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a r t i c l e
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i n f o
Article history:
Received 2 March 2012
Received in revised form 16 July 2013
Accepted 16 July 2013
Available online xxx
Keywords:
Media
Nuclear power
Public perception
Scientic information transfer
Although electricity generation technologies and safety have improved gradually over time,
nuclear power, including generation facilities and waste repositories, are seemingly stigmatized in American culture. Contemporary literature has considered the impact of widely
broadcasting nuclear accidents and how media coverage might alter public risk perceptions and in turn, U.S. nuclear policy. This paper discusses the vacillation of public support
in recent decades and its ties to both media and scientic reporting. The analysis identies how media coverage of accidents at Chernobyl, Three-Mile Island, and Fukushima
overwhelmed scientic claims of safety and security in nuclear energy production. Additionally, the discussion considers how to bridge the information gap between scientists,
citizens, and policymakers through increased knowledge dissemination. Finally, the implications of improved scientic communication in democratic policymaking processes are
discussed.
2013 Western Social Science Association. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
0362-3319/$ see front matter 2013 Western Social Science Association. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2013.07.011
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the U.S. Congress allocated $18.5 billion for a loan guarantee program to support initial investments for licensing
and construction to incentivize nuclear development (CRS,
2011). Blowers (2011) suggests that although previous
nuclear processes involved stakeholder input, openness
and transparency has decreased resulting in decisions that
do not consider local communities. Additionally, Doyle
(2011) is concerned over strong connections between the
nuclear energy industry, the government, and the military,
which excluded the public from discussions.
Regarding further development of nuclear power, there
are three main themes that drive the discussion: (1) nuclear
weapons, (2) nuclear power, and (3) nuclear waste. Gamson
and Modigliani (1989) assert that this has caused a dualistic discourse which contrasts a potential for destruction
with high levels of energy production. Social perceptions
are primarily negative and associate nuclear topics with
danger, toxic waste, environmental damage, war, death,
and sickness (Slovic, Flynn, & Layman, 1991). Research suggests these direct associations are tied to the historic roots
of nuclear ssion development:
Nuclear energy was conceived in secrecy, born in war,
and rst revealed to the world in horror. No matter how
much proponents try to separate the peaceful from the
weapons atom, the connection is rmly embedded in
the minds of the public (Smith, 1988: p. 62).
Experts, including scientists, reframe the risk perception of nuclear power by comparing it to other power
generation mechanisms in terms of injuries and deaths
per GWe-year and measuring risk only by counting the
number of accidents; however, these measurements do not
constrict public perceptions because they do not address
additional risks identied by the public (Ramana, 2011;
von Hippel, 2010). Slovic (1994) describes these additional public perceptions of risks as involuntary, unknown,
uncontrollable, and potentially catastrophic and likely
tied to lack of trust for agencies tasked with protecting
against harmful effects. Little can be done to improve perceptions based on the catastrophic potential of nuclear
accidents; however, increasing knowledge of risk probabilities for nuclear power generation might alleviate some
public concerns.
Agencies address the information gap by publishing
briefs about nuclear topics but the information is not wellreceived because risk evaluations lack credibility in the
public eye (Flynn, Slovic, & Mertz, 1993; Ramana, 2011).1
Researchers of public discourse are careful to distinguish
between causes and linkages; media discourse does not
necessarily change public opinion, but alters a part of the
social construct around a topic, such as nuclear power
(Gamson & Modigliani, 1989).
A 2010 Gallup poll showed U.S. public support for
nuclear power at an all-time high, with 62% backing the
use of nuclear energy (Jones, 2010). However, just one year
laterimmediately following Fukushimaa Gallup survey
1
For example, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, the Nuclear Energy
Institute, the Nuclear Energy Agency and the International Atomic Energy
Agency (CRS, 2008).
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core. Around 4 a.m., several water pumps stopped running, preventing the steam generators from removing heat,
and increasing pressure levels in the nuclear portion of
the plant (NRC, 2009a). A plant operator opened a valve
to relieve the pressure, but the valve subsequently failed to
close automatically. This malfunction allowed water that
usually cools reactor fuels to pour out of the core, causing
the core to overheat; the fuel pellets began to melt (NRC,
2009a). Potentially, core meltdown could have caused a
large release of radiation if the containment building walls
had been breached (NRC, 2009a).
Days later, when the core was stabilized and danger of
a meltdown appeared to have decreased; specialists discovered a hydrogen bubble growing within the pressure
vessel, threatening the reactor with the possibility of explosion or rupture. Experts determined after several days that
the bubble could not explode because there was no oxygen
available and by then the bubble size was shrinking (NRC,
2009a). The incident, although potentially catastrophic, did
not injure or kill any workers or community members
(NRC, 2009a). Residents of surrounding communities were
concerned over increases in radiation in the atmosphere;
however, research has shown if there were any increase, it
has not caused any health concerns over an 18-year period
(World Nuclear Association, 2012a).
The morning after the incident, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) was called in to help assess the
possible implications of the events from the night before.
Poor communications between government ofcials and
the scientists at the plant led Governor Thornburgh to
overestimate the risks from the accident and recommend
at-risk populations leave the area (Smithsonian, n/d). The
NRC told the media that risks were increasing and could
require evacuation of up to 20 miles.
Shortly after President Carter visited the reactor, he
commissioned a group of 12 people to investigate the
incident. The report was released around 6 months later
concluding there needed to be changes in the organization, procedures, and practicesand above allin the
attitudes of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (Kemeny,
1979). In addition, the accident spurred new training programs for reactor operators and greater oversight from
national and international nuclear organizations (World
Nuclear Association, 2012a).
3.2. Chernobyl
The incident that occurred in Unit 4 of the Chernobyl,
Ukraine plant on April 26, 1986 had the most destructive
and widespread effects in the history of nuclear energy production. The details of the incident and its causes have been
widely debated, but several reports agree that an explosion
destroyed the reactor during a test of the plants electrical
power capabilities. The incident has been linked to aws
in the industrial design of the reactor which were realized when the operators created a power surge in order
to test the capacity of the reactor (Howard, 2008; NRC,
2009b). The explosion released large amounts of radiation
into the atmosphere and many on-site materials caught
re. The re burned for ten days while workers frantically
entombed the unit in concrete to prevent further releases
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Reports of these three nuclear incidents covered newspapers for months, modifying citizen perceptions of
nuclear energy. The following analysis assesses how media
may have impacted public perceptions of the nuclear
industry based on coverage of the incidents. It also assesses
industry and government reactions to the incidents.
4. Methods
This section presents the results of a content analysis of
newspaper headlines from the two weeks following major
nuclear accidents including: Three Mile Island in the United
States, Chernobyl in Ukraine, and Fukushima in Japan. The
purpose of this analysis is to understand the emotive qualities of the headlines and identify themes that the headlines
address. Additionally, the analysis compares newspaper
coverage by reporting the number of positive, negative, and
neutral headlines.
The analysis framework uses both domestic and
international newspapers to avoid over-framing nuclear
incidents. The variety aims to capture an international
perspective and to identify nuances in the themes and
quantity being reported in different periodicals. None of
the papers are known to be inherently biased against the
nuclear energy sector, although several have center-left
leanings (New York Times, Washington Post, The Guardian).
These editorial leanings are not expected to bias the sample. The headlines of ve newspapers are assessed covering
three time periods and 536 articles containing information related to nuclear incidents. The newspapers were
selected based upon access to online media sources for the
time periods being assessed.2 The newspapers are accessed
through Academic Premier and Newspaper Source Plus
using search terms such as nuclear accident/incident,
nuclear disaster, or nuclear meltdown.
Distinguishing between positive, negative, and neutral
headlines was unexpected considering the nature of the
events being examined; however, the assessment reveals
some patterns in reporting providing both obviously negative and positive headlines. For example, a headline from
The Globe and the Mail just four days after the Chernobyl
incident reported Soviet A-leak worlds worst, harm to
food cycle feared where, in contrast, on the same day
The Guardian headlined Reagan offers U.S. help and No
radiation threat to UK, Commons told. The two latter headlines are interpreted in this analysis to be positive, as the
outcomes and ideas represent good news in the wake of
tragedy. The majority of headlines regarded as positive
relay optimistic responses by the government or imply that
the events would have no negative economic or health
impacts.
The content analysis includes ve themes: fear, health,
economics, policy, and trust. Headlines that do not fall
under these themes are categorized as other. Headlines
related to fear are identied by keywords such as explosion, casualty, death, fallout, danger, disaster, meltdown,
2
The author attempted to nd at least three papers with coverage for
all three disasters but struggled to obtain access to online headline media
prior to 1980, making the Three Mile Island assessment especially difcult.
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Table 1
Details of headline content analysis.
Nuclear accident
Headline dates
Newspapers
Chernobyl (Ukraine)
Fukushima (Japan)
Table 2
Count of headlines for positive, negative, and neutral classications.
Positive
Negative
Neutral
1
12
24
6
38
59
1
3
4
Chernobyl
The Globe and the Mail (Canada)
New York Times (U.S.)
The Guardian (UK)
17
9
33
55
67
88
3
8
6
Fukushima
The Globe and the Mail (Canada)
New York Times (U.S.)
The Guardian (UK)
Sydney Morning Herald (Australia)
14
5
6
3
23
16
22
5
0
6
2
0
and radiation. Headlines regarding food, health risk, environmental threats to agriculture, livestock, or other food
sources are separately categorized into health. Headlines
mentioning market effects, nancial losses/gains, bonds,
or insurance values are classied under economics. Topics
tied to politics, policy, specic political leaders, infrastructure, and agency or governmental responses are assigned
to policy. Finally, the theme of trust encompasses headlines regarding public and private institutions as well as
nuclear experts, their responses to the nuclear incidents,
the information they provided the public, and credibility.
5. Results
The analysis shows over 70% of the newspaper headlines
present nuclear energy or responses to nuclear incidents
in a negative light. Chernobyl generated the most media
coverage of all the nuclear incidents and reporting is consistently high throughout the investigation period. With
the exception of the Guardians coverage of Chernobyl, U.S.
newspapers have more headlines on average than foreign
newspapers (Tables 1 and 2).
Table 3 presents a cross-sectional analysis of the same
newspapers across all three events to identify patterns.
The Globe and the Mail produces an increasing rate of positive headlines over time, which praises the heroics of the
cleanup team as well as government transparency throughout the duration of the incident. As stated above, coding in
the initial content analysis was not expected for positive
and negative headlines but after looking through the data,
it is an interesting nuance to nd so much positive spin in
the wake of disaster - most specically relating to government actions, the economy, and the allotment of protection
for human health.
Table 3
Percent of headlines in positive, negative, and neutral classications.
Positive
Negative
Neutral
12.50
22.64
75.00
71.70
12.50
5.66
Chernobyl
The Globe and the Mail (Canada)
New York Times (U.S.)
22.67
10.71
79.76
79.76
4.00
9.52
Fukushima
The Globe and the Mail (Canada)
New York Times (U.S.)
37.84
18.52
62.16
59.26
0
22.22
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Fig. 1. Number of articles with negative or other (positive/neutral) headlines for each nuclear incident (Chernobyl, Three Mile Island, Fukushima) divided
by theme.
Table 4
Percent of headlines per theme.
Theme
Fear/safety/uncertainty
Health/environment
Economics
Politics/infrastructure
Trust
Other
Total
Total
headlines
Negative
headlines only
23%
20%
9%
26%
13%
9%
32%
24%
10%
16%
17%
1%
100%
100%
As reported in Table 4, a subsample of negative headlines is used to show differences between themes. With the
exception of politics, which has a large amount of positive
or neutral headlines, the majority of themes have higher
numbers of negative headlines. The portrayal of political
involvement or responses to nuclear incidents suggests
the government has an inherent interest in nuclear power,
which can be shown through its high levels of investment
in the industry.3
Fig. 1 compares the volume of negative headlines by
nuclear incident and by theme. Fear and politics are common headline themes for all incidents, while economics is a
less prominent theme than the others. The volume of headlines for fear and politics are meaningful because fear can
drive reactive policy creation based on exceptional events,
such as the elimination of nuclear power in Japan. Many
headlines in the other theme are difcult to dene as
positive or negative and are classied as neutral.
3
A 2008 report to the U.S. Congress on research and development
spending comparisons disclosed that during the period from 1948 to 2007,
over 50% of energy research funding had been awarded to nuclear projects
(CRS, 2008).
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about the potential of future similar or perhaps more catastrophic accidents. The idea of signal value makes more
apparent the social and cultural effects of media. Following the 1979 incident at Three Mile Island, although the
human impacts were minimal, the media coverage frightened citizens and has been identied as one of the factors
that led to the cessation of new nuclear development in the
U.S. over the past 30 years.
6.2. A rational model for disseminating scientic
information
The rapid accumulation of knowledge in modern times
has complicated decision-making. The lack of linkages
between facts and fact-based theory across disciplines
limits scientists and decision-makers ability to nd commonality and build reasonable solutions. Additionally,
the social architecture of our democracy promotes the
assimilation of public opinion into policies which further
complicate the construction of reasonable solutions. However, democratic processes involving both public opinion
and scientic involvement are not impossible.
(Wildavsky, 1995: p. 5) identies science as the only
publicly accepted rationale to provide evidence for not
only the causes of a problem but also the solutions. The
most common method of rationalizing an environmentally
related decision is to back the decision with the best science
available (Alm et al., 2010). This type of thinking recognizes
the necessity for scientists to provide information at each
point in the decision-making process to several audiences.
Stone (1997) considers a rational model of decision-making
where objectives, alternatives for achieving objectives, and
outcomes are identied and evaluated based on their consequences. Policy makers consider the interpretations of
the outcomes socially, morally, and politically. Scientic
information must inltrate social and political cultures
in order to move the current method from fear-based
decision-making to a more scientically driven process
without compromising the integrity of scientists and the
scientic process. Improving these mechanisms requires
scientists to hone their communications with the public
and politicians and, alternatively, require these groups to
seek out good science to justify their perceptions and
policies.
6.3. The issue of advocacy
The intersection of science, democracy, and policymaking has become a topic of interest as researchers attempt
to discern the linkages between these three value systems and how they might be improved (Baber & Bartlett,
2005; Jasanoff, 1990; Pielke, 2007). Primary investigations
center on who is responsible for incorporating scientic
knowledge into the public policymaking process. Many
authors express concern that scientists who provide information for policymaking and democratic processes may
lose credibility if they are perceived as advocating for
a cause or the media portrays them negatively (Alm
et al., 2010; Pielke, 2007; Wilson, 1998). Alm et al. (2010)
suggest the difculty lies in redening the roles of scientists and disseminating good sciencewhich includes
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7) asserts, decisions have to be made on the basis of available facts supplemented by a large measure of judgment.
This statement is not meant to discount the importance of
making policies based on data, but to encourage decisiveness using available information.
6.5. The role of scientic consensus
The idea of scientic consensus is often highlighted as
a necessary element of gaining public support for a policy, especially those tied to energy and the environment.
Bocking (1997) posits that scientists are responsible for
providing intellectual leadership by using science to validate societal perceptions. Sarewitz (2004: p. 392) infers
that even the most apolitical, disinterested scientist may,
by virtue of disciplinary orientation, view the world in a
way that is more amenable to some value systems than
others.
A study by Barke and Jenkins-Smith (1993) describes
the divergent perceptions of scientists from a variety of disciplines and the institutions in which they are employed.
Their ndings suggest that physicists, chemists, and
engineers have lower risk perceptions from nuclear development than life scientists; however, laypersons had far
higher risk perceptions than any of the scientic disciplines
(Barke & Jenkins-Smith, 1993). Barke and Jenkins-Smith
(1993) and Kahan et al. (2011) tie risk perception to
patterns of beliefs about the environment, science, and
technology and to individual preferences and priorities.
These studies suggest the importance of allowing scientists
to present their ndings through appropriately identied
venues and letting citizens help identify alternatives to
meet objectives. This does not suggest that citizen perceptions should be devalued and over-run by scientists, but
that there is added value through collaborative processes.
Kahan et al. (2011: p. 3) warn individuals will more
readily recall instances of experts taking the position that
is consistent with their cultural predisposition than ones
taking positions inconsistent with it. Sarewitz (2004)
suggests that the interpretation of information at different levels of analysis and for various groups can be
contradictory. This idea was echoed in a description of
researchers who address causes of problems and those
who attend to effects. Wilson (1998)using the terminology of consilience4 sees the necessity to bring together
natural and social science research that addresses both
causes and effects in order to improve our ability to address
science-related problems. Consilience will also address
understanding what is known and framing meaningful
questions to direct future inquiries (Wilson, 1998: p. 326).
Additionally, (Fischoff, 2009: p. 3) asserts that sometimes
when industry or the government cannot nd adequate
support for its perspective, strong-arm tactics, exercising
political clout are used to meet its objectives. This demonstrates the need for good management and communication
techniques for scientists and industry leaders.
4
Consilience is literally a jumping together of knowledge by linking facts and fact-based theory across disciplines to create a common
groundwork of explanation (Wilson, 1998: p. 8).
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Please cite this article in press as: Koerner, C.L. Media, fear, and nuclear energy: A case study. The Social Science Journal
(2013), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2013.07.011