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This article is about the anthropologist. For the clothing wife, Dina, served as a visiting professor of ethnology.
manufacturer, see Levi Strauss.
The couple lived and did their anthropological work in
Brazil from 1935 to 1939. During this time, while he
Claude Lvi-Strauss (English /kld levi stras/;[1] was a visiting professor of sociology, Claude undertook
French: [klod levi stos]; 28 November 1908 30 his only ethnographic eldwork. He accompanied Dina,
October 2009)[2][3][4] was a French anthropologist and a trained ethnographer in her own right, who was also a
ethnologist whose work was key in the development of visiting professor at the University of So Paulo, where
the theory of structuralism and structural anthropology.[5] they conducted research forays into the Mato Grosso and
He held the chair of Social Anthropology at the Collge the Amazon Rainforest. They rst studied the Guaycuru
de France between 1959 and 1982 and was elected a and Bororo Indian tribes, staying among them for a few
member of the Acadmie franaise in 1973. He re- days. In 1938, they returned for a second, more than
ceived numerous honors from universities and institu- half-year-long expedition to study the Nambikwara and
tions throughout the world and has been called, alongside Tupi-Kawahib societies. At this time, his wife suered
James George Frazer and Franz Boas,[6] the father of an eye infection that prevented her from completing the
modern anthropology.[7]
study, which he concluded. This experience cemented
Lvi-Strauss argued that the savage mind had the same Lvi-Strausss professional identity as an anthropologist.
structures as the civilized mind and that human char- Edmund Leach suggests, from Lvi-Strausss own acacteristics are the same everywhere.[8][9] These observa- counts in Tristes Tropiques, that he could not have spent
tions culminated in his famous book Tristes Tropiques that more than a few weeks in any one place and was never
established his position as one of the central gures in the able to converse easily with any of his native informants
structuralist school of thought. As well as sociology, his in their native language, which is uncharacteristic of anthropological research methods of participatory interacideas reached into many elds in the humanities, including philosophy. Structuralism has been dened as the tion with subjects to gain a full understanding of a culture.
search for the underlying patterns of thought in all forms In the 1980s, he suggested why he became vegetarian in
of human activity.[3]
pieces published in Italian daily newspaper La Repubblica
and other publications anthologized in the posthumous
book Nous sommes tous des cannibales (2013): A day
will come when the thought that to feed themselves, men
1 Biography
of the past raised and massacred living beings and complacently exposed their shredded esh in displays shall no
doubt inspire the same repulsion as that of the travellers
1.1 Early life, education, and career
of the 16th and 17th century facing cannibal meals of savClaude Lvi-Strauss was born to French Jewish parents age American primitives in America, Oceania or Africa.
who were living in Brussels at the time, where his father was working as a portrait painter.[10] He grew up in
Paris, living on a street of the upscale 16th arrondissement named after the artist Claude Lorrain, whose work
he admired and later wrote about.[11] During the First
World War, he lived with his maternal grandfather, who
was the rabbi of the synagogue of Versailles.[12] He attended the Lyce Janson de Sailly and the Lyce Condorcet.
1.2 Expatriation
Lvi-Strauss returned to France in 1939 to take part in
the war eort, and was assigned as a liaison agent to the
Maginot Line. After the French capitulation in 1940, he
was employed at a lyce in Montpellier, but then was dismissed under the Vichy racial laws. (Lvi-Strausss family, originally from Alsace, was of Jewish ancestry.) By
the same laws, he was denaturalized (stripped of French
citizenship). Around that time, his rst wife and he separated. She stayed behind and worked in the French resistance, while he managed to escape Vichy France by
boat to Martinique,[13] from where he was nally able to
continue traveling. In 1941, he was oered a position at
the New School for Social Research in New York City
1 BIOGRAPHY
1.3
Structural anthropology
3
ond half of the 1960s working on his master project, a
four-volume study called Mythologiques. In it, he followed a single myth from the tip of South America and
all of its variations from group to group north through
Central America and eventually into the Arctic Circle,
thus tracing the myths cultural evolution from one end of
the Western Hemisphere to the other. He accomplished
this in a typically structuralist way, examining the underlying structure of relationships among the elements of
the story rather than by focusing on the content of the
story itself. While Pense Sauvage was a statement of
Lvi-Strausss big-picture theory, Mythologiques was an
extended, four-volume example of analysis. Richly detailed and extremely long, it is less widely read than the
much shorter and more accessible Pense Sauvage, despite its position as Lvi-Strausss masterwork.
2 Theories
Claude Lvi-Strauss, receiving the Erasmus Prize (1973)
1.4
2.1 Summary
Lvi-Strauss sought to apply the structural linguistics
of Ferdinand de Saussure to anthropology.[23] At the
time, the family was traditionally considered the fundamental object of analysis, but was seen primarily as
a self-contained unit consisting of a husband, a wife,
and their children. Nephews, cousins, aunts, uncles,
and grandparents all were treated as secondary. LviStrauss argued that, however, akin to Saussures notion
of linguistic value, families acquire determinate identities
only through relations with one another. Thus he inverted
the classical view of anthropology, putting the secondary
family members rst and insisting on analyzing the relations between units instead of the units themselves.[24]
In his own analysis of the formation of the identities
that arise through marriages between tribes, Lvi-Strauss
noted that the relation between the uncle and the nephew
was to the relation between brother and sister, as the relation between father and son is to that between husband
and wife, that is, A is to B as C is to D. Therefore, if we
know A, B, and C, we can predict D, just as if we know A
and D, we can predict B and C. The goal of Lvi-Strausss
structural anthropology, then, was to simplify the masses
of empirical data into generalized, comprehensible relations between units, which allow for predictive laws to be
2.2
Anthropological theories
Lvi-Strausss theory is set forth in Structural Anthropology (1958). Briey, he considers culture a system of symbolic communication, to be investigated with methods
that others have used more narrowly in the discussion of
novels, political speeches, sports, and movies.
THEORIES
Behind this approach was an old idea, the view that civilization developed through a series of phases from the
primitive to the modern, everywhere in the same manner. All of the activities in a given kind of society would
partake of the same character; some sort of internal logic
would cause one level of culture to evolve into the next.
On this view, a society can easily be thought of as an organism, the parts functioning together as do the parts of
a body.
In contrast, the more inuential functionalism of
Bronisaw Malinowski described the satisfaction of individual needs, what a person derived by participating in a
custom.
In the United States, where the shape of anthropology
was set by the German-educated Franz Boas, the preference was for historical accounts. This approach had
obvious problems, which Lvi-Strauss praises Boas for
facing squarely.
Historical information seldom is available for non-literate
cultures. The anthropologist lls in with comparisons to
other cultures and is forced to rely on theories that have
no evidential basis whatsoever, the old notion of universal stages of development or the claim that cultural resemblances are based on some unrecognized past contact
between groups. Boas came to believe that no overall pattern in social development could be proven; for him, there
was no single history, only histories.
There are three broad choices involved in the divergence
of these schoolseach had to decide what kind of evidence to use; whether to emphasize the particulars of a
single culture or look for patterns underlying all societies;
and what the source of any underlying patterns might be,
the denition of a common humanity.
Social scientists in all traditions relied on cross-cultural
studies. It always was necessary to supplement information about a society with information about others. So
some idea of a common human nature was implicit in
each approach.
2.2
Anthropological theories
planations tend to be used in an ad hoc, supercial way far more dicult to understand than the original data and
one postulates a trait of personality when needed.
is based on arbitrary abstractions (empirically, fathers are
But the accepted way of discussing organizational func- older than sons, but it is only the researcher who declares
tion didn't work either. Dierent societies might have that this feature explains their relations). Furthermore,
institutions that were similar in many obvious ways and it doesn't explain anything. The explanation it oers is
yet, served dierent functions. Many tribal cultures di- tautologicalif age is crucial, then age explains a relationvide the tribe into two groups and have elaborate rules ship. And it does not oer the possibility of inferring the
about how the two groups may interact. But exactly what origins of the structure.
they may dotrade, intermarryis dierent in dierent A proper solution to the puzzle is to nd a basic unit of
tribes; for that matter, so are the criteria for distinguish- kinship which can explain all the variations. It is a clusing the groups.
ter of four rolesbrother, sister, father, son. These are
Nor will it do to say that dividing-in-two is a universal the roles that must be involved in any society that has an
need of organizations, because there are a lot of tribes incest taboo requiring a man to obtain a wife from some
man outside his own hereditary line. A brother may give
that thrive without it.
away his sister, for example, whose son might reciproFor Lvi-Strauss, the methods of linguistics became a cate in the next generation by allowing his own sister to
model for all his earlier examinations of society. His marry exogamously. The underlying demand is a continanalogies usually are from phonology (though also later ued circulation of women to keep various clans peacefully
from music, mathematics, chaos theory, cybernetics, and related.
so on).
Right or wrong, this solution displays the qualities of
A really scientic analysis must be real, simplifying, structural thinking. Even though Lvi-Strauss frequently
and explanatory, he writes.[26] Phonemic analysis reveals speaks of treating culture as the product of the axioms
features that are real, in the sense that users of the lan- and corollaries that underlie it, or the phonemic dierguage can recognize and respond to them. At the same ences that constitute it, he is concerned with the objective
time, a phoneme is an abstraction from languagenot a data of eld research. He notes that it is logically possible
sound, but a category of sound dened by the way it is for a dierent atom of kinship structure to existsister,
distinguished from other categories through rules unique sisters brother, brothers wife, daughterbut there are no
to the language. The entire sound-structure of a language real-world examples of relationships that can be derived
may be generated from a relatively small number of rules. from that grouping. The trouble with this view has been
In the study of the kinship systems that rst concerned shown by the Australian anthropologist Augustus Elkin,
him, this ideal of explanation allowed a comprehensive who insisted on the point that in a four class marriage
organization of data that partly had been ordered by other system, the preferred marriage was with a classicatory
researchers. The overall goal was to nd out why fam- mother' s brothers daughter and never with the true one.
ily relations diered among various South American cul- Lvi-Strausss atom of kinship structure deals only with
tures. The father might have great authority over the son consanguineal kin. There is a big dierence between the
in one group, for example, with the relationship rigidly re- two situations, in that the kinship structure involving the
stricted by taboos. In another group, the mothers brother classicatory kin relations allows for the building of a syswould have that kind of relationship with the son, while tem which can bring together thousands of people. LviStrausss atom of kinship stops working once the true Mothe fathers relationship was relaxed and playful.
BrDa is missing. Lvi-Strauss also developed the concept
A number of partial patterns had been noted. Relations of the house society to describe those societies where the
between the mother and father, for example, had some domestic unit is more central for social organization than
sort of reciprocity with those of father and sonif the the descent group or lineage.
mother had a dominant social status and was formal with
the father, for example, then the father usually had close The purpose of structuralist explanation is to organize real
relations with the son. But these smaller patterns joined data in the simplest eective way. All science, he says,
is either structuralist or reductionist. In confronting such
together in inconsistent ways.
matters as the incest taboo, one is facing an objective limit
One possible way of nding a master order was to rate of what the human mind has accepted so far. One could
all the positions in a kinship system along several dimen- hypothesize some biological imperative underlying it, but
sions. For example, the father was older than the son, the so far as social order is concerned, the taboo has the eect
father produced the son, the father had the same sex as of an irreducible fact. The social scientist can only work
the son, and so on; the matrilineal uncle was older and of with the structures of human thought that arise from it.
the same sex, but did not produce the son, and so on. An
exhaustive collection of such observations might cause an And structural explanations can be tested and refuted. A
mere analytic scheme that wishes causal relations into exoverall pattern to emerge.
istence is not structuralist in this sense.
But for Lvi-Strauss, this kind of work was considered
analytical in appearance only. It results in a chart that is Lvi-Strausss later works are more controversial, in part
2.3
THEORIES
2.3
7
2.3.1
2.3.2 Criticism
Lvi-Strausss theory on the origin of the Trickster has
been criticized on a number of points by anthropologists.
Stanley Diamond notes that while the secular civilized
often consider the concepts of life and death to be polar, primitive cultures often see them as aspects of a
single condition, the condition of existence.[29]:308 Diamond remarks that Lvi-Strauss did not reach such a
conclusion by inductive reasoning, but simply by working
backwards from the evidence to the "a priori mediated
concepts[29]:310 of life and death, which he reached
by assumption of a necessary progression from life to
agriculture to herbivorous animals, and from death
to warfare to beasts of prey. For that matter, the coyote is well known to hunt in addition to scavenging and
the raven also has been known to act as a bird of prey,
in contrast to Lvi-Strausss conception. Nor does that
conception explain why a scavenger such as a bear would
never appear as the Trickster. Diamond further remarks
that the Trickster names 'raven' and 'coyote' which LviStrauss explains can be arrived at with greater economy
on the basis of, let us say, the cleverness of the animals involved, their ubiquity, elusiveness, capacity to make mischief, their undomesticated reection of certain human
traits.[29]:311 Finally, Lvi-Strausss analysis does not appear to be capable of explaining why representations of
the Trickster in other areas of the world make use of such
animals as the spider and mantis.
Works
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. Gracchus Babeuf et le communisme, L'glantine, 1926.
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. La Vie familiale et sociale des
Indiens Nambikwara, Paris, Socit des amricanistes, 1948.
Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1949), Needham, Rodney,
ed., Les Structures lmentaires de la parent [The
Elementary Structures of Kinship] (in French), J.
H. Bell, J. R. von Sturmer, and Rodney Needham,
Translators (1969 ed.), Traviston (1970 paperback)
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. Race et histoire (1952,
UNESCO; Extract from Race and History in English; see also The Race Question, UNESCO, 1950)
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. Tristes Tropiques (1955,
trans. John Weightman and Doreen Weightman,
1973) also translated as A World on the Wane
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. Anthropologie structurale
(1958, Structural Anthropology, trans. Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf, 1963)
INTERVIEWS
4 Interviews
De prs et de loin, interviewed by Didier Eribon (1988, Conversations with Claude Lvi-Strauss,
trans. Paula Wissing, 1991)
9
Jean-Louis de Rambures, Comment travaillent les
crivains, Paris 1978 (interview with C. LviStrauss)
[16] Moore, Jerry D. (2004). Visions of Culture: An Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. Rowman
Altamira.
See also
Alliance theory
Comparative mythology
Evolutionary Principle
List of important publications in anthropology
Little Arpad
[15] Silverman, Sydel (2004). Totems and Teachers: Key Figures in the History of Anthropology. Rowman Altamira.
p. 16.
Notes
"Claude Levi-
[11] Wiseman, p. 6
[12] Catherine Clment raconte le grand ethnologue qui fte
ses 99 ans, interview, Le Journal du Dimanche, 25
November 2007
[13] Jennings, Eric (June 2002). Last Exit from Vichy
France: The Martinique Escape Route and the Ambiguities of Emigration. The Journal of Modern History. 74
(2): 289324. doi:10.1086/343409.
[14] Johnson, C. (2003). Claude Levi-Strauss: The Formative
Years. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1, 92, 172.
10
References
Boon, James, and David Schneider. Kinship visa-vis Myth Contrasts in Levi-Strauss Approaches to
Cross-Cultural Comparison. American Anthropologist, New Series 76.4(1974): 799817
Doja, Albert (2008):
Claude Lvi-Strauss
at his Centennial: toward a future anthropology, Theory, Culture & Society, 25(7-8):
321340,
doi:10.1177/0263276408097810
(http://archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00405936).
Doja, Albert (2010):
Claude Lvi-Strauss
(1908-2009): The apotheosis of heroic anthropology, Anthropology Today, 26(5): 18
23,
doi:10.1111/j.1467-8322.2010.00758.x
(http://archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00523837).
Leach,
Edmund,
Lvi-Strauss
(1970)
Fontana/Collins ISBN 0-00-632255-7 Chapter
excerpt from book
Wiseman, Boris. Introducing Lvi-Strauss. Totem
Books, 1998.
Wiseman, Boris, ed. The Cambridge Companion to
Lvi-Strauss. Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Further reading
EXTERNAL LINKS
9 External links
Prole of Lvi-Strauss in The Nation
Various excerpts from Structural Anthropology at
marxists.org
Extract from Race and History (1952 see also
The Race Question, 1950, UNESCO)
List of works by Claude Lvi-Strauss
Strauss.html Overview, in The Johns Hopkins Guide
to Literary Theory (subscriber access only)
Excerpts from La Pense Sauvage
Erlanger, Steven (28 November 2008). 100thBirthday Tributes Pour in for Lvi-Strauss. The
New York Times. Paris. Retrieved 22 April 2015.
Documentaire 52': About Tristes Tropiques, 1991
Super 16 Film
Claude Lvi-Strauss, Obituary, The Economist, 12
November 2009
Lecture: The Birth of Historical Societies (Hitchcock Lectures), 3 and 4 October 1984, UC Berkeley
(audio le)
11
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