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Article
A community of communities?
Emerging dynamics in the
community media paradigm
Christopher Ali
University of Virginia, USA
David Conrad
Abstract
Recent years have seen numerous attempts by community broadcasters around the
world to reinvent their practices in an effort to remain relevant and financially sustainable
in the digital age. One proposed initiative is to have community programming distributed
via satellite, either in the form of a single channel or as a subscription service for local
stations to find programming. Combining two case studies and multiple research methods,
this article investigates the potential impact of satellite distribution on community
broadcasting in Canada and East Africa. We observe that it is often not the community
media organizations themselves that are pushing for satellite delivery, but, rather, outside
actors such as media corporations and non-governmental organizations. As a result, we
argue that a more spirited discussion within the community media sector is warranted
to better understand the implications of this technological shift in delivery mechanisms.
Keywords
Community broadcasting, community radio, community television, comparative media,
participatory media, satellite distribution
Recent years have seen attempts by community broadcasters to reinvent their practices
in an effort to remain relevant and financially sustainable in the digital age. Efforts have
Corresponding author:
Christopher Ali, Department of Media Studies, University of Virginia, Levering Hall, Hotel FPO Box 400866,
Charlottesville, VA 22904, USA.
Email: cali@virginia.edu
obtaining larger audiences, which can increase potential donors in East Africa and ratings in the West, both of which generate much needed funding for community broadcasters. Our research suggests a community media movement toward larger (with regard to
geographically dispersed) audiences both because digital technology allows for it and
because that is where the money is located. There has been little theorization, however,
as to whether these options are predicated on the belief that a larger and more geographically diverse audience would positively contribute to the traditional goals of community
broadcasting, particularly that of engagement with the geographically local community.
This is an important distinction that we argue should be essential to future explorations
of community broadcasting in the digital age. Important differences need to be drawn
between notions of range (i.e. geographical distribution) and ratings (i.e. audience
measurement). Equally, we need to be thinking about the differences and similarities
between the practice of community media as a tool for community building and the distribution of community media as a tool for visibility. We argue that the emergence of
satellite distribution offers an important moment for community media organizations and
supporters to discuss the future of community broadcasting and the foundations upon
which it is predicated. More specifically, the roles of range and ratings need to be
addressed alongside the traditional goals of participation, access and local engagement.
Following this introduction, we discuss the theoretical markers of community media,
focusing specifically on the constructs of place, practice and development, and expand
our conceptualization of the relationship between satellite distribution and community
media. We then share our methodological approach and argument, followed by illustrative examples drawn from case studies on community radio in East Africa and community television in Canada. We conclude this article with a discussion of the implications
of satellite distribution for the concepts of participation, audiences and resources.
together of people in a specific physical place at a specific time in the creation of media
content foster[s] an awareness of ones own community apart from those people, institutions, and events one encounters on a daily basis (2005: 125).
To be sure, communities of interest and taste are also integral parts of the community
media paradigm. Clemencia Rodriguez (2001), for instance, has written about womens
video production in Columbia, while Chris Atton (2002) and John Downing (2001) have
explored the concepts of alternative and radical media, respectively. Carpentier (2008)
furthermore suggests that community medias relationship with the notions of community, locality and place (p.1) are far more ambiguous than how we have described them
in this article. Despite this apparent tension between geography and interest, however,
Hollander et al. (2002) observe that while the community in community media may
refer to communities of interest, these communities are typically not spread over a large
expanse of space, thus intimating the importance of geographic boundaries. Carpentier
(2008) too recognizes that geographically situated localities are seminal components of
community media. He argues that the theory of translocalism can help bridge the gaps
in knowledge engendered by community medias relationship to place. The European
division of the World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC) also
recognizes the importance of geography, community, participation and access in its definition of a community radio station: a non-profit station, currently broadcasting,
which offers a service to the community in which it is located, or to which it broadcasts,
while promoting the participation of this community in the radio (quoted in Carpentier
et al., 2003: 53). We can thus conclude from this brief review that place still matters in
the production of community media (Howley, 2010). To neglect this seminal aspect,
Rennie (2007) implies, would reduce community media to what she calls the amateur
media (p.31) of YouTube and other such user-generated platforms.
Further bridging practice and place, King and Mele (1999) argue that scholars need to
pay more attention to the practice of community media in situ, rather than the final outcome of these cultural productions. For them, focusing too much on content discount[s]
critical possibilities inherent in the production of public access television (p.607).
Community media have never been about ratings (Aufderheide, 2000). To do so would
only serve to replicate existing hierarchies and exclusionary characteristics (King and
Mele, 1999: 607). In other words, to focus on the ratings of community media would
only serve to align it with commercial media, a connection that many scholars and practitioners oppose. Instead, many recommend focusing on the practice of community television and the modes of production. In sum, community media is said to foster
empowerment and inclusivity through their participatory ethos, rather than derive popularity from ratings (Aufderheide, 2000; Howley, 2005; King and Mele, 1999).
Development
Working a generation earlier, participatory media scholars have also written extensively on
the importance of the communicative process that is fostered by community media.
Emerging during the 1950s and 1960s, a time of fundamental change in development and
communication research, the participatory communication paradigm aimed to expand media
content and access studies to incorporate explorations on the process of communication. The
new paradigm marked a shift in focus away from the media type itself and toward the individual, which it regarded as the agent for change, rather than a passive recipient of information and development (Jacobson and Servaes, 1999; Schramm, 1963; White, 1994). As a
result, participatory media studies have become the frame by which community media practices in developing nations often tend to be assessed, theorized and constructed.
Proponents of the participatory model strongly stress a horizontal process of communication through which collective involvement in media making and community empowerment act as catalysts to any positive, desired change (Melkote and Steeves, 2001;
Morris, 2003; White, 1994). Inspired by the works of educators like Paulo Freire (1970),
proponents of participatory communication value the empowering role of dialogue and
posit that people should be treated as agents rather than objects; capable of analysing
their own situations and designing their own solutions (Cornwall and Jewkes, 1995:
1670). Waisbord (2008) says that participatory communication questions the view of
development as an externally-driven process and posits that communities should be the
main protagonists of processes of social change rather than passive beneficiaries of
decisions made by foreign experts (p.507). For these theorists, mainstream media (state
or commercial) was largely conceptualized as being top-down, or elite driven, precluding meaningful citizen participation in the communication process (Alfaro, 2005;
Gumucio Dagron, 2001; Kivikuru, 2006; Nassanga, 2009a).
With its theory-grown roots as a locally owned, operated and controlled media channel, community media has, not surprisingly, been adopted as the paradigms poster child
for participatory media (Morris, 2003; Singhal and Rogers, 2002). It is cited as being
capable of circumventing the power imbalances inherent in mass media outlets by providing a space for the traditionally voiceless and marginalized to participate in and own
the media (Mhlanga, 2009; Moyo, 2009; Tomaselli, 2002). As already alluded to, enough
studies and theories of community media have resulted from the participatory media
discourse (Atton, 2002; Downing, 2001; Rodriguez, 1994) that a host of new terminology has been created, including marginal, radical, participatory, citizens, development
and grass-roots media. Although each term serves a slightly different function, they are
all theorized as involving disadvantaged peoples in the making of media content in a
fashion that requires meaningful citizen participation and suits the interests, needs and
tastes of the local community. In other words, for participatory media theorists, as for
community media theorists, community media is about the process, rather than the product, of media production.
Satellites
Reflecting on this literature review, we can discern two distinct visions for the integration
of satellite distribution into the community media paradigm. The first is a technological
vision, one quite literally derived from a top-down approach to the distribution of community programming through digital broadcast satellites. Such an approach would combine the collective efforts of disparate community media producers and centralize the
distribution of content for a large, possibly national audience on a single audio or television channel. Australias CRN best exemplifies this perspective. The CRN is a program
distribution service available to subscribing community radio stations via satellite. It
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A note on comparison
Over a decade ago, Sonia Livingstone (2003) published an influential article on the
necessity of comparison in communication research. Comparative research adds richness and depth to an analysis, and increasingly, scholars must defend their decision not
to engage in comparative research. Livingstone identified four scenarios for crossnational comparison: nation as object of study, whereby nation-by-nation accounts are
given in chapters; nation as context of study, whereby generalized hypotheses are
tested across nations; nation as unit of analysis, whereby nations are compared using
predetermined categories; and finally, nations as component of a larger international or
transnational system, which compares nations insofar as they are (assumed to be) systematically interrelated due to some underlying process (e.g. capitalism) (Livingstone,
2003: 485).
Our article compares community media on the third level, comparing nation-states
using a predetermined category in our case, how three nation-states are engaging with
the complexities of community broadcasting and satellite distribution. We proceed first
by discussing examples from East Africa (Tanzania and Uganda) and next an example
from Canada. We do so, first, because our data will not permit more micro-level analysis
and, second, because our goal is to point out the similarities of a particular set of discourses and not to evaluate an overall community media ecosystem.
It is uncontestable to say that numerous differences exist between Canada and the
countries of East Africa politics, economics, commerce, social and cultural life and
technological availability itself. Indeed, one might ask whether there is anything to compare at all. While our comparative method may seem simplistic, the point is not to dissect
every facet of community media, but, rather, (1) to demonstrate that satellite distribution
is quickly becoming a question that community media organizations must address, (2) to
discuss how it has been addressed in three nation-states and (3) to explain how satellite
distribution opens up the door to a much needed discussion about the future of community broadcasting. A comparative assessment, therefore, makes it possible to notice
things we did not notice and therefore had not conceptualized, and it also forces us to
clarify the scope and applicability of the concepts we do employ (Hallin and Mancini,
2004: 2). Thus, it strengthens the individual studies by allowing us to make certain tentative generalizations about community broadcasting and satellite distribution.
11
areas throughout the country. All six stations are equipped with V-Sats equipment and
satellite phones and can receive programming electronically from the Internews office in
Juba. Similarly, the South African Community Radio Information Network (SACRIN)
allows community stations all over South Africa to share programming through a satellite transmission and receiving system. The network allows radio stations across the
country to simultaneously download health- and development-related programming as
well as upload live call-in feedback from their respective audiences.
The traditional theory-driven understanding of a community radio station being community targeted, owned, funded and operated largely does not apply here and has been
determined by some scholars as inapplicable in East Africa (Conrad, 2013; Nassanga,
2009b). Instead, community radio stations there have long turned to donors for both
start-up funding and maintenance costs; community ownership takes on a different
meaning here and has largely been defined by scholars as a perceived experience that
results when community members take part in the production of local content, rather
than who owns the station itself (Manyozo, 2009). More recently, however, community
radio managers are looking toward new partnerships and solutions to funding struggles,
since relying solely on donors for financial support has proved unsustainable. While the
use of satellite technology is far from becoming the predominant distribution platform
for community broadcasting in East Africa, the demise of the community- and donordriven approaches to funding suggests that the industry is in need of a new model, and
two recent developments in the regions community broadcasting sector could reveal
how emerging technologies might be adopted.
The first development is a move toward expanded audiences as a way to appease
funders. Abandoning the small-scale focus of traditional understandings of community
radio, several stations have decided to favour large-scale audiences, which can marshal
considerable financial interest from advertisers and donors. In Terrat, Tanzania, for
instance, the once geographically specific community radio station, ORS FM, has
decided to become a voice of the Maasai living in Tanzania, rather than those solely living in their small village community. As a result, they have dramatically expanded the
range of their radio signal in order to target over a million people living in Western
Tanzania. Although they still call themselves a community radio station, they now
broadcast much further than the 100-km radius enforced by Tanzanias community radio
policy. The reason for the expansion was financially motivated with a larger audience
came considerably more financial support from a larger base of interested donors. The
station has received income through private advertisements and donors, including Farm
Africa, Johns Hopkins University and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
Similarly, Mama FM was created by the Ugandan Media Womens Association
(UMWA) to address the needs of the underprivileged and minority women living in
Kampala, and to give them a voice and a stake in Ugandas changing society. Today,
the stations signal reaches across the entire country, and the target audience consists of
all Ugandan women. While staff admit that they do not focus on any specific geographic
community, their identification as a community radio station allows Mama FM to seek
funding as a non-profit, community-based organization, rather than having to be categorized with the countrys less-trusted and ubiquitous commercial stations. With over
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13million people in range of its signal, Mama FM staff pride themselves on being one of
the most widely accessible stations in the country. Margaret Sentamu Masagazi, the
executive director of UMWA, made it clear that her station does not intend to overlook
any of the millions of women within reach of its broadcasts. She said that the station is
meant to serve as a community space, where women have the right to be heard, but that
it isnt always easy to engage her listening audience:
Anyone can walk in and say something. People know they have a voice to their issues here. But,
I have to say, we are finding that having a large audience can be complicated, and can make it
difficult to connect with people A larger target audience means more people hear our
programs, but with a smaller audience we can know them better. At the end of the day we are
working toward behavior change, so the bigger the area, I think, the better. But we need to
know that you need to think small. (Margaret Sentamu Masagazi, Personal communication, 29
July 2010)
The we that Masagazi uses includes more than just Ugandan women. This idea of
we is also inclusive of their international donors the primary source of income for the
station. Mama FM is arguably advantaged because of its affiliation with their local
UMWA NGO, which is able to seek funding for projects that in turn utilize the radio
service. For instance, the station has funding from the Norwegian organizations, Fighting
Obstacles Knowing Ultimate Success (FOKUS) and North American Aerospace Defense
Command (NORAD), as well as Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (OXFAM), Radio
Robin Hood (Finland) and other groups that occasionally donate to project-specific
sponsored programmes. In order to attract more international funding and to keep their
current donors interested, Masagazi said that they are encouraged to target a larger audience, but that engaging community members directly in the daily operations of the station (outside of simply calling-in during certain programmes) has become more difficult
as a result. Masagazi said she has never seen a study of her listening audience and so she
doesnt know who is actually listening, making it difficult to know exactly who the stations community consists of, a dilemma to which current community media policy arguably contributes.
There is no consistent interpretation of community in East African community
media policy. In Tanzania, it is defined in geographic terms and a community broadcast
signal is accordingly restricted to a 100-km radius. In Kenyan and Ugandan policies,
community can be understood ideologically organized along lines of shared identity
or common interests (such as gender, university or religion) and so a station can broadcast to the entire country. As a result, Nyangori Ohenjo and Njuki Githethwa (2014)
argue that confusion over defining community radio in Kenya can be attributed to the
varying criteria of international, national and local institutions interested in the countrys
media sector causing some radio stations, which could be community in nature, to be
identified as commercial or vernacular, on the one hand, with a number of commercial
vernacular stations on the other, being identified as community radios (p.6). As for
defining community radio in Uganda, its media policy states that it is for, by and about
the community, whose ownership and management is representative of the community,
which pursues a social development agenda, and which is not-for-profit (Uganda
Broadcasting Council, 2004: 15). This interpretation is lifted directly from the African
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Charter on Broadcasting and is also employed in Kenya and Tanzania. In other words,
the theorized ideals of local participation and representation are also ascribed to community radio stations by local regulatory structures such ideals, however, are clearly
contested by emerging trends toward expanded audiences. As Conrad observed in his
fieldwork, as of May 2013, only four licensed community radio stations in Kenya
Radio Mangelete, Radio Sauti FM, Mugambo Jwetu FM and Mwanedu FM broadcast
to a listening audience of less than 1 million people.
The second development in the community radio sector in East Africa is the use of
Internet technology to network traditionally isolated community radio managers and stations. The East Africa Community Media Network (EACOMNET) emerged in 2012 as
an umbrella body of community radio stations in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and
Burundi. Community media networks are not a new phenomenon in the region, but this
international network is a first. It combines the national community media networks,
Kenya Community Media Network (KCOMNET), Community Media Network of
Tanzania (COMNETA), Community Media Network of Uganda (COMNETU) and others in the sub-region. The partnership is facilitated by UNESCO and was created in an
effort to network the community media initiatives in East Africa and to provide a collaborative environment of shared resources and expertise. This partnership is an effort to
support local media production and to provide additional opportunities for local participation for managers and content producers in the development of local community
media local meaning geographically specific. An email listserve connects the community radio managers across the region and encourages them to share resources such as
policy documents, recent studies, conference papers, radio programmes, training information and so on on a daily basis. It also makes it easier to organize regional meetings
and provides a way for radio managers to share their struggles with the broader network.
In other words, rather than looking toward expanded audiences as the future, this model
looks toward other community radio practitioners for solutions to the regions community broadcasting struggles.
What these two examples suggest is that the community radio sector in East Africa is
dramatically changing as a result of new technology and the abandonment of traditional
funding models. The first example illustrates how stations are seeking larger listening
audiences in order to seek wider interest among donors and other financiers, a process
that would only be made easier by the adoption of satellite communication. At the six
stations created by Internews in South Sudan, station managers are encouraged to air
pre-packaged programmes developed by the media development organization. In
Kampala, Mama FM doesnt even have to engage the community outside of its gates in
order to operate as a community radio station the staff simply have to maintain its
wide-reaching radio signal. This movement poses significant consequences to the foundations of participatory broadcasting, but may be the only proven way to make community radio financially viable in East Africa. The second example, on the other hand,
illustrates a recent concerted effort toward building a community of community radio
practitioners through online networks. The focus of these efforts is not for donors to take
over the media production process, but for the provision of additional opportunities for
collaboration among radio managers and staff. Within this example, the range of a broadcast signal is of lesser importance than the expanded engagement of community
14
members in the media production process. While the financial struggles that have long
plagued community radio largely remain within this model, this new space for dialogue
may elicit alternative models for funding and sustaining small-scale community radio. In
other words, whether innovations in digital technology will be used to expand community radio audiences or to enhance the practices and participatory opportunities of community radio staff will hopefully be determined by the multi-stakeholder discussions we
call for.
15
to argue in favour of a DTH community channel, all the while distancing itself from
having to provide more than one linear channel:
While such a service could not focus exclusively on one community, it would showcase key
local programming from a wide range of communities across Canada the importance of
which should not be underestimated as conventional broadcasters increasingly diminish their
provision of local fare. Moreover, the national presence of aggregated local, community
programming would expose Canadians to grassroots experiences of other Canadians across the
country, thus fulfilling the [Canadian Broadcasting] Acts objectives (p.12)
While Shaw saw itself as the great unifier of Canadian communities, Bell took a technological approach. The media giant argued that it should be allowed to offer community
programming not only through a linear omnibus channel (a best of channel) but also
by exploiting the potential of new technologies to offer video-on-demand (VOD) and
online community programming (Bell Aliant, 2010).
An omnibus channel, particularly one through VOD, rather than a linear service,
would certainly not be too financially onerous or resource intensive on DTH providers
and would no doubt curry significant public interest favour that they could rely on during
their efforts at corporate consolidation.3 Indeed, the Canadian media market is heavily
concentrated, and by 2010, both Shaw and Bell would end up owning the countrys two
largest broadcasters. Offering community programming would go a long way to bolster
their local credentials. It would also allow these companies to argue that broadcasters
were doing a poor job at local programming, which was an ongoing debate (Government
of Canada, 2009; Shaw, 2010).
Returning to the CRTCs 2009 community media policy call for comments, Rogers
Communications (2010), the countrys largest cable provider (but without any financial
stake in satellite distribution), opposed Shaw and Bells propositions. It contended that
such proposals would violate the CRTCs goal of fostering greater locally produced and
locally programmed material and would allow for the centralization of community programming. Rogers contention came down to an issue of fairness. It provided community
cable channels to 34 communities and argued that it would not be fair if DTH providers
got to program only one linear channel. If they were allowed to offer a community channel, Rogers contended, then they should have to offer local-into-local4 services for every
Canadian community.
The Canadian Association of Community Television Users and Stations (CACTUS),
the de facto English-language community television association, failed to weigh in on
this particular question and was agnostic about the carriage of a national community
channel. It was, however, vehemently against the operation of community channels by
any cable or satellite company. Instead, it suggested that DTH providers be forced to
provide funding for the channels, but that station operations be handled by a non-profit
organization (CACTUS, 2010).
The CRTC released its revised Community Television Policy in 2010 and ruled against
DTH provision of community channels. The Commission justified this decision by arguing that a national community channel went against the goals of fostering locally and
publicly produced programming (CRTC, 2010). The following year, however, the CRTC
16
partially reversed this decision when it allowed Bell to carry the signals of seven independent low-power community television stations as part of its CAD$1.3billion bid to
take over the countrys largest private broadcaster, CTV (see CRTC, 2011a). Bell pledged
that it would begin carrying these channels once it finished upgrading its system. It also
pledged to carry dozens more local channels throughout the country. In March 2013, Bell
began offering these seven community television stations to its subscribers (CACTUS,
2013). At the time of writing, no Canadian company has attempted to launch a community media channel for the entire country.
While CACTUS (2013) viewed Bells commitment as a significant victory for
Canadian community television, a critical reading suggests that this was never one of
altruistic and democratic motivations of offering communities a chance to produce and
view local programming. A critical interpretation suggests that this represented a political economic attempt to curry favour with the Canadian public and regulator. This is
evidenced by Bell offering to carry select independent stations, but not cable operated
stations, as part of its public interest commitments in its billion-dollar bid to take over
CTV. To be sure, it is a victory for residents in Neepawa, MB, and Hay River, NWT, who
subscribe to Bells satellite service and who can now receive programming produced by
and within their own communities (CACTUS, 2013). Still, Canadian community television remains largely at the mercy of these conglomerates for distribution and funding.
For the time being, the CRTC has remained against the idea of allowing DTH providers
to program and operate their own community channels and against the idea that an omnibus community of communities channel would complement the spirit of community
television, which has always been one of local programming, reflection and production.
Implications
While discussions of satellite technology are further along in the policy circles of Canada
than they are in East Africa, the orientation toward mass distribution inherent in the technology provides an interesting point of departure for studying the potential implications
of new technologies on the foundations of community broadcasting and participatory
media production in both regions. Three primary implications can be drawn from this
comparison of proposals for satellite distribution of community programming in Canada
(television) and East Africa (radio). The fact that such a comparison can even be made
suggests that certain elements of the community media paradigm are not indigenous to
one country or media system, but, rather, possess potentially generalizable characteristics.
Keeping in mind Nosseks (2003) three key characteristics of community media (participation, access and self-management), the following section will discuss the implications
of this discourse for the concepts of participation, resources and audiences.
Participation
Perhaps the greatest impact of satellite distribution for community media is concerned with
the defining notion of participation on which community media is predicated. In the case of
Canadian community television, little mention was made of where programmes would originate (e.g. in studios, by individual citizens, in peoples homes, by professionals) or how
they would find their way to the proposed national channels (e.g. file transfer protocol,
17
regional stations).5 The question of whether DTH providers should offer each community
they serve the chance to produce and program material is one that needs to be addressed.
Similarly, the example of Mama FMs expansion in Uganda suggests that local communities
may be less likely to participate in the production of community media if they are perceived
as being a mass audience. This is not to say that such delivery mechanisms are impossible,
only that in their haste to embrace new technologies, both DTH providers and community
media activists seem not to have considered these elementary but crucial questions.
Resources
One commonality among community media operations, be they in Canada or East Africa,
is the scarcity of funding and available resources (see Timescape Productions, 2009).
Compression technology and satellite capacity are terrifically expensive, which renders
the possibility of local-into-local channels distinctly unattractive for satellite providers.
This is the reason we have seen proposals for a single national channel a best of or
community of communities channel rather than separate channels dedicated to individual communities. While this makes economic sense, forcing community media on to
a national scale may dilute its localized value.
In the East African context, the delivery of community radio via satellite is solely
dependent upon donor finances and interest. Even the notion of expanding access to
community media is predicated on the belief that donor finances not community participation will be more easily secured if community radio managers can deliver larger
audiences. In crisis situations, satellite technology certainly has the ability to provide
essential services and information to those who need it the motive for the South Sudan
stations but it is difficult to conceptualize how an expanded distribution channel via
satellite will also enhance participatory communication processes among marginalized
communities.
In addition to capacity resources, a second political economic question comes in the
form of physical space. Even if satellite companies provide community channels, will
they provide places for community production? Recall AMARC-Europes definition of a
community radio station being one that promotes participation of [the] community
(quoted in Carpentier et al., 2003: 53). Community media centers have also become
increasingly vital as anchor institutions within local media ecosystems and are being
used for activities far beyond production, including media literacy, computer training,
meeting places, community centers, resume construction and even theatre production
(Ali, 2012; Breitbart et al., 2011). These places, however, do not come cheap, and satellite enthusiasts have paid scant attention to the value of these sites. A missing part of this
discussion has been about how these resources for participation and access will continue
to exist if programming and funding are to be centralized and curated by satellite providers in Toronto or Dar es Salaam and then uploaded to a national feed.
18
national or supranational exposure. Specifically, it could limit the opportunities for community members to directly engage with the media making process a central component of past models of community broadcasting. In Canada, there is also the risk of DTH
providers programming the channel, not with programming produced by community
members, but with professionally produced and commissioned programming. Internews
does this when it produces content for its South Sudan affiliate stations, thus further
distancing community members from the means of media production. These practices
would only further what community television advocate Cathy Edwards (Timescape
Productions, 2009) has called the corporate-run access model of community television
and would contribute to what Linje Manyozo (2009) calls the NGO-ification of community radio in Africa, in which communities are given control of the technological
aspects of broadcasting, but access to their own community is always mediated and
negotiated through donor funding (p.9).
Co-optation of the community channel by satellite distributors or donors also runs the
risk of the success of the channel being measured by ratings, geographic range and production output, rather than in the building of community solidarity, empowerment and
skill training. Our findings suggest that it is these economically motivated actors, rather
than the community media organizations themselves, that are petitioning for satellite
distribution. In Canada, some have even come out specifically against the practice of
amalgamating programming from several communities on a single channel. Such is the
case with St. Andrews Community Television (2010: para. 16), which has argued against
super-community channels (on cable) that would diminish local content.6 A focus on
ratings is anathema to some of the defining aspects of community media process, practice and participation. As Aufderheide (2000) reminds us,
the most useful measure is not, and should not be, numbers of viewers or positive poll
results, but the ability of access to make a difference in community life Access needs to be
a site for communication among members of the public as the public, about issues of public
importance. (p.129)
Conclusion
Both Canadian and African community broadcasters have struggled with the participatory
component of their practices. While steps have been taken to correct this in recent years,
national and supranational distribution mechanisms through centralized satellite services
may challenge or at least complicate this fragile start. To the benefit of community media
19
scholars and practitioners, however, this demonstrates the striking similarities between
community media practices in Canada and Africa, suggesting that scholarship on community media and opportunities for discussion and learning among practitioners do not have
to be parsed by nation, hemisphere or system.
For the immediate purposes of this article, discourse concerning the delivery of community media through satellite in Canada and East Africa has been employed to illuminate the notable similarity in the dichotomy engendered by competing emphases on
participation, ratings and range. In other words, we need to address the question of
whether community media organizations should strive toward depth within their immediate geographic community or breadth within their nation or region. The former suggests an emphasis on practice, participation and geographic communities, perhaps linked
together, but ultimately independent of one another. The latter suggests an emphasis on
reach, audiences, generalized content and communities of interest. Both are dependent
on financial sustainability, highlighting the crucial role that donors, commercial media
groups and distributors play in the future of community media. Our research suggests
that, at the moment, it is only commercial and private actors that have been pushing for
satellite distribution and not community media organizations themselves. While this article has identified this potentially disturbing trend, future research should investigate the
micro-dynamics of this discourse and inquire into the reasons why community media
organizations are not vocal about satellite distribution.
We might also inquire about the motivations behind these similar agendas for the
expansion of audiences beyond specific geographic communities. In East Africa, the
promise of larger and more diverse audiences allows community radio organizations to
make themselves more attractive to the NGO donors that are vital to their survival.
Similarly, in Canada, DTH providers potentially used the promise of national community
media channels to garner goodwill with the public and the regulator. Both intimate a
political economic motivation.
While it is too early to conclude whether such practices will hinder or benefit community media organizations, financial implications are clearly present. What we know with
greater certainty is that such proposals pose significant challenges to the foundations of
community media, in particular community participation. These debates also pose significant challenges for scholars of community broadcasting who are attempting to understand
the position of community radio and television in a globalized, neoliberal and digital age.
While there are no immediate or correct answers to these questions, what is evident is that
these conversations should be open to community media stakeholders the world over
since these challenges are clearly more universal than they are particular.
Acknowledgements
An earlier version of this article was presented at the 2013 International Association for Media and
Communication Research (IAMCR) Conference in Dublin, Ireland. The authors would like to
thank Dr Nick Rubin and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and critiques.
Funding
Alis research was funded by a doctoral award from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada, grant 752-2011-0185
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Notes
1. Truglia (2010) eloquently articulates this concern:
Precisely because its new, the build it and they will come approach does not work for a
new-technologies broadcast. On-demand satellite distribution and Web casting are forms
of narrowcasting, not broadcasting, as they outreach specific rather than general audiences.
These specific audiences might indeed tune in but only if they know you exist, so just making
programming available via satellite does not mean a broadcaster will carry it. (p.363)
2. In this article, we use community media and community broadcasting interchangeably.
While we recognize that community media is considerably more expansive than broadcasting, we also acknowledge that broadcasters are continuing to expand their multi-media initiatives (Ali, 2012).
3. See Linder (1999) for a discussion of how American cable companies positioned themselves
as a socially responsible medium (p.9).
4. Local-into-local refers to the ability of satellite providers to pick up a feed from a local
television station and retransmit it back into the same local market from which it originated
(CRTC, 2011b).
5. Bell Aliant (2010) did note that it should be allowed to use programming produced by cablerun community channels to fill the schedule. Still, Canadian DTH providers were short on
details about how individual community members could become part of the production and
organizational process.
6. St Andrews was concerned about the establishment of super-community channels on cable
systems, not on satellite. Nonetheless, it illustrates a clear concern with centralized community channels.
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Author biographies
Christopher Ali is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Media Studies at the University of
Virginia. He holds a PhD from the Annenberg School of Communication at the University of
Pennsylvania. His research interests include Media and Communication Policy; Canadian, American
and British Media and Communication Policy; Localism; Local Media; Public and Community
Media; Comparative Media Systems; Critical Political Economy; and Normative Theory.
David Conrad is a doctoral candidate at the Annenberg School for Communication at the University
of Pennsylvania. He is interested in the changing landscape of foreign correspondence in US journalism, along with the information work of non-governmental organizations, foundations and the
(often self-proclaimed) journalistic organization.