12 - Winter 1996 - Watermark

the OUT
WINTER 1996
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Butch Cassidy's brothers;
Dan, Eb and Rawlins
$5.00
In This Issue:
Dan Parker,
alias Tom Ricketts
Frontier Newspapers
Uintah Papoose
Vernal Express
Battle at Milk Creek
Published By The Outlaw Trail History Association
Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

328 East 200 South, Vernal, Utah 84078
www.westernheritagemuseum-uc-ut.org
THE OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL
Managing Editor: Joy T. Horton
Associate Editor: Doris K. Burton
OUTLAW TRAIL HISTORY ASSOCIATION
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
Richard Wm. Horton, Chairman
Doris K. Burton, Secretary
Joy Horton, Treasurer
John D. Barton
Arden Stewart
ADVISORY BOARD
Edward M. Kirby
Kenneth Jessen
Gail Olson
Jim Beckstead
Roy P. O'dell
Jesse Cole Kenworth
H. Bert Jenson
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The OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL is supplied to all members of the

Outlaw Trail History Association, and is also available through
purchase. Membership in the association is open to anyone
interested in the history and culture of the West. Applications for
membership should be sent to Doris Burton, Uintah County
Library, OuLlaw Trail History Association and Center, 155 East
Main Street, Vernal, Utah 84078. Annual Dues are $15.00.
Members receive the JOURNAL, and reduced rates for research
and copying fees through the CENTER.
Publication of the OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL is made possible

through gr nts and assistance from:
Uintah County Library
Uintah County
Utah State University; Uintah Basin Education Center
The Outlaw Trail History Association

te
TLAW TMIL JOURNAL
Winter 1997
Contents
Alias"Tom Ricketts," The True Story of Butch Cassidy's
Brother, Dan Parker
William Betenson
THE STORM OF CHANGE
The Battle of Milk Creek through the
eyes of a young Ute Warrior
Dalton Carr
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The role of frontier Newspapers in the

development of the Uinta Basin
2
29
Loretta Long
43
FOLK TALES FROM THE OUTLAW TRAIL

The Night Butch Cassidy Came to Coonville
Ray Heidt
55
POEMS
61
BOOK REVIEvVS................................................................................
64
Cover Photo: The Parker boys. Dan, Eb and Rawlins, Butch Cassidy's brothers.
Photo furnished by William Betenson.
"The Outlaw Trail Journal" is a journal of his tory published semi-annually by the Outlaw Trail
History Association. It is a journal dedicated to the preservation and research of the hist.: ry of the
Outlaw Trail, the greater Uintah Basin region and the Intermountain West. Historic interpretation
of articles are the authors' and do not necessarily reflect those of the Outlaw Trail History
Association. Manuscripts for journal articles or folktales are welcome. Article manuscripts should
be submitted in duplicate, double-spaced, with footnotes following the Turabian style of annotation.
Folktale manuscripts need not be annotated. If possible, please include a copy of the manuscript on
a disk if typed on WordPerfect. Please send all manuscripts for consideration of publication to the
Managing Editor, The Outlaw Trail History Center, 155 East Main Street, Vernal, Uf. 84078.
Manuscripts will not be returned unless a self addressed, stamped envelope is included.
Copyright 1997
The Outlaw Trail History Association

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL
The author, Bill Betenson is the great-grandson of Lula

Parker Betenson, a younger sister to Butch Cassidy and Dan
Parker. Bill is a project design engineer for Questar Pipeline
Co. and has spent considerable time in the Vernal area as part
of his job. He loves the local history dealing with the Outlaw
Trail. He and his wife, Liz have four children and reside in
Woods Cross, Utah. H graduated from Brigham Young
University with a degree in Mechanical Engineering. He is
working on republishing Lula's book, Butch Cassidy, My
Brother, with updates and a new section on Dan Parker. This
is his second article for the Outlaw Trail Journal.
The following article is the result of nearly five years

research on Dan Parker, who is a great-great uncle to the
author. The author appreciates all who have contributed
infonnation. He believes that the story ofDan Parker needs to
be told because Dan overcame the troubles of his youth and
became a respected man in his community and raised a good
fami ly. If you have any additional information on Dan Parker
the author invites you to contact him.
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ALIAS "TOM
ICKETTS," THE TRUE
STORY OF BUTCH CASSIDY'S

BROTHER, DAN PARKER
1996, Bill Betenson
Dan Parker, who is probably best known as the younger brother

to the outlaw, "Butch Cassidy," was once known as an outlaw himself.
In fact, Dan went to prison years before Butch did. Using the alias,
"Tom Ricketts," Dan was arrested in 1890 for robbing the U.s. mail
near Baggs, Wyoming, the previous year. 1
GROWING UP
Dan was born Daniel Sinclair Parker on November 21,1867, in the
southern Utah town of Beaver2, approximately nineteen months after,
the birth of his older brother, Robert Leroy, who later was known to
the world as "Butch Cassidy." Dan was named after his uncle, Daniel

Sinclair Gillies (pro

nounced Gil-us), who was
a brother to his mother.
Dan's
parents,
Maximilian and Annie C.
Gillies Parker, were both
Mormon pioneers who
came to Utah across the
plains in 1856 with their
families. Maximilian
came from England and
Annie from Scotland.
Maximilian
walked
across the plains at the
age of twelve in the
McArthur handcart com
pany. Annie traveled
across the plains with the
William B. Hodgett
wagon train, which fol
lowed close behind the ill
fated Martin handcart
company, at the young
Dan Parker, taken in Para won. Utah. Courtesy of
age of nine. 3 Dan's parthe author.
ents were married in 1865
and settled in Beaver, Utah.
In 1879, when Dan was twelve years old, the Parker family moved
along with several families from Beaver to Circle Valley, Utah. 4 The
family settled on a ranch three miles south of present day Circleville,
Utah, near the mouth of Circleville Canyon. Butch and Dan helped
their father with the ranch. Maximilian was gone much of the time
with other work in an effort to provide for his growing family.
Dan grew to be about the same height as Butch. He was recorded
as being 5 foot 9-1/2 inches tall in 1890, while Butch was recorded as
being 5 foot 9 inches in 1894. However, Dan weighed 20 lbs less than
Butch. Dan grew to be thin and lanky like his father, while Butch grew
to be stocky and had the looks of his mother's family, the Gillies. s
Dan's parents tried to teach their children to be good Christians
and to enjoy life. As a result Dan, like many of his brother and sisters,
developed a keen sense of humor and love for life. Dan was described
during his trial in Cheyenne as having "asmile onhis faceand ...willing
to laugh at anything amusing that came Up."6 As he grew older he
often pretended to have a gruff exterior around others, while those
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who truly knew him, knew of his kindheartedness. All of the Parker
children developed personalities and characteristics that displayed a
certain joy for life. Butch, of course, developed an infamous reputa
tion as one who enjoyed helping others from the proceeds of his
robberies. William French's description of Butch confirms the char
acteristic of one who enjoyed himself. He said, "he had a habit of
grinning...when he spoke to you."?
Dan lost part of two fingers on his right hand. There are several
versions of how it happened. One such version has Butch and Dan
chopping wood as young boys. Dan held the wood and Butch worked
the axe. Dan unknowingly got his hand too close while Butch
accidently chopped off part of his index and middle fingers. 8
Another version has Dan losing his f ngers in a robbery gone awry.
Dan was holding the get away horses and a bullet supposedly hit his
right hand and t ok off part of two fingers. 9 Still another version
claims that it happened while Dan was in prison. lO
However it happen d, Dan wa n't anxious to talk about it or his
past. He was quoted when responding to a neighbor's questioning on
how it happened by gruffly saying, "Just by poking my nose in other
peoples' business like you're doing now!"ll
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LEAVING HOME
Dan looked up to his older brother, Butch. In fact, Butch had an
influence on many of his younger brothers. After Butch left horne, Dan
became the oldest ~hild at home. Being the oldest brought increased
responsibility. Dan longed to be out in the world like Butch and away
from a tough ranch life that didn't offer much in excitement or
material gain, but long hard days of sweat and toil.
According to his granddaughter, Dan left horne soon after Butch. 12
Dan's mother, Annie, said, "He went from home at the age of 17 years
to try his luck in the world, because his parents were poor and their
family large, and he hoped to be able to help them." Dan did in fact
corne from a large family, with twelve brothers and sisters. His
mother al 0 said that he worked "on a farm with his father" and that
" he was an obedient son and very affectionate to his mother."13
After Dan left home, he soon fell in with a rough crowd which led
him towards a lifestyle of crime. Dan allegedly helped the outlaw, Joe
Walker, rustle some cattle near Woodside, Utah. Author, Pearl Baker,
said that "he punched cows, herded sheep, or did whatever range
work he could get in the La Sal- Blue Mountain area." He worked for
a time on the Carlisle Cattle Ranch near Monticello, Utah. 14 Dan was
accused of stealing several sheep from a nearby ranch, but was able to
avoid any trouble by playing a practical joke of switching the hides

with those of the Carlisle's. Dan, like oth rs in his family, enjoyed a
good practical joke. Dan supposedly used several alias, including Kid
Parker, Joe Simms, Kid Jackson, and Billy the Kid 15 , but Torn Ricketts
was the most popular.
GRADUATING TO OUTLAW
Many members of the Parker family lived and worked in Tellu
ride, Colorado, including Dan' younger brother, Arthur, who later
died there after falling from a horse during a Fourth of July horse race.
A sister lived and worked in Telluride and n arby Ophir. Dan also
drifted into the Telluride area.
It appears that Dan participated in the Telluride Bank robbery
with Butch on June 24, 1889. It was likely only a minor role, holding
relay horses outside of town. u.s. Deputy Marshal, Joe Bush, was
quoted in the Salt Lake Herald on September 13, 1896, during Matt
Warner's trial in Ogden, Utah, as having chased the robbers of the
Telluride Bank. He alluded to the fact that one of the four he chased
was Dan Parker, who at the time of 1vfatt's trial was serving time in
Prison. 16 Author, Charles Kelly, also places Dan in the Telluride Bank
robbery as a horse holderY
Dan's younger sister, Lula, loved him and, in concern for his
family didn't want to mention his outlaw days in h r book, "Butch
Cassidy, My BrotheL" She did mention, however, that Butch ran into
Dan after the Telluride Bank robbery.18 Dan's outlaw days was a
subject not spoken of in the family for many years.
There are also stories within the family that some of Butch's other
brothers assisted him in other robberies. One story has a brother
wanting to join Butch's gang. Butch told him that he was too slow and
too stupid to be a member of the gang. This insult was his way of
protecting his brother from joining the gang and possibly losing his
life. 19
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MUDDY CREEK STAGE ROBBERY

On a cold and windy Friday afternoon20 , December 20,1889, near
Baggs, Wyoming, two men dressed in a disguise, (which included a
mustache and whiskers made
from buffalo rope and held in
place with a string), held up
the Dixon-to-Rawlins stage.
The driver, Abraham Coon,
"Dan Parkers ", signature in 1891 during
his trial. He signed deposition stating he
was carrymg one passenger, a
could prove he was 200 miles away from
man named Allen, and the U.S.
scene of robbery on December 20, 1889.
Mail. The two bandits brought
Courtesy of the author

The Parker Boys in J923. Bill Betenson J994. Left to Right: Dan, Bill,
Maximilian,(Father) Rawlins, Eb, and Mark. Two sister are looking out the
window: Lula and Blanch.
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the stage to a standstill as it was heading north, four miles from

"Muddy Station," by riding up to the stage and leveling their revolv
ers at Coon. The older bandit, who was later identified as William
Brown, said to Coon, "Stop boys and throw Up!"21
Once the stage stopped, Brown again spoke, "Throw up your
hands young fellow or I will kill you." Brown ordered Coon and Allen
out of the stage and told them to walk about 30 feet away with their
backs to the stage. While Brown got off his horse to go through the
mail bag, the younger bandit, who was later identified as Dan, stayed
on his horse with his six shooter leveled at the two passengersY
Before Brown could go through the mail, a freight wagon ap
proached the idle stage along the lonely road. It was driven by a Mr.
Fred Elliot. Brown instructed Dan, "You guard them and I will go and
hold up this team." After Brown stopped the freight wagon, Fred
Elliot told him that he had no money or a gun. Brown responded that
he and his partner were working men, like Mr. Elliot, and told him to
pass on by the stage. 23 As Mr. Elliot passed the stage, he threw up his
hands as a salute to Coon and Allen, who he said later "looked pretty
lonesome. "24
After the freighter left, Brown returned to the stage, pulled out the
mail bag, cut it open and spread the contents out on the ground. He
then proceeded to open the letters in hopes of finding some money or

valuables. He put the contents of the registered mail in his pockets,

gathered up the letters, stuffed them into the mail bag and threw the
bag back into the stage. 25
Brown walked over to passenger Allen, pointed his six shooter at
him and asked, "How much money have you got partner?" At this,
Allen handed Brown his pocket book. Brown asked him, "Are you
..__ .
-_
.........
~ ..
'~~f
Stolen check from stage robbery recovered and used as evidence in trial, U.S. vs.
William Brown and Dan Parker. Courtesy of the author.
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sure this is all?" Brown then pointed his six shooter at the driver and
asked how much he had. Coon responded, "Four bits." Brown
further questioned him. Coon responded that he was free to search
him, but Brown joked, "No, you keep that, and when you get into
Rawlins, drink to the health of Frank Jackson."26 Brown ordered the
two back into the stage and on their way. He mounted his horse and
as they began to leave, Dan Parker fired two or three shots under the
horses pulling the stage. 27
The robbery proved to provide little profit for the outlaws' troubles.
A witness testified that Brown had told him they had gotten $100 and
some checks. The witness also testified Dan told him that they had to
get rid of the checks because they were no good. 28 One newspaper
reported that "about $300" was stolen from the mail sacks and the
passenger's pockets. 29
It was also reported later in the newspaper that the passenger,
Allen, had $450 on him, with $300 in a purse that he was able to drop
and hide under his boot while Brown searched him. Allen allegedly
went back later after the robbery to recover his purse. 30 The postal
officials suspected Allen as being an accomplice due to his actions and
he was held under a bond of $500 by the local authorities?1 He must
have been released later, because Allen never testified at the trial.
While Dan was in hiding he allegedly received a letter from his
brother, Butch. The letter was written to Dan, but the envelope was

addressed to Lorenzo Watson of Parowan, where Dan was hiding.

The transcript of the original letter reads as follows (including origi
nal spelling and punctuation):
"Dear Lorenzo,
Kindly pass this letter to Daniel S. Parker
As always,
Bob Parker
Lander, Wyo. March 13, 1890
My Dear Brother,
It has been so long since I have written I suppose you have almost
done looking for a letter from me bu t do not dispare for you shall have
one after so long a time you must forgive me for not writing before I
have no excuse to offer only my negligence and I will try to be more
punctual for the future.
I was very sorry to hear that you are in hidding again, but you
Know I am not one to point a finger only be carefull, for I am inclined
to think as Grand father Parker did about the wild cat in Duncan
woods. I do wish I could corne and see you all and I intend to if
nothing happens to prevent this summer corning for I almost feel
homesick when thinking how long it is since I saw my Mother it seems
almost an age since I saw any of you.
When you get this letter you must write me and tell me all the news
and what the prospects are for a safe reunion. I hope we may have a
grand revelry but I should think it doubtful according to your letter.
I am now located at a good house about 18 miles from Lander and
have taken to raising horses which I thinks suits this country fine. H
- and I have throwed our lots entirely together so we have 38 horses
between us and we would have more but it has been a cold winter with
plenty of snow and wind. (and you must excuse the pencile, but the
ink L-oze.)
Business here is very dull and Money hard but you know I am well.
I should be in perfect health if I did not have such a good appitite and
eat so much 3 times each day. I must draw my letter to a close give my
love to Uncle Dan and family and tell them I should be happy to see
them give my love to Father Mother Brothers and Sisters and receive
the same yourself-
This From your brother
Bob
p.s. Direct your letters to George Cassidy as before and bum this up
as you read it."32
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THE OUTLA W TRAIL fOUl NAL
ARREST
A reward of $1,000 was offered by 0 puty U.s. Marshal, 1. Jeff

Carr, on behalf of the U.s. Postoffice Department for the arrest and
conviction of the two stage robbers. Carr distributed circulars through
out Colorado and Wyoming with descriptions of the two robbers. The
description of the y unger robber matched Dan. It stated, "The other
robber, age about 22 or 24 years, about five feet eight or nine inches
high, slim, complexion pale and swarthy looking, hair dark, face
spare and apparently smooth, dark cloth suit, light colored cowboy
hat, no overcoat, rode a bay hors r mare in good condition, weight
about 900 or 1,000 pounds."33
There is some question of when and where exactly Dan was
arrested. Deputy U.s. Marshal, George Uoe] R. Bush34, testified that
he arrested Dan Parker in Moab, Utah, in September, 1890. Marshal
Bush further testified he was initially after Dan for horse stealing,
until Dan mentioned robbing a stage. 35 Dan testified that he was
arrested for the stage robbery, "on or about the first of September 1890,
by a man by the name ofBush at the Vernal Post Office.// Dan further
testified that he had first met Bush in Moab where he had been
arrested for another charge. Dan testified that he had been arrested by
a Mr. Allred and that Bush later came to take him from the officers in
Moab. 36 The postal file gives Dan's arrest as August 28, 1890, by
Deputy U.s. Marshal, J.R. Bush, at Blue Mountain Gulch, Utah. 37 The
Salt Lake Tribune quoted Bush as saying," went in with a posse after
them, but only succ eded in getting Parker, after chasing the gang
from Wyoming to Utah, thence to New Mexico, thence back to the Blue
mountains and finally to the La Sal mountains, where Parker was
captured after a desperat resistance.// J8 The Cheyenne Leader re
ported, "Parker was captured by a constable here (Bennett, in Uintah
county, Utah) and turned over to Bu hat Moab.// 39
Charles Kelly mentions in his "Outlaw Trail" that Dan was caught
after the Telluride Bank robbery by Sheriff Wasson and tuIne over
to Wyoming authorities for a prior stagecoach robb ry. Kelly's facts
are wrong, because the stagecoach robbery took place six months after
the Telluri e Bank robbery.40
Annie Parker said that her son, Dan, was held for "more than a
month in Salt Lake City" after being arrested. "From there he was
taken to Rawlins," Wyoming for his "preliminary hearing, and finally
tried in Cheyenne in March 1891."41 Dan was held in Salt Lake City
for a short time because of complications created by Wyoming's
statehood.
He was then taken to Rawlins for hi preliminary
examination. He was actually received at the Wyoming Penitentiary
in Laramie on October 19, 1890, where he was held for safekeeping
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10
with a $3,000 bail. Dan was

later released for trial to the
U.s. Court in Cheyenne on
April 7, 1891. 42
William Brown was ar
rested during a ranch dance
by Deputy U.s. Marshal
FrankM. Canton on January
8, 1891, in Johnson County,
"at a little place called Piney
" near Buffalo, Wyoming. 43
Dan was mostly an amateur
outlaw. It was reported in
the newspaper that "while
covering his men with a re
volver, he was considerably
exci ted and quite nervous."44
William Brown, on the other
hand, proved to be a much
more seasoned criminal.
Brown, with his older age,
likely had a big influence on
William Brown. Courtesy of the Museum of
Dan. 45
Northwest Colorado.
Deputy U.s. Marshal, J.
R. Bush, was quoted as say
ing, "He is a bad man to fool with. He has been into too many scrapes
to weaken now. If he ever weakens there are lots of men in the country
who will try to kill him."46 William Brown had many aliases includ
ing, Frank Rogers, John Day, Dolph Lusk, Dave Ray, George
McGovney, Red Bill and Jim Moore. 47 He was using the alias J. H. Day
when he was arrested by Frank M. Canton. 48
Dan proved that he didn't have nerves of steel when he was
questioned. After being arrested he was turned over to Deputy U.s.
Marshal, T.J. Carr. Up until that time, which had been about a month,
Dan had maintained that his name was Tom Ricketts. However,
when Carr pushed him into telling the truth, he broke down and
admitted his name was Dan Parker and was "of the Parker family of
southern Utah."49 He also gave the names of all his family members,
except Robert Leroy.50
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TRIAL
The trial was held in the U.s. District Court in Cheyenne, Wyo
ming, on April 17 and 18, 1891. William Brown and Dan Parker were

11
prosecuted by U.s. Attorney for Wyoming, Benjamin F. Fowl r,

assisted by Willis Van Devanter, and defended by attorneys, C.E.
Dodge and A.c. CampbelLSl
Dan always maintained his innocence and his parents strongly
supported him. Annie wrote, "We firmly believe" Dan was "hastily
tried and unjustly condemned, for a crime of which he is wholly
innocent." She boldly stated, "Marshal Bush, who arrested ur son,
was heard to say that he would convict his prisoners if he had to hir
witnesses in five counties."52 She further stated, "We believe that the
witnesses were bribed; and that the reward offered by the State wa
the means of convicting an innocent man."53
Even after Dan had been in prison for several years, he maintained
his innocence. Annie said he was" advised to plead guilty as a better
standpoint from which to ask for mercy," but, "he says he will die
before he will take upon himself that unmerited disgrace."54
A Cheyenne newspaper reported, "Parker is about 18 years old
and is quite intelligent, using good language while on the witness
stand." Several witnesses at the trial testified that Dan had testified at
his preliminary examination, that he was at Dry Valley, near Moab on
the 20th of December, 1889, when the robbery had taken place. Dan,
however, testified at his trial that he was at Ashley Fork nearly 250
miles away from Dry Valley, on December 20, 1889. He ev n signed
a deposition stating that he could prove he was 200 miles away from
the location of the crime, but was never able to provide the means to
have his witnesses come to Cheyenne to prove his innocenc .5'i Annie
dramatically said that Dan "wrote to his father and begged him to
com to him, but the letter arrived when his father was lying very ill,
so ill that the news it contained was withh Id by his friend for fear it
would cost [him] his life." 56
Abraham Coon testified that at the time of the robbery, he didn't
recognize the younger robber as Dan Parker because of his disguise.
Later, Coon said that he recognized Dan as the robber by general
appearanceY It was a fellow outlaw's testimony that was extremely
damaging. Joseph Murr testified that in April, 1890, during a dance
in Moab, William Brown told him that "he had to skip out of the
northern country" because "he had robbed a stage up ther ." Brown
allegedly told him "thathe and a fellow by the name of Parker robb d
a stage somewhere about Rawlins."
A few days after the dance, Dan Parker allegedly arrived to stay
with MUIr answering to the name, "Tom Ricketts." Murr testified that
Dan told him on several occasions that he and Brown had robbed a
stage clos to Rawlins. Murr further stated that Brown had told
several people because Brown was proud of the robbery and liked to
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12
brag about it. 58 Brown all gedly smiled at this statement by Murr
during the trial and seemed to be amused by Murr's testimony. 59
Following the trial, a Cheyenne newspaper quoted Murr on the
travels of William Brown and Dan Parker after the stage robbery. The
newspaper stated, "the two men started out to rob the store at Dixon,
but learning that there was no m ney in the store they decided to rob
the stage, giving as a reason that they wanted some money to spend
on Christmas. After holding up the stage they went to Utah and
drifted down into the northern part of ew Mexico where a plan was
hatched to rob the Durango, Colo[rado] bank. The scheme was for
Brown, Parker, Murr and two other me to ride into the town, go up
to the bank, and hold up the cashier. Brown was to gather up the
money, while Parker kept the official quiet. Murr and the two other
men were to stay outside and keep the citiz ns at bay in true Jesse
James style. After robbing the bank they intended to go up and rob the
Denver & Rio Grande train near Grand Junction and then escape into
Utah." This plan was prevented when Marshal Bush appeared on the
scene. 60 There was also a reportin theM kerHerald, that the Vernal
Co-op was robbed two w eks after the stage robbery and that the same
robbers where suspect d. 61 }5. Hoy, a long time resident of Brown's
Park, actually named Bill Potter and William Brown as the two
robbers of the Vernal Co-op. He also said that Dan Parker was hiding
at the "Crouse Roost" in Brown's Park at the time. 62
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LIFE SENTENCE
On April 18, 1891, Dan Parker and William Brown were four
guilty of robbing the U.s. Mail. The jury only deliberated for abOUt
two hours before bringing in the verdict. The newspapers said,
"review of the evidence in the case...was so complete that conviction
was a foregone conclusion." During the closing remarks, the d fense
attorney, Mr. Campbelt kn w a conviction was likely oming and
tried to make a strong plea for the prisoners. He described a very
bleak picture of life imprisonment, in an attempt to touch the jurors'
hearts. At this point in the trial, William Brown broke down and
cried. 63
On April 22, 1891, a motion for a new trial was filed with the court
on the grounds that the trial transpired before the defendants could
provide their witnesses. This motion wa overruled. 64 Brown and
Parker were sentenced on April 24, 1891, "to b imprisoned for [the]
term of natural life at hard labor in th Detroit House of Corr c
tions." 65 The newspapers described Parker and Brown as not being
prepared for their guilty verdict when it was given. 66 The judge in the
case, Judge Riner, later said that the sentence was excessive in

13
The Detroit House of Corrections in /889, Detroit, Michigan where Dan Parker
and William Brown were incarcera!ed. Courtesy of Dan Davidson.
consid ration, being that Dan "was a mere youth" at the time of the
offense, but there was no exception in th law. 67 The life sentence was
a result of robbing the U. S. Mail with the use of deadly weapons and
by putting the life of the carrier in jeopardy. The law states, "Any
person who shall rob any carrier, agent or other person entrusted wi th
the mail...[and]. .. put his life in jeopardy by the use of dangerous
weapons, such offender shall be punishable by imprisonment at hard
labor for the t rm of his naturallife."68
The reason that they were sentenced to the Detroit House of
Correcti ns was because robbing th U.s. Mail was a federal crime
and the Detroit prison had contracted with Wyoming to hold federal
prisoners. Later this was changed. If it had only been changed earlier,
Dan would have stayed in Wyoming and would have been present
when his older brother, Butch, arrived for his eighteen month sen
tence for horse theft. Historian, Elnora Frye described in a letter, "Dan
would have been confined to the penitentiary in Laramie, except for
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Deputy Marshal J.P, Rankin upon delivery of Dan Parker
to the Detroit H !Use of Corrections on April 30, /891. Courtesy of the author.

14
the timing of events. The prison in Laramie had always been a federal
in titution, until that precise year. At the time they were brought to
trial in the federal court at Cheyenne, in April, 1891, the penitentiary
was in the process of being transferred to the state of Wyoming, the
state officials taking full charge of it on July 1st. Because of that, the
United States Marshal on orders from the Department ofJustice, were
to send them to the Detroit House of Corrections. A short time later
(S pt or Oct 1891), the Department of Justice approved the proposal
to keep federal prisoners at Laramie, so in a space of a couple months,
they missed being sentenced to Laramie and had to go to Detroit."69
U. S. Marshal, Joseph P. Rankin, delivered Dan Parker and Will
iam Brown to the Detroit House of Corrections on April 30, 1891. 70
On July 15, 1894, Butch Cassidy entered the prison in Laramie.
This was an exceptional burden on Dan's mother, Annie, to have her
two sons in prison. Dan's younger sister, Lula, remembered her
mother walked the fields of their ranch in tears.
On November 19, 1891, William Brown and Dan Parker' attorney,
A.C. Campbell, filed a bill of exceptions for Brown and Parker.
However, Judge Riner said, "The move was made too late, and the
highwaymen have left all hope behind. They are in for life."n
Property of the
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PRISON LIFE
Prison life at the Detroit House of Corrections was intense. The
general health of the prisoners was adequate, however, several deaths
occurred mainly due to pneumonia, consumption, and tuberculosis. 72
William Brown later developed tuberculosis and mental disorders.
Brown was released and committed to St. Elizabeth's Insane Asylum
in Washington D.C. on July 10,1900. In a physical examination it was
described that he thought he was still at the prison. He was suffering
from delusions in which he thought he owned all the metal in the
ground and several railroads. Brown's health continued to worsen
and he died "rather suddenly" eleven days later at the age of 40 at 4
P.M. on July 21, 1900. 73
Dan Parker faired much better. The warden stated on March 16,
1895, that since Dan's incarceration in 1891, "his conduct has been
very good, in fact excellent." He further stated that "his health is good;
no organic disturbance noticeable." The prison physician examined
Dan and reported the same day that he found him to be "enjoying very
good health. "74
PARDON
Th story of Maximilian and Annie's love for Dan in their relent
1 58 effort to see him pardoned is a touching story in itself.

15
The first attempt to get Dan pardoned was made with President
Grover Cleveland in 1895, this was four years after Dan was first
incarcerated in the Detroit House of Corrections. The family has said
that Dan's father, Maximilian, wanted Dan to learn his lesson. This is
why an attempt to get Dan pardoned was not made right away.
Hence, it is apparent that his parents must have quietly questioned his
innocence while publicly defending it. They definitely felt his punish
ment was "extreme and out of proportion to the offense." 75
Maximilian and Annie wrote many letters in Dan's behalf to
Senators, Joseph Rawlins and Frank Cannon, of the Utah Territory.
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Letter written by Annie C. Parker to U.S. President William McKinley thanking
him for the pardon of her son, Dan Parker. Courtesy of the author
I ~
~------
--------~----~---'

16
Letters were also written to U.s. Presidents Grover Cleveland and

William McKinley. They maintained Dan's inn cence throughou t
their pleadings. They mad a strong case for Dan's youth at the time
of the robbery and, in fact, exaggerated it.
Maximilian's attorney wrote a letter to President Grover Cleve
land for Maximilian and pleaded Dan's case by laying out several
"statements of fact." He tated that Dan's attorneys were appointed
by the Court and wer "called into the case without sufficient inves
tigation and preparation," which resulted in Dan "having no means
to procure witnesses that would have proven his absence at the time
and place, when [the] said robbery was alleged to have been commit
ted." Next he embellished Dan's young age by stating Dan "was then
only a boy - a few months past 17 years of age." Dan was actually 22
years old at the time of the robbery in 1889. He stated that Dan's
conviction"almost wholly and olely rested on the testimony of - one
Abe Coons" whose Tepu ta tion "for truth and veracity, and reliability
as to his statements i very doubtful and questionable." He stated that
Abe Coons was heard to say that "he could only identify and swear to
one of the men or boys who held him up" and that Dan's innocence
could be proven. He stated that because of Maximilian's own ill
health "caused by exposure in the mountains and hard work" he was
unable "to obtain uch affidavits and other evidence" to prove Dan's
innocence. He stress d how critically Dan was needed at home,
saying that "his [Maximilian's own] health is permanently destroyed,
and he is virtually unable to earn such support as his family need[s],
and that the help and assistance of his son is daily and absolutely
necessary." He further stated tha the" is now confined to his bed, and
no hopes are entertained for his recovery, and that his wife will
thereby be left a widow with seven children, her oldest boy being only
14 yrs old." Maximilian was 51 years old at the time and did live to
the age of 94.
Maximilian said through his attorney that if Coon's testimony was
to be believ d, then because of Dan's youth he was "certainly led into
said crime by said Brown, who was 30 years his senior...and adept in
crime." In reality, William Brown was only seven years older than
Dan, but was an experienced outlaw. Maximilian further stated that
Dan had already served four years and eight m nths of his sentence
and that itwas his first offense. Maximilian said that the "punishment
is extreme and unwarranted by the evidence and that no repentance
can ever be made manifest by [the] defendant and as he avers he might
as well have r ceived the punishment of death for having committed
said offen e as to be sentenced to imprisonment for life." Maximilian
ended with the statement "that the ends of justice have already been
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17
satisfied by the years of his incarceration: that his good conduct is

guaranteed in the future."76
In Dan's behalf, Sena tor Joseph L. Rawlins confirmed Maximilian's
statements in a letter in 1895. He further stated that Dan was at home
in Circleville at the time of the robbery. He said, "I am personally
acquainted with Parker's parents and they are respectable people,
although quite poor." He said Dan had a respectable reputation up to
the time of the alleged offense. Senator Rawlins said that he, as an
attorney, had "carefully read the testimony of the principal witness
against Parker and it leaves considerable doubt as to his [Dan's]
identity." Senator Rawlins said he felt if Dan had participated in the
crime, he had undoubtedly been lead into the crim by Brown. He
believed the "ends of justice would be subserved by the pardon of
young Parker" and recommended the pardon be granted?7
The u.s. Attorney for Wyoming, Benjamin F. F wIer, who had
prosecuted Dan, wrote on March 1,1895, in Dan's behalf, "I am of the
opinion that the Defendant has been sufficiently punished. In fact .. J
think that the statue is far to s vere. Four years imprisonment in
penitentiary should certainly be sufficient punishment for the acts
which this young man has committed. As I remember young Parker,
he was rat er a bright, intelligent young man, and did not impress me
as being of a vicious type."78
The frst attempt to get Dan pardoned was unsuccessful. On
March 24, 1895, President Grover Cleveland deni d Dan's pardon
application by writing, "I cannot find sufficient justification for
interfering with the sentence in th's case at this time - G. C."79
Although frustrated, Dan's parents were not hindered in their efforts
and they continued to seek Dan's pardon with the assistance of many
officials.
Senat r Frank Cannon of Utah wrote to President Cleveland in
1896. He urged him to again review the case and stressed how an aged
Mrs. Parker needed Dan at home. He stated, "Perhaps you may find
the situation as it exists to-day justification for pardon."BO This letter
fell on deaf ears because President Grover Cleveland was completing
his last of two terms of office and was replaced the next year by
William McKinley.
President William McKinley acted on the pleas of Dan's mother
and urging from Senator Rawlins. Senator Rawlins requested Presi
dent McKinley grant the pardon as a "Christmas present for the
tmhappy mother."81 President McKinley grant d Dan's pardon on
December 23,1897. 82 Dan was released on December 28,189783 , after
serving six years and eight months. Dan was 30 years old.
Once Dan arr'ved home safely, Annie wrote to President McKinley
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18
on January 8, 1898 thanking him. She wrote, "please except [accept]

the grati tude of a fond mother's heart for the joy you have brought into
the house hold by granting a pardon."84
Annie was also grateful to Senator Joseph Rawlins for his efforts
to get Dan released. In honor of Senator Rawlins, she named her
youngest son born in 1894 after the Senator. His full name was Joseph
Rawlins Parker.
After being released from prison, Dan immediately returned
home to Circle Valley, Utah, to live with his family. Dan had learned
his lesson and didn't want to repeat the same nightmare.
MARRIAGE AND FAMILY
Four years later, on December 11, 1901, Dan Parker married
Annice Ann McMullin in the St.George Mormon Temple, in St.George,
Utah. 8s Annice Ann McMullin, whose nickname was "Nan," was
Dan's first cousin. Nan's mother and Dan's father were brother and
sister. The newlyweds lived for a time in Leeds, Utah, where Nan's
family lived.
Dan and Nan later settled in the southern Utah town of Parowan.
This was the same town
that Dan was supposedly
hiding out in when Butch
wrote him the letter from
Wyoming in 1890. Dan
and Nan had 11 children.
The first child was a still
born, but they later raised
ten children, fi ve boys and
five girls. Dan's daughter
said tha t their mother
would not allow Dan to
talk to the children about
his outlaw days because
she didn't want the other
children at school to tease
them and call them "little
outlaws."86 One of Dan's
daughters remembers that
her mother showed her
Dan's pardon when she
was a teenager. 87
Nan Parker (Wife of Dan Parker). Courtesy of
Dan's daughter said
the author.
tha t her father and mother
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19
Dan Parker ( center) with Parker family in Circleville, Utah 1923
1994 Bill Betenson
Property of the
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History Center
didn't g t along at times and as a result Dan was gone from home
often. How ver, Dan loved his family. He was kind to his children
and they were always delighted to see him. Dan'sdaughtersaid,"He
would tak me up town (in Parowan) to buy me candy because he said
I was so pretty. My mother would curl my hair and put a big bow in
it. People would stop and say, 'You mean you are the father of this
beautiful girl?' and he would respond with a cuss word." Like most
all of Dan's children, she felt like she was his favorite. 88
Dan traveled around looking for work. The Pinkerton Detective
Agency kept tabs on him after he was released from prison because his
brother was Butch Cassidy. One file states that he was working in a
coal min near Fay, Lincoln County, Nevada. 89 In Joseph Betenson's
journal (who was Dan's brother-in-law), he wrote that he went to
work in the mining town of Kimberly, Utah with Dan and several
others, including two of Dan's brothers, Eb and Rawlins in the
summ r of 1905. They chopped cord wood for the mill and power
plant at a dollar per cord. 90
In 1907, Dan Parker moved his family from Parowan to Circle
Valley, by team and wagon, to run the Parker ranch for his father for
one year. Nan would not go without her sewing machine, so Dan
loaded it up with the family.91
Dan's niece said that Dan and his siblings were all very close. She
remembers as a child growing up in Circleville, that Dan would come
to visit her mother often in the summertime. On one of his visits, he

20
and her mother were peeling peaches in the kitchen and were "just
laughing their heads off" as they visited together.
At some point in Dan's life he developed severe stomach prob
lems, which later led to his death. A number of family members who
remember Dan, say that he took baking soda by the handful to try and
settle his stomach and relieve his stomach pains.
All members of the Parker family had nicknames given to them by
each other. Everyone in the family usually went by their nicknames
and not their given names. Dan's nickname was "Snip." It is
unknown why he was given this nickname.
Dan was known for his unique personality. He was not afraid to
speak his mind and was often colorfully blunt as described in the
following recorded accounts.
The first account happened while Dan was working on a haying
crew near Parowan. As part of their room and board, the crew ate
meals with the family who owned the farm. At the first meal, Dan had
finished and was having a second cup of coffee when the housewife
noticed and asked, "What do you think of my coffee, Mr. Parker?"
Dan quickly responded, "It's thin, Mam, mighty thin."92
In another account, the Mormon communities of southern Utah
often combined their livestock herds into what they called, "Co-ops."
Dan had a job lambing one of three Co-op s~1eep herds near Parowan.
Property of the
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"The Parker Family" Bill Betenson, 1994. Left to Right: Rawlins, Eb, Dan, len,
Maximilian, Leona. Taken 1934 in Circleville, Utah. Maximilian is 90 years old in
photo.

21
He had requested the use of a rifle from the Bishop, who was the local
leader, because of problems with coyotes getting into the herd. The
Bishop proudly brought him a new Winchester 189225:20 a couple of
days later. The Bishop said, "Nice little rifle, Dan. Yes, yes, nice little
rifle, costs less to shoot and easier to carry. Yes, yes, easier to carry!"
About three days later, the Bishop returned on his next round and
asked Dan, "How do you like that rifle, Dan, how do you like it?"
Without hesitating, Dan responded, "1 don't, I'd just as well have a
pocket full of rocks!"93
Dan was known to use "colorful" language at times, but was
always polite and never swore around women. Of course, it was
slightly different when a crowd of men was around him. In another
account, Dan was down at the local saloon one night and the stories
were coming"close and tall." "A stranger came over to confront Dan.
He had $5.00 in his hand and said, 'Stranger, I have said for a number
of years that if I ever listened to a man who swore more than I do in
the course of an ordinary conversation, I would give him $5.00.' Dan
looked at him and said, 'What do we do, have a contest?' The man
handed him the five and said, 'No contest - the money is yourS./I'94
Like many of his brothers, deer hunting was important to Dan.
Other things were important too, as illustrated in the following story:
"Ray Adams ran the gas station [in Parowan]. It was a good place for
men to meet and gOSSip. It was mid October and most men were
getting ready for the big event." The men in town knew that Dan
usually hunted. "Ray asked him if he was going. He said, 'No, I can't
afford it. I would have to have a license, a box of cartridges, a bottle
of whiskey, and at least one loaf of bread. No, I'm not going.'''95
A favorite story of Dan is told by Vern Mortensen. He said, "1
worked at the Parowan Mercantile for several years. One morning
Dancame in with his three younger boys. He talked to Art Joseph [the
owner] for a few minutes thenArt called me over and said, 'You take
Dan and fix him up with what he needs. Then bring the bill to me.'
When we got to the clothing department Dan said, 'We are going to
Circleville to a fUIleral. My father died last night.' I said, 'Well that
too bad, I'm sorry.' Dan looked me right in the eyes and said, 'G-- 0
----, it ain't too bad. He's 94 years old. He'd ought to be dead.' When
his needs were filled I made the entries on a regular charge book. He
asked to sign it and did. Then left with shoes, pants, and shirts. I took
the book to Art and said, 'Tha t's a pretty good sized bill. I wonder how
he's going to pay it.' Art said, 'I do too, but he'll find a way. Dan
Parker is an honorable man.' 96
Later on in his life, Dan developed a raspy voice that could sound
frightening. Dan's nephew, Scott Parker Betenson, tells of a time
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IJ

22
when he and his brother, Mark, were playing at

the Parker home in Circleville and where mak
ing a lot of noise. Dan told them to be quiet or
he would, "grab them by the wi dpi pe and run
with them!" Scott was scared to death and said
that he will remember that as long ashe lives. 97
Dan worked for a time in the min s west
of Milford, Utah and had a room re erved for
himself at the "Horn Silver Hote!," named after
the Horn Silver mine in nearby Frisco, Utah. 98
It was while he was staying at this Hotel in
1930, that two of his brothers (most likely Eb
and Rawlins) brought someone for a visit.
According to a recorded interview with D n's
oldest son, Max, that "someone" was Butch
Cassidy.99 Dan's daughter said that this did in
fact occur and that Maximilian and Dan swore
Max's wife to secrecy because she was also at
the hotel at the time of Butch's visit. lOO
During the Great Depression, Dan par
ticipated in the government's Works Program
Administration (W.P.A.) participating in com
munity projects in order to supplement his
income to feed his family. One project was a
rock fence around the Parowan cemetery.10l
In the 1930's, the movies came calling.
Representatives from one of the motion picture
companies from Southern California ap
Dan Parker in 1923 in
proached Dan about making a movie of his life
Circleville, Utah.
and his brother, Butch Cassidy. Dan wasn't
Bill Betenson, 1994
ready to do this and postponed the idea. He
later died before anything came of it. Dan even started to write the
story of his life and Butch's in a manuscript that he submitted to a
publisher for consideration. Dan became so frustrated one evening
with the publisher, because they wanted to romanticize it, that he
threw the entire manuscript into the fire. 102
During World War II, in 1942, Dan was employed as a guard at the
Yankee Reservoir in Parowan Canyon. While camping there, he
became ill with his continuing stomach problems. He was sick for two
or three days before he was brought down out of the canyon to his
home. After being home for a short time and refusing to go to a doctor,
Nan called Dan's two brothers, Eb and Rawlins, in Circleville to come
because he was in such poor condition. Eb and Rawlins came
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23
immediately and took Dan to the hospital in Cedar City. At that point
there was not much that could be done for Dan.
On August 5, 1942 at 2:30 P.M., after being ill for ten days, Daniel
Sinclair Parker passed away at the age of 74 from a bleeding ulcer in
the Iron County Hospital in Cedar City. His obituary stated "diges
tive disorders."lo3 The newspaper reported, "well-known resident of
this community for the past thirty-four years died." "Impressive
Property of the
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Dan Parkers Grave in Parowan, Utah. Courtesy of the author.
funeral services" were held August 10, 1942 in Parowan, in a Mormon

church filled to capacity with many friends and relatives, many from
out of state. Dan's body was buried in the Parowan cemetery with the
grave being dedicated by his brother-in-law, Joseph Betenson. His
pall bearers were made up of his two brothers, Eb and Rawlins, a son
in-law and three sons. 104
Daniel Sinclair Parker, left behind many things. The first being his
outlaw past. Dan like his brother, Butch, was a product of his time.
Many young people, sought out excitement in the few areas that were
available. Often times their lives ended in tragedy. Dan never ob
tained the legend status that his brother, Butch Cassidy did. But he
did achieve many lasting accomplishments. Dan was fortunate to
have a strong family. With the love of his family, he was able to
overcome his criminal way and begin a new life. Dan also left behind
a grea t posterity that today are successful individuals in the world and
their communities.
Notes
105
1.U.S. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker.
2.Famify records in the possession of the author.
3.Betenson, Lufa Parker and Dora Flack, Butch Cassidy. Mv Brother, (Provo, Utah:
Brigham Young University Press, 1976), 9-30.

24
4.lbid, 34
5.Prison records of Butch Cassidy and Dan Parker.
6.Cheyenne Daily Leader, Saturday April 18, 1891, courtesy of Dan Davidson.
7. French, William, Some Recollections ora Western Ranchman, (New York, N. Y:

Sentry Press, 1965),258
8.Baker, Pearl, The Wild Bunch at Robbers Roost, (Los Angeles, CA: Western[ore
Press, 1965), 134; and conversation between Dan Parker's granddaughter and the
author.
9.Mortensen, Vern C, Memories orDan Parker.
10.Conversations between author and family members. One family member claims Dan
told her that he lost his fingers while in prison.

I1.Mortensen, Vern C, Memories or Dan Parker.
12.Phone conversation between the author and Dan Parker's granddaughter.
13. Records in the possession of the author.
14. Tanner, Faun McConkie, The Far Country: A Regional History orMoah and La Sal,
!J.JIlJ:b (Salt Lake City, Utah: Olympus Publishing Company, 1976), 158-159.
15. Baker, Pearl, The Wild Bunch at Robbers Roost, 134-137.
16.The Salt Lake Herald, Sunday, September 13, 1896, courtesy of Dr. Steve Lacy.
17.Kelly, Charles, Outlaw Trail, (Salt Lake City, Utah: 1938), 31-32.
18.Betenson and Flack, Butch Cassidy, My Brother, 64.
19. Conversations between family members and the author; and Kelly, Outlaw Trail, 32.
Kelly mentions, that a similar incident occurred between Butch and Dan, however,
the author does not believe this occurred, based on information from family
members. Kelly said this occurred after the Telluride Bank Rohbery after Dan was
arrested and released. Dan was never arrested for the Telluride Bank Robbery.
20. The Laramie Daily Boomerang, December 23, 1889, courtesy of Elnora Frye. The
paper reported that the stage was held up about 40 'clock in the afternoon.
21. US. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker.
22.1bid.
23.Craig Pantograph, Thursday, April 30, 189/, courtesy of Dan Davidson. Ironically,
Mr. Elliot was quoted as saying after Brown and Parker were convicted, "they will
now have a chance to work for Uncle Sam in the US. pen at Detroit, Michigan."
25.1bid.
26.The Cheyenne Daily Leadf;I, Saturday April 18, 1891. The paper reported that Coon
mentioned, "that one of the men was laughing all the time he and his partner were
holding up the stage and seemed to think it was a great joke when he did not want
them to go through his pockets." This was most likely Brown because he searched
the passengers and it was reported that the younger bandit was "considerably
excited and quite nervous" during the robbery.
27. Us. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker.
28, US. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker. Three checks were recovered and used as
evidence in the trial. During the trial, W. E. French from Vernal testified that he
was shown several of the checks by a Mrs. Wilson in Vernal who ran a boarding
house and had found them in William Brown's personal belongings.
29. Craig Pantograph, Thursday, April 3D, 1891. The Rawlins Republican, reported
that "all registered packages, of which there were eleven" were stolen, which
resulted in "about $400 in currency and $500 worth of checks." In the postal file,
courtesy of Dan Davidson, the postal inspector reported that, "the amount of loss
is not believed to be in excess of two or three hundred dollars. "
30. Carbon County Journal, Saturday, December 28, 1889. courtesy of Dan Davidson.
The article names Allen as "Tex Allan of Savery." Also The Laramie Daily
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25
Boomeran~. December 23, 1889. The Laramie paper also reported on December
28, 1889, that the Rawlins Reoublican reported Allen had a sack of gold amounting
to $480 on him and threw it out into the sagebrush when the stage first stopped and
later returned in the night to recover it. 1t further reported that when Brown took
the pocketbook containing $150, he handed back $25 to Allen.
31. US. Postal file of Daniel Parker.
32. The alleged letter sUlfaced a few years ago. The original letter is now reported to
be in a private collection of a documents collector in California.
33. Us. Postal file of Daniel Parker; Meeker Herald. Saturday, January 4, 1890,
courtesy of Dan Davidson; US. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker; and The
Laramie Daily Boomeranr:. December 28, 1889. The Laramie paper reported that
"Carr went as soon as possible to the scene of the robbery, but the robbers had two
or three days' start and trail was pretty old. "
34.US. Deputy Marshall Bush used many aliases himself He is most often referred to
as Joseph "Joe" R. Bush. He testified at Dan's trial as "George R. Bush." A
Wyoming newspaper states, "R. Clarke Thornhill. familiarly known as 'Joe Bush'"
and another as, "Joe Thornhill commonly known as Joe 'Bush '. "
35. Us. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker. Bush testified that Dan corrected him
during the arrest saying the Marshal didn't want him for horse theft, but for
robbing a stage.
37. US. Postal file. 1n the "Report of Arrest for Dan Parker, " the date of the arrest was
initially written as Sept. 4, 1890, but was later crossed out and replaced with
August 28, 1890.
38. The Salt Lake Tribune. October 7, 1890, courtesy of Dr. Steve Lacy.
39. The Cheyenne Daily Leader, Saturday, April 18, 1891.
40. Kelly, Outlaw Trail, 32.
41.Records in the possession of the author. Also the Denver News, September 26, 1890,
courtesy of Elnora Frye, confirms Annie's statement about Dan being held in Salt
Lake City. Wyoming's statehood seemed to complicate the prosecution of Dan The
paper said that Dan was incarcerated in Salt Lake City because with Wyoming
becoming a state, "there are no officials in Wyoming to prosecute the robber."
This was later worked out and he was transferred to Wyoming. A telegram in the
Postal file says Dan is ''In custody, at Salt Lake Utah US Atty and marshal of
Wyoming claim Atty General has construed the law that they are not officers advise
me what to do prisoner cannot be held in Utah must be examined in Wyoming
cannot have Examination without Marshall ar.d Attn. "
42.Dan Parker's Wyoming Penitentiary records.
43. US. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker; and Postal file.
44.The Laramie Daily Boomeranr;, December 28, 1889.
45. the laramie daily boomeran~, January 22, 1891, courtesy of Elnora Frye. The paper
reported that Brown was wantedfor other crimes committed in Arizona and New
Mexico. The Lander Clipper, February 11, 1891, reported that an accomplice of
Brown's, McGee, stated that Brown admitted that besides robbing a stage he had
also robbed and burned a store. Brown and his accomplice plotted to rob the
Lander stage until they were frightened off They had also planned systematic
raids of horses in the area. The Postal file also confirms these claims by McGee.
McGee further claimed that Brown also bragged about a recent killing of a man in
Colorado. Also, Brown must have given a bad impression at his trial because the
prosecutor later wrote that Brown, "was a man whose character was that of a
desperado, and 1 can very well understand how a young man of Parker's age could
commit a crime of this character while in the companionship of Brown, which by
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himself would ordinarily not have been committed." The Post file afso mentions
that the postal officials thought "Brown was the leader of the gang of desperadoes
who held up and robbed, of $6,000, paymaster Wham of the US. Army in Arizona. "
46.Chevenne Daily Leader, Sunday April 19, 1891, courtesy of Dan Davidson and
Elnora Frye.
47. US. vs. William Brown and Dan Parker; and Postal file.
48.The Laramie Daily Boomerang, January 22, 1891.
50. Dan Parker's Wyoming Penitentiary file.
51.US. vs William Brown and Dan Parker.
52.An interestinR note in the Postal file, a leiter states, "Carr has a recent leiter from
Bush who repeats his former statements as to being able to 'produce' the witnesses
to identify Parker'. "
53. Records in the possession of the author. Also, accordinR to the Cheyenne Daily
Leader, September 22, 1891, courtesy of Elnora Frye, Joe Bush received $1000 for
the capture of Dan Parker from Jeff Carr on behalf of the Chief Postoffice
Inspector, J.D. King. The Post file also confirms that Bush received the $1,000.
This is interesting because, even though he took credit for Dan's arrest, there is
evidence that shows, Bush didn't actually capture Dan.
57.Also in the Postal file, Fred Elliot, who was the freighter durinR the robbery and
later became Deputy Marshal at Craig and Hayden, failed to identify Parker, but
claimed he could identify Brown.
59. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Saturday April 18, 1891.
60. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Sunday April 19, 1891.
61.Meeker Herald, Saturday April 26, 1890, and Saturday May 3, 1890, courtesy of
Dan Davidson. The articles describe a daring daylight robbery "and the operators
are supposed to be the same parties who successfully held up the Rawlins stage.
They rode up on horses, hitched them out front, one bandit covered the clerk with a
rifle while the other relieved the cash drawer of $800. They escaped before an
afarm could be given." And another article ran a week later about the robbery and
mentioned the discovery of an outlaw cave on Vermillion Creek near Brown's Park
where numerous stolen articles were found.
62.1.S. Hoy unpublished manuscript, 220222, courtesy of Doris Burton. Hoy said that
Dan later visited Vernal and reported that Brown and Paller were "wrangling over
an affair of honor among thieves." Palter was never seen again after that and it
was supposed that he was killed by Brown and his body thrown into the Green
River.
63.Cheyenne Daily Leader, Sunday April 19, 1891.
64.Records in the possession of the author.
66. Cheyenne Daily Leader, Sunday, April 19, 1891.
69. Letter from Elnora Frye to the author, February 28, 1995.
70. US. vs William Brown and Dan Parker.
71. Cheyenne Sun, November 20, 1891, courtesy of Elnora Frye.
72.Superintendent's Report 33 Annual Report of the Officers of the Detroit House of
Correction to the Common council of the City of Detroit for the year 1894. (Detroit
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Free Press Printing Co: 1895), 8, 30. Courtesy of Dan Davidson.

73. William Brown's medical records from the St. Elizabeth's Hospital of the Insane,
courtesy of Dan Davidson.
75. Ibid.
76. Ibid.
77. Ibid.
78./bid.
79./bid.
80./bid.
8/.Cheyenne Sun December 26, 1897, courtesy of Elnora Frye.
83./bid.
84./bid.
85.Family records in possession of the author; and Iron County Record. Thursday
August 13, 1942.

86. Conversation between Dan Parker's daughter and the author.
87./bid.
88./bid.
89. Pinkerton Detective Agency file on Butch Cassidy, File #72, binder #7, Pinkerton
Archives, courtesy of Dan Davidson.
90.Family records in the possession of the author.
91.Conversalion between Dan Parker's daughter and the author; and family records in
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Parker Ranch near Circleville, Utah. Uintah County Library, Regional History
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28
the possession of the author.

92.Morlensen, Vern C, Memories of Dan Parker.
93. Ibid.
94.lbid..
95.lbid
96. Ibid.
97.Conversation between Scott Parker Betenson and the author.
98.Conversation between Dan Parker's daughter and the author.
99. Dullenty, James, The Butch Cassidy Collection, (Hamilton, Montana: Rocky
Mountain House Press, 1986), 77-82.

100.Conversation between Dan Parker's daughter and the author.
101.Mortensen, Vern C, Memories of Dan Parker.
102.Conversation between family members and the author.
103. Conversations between family members and the author; the Parowan Times,
Friday, August 7, 1942 and Saturday, August 14, 1942 and The Deseret News.
Saturday, August 8, 1942.
104. Ibid.
105. Other items not noted are personal reminiscences and conversation between the
author and family members.
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Editor's note: the following story is based on a description given to

the author of the historic Battle ofMilk Creek and the events leading to
the Meeker Massacre by a Native American who actually participated
in theevents described. It is an alternative account ofthe events through
the eyes of Indian Joe. This story is re-printed for your reading
enjoyment with permission from the author and the editor of the
Frontier Magazine at Craig, Colorado.
THE STORM
OF
CHANGE
THE BATTLE AT MILK CREEK THROUGH THE EYES OF A

YOUNG UTE WARRIOR ON HIS FIRST WAR PATH
Story by Dal ton Carr!
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From 1943 until 1948, almost a constant visitor to Indian Joe's

cabin, a young fellow interested in all things Indian, used to come and
listen to the old Indian tell his tales of the days of yesteryear in
Northwestern Colorado, when the land of the Shining Mountains was
still the home of the Ute Nation.
The story most requested by the young man was the battle of Milk
Creek and the subsequent massacre at the White River Agency which
took the life of Indian Agent Nathan Meeker. The story of how it all
began is long, and for the sake of brevity cannot be told in its entirety.
The story we will tell is about the fateful morning of September 29,
1879. The story was told by Indian Joe of how he viewed the order of
battle through the eyes of an eighteen-year old Ute warrior on his first
war path.
The morning dawned bright and unusually cold for late Septem
ber. As the sun rose, the line of frost gradually melted back to the
advancing rays. The Ute warriors gathered there were basically of
three groups. The first of these, comprising nearly half the total, were
the young warriors, eighteen to twenty-six years of age, a few of which
had counted coup, or had seen the blood of an enemy on lance point
or knife blade. They were in generally high spirits as untried youth
living on the tales of their elders generally are.
The second group, ranging from twenty-six to forty-six, were the
warriors of considerable experience, having aided the U. S. Army as
scouts in campaigns against the Nez Perce, Gros Ventres, the Blackfoot

30
and, on occasion, even the Sioux and Cheyenne. They were hardened
and knew all about the war trails of the past.
The third group were the so-called "old men," not as quick of foot
or on horseback as they once were, they had entertained the young
men of the tribe with stories of great courage and greater sacrifice that
helped mold the young men into warriors anticipating their first
combat. Among this group were several warriors of great repute. The
Indian names will not be used as it would only confuse the reader.
One of these was the huge war chief called Colorow, a Comanche by
birth, captured in his childhood and raised by the Utes. He was called
"The Clown' by the younger warriors because he had the knack of
being able to tell great war stories of daring and fill them withso much
emotion that at one moment the hearer would be so moved that water
would come to his eyes and in the next be rolling on the ground
choking with gales oflaughter. It was said laughingly behind his back
that if he could fight as well as he could talk, he would whip the blue
coats single-handedly. On this day he proved thathe was truly a great
warrior and was still laughing as he dropped the first blue coat.
The second of these outstanding warriors approaching sixty-five
was known to the white settlers only by the name of Johnson. Six feet
.four inches tall, and two hundred forty pounds of solid muscle, he as
a proud owner of a fifty-ninety Sharps buffalo gun. On this day he was
to inflict a third of the total casualties upon the cavalry force in what
is known as the Battle of Milk Creek.
In the eyes"of all the young braves, though he was not a chief by
heritage, the acknowledged leader was Captain Jack, an avid cam
paigner in the Nez Perce wars and a friend of Major Charles
Thornburgh. Jack firmly believed that battle could be avoided
because of this friendship and had told the men under his command
of this belief. So, in the morning hours the young men were enthusi
astic and restless for whatever the day would bring.
The prime warriors were quiet, withdrawn and not given to
useless chatter, but thinking hard about what they would do in case
talking failed and a bullet settled the argument. The old men quietly
relaxed, appearing to be totally at ease, and spent the early hours
wrapped in their blankets, maybe smoking their pipes or chewing elk
jerky. None of them had anything to say, but kept their own counsel.
Shortly thereafter, a young rider rode into camp speaking so
quickly as to sound almost incoherent. Finally able to get his breath,
he said, "The soldiers are coming! The soldiers are coming!"
The tactics of the day had already been mapped. The two long
ridges that ran in a line roughly northeast and southwest, broken by
a gap in-between where Colorow and Captain Jack were to meet the
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""
..
'.
,,'
f
.~
.,
p.
-;.
.~ ~
..
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"Ute Jack"
army column wh n it arrived, had twelve Indian marksmen on the

right to the north and eight on the ridge to the south, Three quarters
of a mile down Milk Creek, another forty Indian cavalry waited in a
long dry wash that ran into the creek. They were out of sight, screened
by cottonwoods that stood between their location and the wagon road
crossing the creek.

32
To the eyes of Major Thornburgh, the valley appeared deserted

except for the two mounted Indians sitting their horses quietly in the
gap between the two aforementioned ridges. Even at that distance, he
recognized the lithe figure of Captain Jack, his old companion at arms.
Approximately three yards to Jack's right sat a huge Indian hunches
forward on his mount as though in anticipation. Thornburgh, from
description alone, correctly identified the second rider as Colorow
"The Clown". Major Thornburgh's column was strung out loosely
behind him, with the wagons not more than sixty yards to the rear.
Major Thornburgh raised his right arm in greeting and was
answered in return by Captain Jack. He and Colorow maintained
their position while Thornburgh and his bugler advanced toward the
waiting Indians. The major and his assistant crossed Milk Creek and
rode in a straight line across the open amphitheater towards his old
friend. Behind the major, the mounted ._olumns have stopped, but the
wagons continued to roll into a tightly packed group in the creek
bottom. Major Thornburgh rode to within 100 yards of the two
solitary horsemen, when some unknown trooper shouted out his
observations, "Injuns on the ridge to the right!" Jnadvertently, one of
the concealed Indian riflemen had betrayed his presence to the sharp
eyed trooper.
Before anyone knew exactly what was happening, a single shot
rang out. Paradoxically both sides claimed that the other fired first.
None will ever know, but as surely as night follows day, desultory
rifle shots began popping from both sides. Captain Jack, throwing up
both hands, shouted 'NO, NO, NO!" while Major Thornburgh shouted
to his men to hold their fire. Both pleas were drowned out by the
rapidly escalating barrage of shots.
Contrary to the official version as reported by the U.s. Cavalry, the
first man to fall was the man who desperately wanted a peaceful
reunion with his old Indian friend. Colorow, seeing the fight escalat
ing with all hope of peace evaporating, did what any war chief would
do.
He raised his rifle which had been concealed under his robe, took
careful aim at the highest ranking member of the enemy force and
placed a ball squarely in the sternum of Major Charles Thornburgh,
killing him instantly. This was strongly denied by army spokesmen,
bu twas la ter confirmed by Captain Jack and a half dozen of the Indian
riflemen on the ridge to their left. At any rate, the Utes, in their version
of the battle, gave the credit of the kill of Major Thornburgh to the
deadly warrior chief, Colorow, who was no longer referred to as liThe
Clown."
Major Thornburgh lay where he fell, but the bugler made a hasty
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I
33
retreat back toward the protecting four foot high wall of the creek bed.
Another incredible shot was made at that moment by the Ute rifleman,
Johnson, with his Sharps buffalo gun at a distance of over 270 yards.
He killed the running horse of the bugler just before it reached the
creek bank. The horse somersaulted with the impact of the bullet and
with alacrity that would be talked about for many years by the
witnessing warriors, the bugler hit the ground running and made it to
safety behind the protection of the bank at the ere k's edge.
The soldiers found themselves defending their position in the
creek bottom with a wall rmming along the west m side of the water
affording fairly good protection from the Indian sharpshooters dug in
along the ridges to the west and southwest of the army's position.
What the army had no way of anticipating was the forty mounted
warriors racing up from the south using the band of cottonwoods as
a screen. They rapidly closed the ground betwe n tl mselves and the
now dismounted U.s. Cavalrymen. The lieutenant in charg after the
death of Major Thornburgh had given his first command to dismount
and take cover behind the bank, leaving the horses under the charge
of the troopers known as horse holders. The back side f the creek, or
what we will call the East bank, was totally exposed with no protec
tion from the Indians' fire. Without warning, the forty young warriors
rounded the screen of cotton woods a scant one hundred yards away,
and for the first time the Ute war cry was given full voice. The result
was pandemonium among the troopers, and rightly so, as there was
no shield from the rear as the arrows and bullets sprayed their flank
and rear. The horse handlers were either killed or wounded and the
horses stampeded. Some old sergeant wi th a lot of savvy commanded
the few wagons into a tight circle, affording the only 360 degree refuge
from the Indians' fire.
The soldiers situation was now critical. The distance from the two
ridges where the Indian riflemen were ensconced was approx'mately
400 yards, requiring the Indians to fire at angles of twenty to thirty
three degrees. The soldiers actually had to hug the four foot bank. to
keep from getting hit by the well aimed fire. The highest position on
the ridge was occupied by Johnson with his buffalo gun. From his
position to the bank was exactly 440 yards as measured in later years
with ace rate equipment. Because of his ability and the inherent
accuracy of the rifle, Johnson could see, he could hit any part of a
soldier that he could.
From Joe's point of view, on the back of a war pony, it was a grand
attack. Many years later, with a sparkle in his eye, he recounted how
"the blue coats ran like jack rabbits."
In the first f w minutes of the attack, Joe emptied his new '73
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Winchester and had drawn his 71/2 inch barreled Cavalry model Colt
Peacemaker. He saw one of the horse handlers run up the ridge
desperately attempting to sop his runaway charges. The young
soldier turned in time to see Joe bearing down 'Ipon him. From a
distance of only fifteen yards, they fired simultaneously, the trooper
with his 45-70 Springfield, and Joe with his 45 Colt. Joe saw his bullet
knock dust from the young trooper's shirt, as he passed at a run, he
saw the trooper's look of utter disbelief as Joe touched him with the
barrel of the pistol before the young trooper fell. This was a double
victory for a young warrior as he killed his first enemy and touched
him while he was still alive and on his feet. A kill and a coup counted
at the same time! He was just feeling his triumph when his favorite
pony, White Hand, fell from beneath him. The young trooper's aim
had been true, and the 45-70 bullet had pierced the pony's lungs.
What had been a great victory was dimmed by the loss of his favorite
companion. Joe, finding himself afoot on the wrong side of the creek,
joined three other warriors and they set up a breastwork of rocks from
the hilltop where the monument presently stands. This gave them a
375 yard shot to the unprotected backside of the soldiers huddled
along the creek bottom. While this was not necessarily a long shot for
a Sharps buffalo gun, it was a very long shot for the 44-40 Winchesters
carried by the young warriors. While pinpoint accuracy was not
possible, a deadly harassing fire continued to pin the soldiers down
as daylight began to fade.
Shortly before sundown, two very brave troopers, one a corporal
and the other a priva te, crossed the 200 yards of open ground to where
their commander had fallen. The two soldiers literally carried him
back to the creek bed. Not one shot was fired by any of the Indian
riflemen out of respect for these two courageous troopers who risked
their lives to rescue the body of the slain Major Thornburgh.
As darkness fell, the night chilled, and throughout the hours of the
morning, Indian drums played out their nerve chilling message of
more death on the morrow.
The Second Day----The mood in the Ute encampment was one of
elation and victory even though they had as many men killed and as
many wounded as the soldiers. Joe had explained that the reason for
elation was that the soldiers were not trapped and could be held there
indefinitely. In other words, it might be said that the Native Ameri
cans held all the cards.
It had been a good day for some of the young warriors who had
counted coup and had showed courage in war as young braves for the
first time.
Colorow was being his usual self, the clown, and was complaining
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about not having enough food to fill his ample belly.

Among the leaders and older warriors, they believed they had
won a victory, but they were worried about the cost.
Captain Jack sat on the ground near a small campfire and watched
his old friend, Johnson, approaching. Johnson somehow looked
much smaller and very tired. In one hand he carried his well worn
familiar old Sharps, "The Magic Rifle." In the other, he held another
Sharps rifle in much newer condition.
Jack had never seen Johnson so distressed. Jack said, "Old friend,
how went the day with you and your two sons?' Johnson replied in
a low voice almost inaudible to all those who were sitting very near.
"My rifle has killed some today and has shot very well but it is a black
day, for now I have only one son." He quietly bent down and laid the
new Sharps rifle at Captain Jack's feet and said, "This is for your son.
Myson will need itnomore." He slowly walked away headed toward
his pit on the highest hill hoping that during the night his rifle would
find more targets and that the hunt would fill the lonely hours until
the dawn.
Captain Jack remarked to Colorow, "He is very sad. I've never
seen him this low in all the years I have known him." Colorow's reply
was, "yes, he feels very bad, but feel sorry instead for the Bluecoats
because his eye will be very keen, his aim very steady, and he will
squeeze the trigger of that Sharps as gently as plucking a rose petal.
Blue coats will die, for vengeance is in his heart."
In the soldier's camp, things were still in a high state of confusion.
Some horses had been rounded up and were herded into the wagon
ring. Strangely enough the Indians showed very little interest in the
soldiers rounding up their horses. Every soldier in command was
baffled that no shot had been fired at the troopers detailed during this
dangerous operation. At least 75 head had been caught, and with the
additional dozen or so already with the wagons, there were around
ninety animals in the enclosure.
Some of the soldiers that had been wounded were suffering from
both pain and despair because none had the slightest idea when help
would arrive or even if the Department of the Army had been notified.
Two scouts had ridden out that day to carry the message to headquar
ters, but God only knew whether they had reached there or not.
The constant beating of drums and an occasional "yip" or "whoop'
had set their nerves on edge so that the Bluecoats found themselves
flinching at every sound and shooting at shadows.
At approximately 11 p.m., Colorow looked at Jack and said, "1
have a mostexcellentidea. The breeze is picking up, so let's send some
of the young warriors down into the long grass in the creek bed that
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maybe we can start enough fire so that we can bum them out of their
hole."
Jack, realizing that the old fox had hit upon a brill"ant plan,
dispatched six of his best night hunters, Joe among them, into the
valley south of the encampment. The young warriors fired the dry
grass and it went up in a wall of fire reaching a full 20 feet into the sky
and approaching the soldiers' camp at around 15 mph.
Some of the wiser heads in the Bluecoat camp quickly rushed out
and started to back fire to slow down the onrush of the roaring inferno
bearing down upon them. Other soldiers ran out of the north side of
the encampment and started a fire in the grass hoping they would do
the Indians one better. That is, they hoped the strong breeze blowing
from the south would also burn the grass north of camp making it
much harder for an enemy to approach undetected.
Then in a strange quick of fate, just as the first wall of flame was
burning itself out in the backfire started by the soldiers, the direction
of the wind did a complete reversal, blowing the soldier's fire, sparks,
and heavy smoke back into their encampment.
Suddenly, several wagon burst into flame which sent soldiers
scurrying for buckets of water to put out the fires that threaten d to
destroy their much needed equipment and food supplies.
From his position on the hill, Colorow was rolling doubled over in
fits of laughter, saying, "Early yesterday morning we danced so that
we might have victory and now look at the crazy soldiers dancing
about in the firelight after they have already lost the battle."
A smile played on Captain Jack's lips but his mind had already
conceived his next plan of action. While up on the top of the hill
Johnson with his deadly Sharps had hit seven more targets illumi
nated by the fires in the soldiers' camp. Johnson wasn't laughing. He
was spending his time shooting with deadly efficiency.
The fires were finally extinguished at about 3:30 a.m. and the
valley was once more quiet. Jack's new master plan would soon
interrupt that new tranquility. He picked his best iflemen and
stationed them near the top of the ridge on both sides of Johnson.
His instructions were simple. "With the first light of dawn,
starting shooting at the horses in the enclosure. There are so many, we
can't help but hit them. Don't try to kill them, but make them rtm,
jump, and cry in pain."
Within 30 minutes, Jack's oldest son, with his gift from Johnson,
the new Sharps rifle, started the barrage. The result was chaos. Horses
ran, bucked and screamed in pain as bullets ripped their bodies,
causing bedlam inside the wagon circle.
All of the riflemen were to shoot at the horses except one. That man
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was Jolmson. His job was to shoot the men that exposed themselves,
trying to aid the plight of the horses. His aim was good. Four men fell.
It had been a terrible night for the Bluecoats. The cavalrymen were
now confronted with the fact that three of their supply wagons had
been bu ned to ground, leaving a gap in the circle of defense.
Compounding their misery, they now had 69 dead horses in the circle
with them.
With the corning of daylight and the warming of late morning, the
supply of dead meat and its stench would draw millions of flies.
After the shooting of the horses, which the Indian Warriors had
hated to do, Jack rdered his warriors to sleep in relays until about
noon. The soldiers were stunned by no dawn attack, as anticipated.
There was seemingly no activity in the Ute camp, save the monoto
nous rhythm of the drums and the occasional bark 0f a deadly Sharp
rifle from the top of the ridge.
In the Ute camp, things had, in fact, become mue., more subdued.
The high elation of arly victory had been replaced with the fatigue of
combat. Joe felt very sad, first at the loss of his pony. More
significantly, however was the loss of his best friend and mentor, the
oldest son of lolmson, who had been killed in the first day of fighting.
In addition, Jolm Small Cat, his cousin, had failed to return from his
mission.
Joe had b gun to realize that the price of victory was very high.
Jack wanted to talk to Colorow, who was sitting in his rifle position
some 60 yards away. He also wished to speak to Jolmson, who had not
left his Rifle pit, high on the ridge, since his son had been killed.
Finally Jack sent unners to summon the other two chiefs for a
decision-making conference.
He also called for three of his senior warriors, Red Hawk, Nimble
Jim and Catfish Charlie. When they finally assembled, Jack asked the
very simple but pertinent question. "now that we've got them, what
do we do with them?"
Colorow's answer was blunt, "We know they're low on ammuni
tion, their leadership is gone, they are frightened, and they're not
going to have much to eat except stinking horse flesh. So while they're
feeling so low, let' just rush them all at once on horseback, right over
them, and kill them all."
N ble Jim said, "Let's just keep them where they're at for a few
days and make them more hungry and then, like in the old days when
we fought the Comanches, go down to them and say, 'It was a good
fight, but you lost,' and then shake hands and depart like men."
Jack said, "1 don't think that will work anymore, because the
Bluecoats are not like Comanches. They are not men of honor and
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courage. They will want to make us pay, not because we have killed
and beaten them, but because we have embarrassed them."
Johnson withheld a smile and more or less ended the conference
when he stated, "1 will stay on the hill with my rifle until my bones
break and my buckskins rot away for the opportunity kill every
soldier there. They said they were our friends once, but they have
never been our friends. They have always been our enemies and it
will be so until the end of our days."
As the afternoon progressed, Joe could hear the cries of pain, from
the wounded soldiers, and he wondered why they cried so much
while many of the Indian wounded stoically sat detached from the
rest of the world in quiet silence. Some of the terribly wounded
warriors were sent back to the agency with the other wounded who
could still walk. All able bodied fighters remained available for
instant call.
The one field surgeon in the Bluecoat's cavalry unit had himself
been wounded in the early conflict and was now of Ii ttle use except for
giving advice to the veterinarian who was the only man capable of
tending the more serious wounds.
In the day's heat some of the wounds were taking on th appear
ance of gangrene by their smell and the increasing pain felt by the
victim. With the unit's supply of medicinal whiskey a1 eady ex
hausted and a meager supply of laudanum, there was nothing for the
veterinarian to do but listen to the cries of pain and give words of
comfort when he could.
Reading the desperate situation the soldiers were in, Johnson had
passed the word along the row of snipers, "When you have a good
target to shoot at, such as the whole body of a man, place your bullet
lower than the rib cage and not lower than the groin. Such wounds
will cause the man to live longer with much more pain, and this will
put a greater strain on the remaining troops, both mentally and
physically, as they tend to the wounded."
Joe thought that these orders were harsh but he could see their
value as such tactics often meant the difference between winning and
losing a battle.
Finally, the night came with the blessing of the cool breeze. In the
Indian camp, it was a subdued group of warriors that huddled by
their little fires as they saw their own ammunition and food supplies
growing low.
Colorow was not clowning that night. He just sat there in his rifle
pit with a grim look on his face and an empty belly. Everyone in the
Ute camp knew that when he was in one of these moods, it was best
to give him his space.
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Jack sat quietly keeping his own counsel, knowing that on the
morrow help for the Bluecoats was probably on the way. Then his
thoughts drifted to his friend Johnson up on the ridge who had been
off the mountain only three times since the fight began, with his eyes
glued to the rifle sight, waiting for another target. Every once in a
while he could see a tiny glow atop the ridge and knew that Johnson
was once again lighting his pipe. Jack wondered as he laid back, in his
blankets when Johnson had slept. As usual, the Utes slept in relays
through the night. The only sounds heard through the long night of
the second day were the incessant drum, the yip, yip, yipof the coyote,
and occasionally the mean bark of the Sharps high up on the ridge.
During the night, the temperature had dropped considerably and
light snow had fallen, leaving a light skiff on the ground. The day
dawned partly cloudy, but warmed rapidly. Captain Jack was
beginning to show more and more consternation over the possibility
of fresh troops arriving to aid those held hostage. Finally, Colorow
had heaved his large body out of his rifle pit, much like an old grizzly
leaving its spring den. Johnson had not left his rifle pit and Jack
discussed that situation with Colorow asking Colorow if he would go
up the hill and ask Johnson to corne down, as Jack knew tha t Colorow
had more influence wi th Johnson than anyother living man. Colorow
certainly didn't want to climb the hill, but he knew what Jack said was
true, and he, too, was worried about his old friend after the loss of
Johnson's son.
Colorow trudged up the back side of the ridge and spent almost
two hours convincing Johnson that he could leave the sights of his
Sharps long enough to corne down and eat and rest awhile.
The three chiefs, huddled together for almost two hours and
finally decided that someone with authority should go down to the
White River Agency, southwest of Meeker, and find out what the
status was, as no word had been received from there since the start of
the battle. It was decided that Colorow, being the actual War Chief,
would stay at the creek and remain in charge of the battle there while
Jack and Johnson would take turns traveling back and forth to the
Agency. Jack had felt, and wisely so, that Douglas, another of the Ute
Chiefs, would be getting anxious about the war party's success or
failure and might initiate action at the agency directed at the white
personnel living there. Jack decided he would go first as he wielded
more influence with Jonathan Meeker, the agent. Then on the follow
ing day, Johnson would leave and would meet Jack on his way back
to exchange news of happenings at both locations. Jack, before
leaving the battle site, had persuaded Colorow not to do anything
rash, like an all out charge to overrun the soldiers. Jack felt that there
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40
had been enough oldiers killed and wounded, and the containment
of the remain' g force was all that was necessary.
Shortly after the chiefs meeting had ended, Joe had been sum
moned from his rifle pit at the request of Captain Jack. When he
aiTived, Jack motioned for him to sit on the ground, and told him that
he had special orders for him to carry out that afternoon. Jack
explained, with greater detail than was his general practice, to the
young warrior exactly what needed to be done. He needed to send
one of his best and fastest riders to the Wind River Agency advising
the Shoshones and Arapahoes of the trouble that the Utes had in
curred on the Milk River. He explained to Joe that the message must
be conveyed accurately, and the message absolutely must arrive, and
thatJoe esp dally was trusted and well suited for that important task.
Joe felt that he was being taken out of the fi:ghtfor a menial c ore, but
he could never think of arguing with Jack, his late father's best friend
and his own number one hero.
While Joe prepared for the trip, gathering what supplies he
needed, extra cartridges for his rifle and two extra horses in case he
had to run relay style to out distance any soldier-coats that might try
to stop him, he was fulfilling a promise made to Joe's mother that he
would do his best, if the situation began to deteriorate, to try to send
her only son away from the action so that he might not be taken
prisoner and dealt with as harshly as the other prisoners would
certainly be. Since the boy's mother was Arapaho and his fad er a Ute,
h could take refuse at Wind River, keep his mouth shut, and not be
sent into exile or to the stockade along with other Ute warriors that
might be captured when Army reinforcements arrived.
Of course Joe had no inkling of the promise made and with
resignation accepted his assignment. He said goodbye to his closest
friends, and start d his horses at a gallop to the Wind River, not
knowing that he would not see most of his friends at Milk River ever
again.
He kept up a steady pace headed north, keeping a watchful eye on
the horizon for the appearance of any sign of troops south bound en
route to relieve what was left of Thornburgh's column. The re t of the
day passed uneventfully with many miles being covered. He made
camp at dark and waited for the moon to light his way, and then
started out again after several hours rest. Shortly after dawn, as the
morning broke with a cold wind blOWing traight out of the north, he
suddenly pulled his horses to a skidding sto . Right in front of him,
not more than 40 yards away, two Indians and three blue coats were
just breaking mornings camp. He was not sure, but he believed the
Indians were probably Crows, scouting for the U. S. Army. The three
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41
tr opers he'd never seen the like of before. They were as black a his
war paint! These were probably the buffalo soldiers that he had heard
the other warriors talk about - the black soldiers who did all of the
hard work for the white soldjers. He had heard that they were
extremely brave and it wa very hard to take their scalps because their
hair was curly like the buffalo's and stuck closely to th ir heads. At
any rate, he was about to find out, as one of the Indians yelled in Ute,
"Stop! Stop! We want to talk to you." It was certain Joe did not want
to talk to th ffi, and when e saw two of the soldiers grab their
Springfield that had b en leaning against a tree, he figured that they
were more likely to shoot than talk. He put his heel to his pony and
made a hard I ftdown the dry wash. Just as he was beginning to think
that maybe he should hav stopped to talk, he heard the zip fa 45
70 bullet as it passed his head. He put all thoughts of talking from his
mind and started running for his life. He hears several more bullets
pass and then he heard, before the report, the slap of a bullet hitting
his horse and felt a stinging on the inside thigh of his left leg. Looking
down and reaching for the wound, he discovered a short rease in his
own skin that an elonga ted bullet hole from the Springfield bullet had
driven de p into the chest of his mount. He could feel the h [$ begin
to labor as its lungs began to fill with blood. Without a second's
hesitation, he pulled the second relay pony alongside, and leaving
everything but his Winchester and shells, he changed mount, Indian
style, on a dead run. Turning loose f his fir t mount, he saw it falter
and then go down. The transfer had been made just in time. The big
buckskin he was riding had a u.s. Cavalry brand on its hip and was
indeed a fast runner. Soon he outdistanced all his pursuers except one
Crow scout and one buffalo soldier who were able to keep the pace.
The dry wash run out onto a long level stretch of sagebrush. He knew
this could mean his death if he didn't take the initiative. At that very
moment, Joe could not see that behind him the soldier had kidded his
horse to a stop, jumped off, and knelt with his carbine to his shoulder.
At 250 yards, 't was a long shot, but well made it and the 400 grains
oflead smashed the spine of the buckskin just at the root of the tail. The
horse collapsed at a dead run, throwing Joe end over end, in cart
wheels, across the prairie. Joe said it must have been the will of the
Great Spirit, because his cartridge pouch still hung over his shoulders
and the 73 Winchester was still intact.
While the bi ck trooper was remounting, the Crow scout was
pressing his advantage, trying to reach Joe before he could gather his
wits after the tremendous fall he had taken. He didn't quite make it.
Joe dropped into a prone position, sighting at where he felt the scout
would exit the deep sage, and as he did so, Joe put a 44 bullet squarely
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42
through the center of his chest, dropping him dead before he hit the
dirt.
In the meantime the black trooper had remounted and was just 50
yards behind when the scout rolled from the saddle. The black
trooper hit the ground running and dived into a nearby patch of rabbit
brush.
The next 40 minutes were spent in a cat and mouse game with
death awaiting the loser. Joe hadbeen moving as silently as a rattler,
only a few inches at a time, as he crawled through the brush trying to
locate the buffalo soldier. He had been approaching the edge of dry
wash at the long end of the flat he had just crossed. When he reached
the edge of the dry wash, he waited patiently for almost 10 minutes.
He heard a slight scraping sound just 10 or 12 yards to the left of his
position and then, oh so slowing, he saw the black trooper rise to a
kneeling position looking both ways down the wash. As he turned his
head to the right, Joe put a .44 caliber bullet through his right eye
socket.
With this situation taken care of, he rounded up the black soldier's
horse, which was an outstanding bay gelding, and after scalping the
soldier and the scout, he once again headed for the Wind River, never
seeing any other sign of pursuit.
That pretty well ended the story from J0e's point of view. He
delivered his message and was reunited with his mother. He did not
hear of the massacre at the White River Agency or the subsequent
capture and prosecution of the Utes involved in both the battle and the
ID3ssacre until almost four months later.
This story was told to me as faithfully as memory allows of the only
man I ever knew who had lived to tell of the fight. He was somewhat
of a hero to me and I know at least part of this tale was the absolute
truth, because many years later after the incident he proudly dis
played and placed in my hands the scalps of the Crow scout and the
buffalo soldier.
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Endnot~
J. Dalton Carr is a retired law enforcement officer and one of Northwest Colorado's
favorite story tellers. He lives with his wife, Ann in Craig.

43
THE ROLE OF THE
VERNAL EXPRESS IN THE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE UINTA BASIN
By Loretta Long l
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In the last decade of the nineteenth century, Vernal resident Kate

Jean Boan (pronounced "Bowan"), a schoolteacher and mother of six,
ordered a printing press for $300 from a mail-order house. 2 Unlikely
as it seemed, this matron intended to establish a newspaper in one of
the last remaining frontiers in the United States at that time, the Uinta
Basin. Unique among pioneer women, Boan proved equal to the
challenge of establishing a solvent newspaper. At that time, no other
journalistic endeavors had penetrated this area, and even to the
present, this undertaking remains unsurpassed. Thus Boan's action
is quite unique. Indeed, the life span of her newspaper covers nearly
the entire development of the community.
Other towns west of the Mississippi River often saw the birth and
death of numerous weeklies. The fate of these papers rarely deviated
from the quick boom and bust pattern of the West. Cecil Alter
observed of early Utah journalism that lithe frontier newspaper was
usually a personal organ played enthusiastically by the editor as long
and as loud as the people pumped the bellows of support. As a
consequence, many editors and newspapers sprang up and expanded
until they burst with their own sense of supremacy."3 For some
reasons, Kate Jean Boan's paper did not conform to this pattern.
Christened the Uintah Pappoose (later changed in spelling to the
Uintah Papoose), the first issue of Mrs. Boan's weekly appeared on
January 2, 1891. Over one hundred years later the successor to the

44
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Wedding photo of Kate Jean Boan and Frank (Amos Quincy) Boan. Courtesy
Uintah County Library Regional History Center.
Papoose. The Vern Express continues to publish weekly.

The contributior cfThe Vernal Express to the Uinta Basin is, first,
the direct contributions made to the development of a modern society
in the Ashley Valley and second, the preservation of the process of this
community development for the benefit of future residents ofthe area.
As related to the Express' contributions to them demization process,
there are several issues to be examined. The most important of these

45
issues is the effort of the Uinta Basin to break out of its isolation
through the canst uction of a railroad route. Indeed this effort marks
the point of no return for northeastern Utah. For the ci ty of Vernal, the
Express is an institution to be cherished. For the historian, this weekly
is a crucible for examining the role of a small-town newspaper in the
taming of the frontier. Inde d many of the most fascinating facets of
the outlaw heritage of th Ashley valley area gain new expression in
the pages of The Vernal Express.
Throughout the century of its existence, the Express has exerted a
constant, powerful influence on the events of the Uinta Basin. In
addition to reporting the news of the area, this unique frontier
newspaper also used the might of the pen to attract new settlers to the
area, promot the utilization of the area's many resources, and in
many other ways facilitate the development of the Uinta Basin-
especially the Ashley Valley. From its genesis, the Express has served
as the catalyst for the cultural evolution of the area. This evolution
induded the replacement of the frontier by a more complex and larger
society, a process which, according to Oliver Knight, publisher of an
article entitled "The Frontier Newspaper as a Catalyst in Social
Change," entailed "the transformation of an inchoate and unplanned
grouping into a cohesive, stable community; from a chance gathing of
transient, footloose opportunists to a mini-metropolis of permanent,
loyal, citizens."4
Much of the uniqueness of the Uintah Pape <;e and its successor
The Vernal Express was due to the singular pos:
l of the Uinta Basin
it elf. Three hundred miles from Denver and twundred miles from
Salt Lake City, the Basin remained outside of the communication
network of the late nineteenth century American West. Indeed, "it is
paradoxical that the Uinta Basin--a vast region, blessed with abun
dant natural resources, induding materials, timber, fertile soil, and
two-thirds of all the water riginating wi thin Utah--was one of the last
major sections of the state to be settled...Undoubtedly, the major
reason for this was the remoteness of the Basin."5 This forced isolation
of the area played a significant role in the development of society in
the Uinta Basin. In doing 0 it also laid the framework for the
evolution of a singular frontier newspaper.
Until 1913 and the compi tion of the cross-continental highway 40
which linked the Uinta Basin with more populated areas such as Salt
Lake City, Utah and Grand Junction, Colorado, the progress of this
isolated area did not interest the outside world. The railroad, often
expected but never appearing, left distance as a major factor in the
economic enterprises of the Basin. Often cut off from the rest of the
world for weeks at a time by ferocious snow storms or impassable
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THE OUTLA W TRAlL JOURNAL
46
roads, the Ashley Valley labored to be independent. Many times it

seemed as if the area had been forgotten by the rest of the world,but
its citizens never considered themselves forgotten.
Part of Vernal's effort to preserve itself was encapsulated in the
pages of its largest newspaper. Twenty years after the fact, Mrs. Boan
recounted the story of how the Papoose was born:
Mr. and Mrs. Mease were visiting ourfamily in the willow jungles
ofBrush Creek and I jokingly said I wanted to start a paper in Vernal.
Mr. Mease encouraged me, but laughed at my one month experience
years before as a composer, tho'! had never seen a press, he promised
to help meat the work as he said he had been a printer's devilfora week
once. 6
From its first issue in January of 1891, the paper was a source of
information for and about the Uinta Basin. In fact, as the years passed,
the role played by the newspaper continued to increase in signifi
cance. As more settlers entered the valley, the newspaper provided
the substantive common thread of experience for the entire commu
nity. Being the one source of information available to all residents of
the area, the weekly wound the community more closely together.
The first issue of the Uintah Papoose contained numerous items of
interest to the residents of the Ashley Valley. Articles appeared with
titles such as A Holiday Mishap" describing a shooting incident, and
"A Miraculous Escape" about the rescue of two young boys from
under a pile of hay. In addition to these short clips other features
regularly appeared. These included reports on stake conferences of
the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, explanations of new
county laws, school activities, and summaries of meetings of local
organizations and county court proceedings. 7 Other common fea
tures included "Town Talk" (a column for social events and other
happenings such as weddings), reprints from national papers, an
nouncements of the capture of criminals by the sheriff, and clippings
of international news. For residents of an area, separated as they were
from all other communities, this newspaper provided the means to
stay informed on local events.
The job of bringing the news to the peopIe fell to the fron tier editor.
They shaped the paper and shouldered the burden of its operations.
Evaluating the achievements and contributions of the Express begins
with an understanding of the historical improvement of the editors
and their methods. The editorial history ofThe Vernal Express begins
with the character of the Papoose which stemmed largely from the
peculiarities of the outspoken Mrs. Boan. Indeed the first newspaper
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/I

47
THE OUTLA WTRAIL JOURNAL
, of the Uinta Basin was not edited by "the lItsual pistol-packing, hard
fisted he-man type, but rather a spry young lady."B Kate Jean Boan
had been born Kate Jean O'Melia on May 13, 1859 in New York. As
her parents died while she was still a child, she was reared by foster
parents. 9 Later married to Wesley A. Blake, Kate followed him when
his position as officer of the Signal Service moved him to Pikes Peak,
Colorado and later to Salt Lake City where he died. Articles from the
Express indicate that she worked one month at the Salt Lake Tribune
before she accepted a position as teacher of Indian children at
Whiterocks, Utah, the site of thefirst settlement in the Uinta Basin, in
1885. Soon after she arrived she met and married Amos Quincy
Boan. 10 Her career as editor of a newspaper probably did not provide
her livelihood. Indeed, it seems her interest was sparked by genuine
excitement about journalism. Other attributes of her character im
pacted her readers in various ways. The most profound analysis of
Kate Jean Boan was the one that commemorated her passing in 1911:
Mrs. Boan was a distinctive character among women, possessed ofa

virile, striking personality, keen, original and ambitious. Her true
biographer must say that she was of the dynamic type, a woman not
to be led, bu t to lead, the kind that could plant theflagstaff ofthe press
in frontier country and dare to dip her pen in vitriol if she thought it
need be. Her nature bred enemies but they admired even while they
hated. She was not devoid offaults but had a world ofvirtues such as
ofcharity, hospitality, and ofambition to be a public benefactor. Here
was a nimble wit but withal she had a very broad view of serious
human affairs which enabled her to give substantially to the world in
her public service. 11
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The affection many readers held for the Papoose prompted an

other regular feature in its columns: poetry. Both the inauguration
and the premature burial of the Papoose prompted outpourings in
verse. A poem entitled "the welcome proclaimed:
II
The Uintah Pappoose, so it is said,
Is growing fast, and we hope it will spread
Both far and near, to the great and smal-l,
And get to be, Big Chief after all. 12

After a little more than a year, however, Mrs. Boan suddenly sold the
paper offering little explanation only that it was "with feelings of
regret that we say goodbye to our readers. We have been treated so
kindly, have so generously supported and our small endeavor in the

48
THE
oun
W TRAIL /OUR1\fAL
newspaper way so appreciated that it seems as tho' in saying goodbye

to our 300 subscribers we are bidding farewell to personal and dear
friends."13 TIle news editor composed a brief notice in verse to
commemora te it pas ing:
No long r will its feeble voice
In shrill fal etto shake,
No more its wailing monotone
The mountain echoes wake;
For empty is the patent chase
1ltat held its tiny form
While baby slumbers on in peace
And feeds the moth a d worm.
A year its tiny footsteps trod
This world of woe and pain;
But now its gone, its infant face
We'll never see again.
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So drop a tear up n its tomb
In costly marble dress,
And then produce the needful stuff
And take the new Express. 14
When Kate resigned her editorship at the beginning of 1892 after

only a little over a year of publishing the Papoos , she sold the entire
publication to James Barker. Barker was a competent man with
ignificant newspaper experience and the Papoose flourished under
his leadership. The January 7/ 1892 issue informed the readership of
the handing over of the reins of ownership. After only fOUf more
issues, the Papoo e retired its Indian name for the new title of The
Vernal Expres . According to the Brigham Bugl r, the change was
prompted by James Barker "being an old bachelor/" who"did not like
to be guyed about the papoose by the brethren of the press."15
Several other changes followed this first one. Most significantly,
Barker enlarged the size of the paper to eight pages. With this
magnification carne new regular features. These included "profes
sional cards" a list of area businesses with their proprietors and other
highlights such as a rep rt on astronomical observations. However,
it seems that by March 24/ 1892 a lack of skilled printing help and
advertising pledges fore d him to return to the standard four pages.
Later/ Barker express his frustration with his readership:
-'
49
Newspaper men are conscientious workers. They do morefor a town

than any other person with an equal anwunt ofcapitaL invested, and
they get less for their work than a man who does one-tenth of their
work. The only thing they get more of than anybody eLse is cussing.
Failure stares the man in the face who attempts to run afOllr page
paper in a two page town. 16
Despite Barker's impatience at the lack of early support the Ashley
Valley offered its only news aper, he persevered in transforming the
sheet from a "folksy" paper with a mostly local focu' to a more
cosmopolitan publication which rivaled some of the larger papers of
its day.
In 1894, Barker's predicament a outlined above parfally eased
wi th the addi tion of Dan H. Hillman as assistant editor. He remained
involved with the paper in one capacity or another for several
decades. By November of that year the paper had moved to a six
column spread instead of th pr vious four. The paper's growth
mirrored that of the area. Population in the Ashley Valley expanded
from 799 in 1880 to 6,458 by 1900. More and more settlers began to call
the Ashley Valley home. For every is 'ue, n arly 1.5 pages of adver
tising reflected the growing number of businesses in the area.
The content of the paper reflected the changing nature of the area
as well. More miscellaneous types of feature articles began to appear,
covering topics such as the changing nature of male-female relation
ship, the decline of morality and other similar issues. Another regular
column was "Educational Notes" which detailed the development of
the educational system of the valley and indicated the intere t f the
Express in the progress of the community. At this time, the front page
was reserved for mostly national and international news with an
occasional item of statewid interest. Reflecting the morals behind
much of the features, an oeca ional article about Queen Victoria
graced the pages of the Express.
The organization of the newspaper was not permanent, however.
By early in 1896 the front page b gan to include mor items on local
events harkening back t the focus of the Papoose. As the community
prospered, it seemed that the paper began to return more to its roots.
Da Hillman left his position as assistant editor on June 24, 1897, but
his departure seemed to have little effect on the paper as whole.
Barker retired from his position as editor in March of 1898 and
turned over the reins to J. A. Holdaway who became editor and
proprietor. Under Holdaway'S direction the paper displayed, among
other things, a marked interest in the United States Navy. A bigger
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50
focus on national and especially international news accompanied this

interest. Local news was relegated to a few lines on the last page while
the spotlight shone on the Spanish-American War. Perhaps the
community did not support this trend in its local paper because
halfway through 1899 local and personal news returned to the front
page and a new team of editors took over the management of the
Express.
The August 3, 1899, issue revealed that Charles B. Bartlett had
assumed editorship. Ward E. Pack would act as assistant editor, and
Dan Hillman returned to take charge of the typographical depart
ment. Once again local news gained the spotlight. Columns such a
"Jensen Jottings" and "Merrill Ward Mites" covering the news of each
community in the Ashley Valley became more frequent. After this, the
paper remained rooted in its commitment to the valley and its
inhabitants.
In 1900 Charles Bartlett and his brothers Ashley and George
Bartlett and their brother-in-law, John Merkley, purchased the paper
and established a partnership. Ashley and Dan Hillman took over as
editors.!? The journalistic style of the new leadership established new
patterns of reporting the news. Items of statewide interest which
dppeared on the front page in the first column. The last column bore
the title "Week in Congress". The rest of the page dealt with most
national and international news. Local news filled the second page.
It fea tured the grand opening of many local businesses such as Vernal
Drug in 1902 as well as the anticipated white settlement of the Ute
Indian Reservation. The third page offered items of a more personal
yet still local interest. Records of visits among relatives and social
activities in each of the communities livened this page on a weekly
basis. Also, government notices appeared on this page supplemented
county records. The fourth page offered feature articles such as
"Where Women Rule" about an island off the coast of India and other
places in the United States where women appeared to have more
freedom and power. Additionally, columns with titles such as "In the
White House" kept the residents of the Uinta Basin informed on
national events from a variety of viewpoints. Frequent two page
supplements offered more news from the different communities in
the Ashley Valley. They bore titles such as "Glines Gleanings,"
"Naples Nuggets," and "Buena Vista Notes."
In 1902, Hillman became sole proprietor and editor of the Express.
Once again, the pendulum of focus for the paper swung partially
toward coverage of national issues and away from local happenings.
The front page especially featured a larger number of items of
nationwide interest. Yet Hillman did not ignore the issues facing the
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51
Uinta Basin in total. At the dawn of the twentieth century the Ashley
Valley in particular struggled with growing pains. The population of
the area expanded steadily, prompting the need for a better devel
oped system of roads. If the city of Vernal and its surroundings were
to survive and grow, the citizens believed, their resources had to be
fully developed. Hillman often demonstrated his awareness of this
need by focusing the attention of the Express on procuring support for
creating solutions to developmental difficulties--especially from the
county government.
Apart from the predicament of the infrastructure, the growth of
the area also became apparent in the expansion of the Express itself.
Near the end of the first decade of the twentieth century the paper
expanded to an eight-page weekly. With this expansion came the
introduction of classified ads under the title of "Look Here For It!",
another element in the modernization of the Express. Another
column, "News of a Week in Condensed Form" provided brief clips
which kept the reader informed on inter-mountain, domestic, and
foreign news.
The leadership of the Express changed once again with the orga
nization of a stock company which purchased the paper on April 2,
1910. Mr. Hillman decided to devote his time to agriculture. 18 In his
absence Ashley Bartlett assumed the position of managing editor
which he held until November of 1912 at which time Hillman re
turned and edited the paper for the next five years until he retired.
While led by the stock company, the Express continued its transi
tion from frontier newspaper to modem publication. In tandem with
the new technology available, photos appeared for the first time.
Additionally, a more modern Want Ad section developed. Columns
such as "Correspondence" continued to recount community news.
Features such as the weather report rounded out the trend towards a
more modern publication.
The most significant change in the history of theExpress, however,
happened in 1917. In the early part of the year, Vernal was visited by
a sanitary inspector from Salt Lake City. Vernal competed in a clean
town contest that year and James H. Wallis made his first trip to the
city as a judge. 19 Impressed with the area, Wallis was persuaded to
return with his family as the editor of the Express in May of that year.
The May 4, 1917 issue relates the tale of how the Wallis family became
associated with the Vernal newspaper:
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Mr. Jas. H. Wallis of Salt Lake City is expected to arrive in Vernal

within a few days to take charge of The Vernal Express. This is the
result of negotiations commenced with Mr. Wallis last October

52
attending to his duties for the State.
Mr. Wallis has spent the greater part of
his life in a newspaper office, and is well
and favorably known throughout Utah
and Idaho where he has held various
public positions as well as being en
gaged in newspaper work. 20
By 1926, his family were sole owners of

the paper. Since that time, the publisher
had always borne the name of Wallis.
The death of James Wallis prompted
the assumption of editorship by his son,
William B. Wallis, in 1940. He fulfilled
this role until his retirement in 1969
when he was replaced by his son Jack R.
Wallis. Since Jack's son, Steven Wallis,
assists him in publishing the paper, it is
likely that the paper will continue to
James H. Wallis
remain in the Wallis family for at least
one more genera tion.
From the beginning, the Wallis family has dedicat d the resources
of the Express toward the benefit of the Uinta Basin. Indeed, in every
region of the American West, newspapers functioned in a variety of
ways for the communities which they represented:
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"Newspapers are vital to society, a linchpin of democracy and most

necessary component ofcivilization. They provide much more than
just a report of the day's news and goings-on at City Hall and the
County Courthouse. They providefood for the intellect through afree
exchange of ideas and opinions. They stimulate business and com
merce by providing advertising space...They are an essential ingredi
ent of civilization and were a necessary element in the taming of the
West."2!
Therein lies the significance of small-town newspapers on the fron

tier. More than just a source for news and gossip, they served as the
catalyst for the modernization process that each frontier town under
went. As the chaotic forces of change swept over a community, the
newspaper provided the aforementioned common thread f experi
ence. Its pages articulated the dreams of a village for cityhood and the
aspirations of townspeople to create a functioning society.
The editors of The Vernal Express, as a whole, were particularly

53
aware of the role they fulfilled in organizing the resource of their

community. A reprint from the Inland Printer which appeared in the
Expr S5 encapsulates their views:
Wi thOli t the aid oflocal newspapers towns are as a rule shiftless and
dead. It is common for small great men to speak with contempt of the
local newspaper, but the village newspaper makes more great men of
less material, more bricks without straw, than any other factor in
politics, and it is the one ladder on which men climb to local
di tinction as the beginning of wider fame. The advent of the local
newspaper has always dated the increased thrift of the community.
U
In evaluating this claim of the efficacy of frontier journalism in

community building, the story of The Vernal Express sheds signifi
cant light. As oth r newspapers sprang up and disappeared almost
overnight, this paper remained focused on the community. As the
community grew so did the Express. In a developing society, the
newspaper fashioned itself into an institution.
In the end, the achievements of the Express reaped meaningful
r wards for the Ashley Valley. Certainly the editors of the paper
labored to their 0 n ends in addition to those of the community, for
if the community prospered so did the paper. Yet it seemed that the
editors of the Express envisioned a glorious future for the Uinta Basin
and used the considerable influence of the newspaper toward this
end.
Property of the
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History Center
l.Adapted from the author's Master's Thesis: "Frontier Journalism and the Emergence
of Modem Society 011 the American Frontier: The Vernal Express as Cultural
Catalyst," Pepperdine University, 1994
2.Sherily Cox Bennion. "Kate Jean Boan: Founder and Editor of Vernal's First
Newspaper, " p. 2. Unpublished essay on file at the Uintah County Library
Regional History Center
3.1. Cecil Alter. Early Utah Journalism. (Salt Lake City: Stevens and Wallis, Inc.,
1938); /0
4. Oliver Knight as paraphrased by William H. Lyon. "The Significance of Newspaper
on the American Frontier." Journal of the West: (April, 1959): .
5.Donald M. Balty. "A History of Early Roads and Freighting in the Eastern Uinta
Basin, 1872-1920," Masters Thesis, Utah State University, 1970, p. 1
6. The Vernal Express. May 16, 19JJ, p. 2
7.Sherilyn Cox Beftllion. "Enterprising Ladies: Utah's Nineteenth-century Women
Editors." Utah Historical Quarterly 49: 295
8.Mountain States Graphic Arts Printer, "Vernal Express approaches 85th year of
publication" (January, /976): 6
9.Bennion, "Kate Jean Boan: Founder and Editor of Vernal's First Newspaper," p. 2

54
10.lbid
11.The Vernal Express. September 25. 1911. p. 1
12.Uintah Papoose. January 16, 1891, p. 2
13.1bid., January 1, 1892, p. 1
14.The Vernal Express. February ll, 1892, P. 2
15.Brigham Bugler December 29, 1894 as quoted by DUP,Builders of Uintah: a
Centennial History of Uintah County (Springville, UT., Art City Publishing Col.,
1947), p. 313
16.The Vernal Express, October 6, 1892, p. 2
17.1bid., "Book of Remembrance of Ashley Bartlett," Februa0' 23, 18. DUP, Builders of
Uintah, p. 313
19.Personal interview conducted by Mike Brown, with William Wallis, Vernal, Utah,
August 18, 1977
20. "New Managerfor The Vernal Express," Vernal Express, May 4,1917, p. 1
2J.Ralph Looney. "Foreword," p. xi, from David Halaas, "Boom Town Newspapers:
Journalism on the Rocky Mountain Frontier, 1859-1881" (Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1981).
Property of the
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History Center

55
~OlKTAlIT
~ROM TII~ OUTLAW TRAIL
THE NIGHT
BUTCH CASSIDY
CAME TO COONVILLE
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by
Ray Heidt
~--~
1 ~~.~:~:'!t'
'.
Joseph (Jake) von Heidt family, photo furnished by author.

56
Proloeue
Historical fiction is that gray area which lies between the scholarly
essay and the abstract impressionism of imagination run wild. Vari
Ous sources, e. ., diaries, old newspapers, books, old tales told and
retold within families were used to establi h the historical constraints
and parameters of this story; imagination filled the gaps.
Pleasant Green
Old Jake von Heidt sat on the steps of the wood shed behind his
run down house. The afternoon sun was bright and hot but, its rays
blocked by the hed, the co Ibreeze ruffled th tre s and lilac bushes.
To his right the bright gre nery of his garden was spotted here and
there by the colors of tomatoes, squashes and other vine clinging
produce. As he slowly whittled on the wooden object, he recounted
a story to hi grandchildren.
liThe best r can recoIl ct, it
was the middle of April, 1896, I
gues the 14th or 15th of April. I
was down on Main Street and
leveling the lot for the new Pleas
ant Green Ward House. It was
hot, the work was hard and te
dious and I had a long way to go.
I was so wrapped up in my
work I didn't see them corning
upand Ijurnped a little when the
big one said, "Howdy, Jake."
Right off I recognized myoId
pard, Bob Parker and I said
"Howdy." I asked if they wanted
some cold water and we went
over in the shade to where my
jug was hanging and they drank
most of it.
Bob introduced his friends as
Billy McCarty, who was short
and wiry, and AI Williams, a
Black man with large prominent
freckles. We talked a bit and
Bishop H. T. Spencer, photo furnished
Parker offered the help of hirnby author.
Property of the
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History Center

57
self and his friends in return for a night's stay at my place-this

sounded good since the four of us could do a lot more work than just
one.
It turned out I was right as all three were real hard workers and
Bob practically outworked us all. As I remember, when we worked
together on the old Granite Ranch down in the Hemy Mountains, he
was one of the strongest men I ever knew.
Just about then Bishop Spencer rode up and said, "W 11, Jake, I
guess you must be related to Tom Sawyer. I leave you with a job to do
and you get three others to help you."
We all chuckled. After I introduced them, the Bishop turned to
Bob and asked him, "I knew a Robert Leroy Parker from Circleville,
about your age, a little older maybe--any relation?"
There was a sudden tenseness in the three riders that was imme
diately broken by Bob, "That's probably my nephew Leroy; did you
Property of the
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Original Pleasant Green Ward Chapel, photo furnished by author.
know him well?"

"Well," Spencer replied, "actually, I worked over in the lead mines
out of Pahrump, Nevada, with his father, Max Parker. I heard tell that
Leroy was actually a disappointment to the family, that hehad turned
outlaw."
Bishop Spencer looked at Parker with intense eyes.
"If a man's life and trade are honorable, why does he have to use
a code name, such as "Butch Cassidy?"
"Bishop, I respect your calling and respe t you as a man, but let me
ask you one first--why did Joseph Smith use a code name or an a 'as,

58
such as Gazelam?"
After a pause Spencer said,"I see you are familiar with the scrip
tures."
Parker went to his saddle bags and took out a dark leather bound
book that had obviously been well used--the gold imprinted letters
were all but worn off, but you could still make out "The Book of
Mormon."
"My mother gave me this book when I left home and made me
promise to read some every day--I've kept that promise."
He cleared his throat of a sudden hoarseness.
"You might be surprised to know how much of a student I am of
the old Jaredite trails in Eastern Utah, the Indians call them the "Trails
of the Ancient Ones."
There was an uneasy shuffling. I interrupted the awkward
quiet,"These boys offered to help finish the lot if I'd put them up a
couple of nights. I figure the way they work, we can do a weeks work
today and tomorrow.
Bishop Spencer turned to the three, "You say you just came from
Mercur?" They nodded. "I reckon you heard about the big robbery
at the Mercur Hotel Gambling House?"
Again, there was a tenseness, Parker replied, "I did hear some talk
of that."
Spencer turned to Jake, "I heard there was $10,000 in gold plus
paper money taken."
Parker said, "I hadn't heard any figures." The three looked at each
other.
"Where did you say you were going?" the Bishop inquired.
"Didn't say, but we're headed for Idaho," Parker replied.
Spencer nodded and mounted his horse and said to Jake, "If these
men are going to work that hard, they need to be fed right. Why don't
you stop by the house on your way home and pick up some extra
food?" He then rode off.
"You sure we won't be no bother?" said Parker, "The Bishop seems
a bit skittery."
"Not at all," I said, "Besides I live on Lee Hardman's ranch out in
Coonville, no bother at alL"
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Coonville
We then worked till about six and headed home. I did stop at the
Bishop's house and picked up the extra food; one large sugar ham
helped a lot.
The next day we finished about three in the afternoon and went

59
back to the ranch. Bishop Hardman came over and commented on the
work that had been done and said, "Since Bishop Spencer gave you
some food, thought you might like some good old Toquerville Wine
to wash it down." He handed over two gallon bottles.
The three became downright effusive at this gift and Hardman
asked, "You boys ever hear of Toquerville wine?"
"Both Billy and me have relatives in Leeds and Silver Reef," said
Parker, "and we know the Bishop's storehouse is full of it."
Everyone chuckled.
Hardman turned to me and remarked, "John Reid saw lights up on
Cemetery Hill last night--reallate, about midnight or so. You might
go up there in the morning and look around."
As Bishop Hardman walked away, out of the corner of my eye I
saw the three exchange funny looks.
That evening we ate well and packed the rest of the excess food for
their joumey--they saved one jug of Toquerville's finest for the trip.
We said our good-bys as they intended to leave early. They guaran
teed that they would not wake me or my wife but I knew I was a light
sleeper and would wake up.
But they were right--I never knew three cowboys that could move
out that lightly. The next morning they were gone.
My first job the next morning was to go up to Cemetery Hill to look
around--and sure enough, there were several places that had been
dug up but apparently no graves had been disturbed."
At the same time Jake was in the cemetery the three riders were
headed east on West North Temple Street, the road from Great Salt
Lake City to the West Point of the Mountains, and as they carne to the
Jordan River, their horse's hooves sounded hollow on the wooden
planking of White's Bridge. Billy spoke, "Butch, what was the name
of that town we're headed for?
"Montpelier," replied Cassidy.
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Epilogue
Peter von Heidt, a grandson of old Jake, and Thad Spencer, Peter's
best friend, had grown up in old Coonville and Pleasant Green, now
called Magna.
As in most small rural Utah towns during the depression, times
were hard; Peter and Thad, now grown men with families of their
own, would often meet of an evening to discuss how to improve their
lot in life and better provide for their families. On this particular
evening there was a new element.
Peter, all excited, carne running over when he saw Thad was horne.

60
"Did you hear? Did you hear?" he asked, all out of breath.
"Hear What?"
"About Injun Joe--he carne into the bar at the Magna Hotel, where
the miners and railroad men stay and planked down a twenty dollar
gold piece! And on top-a that, the gold piece was dated 1890!"
"Just a minute, just a minute," said Thad, digesting the rapid fire
monologue. "Pete, you and me have heard your grandpa's stories
about Butch Cassidy's gold ever since we could spit up. I reckon
we've dug up every inch of Cemetery Hill looking for that gold;" "
-but not the graves," Peter hastened to interject.
"Not the graves, Thad nodded solemnly.
"Did Injun Joe say where he found it? He lives way up on Kesler's
Peak, in a cave somewhere."
"They tried top get it out of him, but all he would say is that he
found it over in Kesler's Canyon."
The conversation lagged for awhile as both of them mulled over
the developments.
"Actually," said Peter, "Actually, they could have buried it any
where!"
Simultaneously, they both said, "The Old Ward House, they
helped dig it!" After a few minutes of excited conjecture where they
both ran over each other's lines, Thad asked, "Tonight?"
fly ea h , Yea.
hI Tomg
. ht""
..
Property of the
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History Center

THE COWBOY AGAINST

THE PREACHER
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The cowboy was a drinkin'
Raisin' His voice and raisin' hell
When in the bar a preacher walked
And ruined his glorious spell.
"You're damned, you filthy heathen
For your drinkin' and your sin.
God is a vengeful God
And I'm talkin' just for him."
"Now wait a minute preacher,
Git off your big high horse.
I ain't hurtin' anybody
But, I might smack you of course."
That started a long and drawn-out feud
That lasted many years
The cowboy cussed the preacher
And the preacher cussed those beers.
But then the sickness hit the town
Like a big sled without skids
It took the cowboy's lovely wife
And it took his two cute kids.

61
62
He mourned like no one ever did
As he placed them in the sod
His grief had overtook him
As he cussed his maker, God.
Then one day as he rode in town
His mind and stomach jerkin'
He saw the preacher helpin' sick
His sleeves rolled up and workin'.
He thought, ''I'm thinkin' of myself
I've been the biggest fool
I need to help these other folks
And be their needy tool."
The preacher gruffed: "1 don't need you"
The cowboy said: "You're wrong"
As he jumped right in to help him out
And they started to get along.
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I know that it has been ten years
Since tha t sickness hi t the town
I see two friends walkin' side by side
One's gone up and one's come down.
Myke Hall
Vernal, Utah
THE UTAH STRIP

Not many people know the tale, of Utah's famous strip,
Where outlaws gathered, to pass the time and safely take a nip.
Or gamble freely without heed, of any lawman's gun,
It was, a no-man's land for sure, a spot to have some fun.
It all began, when gilsonite was found smack dab on Indian land,
Well money talks, and BS walks when Congress takes a hand,
And sure enough, without bluff, they resurveyed the sine,
But in their haste to gain the place, screwed up the survey line.

63
It ended up when all was done, there was no jurisdiction there,
No county, state, nor federal law could touch the outlaws lair,
It truly was, a no-man's land, to do with what they pleased,
Outlaws, gamblers, prostitutes were certainly appeased.
Many carne without name, others, more famous made the trip,
Laughing, cajoling, racing, strolling, all had a gun on their hip,
Wondering in fact, why no laws was intact, in this haven, called the
strip,
They soon settled in, drank whiskey and gin, dammed glad that
they'd made the trip.
To name just a few of the devilish crew, who showed up at the taverns
in town,
The Wild Bunch for sure, strode through the door, heavy laden with
ill-gotten gold,
Bellied up to the bar, slammed down eagles as far, as any sober eyes
could behold,
Bought drinks for the house, until they were soused, at least that how
the story is told.
Property of the
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History Center
Knowing full well, they could stay for a spell where no warrants, no
law could touch them,
They relaxed with their pards, gambled with cards, and roared, at the
latest canards,
And in serene solitude, relaxed, and renewed, made plans for their
next set of capers,
And cajoled the most, with hilarious boast, whose name would be
misspelled in the papers.
Richard Wm. Horton
Vernal, Utah

64
B OKS
A mSTORY OF mNTAH COUNTY by Doris Karren Burton
After years of intensive research, the Associate Editor of the Outlaw

Trail Journal and Director of the Outlaw Trail History Center, Doris
Burton has her book published and ready for reading.
This book covers the settlement of the county including Ute Indians,
trappers, outlaws, traders and white settlers, both Mormon and non
Mormon, and examines the growth and development of the area.
Many historical photos are included.
Doris has used the phrase "scratching the surface." As she points out,
the Indians scratched the history onto the rocks thousands ofyears ago
and she as an author, was able to just scratch the surface of the unique
history of Uintah County.
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This 446 page hardback book may be purchased from the Uintah
County Library at 155 EastMain STreet. Vernal, Utah 84078 for $19.96.
If you wi h to have a copy mailed to you, just add $3.04 shipping and
handleing.
ETTA PLA E, HER LIFE AND TIMES WITH BUTCH CASSIDY

AND THE SUNDANCE KID, by Gail Drago
This 285 page paperbound book is one of the "Women of the West"
series published by Republic of Texas. Inquiries should be addressed
to Wordware Publishing, Inc., at 1506 Capital Avenue, Plano, Texas
75074.
It was our feeling here at the Outlaw Trail Center, that the author did
a wonderful job of presenting all the theories of who Etta Place could
have been and Gail Drago's book ended with this note: My research
continues. If you have any information regarding the true identity of Etta
Place, please write or call me: Gail Drago, 12914 King Circle, Cypress, TX
77429 Tel # 713/469-3052.

Outlaw Trail History Center
Research Center for Outlaws & Lawmen

Featuring History oj the Wild Bunch
Housed in the Regional Center at
155 East Main
Vernal, Utah 84078
1-80 1-789-0091
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There have been twelve issues of the Outlaw Trail Journal

published previously and we still have a limited number of
back issues available for purchase.
.........
."

A library for all "ages"

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12 - Winter 1996 - Watermark

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the OUT

Published By The Outlaw Trail History Association

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL

Managing Editor: Joy T. Horton

Associate Editor: Doris K. Burton

OUTLAW TRAIL HISTORY ASSOCIATION

Richard Wm. Horton, Chairman

Doris K. Burton, Secretary

Joy Horton, Treasurer

Jesse Cole Kenworth

The OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL is supplied to all members of the

Publication of the OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL is made possible

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

TLAW TMIL JOURNAL

The role of frontier Newspapers in the

FOLK TALES FROM THE OUTLAW TRAIL

Photo furnished by William Betenson.

The Outlaw Trail History Association

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

The author, Bill Betenson is the great-grandson of Lula

The following article is the result of nearly five years

ICKETTS," THE TRUE

STORY OF BUTCH CASSIDY'S

Dan Parker, who is probably best known as the younger brother

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

Sinclair Gillies (pro

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL

MUDDY CREEK STAGE ROBBERY

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

window: Lula and Blanch.

the stage to a standstill as it was heading north, four miles from

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

valuables. He put the contents of the registered mail in his pockets,

William Brown and Dan Parker. Courtesy of the author.

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

addressed to Lorenzo Watson of Parowan, where Dan was hiding.

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL fOUl NAL

A reward of $1,000 was offered by 0 puty U.s. Marshal, 1. Jeff

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

with a $3,000 bail. Dan was

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL

prosecuted by U.s. Attorney for Wyoming, Benjamin F. Fowl r,

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLA W TRAIL JOURNAL

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL

and William Brown were incarcera!ed. Courtesy of Dan Davidson.

.. :;:_:.~:';".::.:::::::.::.,:.~~:.::.~:= .. :.: .. :;:.:.~:::;."

t~-<~ .<~ed_~ ~7_'_:::::~::O:~~:~

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

THE OUTLAW TRAIL JOURNAL

Uintah County Western Heritage Museum

. . -.- . _a;.:,;/~~:':I!2-' r11~L~..--~.