THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MONGOLIA AT THE CROSSROADS OF XX AND XXI CENTURIES:

NATIONAL INTEREST AND PRAGMATISM

Mongolia is a nation with very specific geopolitical environment, a country very sui generis: landlocked,
vast territory, few people, with two nuclear weapon neighbors, both being permanent members of UN
Security Council.
Conceptually, the background of the Mongolias foreign policy at the end of twentieth and beginning of
the twenty first centuries can be found in the Constitution of the Mongolia of 1992, the National Security
Concept, the Foreign Policy Concepts of 1994 respectively.
As the country pursued a new and independent foreign policy, the goals proclamed in those documents
were the national interest and the ways of conducting such a policy would be pragmatism.
Thanks to the new foreign policy strategy, Mongolia faced new challenges as well as new opportunities.
The 1992 Constitution bans joining any military and political alliances and stationing foreign troops in
national territory. The 1994 National Security Concept proclaimed that Mongolia shall defend its security
by diplomatic means and according to the Foreign Policy doctrine, the country shall pursue a non-aligned,
multipillar foreign policy.
Every foreign policy begins with neighbours. Mongolia managed to create a trilateral summit mechanism
of cooperation between the three neighbours in 2014. In June of 2016 the leaders of Mongolia, Russia and
China during the third trilateral meeting held in Tashkent signed a number of documents, concerning the
cooperation among them and the creation of an economic corridor being the most important.
Mongolia, as an Asian nation, concentrated its efforts on cooperation with North East and Central Asian
countries, the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on NEA and the observer status in Shanhai Cooperation Organization
being the most important examples. In that connection I presume that an eventual membership of
Mongolia in SCO would not contradict our national interest, on the contrary, it would enhance even more
the economic development of the country, strengthening the national security by diplomatic means.
Since its membership in the ASEAN Regional Forum in 1998, Mongolia has been performing active
particpation in the Forum's activities. Mongolia is carrying out a National Programme and particpating in
some areas of activities with an objective of joining APEC. In 2004 Mongolia became a full-pledged
member of ACD-Asian Cooperation Dialogue.
Mongolia managed in 2015 to sign its first free trade agreement ever with Japan, which constitutes a
breakthrough, an important step towards Mongolias entrance into the regional and world market. This
trade and economic breakthrough opened doors for Mongolia to signing similar documents with its other
third neighbors like EU and USA.
Furthermore, Mongolia organized succesfully the ASEM meeting in Ulaanbaatar just one month ago,
which, to my mind, demonstrates the international prestige that this country has won at the crossroads of
twentieth and twenty first centuries. The ASEM summit called back the Great Mongol State, which united
the two continents once again after 810 years, with the difference that this time, by diplomacy.
Mongolias membership in UN Human Rights Council in 2015 was another important achievement of
Mongolian diplomacy.
These are good things to be kept. As a result and thanks to pragmatic foreign policy, aimed at national
interest of this country, Mongolia is no longer a satellite state. It became a responsible, full - pledged
member of international community.

In the era of globalization no country is neutral. Especially it is true regarding the two neighbors, with
which Mongolia has strategic partnership agreements. Mongolia should not be isolated, on the contrary, it
should be an active player and negotiator.
Yet, new challenges like human trafficking, narcotics, international terrorism, extremism, nuclear threat,
climate change, corruption, poverty remain.
For some country, perhaps, in Europe, for instance, the foreign policy does not matter much but for
Mongolia foreign policy was and is something vital, since it deals with the survival of the nation. The
foreign policy carried out by various governments of various political orientations since 1990-ies to the
date served the national interest of the nation and has been an expression of the will of Mongolian people
to be an active part of the world community.
-oOoBy Prof.Dr.G.Tumurchuluun* (Mongolia)
Paper presented to the XI Congress of Mongolists, 15-18 August 2016, Ulaanbaatar
THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MONGOLIA AT THE CROSSROADS OF XX AND XXI CENTURIES:
NATIONAL INTEREST AND PRAGMATISM*
Ladies and gentlemen,
Distinguished guests,
Dear colleagues, Good morning
First of all, I would like to thank the organizers of this Congress and congratulate them for its excellent
organization.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are gathered today in this Congress, which is being held in the year of 810th anniversary of Great
Mongol State and 95th anniversary of Mongolian Peoples Revolution.
Brief historical background
Mongolia is a peace-loving nation, conducting an open foreign policy. The policies of the Mongolian
Statehood have centuries-long traditions. As many of you know, in the 13-14th centuries Mongols had
built the greatest empire on earth. In those times, Mongol Empire crafted its policies and governed by a
written law, and the law was called Ikh Zasag. Back then, Mongols promoted free trade and ran open
foreign policy.
Scholars note that it was precisely in the years of the Mongol Empire that the oriental and occidental
worlds, Asia and Europe were genuinely connected. The Great Mongol Empire respected the peoples
freedom of faith and freedom to create. The Empire ran very active policies toward Asia, Europe and
Middle East. These were the Mongol envoys, messengers and diplomats that embodied and molded
diplomatic immunity in the true sense of the word. ______________
*Dr.Prof. Guudain Tumurchuluun
Former Director, MOFA Center for Foreign Policy Studies, Former MOFA Deputy Director of Policy
Planning and currently, Counselor, MOFA Neighboring countries. Visiting Professor at National

University of Mongolia since 1992 and Mongolian Humanitarian University. Author of eleven and editor
of more than twenty books on Mongolian foreign policy, Foreign policy decision making, Theories of
International politics and Foreign policies of small states, including Mongolias Foreign Policy at the
crossroads of XX and XXI centuries: nationalism and pragmatism, 2016. Mongolia and Great Powers of
North East Asia, 2016 and International Relations, Mongolian Foreign Policy: theory and practice, 2015.
Editions Munkhiin-Useg.
Expertise: Mongolian Foreign Policy, Small States, Theories of international politics, Foreign Policy
Decision making, Northeast Asian security, European Union, Russia, China and Cuba.
You know that for foreign missions Mongol envoys and diplomats were given golden, silver, copper,
brass and wooden Gerege -plates that carried the Khaans decree affirming the immunity of the bearer of
the Gerege and calling for his free passage and travel. The great Soviet scholar and Mongolist Lev
Gumilev wrote rightly that the contemporary diplomats should erect a monument to Chingis Khan, since
he was in many ways a pioneering leader of modern diplomacy. I think, in this connection, Jack
Weatherford has made his valuable contribution, when analyzed Mongol Empire heritage in international
diplomacy.
These were the times when Mongols strived to establish trusted relations and engage in talks with other
countries with trust and confidence. I wish to note that the Great Mongol Empire never waged wars
without a justifiable reason.
Being built and flourished cross centuries, the Great Mongol Empire had seen a collapse, as used to do
many empires, disunity and decadence through centuries. Then, once world hegemon, submerged under
Manchu rule, thrown to periphery of world politics and forgotten for more than 200 years.
Modern Mongolia restored her freedom and independence in December 1911 and in July 1921. Since
proclaiming her freedom and independence Mongolia engaged in very active foreign policy. In 1961,
Mongolia joined the United Nations Organization and begun to expand its foreign relations.
From satelitism to democracy
In the XX century Mongolia was characterized by western scholars as a satellite state.
The concept of satellite state, introduced for the first time to the political studies by American
Mongolist, Professor Owen Lattimore in early XX century represented the raison detre of this countrys
foreign policy during almost one century the soviet period of Mongolian history.
Mongolia had to go a long way before having its own foreign policy, which would serve the national
interest.
The foreign policy goals, principles, geopolitical orientations as well as the decision making processes
had to be changed radically . These changes owed to not only domestic politics, which based on a
democratic political and economic system. Such a political system or institution constitutes a basis for
devlopment and progress, according to Daron Agemolu and James Robinson .
The changes also had to deal with the changing external environment, for instance, with the changing
nature of relations between Russia and China, North East Asia regional situation and ,finally, with trends
at global level. At the heart of such a grand change stood the desovietization and democratization of this
countrys foreign affairs.

Any speech on Mongolias foreign policy will not be complete without noting some crucial aspects of our
domestic policy, for Mongolias foreign and domestic policies are entwined and holistic. Thus, the
background of the Mongolias foreign policy at the end of twentieth and beginning of the twenty first
centuries were formulated in the 1992 Constitution and the National Security Concept, the Foreign Policy
Concepts of 1994 respectively, adopted by the the Mongolia people through a referendum and through the
parliament, democratically elected by the people.
The new Constitution of Mongolia proclaimed that the principal decision making body concerning the
foreign policy of the country will be not a single person or political party but the parliament, composed by
76 members, representing various political parties . The Constitution also made a clear division of labor
of main foreign policy actors such as the Parliament, the President, the National Security Council and the
executive or the government.
As the country pursued a new and independent foreign policy, the goals proclamed in those documents
were the national interest and pragmatism. According to the new constitutional guidelines, the world
revolution or things like that no longer will be our priority, on the contrary, the supreme goal would be the
national interest, in defense of national independence, sovereignty, freedom and democracy. Furthermore,
we learned that not the principles of socialist internationalism, but the principles enshrined in the UN
Charter will be the only ones that the nation should be guided by in its foreign affairs. Accordingly, all
bilateral treaties Mongolia signed with foreign countries will be based on those principles, including the
Friendship and coopeation treaty Mongolia signed with the Soviet Union in 1966, which was an alliance
treaty.
The democratization of the foreign policy decision making has led to an open door policies abroad.
I am of the opinion that for small states the foreign factor allways has played a decisive role in the
conduct of their foreign policies. For Mongolia it is a rule rather than an exeption. After Stalin, Khrushev
and Brezhnev turmoil ended, during Gorvachev era the Soviet-Chinese relations normalized. Vladimir
Putin has given new impetus to those relations. Nobody would deny that the well known events in the
Soviet bloc, of which Mongolia was member, were decisive for Mongolian destiny at the turn of the
century.
Analyzing the period between the end of twentieth and the beginning of twenty first centuries one can see
clearly the anxiety of the Mongols for a freedom in their foreign affairs, an unlimited desire to strengthen
their political and economic independence and a natural ambition to become a normal nation, respected
member of international community. Thus, late 1980-ies Mongolian-Chinese relations normalized,
diplomatic ties established with USA, as well as, with former enemies like South Korea and others. I
think this is an appropriate occasion to remember late professor Bob Scalapino who, as Professor Owen
Lattimore did, made great contribuition to the Mongolian studies in the USA and pioneering efforts to the
establishment of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and the USA, which demonstrates that scholars
can help enormously to the mutual understanding and cooperation among nations.
Mongolian membership in the ASEAN Regional Forum or ARF, the ASEM, OSCE or his recent
membership in the UN Human Rights Council constituted landmark events for Mongolia. The
organization in Ulaanbaatar such international events as the meeting of Ministers of foerign affairs of
Democratic Community in 2013, recent ASEM Summit or North East Asian Cities Mayors traditional
meetings are tangible demonstration of the open and independent foreign policy of this country,
something impossible during the socialist era.
From alignment to non-alignment

A distinctive feature of contemporary Mongolia in international affairs constitutes that it is a Non-aligned

country. The 1992 Constitution bans joining any military and political alliances and stationing foreign
troops in national territory. The 1994 National Security Concept proclaimed that Mongolia shall defend
its security by diplomatic means and according to the Foreign Policy doctrine, the country shall pursue a
non-aligned, multipillar foreign policy. Mongolias non-aligned foreign policy has its specifics: It does
not mean equidistance vis--vis the Russian Federation and Peoples Republic of China. On the contrary,
Mongolia is prepared to enhance with his two neighbors not only bilateral ties but also trilateral
cooperation.
To my mind, the concept of non-alignement, being the most importaant foreign policy of more than 120
nations, including such great powers like China, is the red line as for the Mongolian foreign policy is
concerned. After non alignement lies a terra incognita.I am talking about the non-alignment as concept, as
a foreign policy option and not about the Non-Aligned movement.
In Mongolia some political leaders advocate for a permenent neutrality for Mongolia. I am not an
especialist on neutrality, but a few information that I have tells me that we have no research on the matter,
no body knows how the permanent neutrality looks like and how it would function, since Mongolia had
no experience of such a policy. On the contrary, I presume, in very general terms, the concept of non
alignement offers a broad field of action in international affairs vis-a vis the concept of permanent
neutrality, which may guide to misunderstanding and mistrust among Mongolias partners, including its
neighbors, with whom Mongolia maintains relations of strategic partnership and which is widely
considered in Europe and Asia and elsewhere, as highest level of confidence and cooperation in an era of
globalized world.
Yet, no country is non-aligned when it concerns the national security, independence and sovereignty of
the nation. The nations independence is a sine qua non of the nationss very existence or survival. You
shall be guided by what the national interest tells you, the rest is secundary.I call this a pragmatic
approach to foreign affairs.
The concept of permanent neutrality, if adopted by the parliament, which is, as it was mentioned above,
the main decision maker in Mongolias Foreign policy, would contradict the nations declared policies of
opennes and multipillarity, it may misguide and would conduct the country to an international oasis of
uncertainty and isolation, not to talk about the third neighbor policies etc,. I wonder nobody would want
such an Orwellian situation for Mongolian nation. Some people mention the Swiss neutrality as example.
Switzerland may be an example of prosperity to be followed and to be learned. Yet Mongolia has to go
long way to reach the Swiss level of highly developed economy, Swiss people wealth and Swiss strong
self defense armed forces. Unfortunetely, Mongolia has no strong economy, neither strong self defense
armed forces. Besides, such a policy would lead to ammend the Constitution and other domestic laws.
The new draft Constitution, containing provisions of permanent neutrality, if launched, would be
approved by a referendum, final results of which would be full of uncetainties and unpredictabilities.
From bilateralism to trilateralism
Every foreign policy begins at the doors, as Napoleon once said. There are many examples of trilateralism
in international relations. We know that during the cold war era existed so called trilateral commission. In
our days in Eastern Europe Poland, Hungary and Czech Republic founded the Vise grad three to talk
about common issues concerning the three countries. The USA, Canada and Mexico have their own
three amigos group. In Asia three lateral groups proliferate: USA, Japan, ROK; China, Japan, ROK;
Japan, Australia and USA etc. Thus, we find many cases when the nations are united as a group by their
geographic location, or by economic or political reasons. However, Mongolia has had bad news, as well

as, good news on that matter. Exactly one hundred years ago, in 1915 in Kiahta then tsarist Russia and
Chinas Manchu rulers forced then independent Mongolia to accept Chinese suzerainty. It was bad news.
Today, one hundred years after, heads of states of new Mongolia, new Russia and new China seating at
the same table are talking tte--tte, as sovereign nations, about trilateral cooperation on equal footing
and mutual respect. It is good news.
Beginning with the final years of past and with the first decade of the present century, Mongolia has
enjoyed excellent bilateral ties both with the Russian Federation and the Peoples Republic of China. With
the enhancement of relations, the three countries realized that, to solve common issues, the bilateral
contacts are not sufficient, there are problems to be solved only by trilateral means, given the long
common border and the nature of issues to be dealt with.
Then, the three nations decided to create a trilateral summit mechanism of cooperation in 2014. A
Russian-Chinese Declaration says The parties will deepen Russia, China, Mongolia cooperation by
developing three lateral cooperation comprehensively in all areas, including politics, economics, sciences
and technology, humanities, border areas, local administrative units, as well as, international politics .
In June of 2016 the leaders of Mongolia, Russia and China during the third trilateral meeting held in
Tashkent, signed a number of documents, concerning the cooperation among them, the creation of an
economic corridor, being the most important. The regular meetings of deputy foregn ministrs of the three
countries would assist the heads of states in their endouvres. The three sides also agreed on bodies or
agencies, responsible for carrying out the Programme of trilateral cooperation. Thus, on the Russian side the Minisry of economic development, on the Chinese side-the State Commettee on development and
reforms and on the Mongolian side- the Ministry of External Relations.
The main objective of the trilateral cooperation is to implement together the relevant initiatives of
Chinese Silk road economic belt, Russian EuroAsian economic union and Mongolian Steppe Road
projects. In the framework of these three mega projects, the parties are negotiating about 32 small and
medium sized projects, which are aimed at enhancing cooperation in almost all the spheres of social and
economic life of the troika, for instance, the mentioned projects deal with the construction of transborder
high ways, railways, the cooperation in industry, energy, education, health care, agriculture, environment
and humanitarian exchange. The easing of border and custom procedures and abilitating border and
custom points would be another important task.
During the Tashkent summit the Mongolian side proposed the creation of an investment projecting center
with headquarters in Ulaanbaatar city, with the participation of the three sides, which would coordinate
investment projects to be implemented.
To my mind, it would be very useful if the trilateral cooperation include in its discussions issues like
international terrorism, transborder narcotrafficking, human trafficking, organized crime, and infectous
deseases. The discussion of those issues would elevate the trilateral cooperation to a genuine international
level, to contribute to the solve those items of our globalized world, constituting an useful example of
cooperation between great powers and small states.
Shift from East Europe to East Asia: Mongolias Asia policy revisited
One of the innovative approaches of the new foreign policy was, undoubtedly, the orientation towards
Asia and Pacific region, which was out of attention and forgotten during Soviet era. During this era, I
presume, there was no possibility to be engaged with the Asia, Pacific region, due to ideological
differences Mongolia maintained with the principal powers of that region. It is true that Mongolia wanted

to have its own place in the system of regional international relations. However, every effort he made,
was considered as soviet guided, made in the USSR , therefore, unaccetable.
During the Soviet era the nations foreign relations were oriented basecally to Eastern European socialist
bloc, its foreign economic relations, to the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance or CMEA.
The democratic changes which took place in Mongolia made possible also the opening up of the country
to Asia. Mongolias Asia policy has three dimensions: bilateral, regional and global . Close bilateral ties
established with countries like China, Japan, ROK , Australia, India and Turkey. Countries like Japan and
ROK played an important role in Mongolias transition.
The coming into force since June, 2016 of the Agreement on economic partnership between Mongolia
and Japan, was a breakthrough for Mongolia in its foreign economic relations. It was the first free trade
agreement Mongolia signed ever with a free market country. As a result of realization of this agreement
the stream of trade and investments between two countries will increase. Morever, the agreement has
great value for Mongolias accession into the regional economic integration. According to the terms
specified in the agreement, 5700 products from the Mongolian side and about 9300 products from the
Japanese side will be specifically and are, step by step, released from the import custom duties, which
provides the way to businessmen of both countries to deliver products with the certificate of origin on
preferential tariffs, something impossible in the past.
Furthermore, Mongolia has been developing close cooperation with Asean regional forum or ARF since
1998, Shanhai Cooperation Organization or SCO since 2004, Conference on Confidence Building and
Cooperation in Asia or CCBCA since 2002, Asia Cooperation Dialogue or ACD since 2004, PECC since
2000, ASEM since 2010 . Mongolias membership in International Monetary Fund, World Bank and
Asian Development Bank opened the doors for Mongolia to international financial world. Talking about
the SCO, I am of the opinion that the membership of Mongolia in that otganization would contribute to
the economic development of the nation and enhance the national security by diplomatic means. My
argument is that Mongolias both neighbors are SCO founding members and the trilateral cooperation is
being developed in the framework of the SCO. Mongolias membership in that organization is not the end
of history, it is the beguinning of history. Mongolias membership will be another example of the
countrys pragmatism, since its accession means gains rather than losses.
Mongolias cooperation with Asian nations at United Nations and other international organizations
constitutes another important factor for Mongolias miltilateral diplomacy to promote the countrys peaceaimed initiatives, including Mongolias nuclear weapon free zone.
Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on North East Asia Security
Mongolia, as a nation located in North East Asia, is worried about the situation in the region. Mongolia,
as other nations in the region, would like to see a non-nuclear North Korea and a normalization of
interKorean relations and peacful reunification of the two Koreas.
Unfortunately, the NEA n region lacks regional mechanism to deal with crises situations. There are
divided states, cold war mistrust remains, a number of territorial disputes persist and no confidence
among regional leaders. In those circumstances the President of Mongolia launched UB Dialogue on
North East Asia Security during the Conference of Community of Democracy, with the only aim to
contribute to the peace and security in the region. The proposals distinctive features are: the UBD would
be a permanent mechanism of consultations among nations of the region, it may include official first
tracks and unofficial second tracks and items such as economics,environment, humanitarian cooperation

would be subject to discussion. Since the launching the proposal some progress has been achieved, for
instance, three UBD conferences have been already held, with increased participation of not only
countries from the region, including two Korean states but from USA, Australia, India and European
Union. Mongolia is organizer of sustainable and inclusive cities North East Asian mayors Forum for the
third time. Mongolia also managed to hold North East Asian energy connectivity workshop and North
East Asian Women parliamentarian role in promoting peace and development through education.
Concluding remarks
Mongolia had to go a long way before having its own foreign policy, which would serve the national
interest of this country.
Although Mongolia had conquired its independence in 1921, his real independence in conducting the
foreign policy, came at the crossroads of the XX and XXI centuries.
The new foreign policy changes owed to not only domestic politics, which based on a democratic political
and economic system, but the changes also had to deal with the changing external environment, for
instance, with the changing nature of relations between Russia and China, North East Asia regional
situation and, finally, with trends at global level. At the heart of such a grand change stood the
desovietization and democratization of this countrys foreign affairs.
The legal background of the Mongolias foreign policy at the end of twentieth and beginning of the
twenty first centuries were formulated in the Constitution of the Mongolia of 1992, the National Security
Concept, the Foreign Policy Concepts of 1994 respectively.All this documents were adopted by the the
Mongolia people through a referendum or through the parliament, democratically elected by the people.
The new Constitution made a clear division of labor of principal foreign policy players such as the
parliament, the president, the executive or the government.
As the country pursued a new and independent foreign policy, the goals proclamed in those documents
were the national interest and pragmatism.
I am of the opinion that for small states the foreign factor allways has played a decisive role in the
conduct of their foreign policies. For Mongolia it is a rule rather than an exeption. Nobody would deny
that the well known events in the Soviet bloc, of which Mongolia was a part, were decisive for Mongolia
at the turn of the century.
Analyzing the period between the end of twentieth and the beginning of twenty first century one has to
conclude that the Mongols have had a dream for a freedom in their foreign affairs, an unlimited desire for
strengthening their political and economic independence and had a natural ambition to become a normal
nation, respected member of international community. The dream has become true.