ab
bout
alism as a single coherent theo
ory.
rea

There are go
ood reasons for deline
eating diffe
erent types
s of realism
m.

Strructural rea
alism divides into two
o camps: th
hose who argue
a
that states are
e security
ma
aximizers (defensive realism), a
and those who
w argue
e that statees are powe
er
ma
aximizers (offensive realism).
r

Ne
eoclassical realists brring individ
dual and un
nit variation
n back intoo the theory
y.

Sta
atism is a central
c
ass
sumption o
of realism. This
T
involv
ves two claaims. First, the state
is tthe pre-em
minent actor in world p
politics. Se
econd, statte sovereiggnty signifie
es the
exiistence of an indepen
ndent polittical community, one that has juuridical autthority
ove
er its territo
ory.

Ke
ey criticism: statism is
s flawed on
n both emp
pirical grou
unds (challeenges to state
s
pow
wer from a
above and
d below) a
and normative ground
ds (the inaability of so
overeign

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sta
ates to resp
pond to collective glo
obal proble
ems such as
a famine, environme
ental
deg
gradation, and huma
an rights ab
buses).

Survival: the primary ob

bjective of all states is
i survival; this is the
e supreme national
inte
erest to wh
hich all political leade
ers must ad
dhere.

Ke
ey criticism: are there no limits tto what acttions a statte can takee in the name of
neccessity?

Se
elf-help: no other state
e or institu
ution can be
e relied on
n to guaranntee your survival.
s

Ke
ey criticism: self-help is not an in
nevitable consequen
c
nce of the aabsence off a world
govvernment; it is a logic
c that state
es have se
elected. Mo
oreover, theere are examples
wh
here states have prefferred colle
ective secu
urity system
ms, or form
ms of region
nal
seccurity communities, in preferen
nce to self-help.

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eralism
Chaptter 7: Libe

Lib
beralism is a theory of
o both govvernment within
w
states and goodd governance
bettween stattes and peo
oples world
dwide. Unlike realism
m, which reegards the
intternational as an ana
archic real m, liberalis
sm seeks to
t project vvalues of order,
o
libe
erty, justice
e, and toleration into internation
nal relation
ns.

The high watter mark off liberal thin

nking in intternationall relations w
was reached in the
er-war period in the work
w
of ide
ealists, who
o believed that warfaare was an
inte
unnecessaryy and outmoded way of settling disputes between
b
sttates.

omestic and
d internatio
onal institu
utions are required
r
to protect annd nurture these
Do
vallues.

Lib
berals disagree on fundamenta l issues su
uch as the causes of war and what
w
kind
of institutionss are required to delivver liberal values in a decentra lized, multticultural
inte
ernational system.

An importantt cleavage within libe ralism, which has be

ecome morre pronoun
nced in ourr
glo
obalized wo
orld, is betw
ween thosse operating with an activist
a
connception off
libe
eralism, wh
ho advocate interven
ntionist fore
eign policie
es and stroonger international
insstitutions, and
a those who
w incline
e towards a pragmatiic conceptiion, which places a
prio
ority on tolleration and non-inte rvention.

Ea
arly liberal thought
t
on internation
nal relation
ns took the view that the natural order
had
d been corrrupted by undemocrratic state leaders and
d outdatedd policies such as
the
e balance of
o power. Enlightenm
E
ment liberals
s believed that a lateent cosmop
politan
mo
orality could
d be achieved throug
gh the exerrcise of rea
ason and thhrough the
e creation
of cconstitution
nal states. In addition
n, the unfetttered mov
vement of ppeople and
d goods
cou
uld further facilitate more
m
peace
eful interna
ational relations.

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Although there are important conttinuities be

etween Enlightenmennt liberal th
hought
and
d twentieth
h-century id
deas, such
h as the be
elief in the power of w
world public opinion
to ttame the in
nterests off states, lib
beral idealis
sm was mo
ore prograammatic. Fo
or
ide
ealists, persuasion wa
as more im
mportant th
han abstrac
ct moral reeasoning.

Lib
beral thoug
ght at the end
e of the ttwentieth century
c
bec
came grou nded in so
ocial
scientific theo
ories of sta
ate behavio
our. Coope
eration among rationaal egoists was
ordinated by
b regimes
s and instittutions.
posssible to achieve if properly coo

Lib
beral intern
nationalism
m 2.0, which
h is associiated with the
t post-19945 period
d, is in
crissis. The ab
bility of the USA to stteer world order is dim
minishing, rising pow
wers are
wa
anting a gre
eater share
e of the sp
poils, and new
n
securitty challengges are ope
ening up
sig
gnificant divvisions am
mong the m
major powers .

If Ikenberry iss right and 2.0 is in d

decline, it is
s not clear what is gooing to replace it. If
2.0
0 collapsess then the world
w
is ba
ack to the inter-war period whenn the Leag
gue of
Na
ations could
d not live up
u to its pro
omise. If it is reinvigo
orated, the n global institutions
will adapt to the
t challen
nge of new
w emerging
g powers without
w
losinng their dis
stinctively
eral characcter.
libe

The assumpttion that lib

beralism ha
as indeed triumphed
t
during thee post-1945
5 period is
vullnerable to
o the critiqu
ue that the practices of trade, security, annd development
havve never delivered
d
on their pro
omise. As a result, liberal internaational ord
ders
rem
main conve
eniently fav
vourable to
o the most powerful states
s
in thhe system.

Is tthe future of
o liberalism likely to be a returrn to interna
ationalism 1.0in otther
wo
ords, a periiod in whic
ch there is a
an institutional archittecture thaat is hopele
essly out
of sstep with what
w
is hap
ppening in world polittics? Or is internationnalism 3.0 a realistic
alte
ernative to
o the rules and institu
utions of the
e post-194
45 period, w
which seem
m unable

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to d
deliver ord
der and justice for mo
ost peoples
s in the wo
orld?

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mporary mainstream
m
m approac
ches: neo
o-realism aand neo-liberalism
Chapterr 8: Contem

The neoneo
o debate ha
as been a major focu
us in Intern
national Reelations the
eory
sch
holarship in
n the USA for the lasst fifteen to
o twenty ye
ears.

Mo
ore than jusst theories, neo-reali sm and ne
eo-liberalism represeent paradigms or
con
nceptual frrameworks
s that shap
pe individua
als images
s of the woorld and inffluence
ressearch prio
orities and policy deb
bates and choices.
c

Ne
eo-liberalism
m in the ac
cademic w
world refers
s most often to neo-libberal
insstitutionalissm. In the policy
p
world
d, neo-libe
eralism is id
dentified w
with the pro
omotion of
cap
pitalism an
nd Western
n democrattic values and
a institutions.

ational-choice approa
aches and game theo
ory have be
een integraated into neo-realist
Ra
and
d neo-liberral theory to
t explain p
policy choiices and th
he behavioour of state
es in
con
nflict and cooperative
c
e situationss.

Ne
eo-realists and neo-lib
berals stud
dy differentt worlds. Neo-realists
N
s study sec
curity
isssues and are concern
ned with isssues of po
ower and su
urvival. Neeo-liberals study
political econ
nomy and focus
f
on co
ooperation
n and institu
utions.

Ke
en Waltz cla
aims that the
t structu re of the in
nternationa
al system iss the key fa
actor in
sha
aping the behaviour
b
of states. W
Waltzs neo-realism also
a
expannds our vie
ew of
pow
wer and ca
apabilities.

Strructural rea
alists minim
mize the im
mportance of national attributess as determ
minants of
a sstates fore
eign policy behaviour . To these neo-realis
sts, all statees are func
ctionally
sim
milar units, experienc
cing the sam
me constra
aints prese
ented by annarchy.

Strructural rea
alists accept many off the assum
mptions of traditional realism. They
T
believe that force
f
remains an imp
portant and
d effective tool
t
of stattecraft, and
d balance
anism for order
o
in the
e system.
of power is sttill the central mecha

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Josseph Griecco represents a grou p of neo-re

ealists, or modern
m
reaalists, who
o are
crittical of neo
o-liberal ins
stitutionalissts who cla
aim that sta
ates are m
mainly intere
ested in
abssolute gain
ns. Grieco claims tha
at all states
s are intere
ested in booth absolute
e and
rela
ative gainss. How gains are disttributed is an
a importa
ant issue. T
Thus there are two
barriers to intternationall cooperati on: fear off those who
o might noot follow the
e rules,
and
d the relatiive gains of
o others.

Scholars in security
s
stu
udies prese
ent two verrsions of ne
eo-realism
m or modern realism.
Offfensive rea
alists emph
hasize the importanc
ce of relativ
ve power. D
Defensive realists
are
e often con
nfused with
h neo-libera
al institutio
onalists. Th
hey recognnize the costs of war
and
d assume that it usua
ally resultss from irrational force
es in a sociiety. Coope
eration is
posssible, but it is more likely to su
ucceed in relations
r
with
w friendlyy states.

Co
ontemporarry neo-liberalism hass been sha
aped by the
e assumpti ons of com
mmercial,
rep
publican, sociological, and insti tutional lib
beralism.

Co
ommercial and republican libera
alism provide the foundation forr current neo-liberal
thin
nking in Western
W
gov
vernments . These co
ountries pro
omote freee trade and
d
democracy in
n their foreign policy programm
mes.

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalism, the otther side of
o the neoneo debatee, is rooted
d in the
fun
nctional integration th
heoretical w
work of the
e 1950s an
nd 1960s, aand the complex
inte
erdepende
ence and trransnation al studies literature of
o the 19700s and 198
80s.

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists see insstitutions as
a the med
diator and tthe means
s to
ach
hieve coop
peration in the interna
ational sys
stem. Regim
mes and innstitutions help
govvern a com
mpetitive and anarchiic international system, and theey encoura
age, and
at ttimes requ
uire, multila
ateralism a
and cooperration as a means of securing national
n
inte
erests.

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Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists recogn
nize that co
ooperation
n may be h arder to ac
chieve in
are
eas where leaders pe
erceive the
ey have no
o mutual intterests.

Ne
eo-liberals believe tha
at states co
ooperate to
o achieve absolute
a
ggains, and the
t
gre
eatest obsttacle to coo
operation iis cheating
g or non-c
compliancee by other states.
s

The neoneo
o debate is
s not a deb
bate betwee
en two polar oppositee worldview
ws. They
sha
are an episstemology, focus on similar que
estions, an
nd agree o n a numbe
er of
asssumptions about inte
ernational p
politics. Th
his is an inttra-paradiggm debate..

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists and ne
eo-realists study diffe
erent worldds of intern
national
politics. Neo--realists foc
cus on seccurity and military
m
issues. Neo-lliberal
insstitutionalissts focus on
n political e
economy, environme
ental issuess, and hum
man rights
isssues.

Ne
eo-realists explain tha
at all statess must be concerned
d with the aabsolute an
nd relative
gains that ressult from in
nternationa
al agreeme
ents and co
ooperative efforts. Ne
eo-liberal
s concerne
ed about re
elative gain
ns and conssider that all
a will
insstitutionalissts are less
benefit from absolute
a
gains.

Ne
eo-realists are more cautious
c
ab
bout coope
eration and
d remind uss that the world
w
is
still a compettitive place
e where se lf-interest rules.

eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists believe
e that state
es and other actors ccan be pers
suaded to
Ne
coo
operate if they
t
are co
onvinced th
hat all state
es will com
mply with ruules, and that
coo
operation will
w result in absolute
e gains.

Ne
eo-realists think
t
that states
s
are still the principal acto
ors in interrnational po
olitics.
Glo
obalization
n challenge
es some arreas of state authority
y and conttrol.

Glo
obalization
n provides opportunit ies and res
sources for transnatioonal social
mo
ovements that
t
challen
nge the au
uthority of states
s
in va
arious policcy areas. NeoN

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rea
alists are not
n supporttive of any movement that seek
ks to open critical sec
curity
isssues to pub
blic debate.

ee market neo-liberals believe g

on is a pos
sitive forcee. Eventually, all
Fre
globalizatio
sta
ates will be
enefit from the econo mic growth
h promoted
d by the forrces of
glo
obalization.

ome neo-lib
berals belie
eve that sta
ates should intervene
e to promoote capitalis
sm with a
So
human face or
o a marke
et that is more sensitiive to the needs
n
and interests of
o all the
peo
ople. New institutions
s can be ccreated and
d older one
es reformeed to prevent the
une
even flow of capital, promote e
environmen
ntal sustain
nability, an d protect the rights
of ccitizens.

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Ch
hapter 9: Marxist
M
the
eories of internatio
i
nal relatio
ons

Ma
arxs work retains its relevance despite the collapse of Commuunist Party
y rule in
the
e former So
oviet Union
n.

Of particular importance is Marxss analysis of capitalis

sm, which hhas yet to be
betttered.

Ma
arxist analyyses of inte
ernational relations aim
a to reveal the hiddden working
gs of
glo
obal capitalism. These hidden w
workings provide the context in which inte
ernational
eve
ents occurr.

arx himselff provided little in term

ms of a the
eoretical an
nalysis of i nternationa
al
Ma
rela
ations.

Hiss ideas havve been interpreted a

and approp
priated in a number oof different and
con
ntradictoryy ways, res
sulting in a number off competing schools of Marxism
m.

Un
nderlying th
hese differe
ent schoolss are seve
eral commo
on elementts that can be traced
bacck to Marxxs writings.

arxist theorrists have consistentl

c
ly develope
ed an anallysis of thee global aspects of
Ma
inte
ernational capitalisman aspe
ect acknow
wledged by Marx, but not develo
oped in
Ca
apital.

Wo
orld-system
ms theory can
c be see
en as a dire
ect development of LLenins worrk on
imp
perialism and
a the Lattin America
an Depend
dency Scho
ool.

c
d to the ana
alysis of intternationall capitalism
m by
Feminist writers have contributed
foccusing on the
t specific
c role of wo
omen.

Dra
awing on the work off Antonio G
Gramsci for inspiration, writers w
within an IItalian
sch
hool of inte
ernational relations
r
h ave made a considerable contrribution to thinking
abo
out world politics.
p

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Gra
amsci shiftted the foc
cus of Marxxist analysis more tow
wards supeerstructura
al
phe
enomena. In particular, he exp lored the processes
p
by which cconsent forr a
particular soccial and po
olitical syste
em was prroduced an
nd reproduuced throug
gh the
ope
eration of hegemony
h
y. Hegemo ny allows the
t ideas and
a ideologgies of the ruling
stra
atum to be
ecome wide
ely disperssed, and widely
w
accepted, throuughout soc
ciety.

Thinkers succh as Robe

ert W. Cox have attem
mpted to in
nternationaalize Gram
mscis
ought by tra
ansposing several off his key co
oncepts, most
m
notablly hegemony, to the
tho
glo
obal contexxt.

Criitical theoryy has its ro

oots in the work of the Frankfurrt School.

abermas ha
as argued that emancipatory po
otential lies
s in the reaalm of
Ha
com
mmunication, and tha
at radical d
democracy
y is the way
y in which that poten
ntial can
be unlocked.

Andrew Linkllater has developed ccritical theo

ory themes
s to argue in favour of
o the
exp
pansion off the moral boundarie
es of the po
olitical com
mmunity, annd has pointed to
the
e European
n Union as
s an examp
ple of a pos
st-Westpha
alian instituution of
govvernance.

Ne
ew Marxism
m is charac
cterized byy a direct (rre)appropriation of thhe concepts
s and
cattegories de
eveloped by
b Marx.

Ro
osenberg uses
u
Marxs
s ideas to ccriticize realist theories of interrnational re
elations,
and
d globaliza
ation theory
y. He seekks to develop an alterrnative appproach tha
at
und
derstands historical change
c
in world polittics as a re
eflection of transformations in
the
e prevailing
g relations of producttion.

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Ch
hapter 10: Social co
onstructivism

Inte
ernational relations theory in th
he 1980s was
w domina
ated by neeo-realism and neolibe
eral instituttionalism; both theor ies ascribe
ed to materialism andd individua
alism.

Va
arious scho
olars critica
al of neo-re
ealism and neo-libera
alism drew from critic
cal and
socciological theory
t
to demonstratte the effec
cts of ideas
s and norm
ms on world
d politics.

The end of th
he cold war created a
an intellecttual space for schola rs to challe
enge
ernational p
politics.
exiisting theories of inte

Co
onstructivissts are concerned witth human consciousn
c
ness and kknowledge,, treat
ide
eas as structural facto
ors that inffluence how
w actors in
nterpret thee world, co
onsider the
dyn
namic relationship be
etween ide
eas and ma
aterial forces as a coonsequence
e of how
acttors interprret their ma
aterial reallity, and arre intereste
ed in how aagents prod
duce
structures an
nd how stru
uctures pro
oduce agen
nts.

egulative an
nd constitu
utive normss shape what actors do, but on
nly constitutive
Re
norms shape
e the identity and acto
ors of state
es and wha
at counts aas legitimate
behaviour.

Although the meanings

s that actorrs bring to their activities are shhaped by th
he
und
derlying cu
ulture, mea
anings are not always
s fixed and
d the fixingg of meanin
ng is a
cen
ntral featurre of politic
cs.

So
ocial constrruction den
naturalizes what is ta
aken for gra
anted, askss questions about
the
e origins off what is no
ow accepte
ed as a fac
ct of life, an
nd consideers the alte
ernative
patthways tha
at might ha
ave producced, and ca
an produce
e, alternativve worlds.

Po
ower is not only the ability of on e actor to get anothe
er actor to ddo what th
hey would
nott do otherw
wise, but also the pro
oduction off identities, interests, and mean
nings that
lim
mit the abilitty of actors
s to contro l their fate..

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The recognitiion that the

e world is ssocially constructed means
m
thaat constructtivists can
invvestigate global change and tra
ansformatio
on.

A kkey issue in any stud

dy of globa l change is
s diffusion, captured by the con
ncern with
insstitutional issomorphism and the life cycle of
o norms.

Although diffu
usion sometimes occcurs becau
use of the view
v
that thhe model is
sup
perior, freq
quently acttors adopt a model either becau
use of exteernal press
sures or
beccause of itts symbolic
c legitimacyy.

Insstitutional issomorphism and the internationalization of

o norms ra
raise issues
s of
gro
owing hom
mogeneity in
n world po litics, a deepening in
nternationaal community, and
soccialization processes
s.

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Chapter
C
11
1: Poststrructuralism
m

Po
oststructura
alists raise questions about ontology and epistemoloogy.

Po
oststructura
alism is crittical of stattism and of
o taking the
e anarchiccal system for
gra
anted.

oststructura
alism adopts a constiitutive epis
stemology.
Po

Wh
hat count as
a facts depends on tthe ontolog
gical and epistemolo
e
ogical assumptions a
the
eory makess.

Four conceptts from pos

ststructura
alist philoso
ophy have been usedd to produc
ce new
kno
owledge about world
d politics: d
discourse, deconstruc
d
ction, geneealogy, and
d
inte
ertextualityy.

To look at wo
orld politics
s as discou
urse is to study
s
the lin
nguistic strructures th
hrough
wh
hich materiality is give
en meanin g.

De
econstructio
on argues that langu
uage is a sy
ystem of unstable dicchotomies where
one
e term is valued
v
as superior.
s

enealogy asks which political prractices ha

ave formed
d the preseent and which
Ge
alte
ernative un
nderstandings and diiscourses have been
n marginalizzed and fo
orgotten.

ertextualityy holds tha

at we can ssee world politics
p
as made up oof texts, and that all
Inte
texxts refer to other texts
s yet each is unique.

Sta
ate sovereignty is a practice
p
tha
at constituttes identity
y and authoority in a particular
p
ma
anner.

Po
oststructura
alists deconstruct the
e distinction
n between the nationnal and the
e
inte
ernational by showing that the two terms stabilize each
e
other and depen
nd on a
lon
ng series of other dichotomies.

ory like the

e state, and
d thereforee cannot re
eplace it.
The global is not a polittical catego

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Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide

Po
oststructura
alists warn against th
he danger of
o universa
al discoursee because
e it is
alw
ways define
ed from a particular
p
p
position of power.

In keeping with the non

n-foundatio
onalist onto
ology that poststructu
p
uralism ado
opts,
the
ere are no natural or objective i dentities, only those
e that are pproduced in
disscourse.

The terms su
ubjectivities or subje
ect position
ns undersc
core the faact that ide
entity is
ng that som
meone has,, but a pos
sition that one
o is consstructed as
s having.
nott somethin

The relationsship betwee

en identityy and foreig
gn policy is
s performattive and mutually
m
con
nstitutive.

oststructura
alism asks Who and how can the subjectt speak? aand What subjects
s
Po
are
e prevented from spe
eaking?

Po
oststructura
alists raise questions about ontology and epistemoloogy.

Po
oststructura
alism is crittical of stattism and of
o taking the
e anarchiccal system for
gra
anted.

Po
oststructura
alism adopts a constiitutive epis
stemology.

Wh
hat count as
a facts depends on tthe ontolog
gical and epistemolo
e
ogical assumptions a
the
eory makess.

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Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
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alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
olonialism
m
Chapter 1 2: Post-co

Po
ost-coloniallism is a ne
ew approa ch in IR that provides
s a bottom
m-up ratherr than
sta
ate-down approach
a
to
o the studyy of interna
ational relations.

Am
mong otherr more trad
ditional sou
urces, it uses fiction and
a personnal testimo
onials as
sou
urces of information about colo
onial and post-colonia
al people aand situatio
ons
rele
evant to in
nternational relations..

It iss broad en
nough to include speccific colonial and pos
st-colonial rrelations as
a well as
the
e notion tha
at our era in internatiional relatio
ons is pos
stcolonial.

ome intere
est in colon
nial and post-colonial relations, but only frrom the
IR showed so
perspective of
o great power interessts.

The cold warr period saw

w great po
owers competing ove
er influencee in newly
ind
dependent countries.

Un
nwilling to choose
c
bettween Wesstern and Soviet
S
bloc
c patronagee, some po
ostcollonial state
e regimes met
m at conferences and
a formed
d the non-aaligned mo
ovement to
cre
eate a Third World bloc.

The Third Wo
orld was able to show
w some po
ower over the
t great ppowers thro
ough
OP
PEC and byy demandiing an NIE
EO.

But the agendas of and

d for the Th
hird World did not tak
ke into acccount the liv
ves of
ave
erage peop
ple in post-colonial s ettings.

ost-coloniall studies sttarted with an interes

st in the live
es and knoowledges of
o people
Po
of ssubaltern statuses
s
in
n India.

With little info

ormation on subaltern
n life, early
y post-colo
onial writerss turned to
o postcollonial fictio
on for insight.

Ficction as a data
d
source
e that high
hlights life within
w
partiicular cultuures is som
mething

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
the
e field of In
nternational Relationss has conv
ventionally eschewedd.

oups in Intternational Relations , however,, have brou

ught post-ccolonial ficttion and
Gro
cullture to the
eir work. It is very pro
ominent in feminist Internationaal Relations
s.

nt to bear in
n mind Gayyatri Spiva
aks questio
on of whethher the sub
baltern
It iss importan
can
n speak orr whether the Westerrn research
her ends up putting thhat speech
h into
dominant We
estern fram
meworks.

orld-travelling method
ds encoura
age researrchers and subalternss to find co
ommon
Wo
me
eeting poin
nts that brin
ng the Wesstern resea
archer clos
ser to the ssubaltern world,
w
ratther than vice versa.

So
ome post-colonial work builds th
heory that follows up and expannds ideas on
collonization and
a resista
ance develloped by anti-colonia
a
al intellectuuals like Fra
antz
Fanon.

ortant influ ence on th

heory-build
ding througgh his analy
ysis of
Edward Said is an impo
Orientalism.

Ho
omi Bhabha
a, another important figure in th
he field, arg
gues that ccolonials
con
nstructed the
t Orient from their own fantas
sies and de
esires but could not capture or
con
ntrol hybrid
d colonial identities a
and dissem
miNations.

ontemporarry theorists
s remove the hyphen
n from the term
t
post-ccolonial to indicate
Co
tha
at the curre
ent era is postcolonia
p
al and has continuities and disccontinuities
s with
collonialism.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
Chapter
C
13
3: Internatiional ethic
cs

Glo
obalization
n lends sup
pport to cossmopolitan
n ethical theory.

Co
osmopolitan
nism advances the id
dea of a un
niversal hu
uman comm
munity in which
w
eve
erybody is treated as
s equal.

osmopolita
an thinker is Immanue
el Kant.
The most sysstematic co

Co
osmopolitan
nism has both
b
moral and politic
cal meanin
ng.

osmopolitan
nism does not requirre a world state.
s
Co

Co
osmopolitan
ns emphas
size both p
positive and
d negative duties, ussually expressed in
terrms of resp
ponsibilities
s not to ha rm and res
sponsibilitie
es to proviide humanitarian
asssistance orr hospitality.

Re
ealism and pluralism are the two
o most com
mmon obje
ections to ccosmopolittan ethics
and
d the posssibility of moral univerrsalism.

Re
ealists argu
ue that nec
cessity dem
mands a statist ethics
s, restrictinng moral ob
bligations
to tthe nation--state.

Plu
uralism is an
a ethics of
o coexiste
ence based
d on soverreignty.

Co
osmopolitan
ns emphas
size extenssive positiv
ve (i.e. justtice and aidd) and neg
gative (i.e.
non-harming) duties ac
cross borde
ers.

Anti-cosmopo
olitans argue that we
e have limitted, largely
y negative,, duties to those
outtside our own
o
community.

ost thinkerss agree witth Rawls th

hat we hav
ve at least natural duuties of: mutual aid,
Mo
to o
offer assistance in tim
mes of nee
ed, such as
s temporarry famine rrelief or
humanitarian
n emergenc
cy aid; and
d the negattive duty not to harm or inflict
unnecessaryy suffering.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide

There are thrree components of th

he just warr tradition: jus
j ad bellu
lum, jus in bello, and
juss post bellu
um.

The just war tradition co

ontains ele
ements of cosmopolit
c
tanism andd
com
mmunitaria
anism.

ustice are d
dominated
d by utilitariian and Raawlsian the
eories.
Disscussions of global ju

elf a moral problem.

It iss not alwayys agreed that inequ ality is itse

Co
osmopolitan
ns argue th
hat there iss a responsibility of the rich to hhelp the po
oor,
ste
emming fro
om positive
e and nega
ative duties
s.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Cha
apter 17: G
Gender in world politics

There are ma
any feminis
st theories . They incllude liberal, Marxist, socialist, postp
collonial, and poststructtural.

All feminist th
heories are
e trying to e
explain wo
omens sub
bordinationn: howeverr, they all
havve differen
nt reasons for women
ns subordination.

Feminists define gende

er as a set of socially
y constructe
ed charactteristics tha
at define
hat we mea
an by masc
culinity and
d femininity
y.
wh

Ge
ender is a system
s
of social
s
hiera
archy in which masculine charaacteristics are more
vallued than feminine
f
ones.

ender is a structure
s
th
hat signifie
es unequal power rela
ationships between women
w
Ge
and
d men.

IR feminists use
u gender-sensitive
e lenses to help them
m answer q uestions about
a
why
wo
omen often
n play subo
ordinate rolles in globa
al politics.

Lib
beral femin
nists believe that wom
mens equa
ality can be
e achievedd by removing legal
obsstacles tha
at deny women the sa
ame opportunities as
s men.

Po
ost-liberal fe
eminists arrgue that w
we must look more de
eeply at unnequal gen
ndered
structures in order to un
nderstand womens subordinat
s
tion.

ow both ide
eas and material struuctures sha
ape
Feminist critical theorists show ho
peo
oples livess, and how
w changes in the mea
aning of ge
ender havee changed the
pra
actices of internationa
al organiza
ations overr time.

Feminist constructivists
s show us tthe various
s ways in which
w
ideaas about ge
ender
sha
ape and arre shaped by global p
politics.

Po
oststructura
al feminists
s claim tha t there is a link betwe
een knowleedge and power.
p
Sin
nce men ha
ave genera
ally been sseen as knowers and
d as subjeccts of know
wledge,

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
thiss influence
es how we see globa l politics.

ost-coloniall feminists suggest th

hat women
ns subordin
nation musst be differrentially
Po
und
derstood in
n terms of race, classs, and geo
ographical location.

aditional sttories abou

ut war, which portray men as prrotectors aand women
n and
Tra
chiildren as being protected, are sseverely ch
hallenged by
b todays wars, in which
w
wo
omen and children
c
are being kil led and injjured in larrge numbeers.

ars association with masculinitty and the image of a soldier ass a heroic male
m
are
Wa
cha
allenged by an increa
asing num ber of wom
men in milittaries arouund the wo
orld.

i popular w
when state
es are preo
occupied w
with nationa
al security
Millitarized masculinity is
thrreats; conssequently conciliatory
c
y options in
n policy-ma
aking tend to get disc
counted
and
d it is difficcult for wom
mens voice
es to be re
egarded as
s legitimatee, particula
arly in
ma
atters of se
ecurity polic
cy.

ution of all forms of violence:

v
Feminists define securiity broadly to include the diminu
onomic, and ecologiccal.
phyysical, eco

Ag
gender-sen
nsitive pers
spective he
elps us see
e how wom
mens relattive disadv
vantage to
me
en in termss of materia
al well-bein
ng is due to
o the gend
dered divisiion of labo
our.

The gendered division of labour d

dates back
k to sevente
eenth-centtury Europe and the
sub
bsequent separation
s
of paid wo
ork in the public
p
sphe
ere from unnpaid work
k in the
privvate spherre, a separration that has an effe
ect on the kind of woork that women do in
the
e public sphere.

Wo
omen are disproporti
d
onately clu
ustered in low-paid jo
obs in garm
ment industries,
serrvices, and
d home-based work, or in subsistence agriculture.

addition to
o paid work
k, women p
perform mo
ost of the unpaid
u
reprroductive and
a caring
In a
lab
bour in the private sphere, labo ur that is in
nvisible in economic analysis. This
T

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
con
nstrains wo
omens choices in th e public sp
phere.

nce waged
d work can be empow
wering for women,
w
ev
ven when t hey are pa
aid less
Sin
tha
an men, we
e must not overgene ralize abou
ut the nega
ative effectts of the ge
endered
divvision of lab
bour.

Mu
uch of the success
s
in moving to
owards gen
nder equality is due tto womens
s
org
ganizing in NGOs and social m ovements.. This has resulted inn getting wo
omens
isssues on the
e policy agendas of th
he United Nations an
nd other inttergovernm
mental
org
ganizationss.

f
kn
nowledge should
s
be useful
u
for im
mproving womens
w
Feminists believe that feminist
live
es, and ma
any feminis
st social m ovements are inform
med by fem
minist knowledge.

Da
ata disaggrregated by sex are vi tal for iden
ntifying wom
mens probblems and lobbying
forr change. The
T adoptio
on of the G
Gender Developmentt Index by tthe United Nations
u to see where
w
probllems are most
m
acute and to tracck evidenc
ce of
hass helped us
imp
provementt.

Ge
ender main
nstreaming, which ha
as been adopted by certain
c
inteernational
org
ganizationss and natio
onal govern
nments, is a policy th
hat evaluattes legislattion in
terrms of whe
ether it is lik
kely to incrrease or re
educe gend
der equalityy.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
Ch
hapter 19: Internatio
onal regim
mes

Re
egimes represent an important ffeature of globalizatio
on.

Ag
growing nu
umber of global regim
mes is bein
ng formed.

The term reg

gimes, and
d social sccience apprroaches to them, aree recent but fit into a
lon
ng-standing
g tradition of thought about inte
ernational law.

The onset of dtente, th

he loss of hegemonic
c status by
y the USA, and the growing
wareness of environm
mental prob
blems sens
sitized sociial scientissts to the need for a
aw
the
eory of regimes.

beral institu
utionalists and
a realistts have dev
veloped co
ompeting aapproaches
s to the
Lib
ana
alysis of re
egimes.

Re
egime theory is an atttempt initia
ated in the 1970s by social scieentists to account for
the
e existence
e of rule-go
overned be
ehaviour in
n the anarc
chic internaational systtem.

Re
egimes havve been de
efined by p rinciples, norms,
n
rule
es, and deccision-mak
king
pro
ocedures.

egimes can
n be classiffied in term
ms of the fo
ormality of the underllying agree
ements
Re
and
d the degree of expe
ectation tha
at the agre
eements will be obserrved. Full-b
blown,
taccit, and dea
ad-letter re
egimes can
n be identiffied.

Re
egimes now
w help to re
egulate inte
ernational relations in many sppheres of activity.
a

The market iss used by liberal insttitutionalists as an an

nalogy for tthe anarchic
inte
ernational system.

In a market/in
nternationa
al setting, p
public goods get und
derproduceed and pub
blic bads
gett overproduced.

Lib
beral institu
utionalists draw
d
on th
he Prisonerrs Dilemm
ma game too account fo
or the
structural imp
pediments to regime formation..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

Ah
hegemon, the shado
ow of the fu
uture, and an information-rich eenvironme
ent
pro
omote colla
aboration and
a an esccape route from the Prisoners
P
D
Dilemma.

Re
ealists argu
ue that liberal institutiionalists ignore the im
mportance of power when
w
exa
amining re
egimes.

Re
ealists draw
w on the Ba
attle of the
e Sexes ga
ame to illum
minate the nature of
coo
ordination and its link
k to power in an anarrchic settin
ng.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.