European Studies

Masterarbeit
Frederico Sampaio Elesbo
Matrikelnummer - 2800960
Mckernstrae 24
30163 Hannover
Tel.: 015222118039
Email: fred.elesbao@gmail.com

1. Prfer - Dr. Marcus Hoppe

2. Prfer - Prof. Dr. Gunter A. Pilz

Football Ultras, an European phenomenon

Hannover, 2013
1

Abstract

Even in a complex continent like Europe with so many cultures, languages, religions and
governments, Europeans still have a common denominator, Football. The passion for this
game has developed a rich and unique fan culture. There are Ultra groups present in almost
every stadium of the major leagues. From the south of Italy to the North of Scotland, from
Portugal in the west to Poland in the east, there is almost no country in Europe without a
group of football fans calling themselves Ultras.
What are the common interests of the European Football Ultras? What are their differences
and similarities? How do they expand Solidarity beyond its borders? This study will tackle
those questions with a qualitative content analyses of 7 different Ultra groups from 7 distinct
countries. Football has become an intrinsic part of the European modern culture and also an
important part of group identification. The purpose of this study is to investigate the Football
fan culture as a strong European identity marker.

Erklrung

Hiermit versichere ich, die vorliegende Arbeit selbstndig, ohne fremde Hilfe und ohne
Benutzung anderer als der von mir angegebenen Quellen angefertigt zu haben.
Alle aus fremden Quellen direkt oder indirekt bernommenen Gedanken sind alssolche
gekennzeichnet. Die Arbeit wurde noch keiner Prfungsbehrde in gleicher oder hnlicher
Form vorgelegt.

Hannover, den 25.06.2013

Frederico Sampaio Elesbo

Contents

1. Introduction

2. Methodology

3. Football and Europe

2.1 Football as an European axiom
2.2 Fan culture and its Diversity
4. The Ultras
4.1 Right-wing Ultras
- Irriducibili (Societ Sportiva Lazio / Italy)
- Ultras Sur (Real Madrid Club de Ftbol / Spain)
- Legia Warszawa (Legia Warsaw / Poland)
4.2 Left-wing Ultras
- Ultr Sankt Pauli (Fuball-Club St. Pauli / Germany)
- Green Brigade (Celtic Football Club / Scotland)
- Original 21 (AEK Athens F.C. / Greece)
4.3 Right and Left wing Ultras in the same club
- Kop of Boulogne vs. Virage Auteuil (Paris Saint-Germain / France)
5. The common struggle against Modern Football

6. Conclusion

"Sport has the power to change the world.

It has the power to inspire.
It has the power to unite people in a way that little else does."
Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela

1. Introduction

Europe as a whole is an old complex idea that innumerous philosophers and scientists already
tried to define using different perspectives.

The European continent could be interpreted just on a strict geographical term, using its
mountains, rivers or oceans to delineate its borders. Geography could help, but it would be
naive to restrict Europe solely a physical appearance. Europe has already proven along
History that could be expanding or restraining its political borders multiple times. Spain and
Portugal, for instance, were not considered part of the European Christian family when both
countries were under the Islamic domination in the Middle Ages. In more recent times, most
East European countries were not even considered full Europeans until the enlargement of the
European Union towards those countries.

Economists would argue on financial terms, like the use of Euro as the common currency and
how this could be an important European marker. Economic theories focus only on how the
production guidelines of products and services are distributes in Europe. The problem with
this perspective is, that often excludes the people and their culture in the search to define a
whole continent.

When geographers, historians or economists try to describe Europe on their own terms, this
seems like a valid effort on the complex European equation. There is a lot to be learned with
those sciences, if they dont ignore the main variable of the European Problem; its people.

The European People is what defines Europe. Their culture is one of the most important
aspects. What cultural element could be found in so many different regions and nations across
the European continent? Sports could be a possible answer. More precisely; Football.

On a continent with so many cultures, languages, religions and governments there is one
cultural element that its easily found; the passion and even sometimes the madness for
Football. North or South, East or West, Europeans developed a very special relation with the
The Beautiful Game1 .
1

Pel, Robert L. Fish, Shep Messing (2007). My Life and the Beautiful Game: The
Autobiography of Pel
6

2. Methodology

This study is focused on a qualitative content analysis from a very specific type of football
fan, the Ultras. All possible Ultra materials were observed, including banners, flyers, flags,
zines, websites, graffitis, songs, symbols, and most important than all; their Coordinated
Stadium Choreographies.

With the help of Critical theory in combination with the literature available on fan culture this
work will try to show some evidence of the political behavior of those groups on the terraces.
The simple hypothesis is that Ultra fan culture is very much politicized and could be use as
important identity marker.
Our argument has been, then, that whether or not its structural boundaries remain
intact, the reality of community lies in its members perception of the vitality of its
culture. People construct community symbolically, making it a resource and repository
of meaning, and a referent of their identity. (Cohen, 1985)

The Ultras, as a vanguard movement in sports culture, create their own symbols and as a
direct consequence of this process they also build their own identity. Thats the main
importance to analyze the political and the ideological content of those symbols. In this
vanguard a symbolic community is edified as a new group identity. To facilitate this research
7 football clubs from different European cities were carefully selected for a visit in a football
match. The ultras from those clubs have a relative clear political and ideological orientation
on their activities, facilitating the content analyses of their materials.
History breaks down in images not into stories. (Bejamin, 2002)

Strolling in all those different cities was also necessary for this research. Between 1927 and
1940 the German philosopher Walter Benjamin already used this method of research with his
work on the Arcades Project. The idea behind strolling is that the researcher should walk
freely close to the object of study and cautious observe the social phenomena. Benjamin
clarified that the direct contact and the intimate knowledge is crucial to understand a social
problem. Visiting different cities, attending to different football games and analyzing the
images of different ultra groups were essential to the realization of this investigation.
7

3. Football and Europe

3.1

Football as a European Axiom

George Steiners work The idea of Europe provides a good starting point. In his lecture he
argued that Europe can be defined by five axioms (Coffee shops, Human Scale, Streets and
Squares, Offspring and Final Chapter.) 2

In coffee shops Europeans could strive political ideals, a place propitious for the exchange
and the development of new ideas. The human scale of European geography helped the fast
spread of these ideas. In theory it is possible to anyone to walk from country to country in
Europe without facing big geographic accidents like the Grand Caynon in North America, the
Amazon forest in Brazil or the deserts of Australia.

Streets and Squares according to Steiner are related to the cult of the past that characterizes
almost every European city. Every corner its named after a big historical hero, scientist or
philosopher, like the Adorno-Platz in Germany for instance. This is constant cult of the past in
Europe has its offspring is in the Cities of Athens and Jerusalem. With Athens Europeans
inherit the classical thought like philosophy, mathematics and music and with Jerusalem they
learned a theological call for the Final chapter. All this mixture created the idea of Europe.

Each of those features which shaped Europe could also be found in European Football
Culture. Football became a perfect mirror of European societies with everything that is good
and admirable, but also with everything that is reprehensible and shocking can be found and
observed on Football terraces. From solidarity and love to discrimination and hate, football
culture reflects all the contradictions that society manifest.

The observations that Steiner made can be transferred to Football Culture, where fans have a
similar behavior and a system of believes. Normally football fans before any game meet in
Coffee shops, pubs or Sports bars where they exchange ideas about sports, life, club or the
city. The Human scale is also present in the European football leagues; its possible for fans
to follow their clubs anywhere in the country without taking a plane or a ship like in Brazil or
the USA. In smaller European countries it becomes way easier to follow a team around for
2

Steiner, George (2005) The idea of Europe, Nexus Institute

8

away games.
Every club cultivates the same cult to the past with their heroes and sports battles; its not an
accident that the streets or squares near the stadiums are named after past players, coaches or
even fans. The conception of a common offspring and the same fatalistic final chapter can be
seen on every game and every season among Football fanatics. A game becomes a battle, a
fellow fan becomes a brother and the club becomes the nation. This over dramatization
of symbols is what builds Football as an European Axiom.
What is really difficult for us (at least for us in the West) to accept is that we are
reduced to a purely passive role of an impotent observer who can only sit and watch
what his fate will be to avoid such a situation, we are prone to engage in a frantic
obsessive activity, recycle old paper, buy organic food, whatever, just so that we can be
sure that we are doing something, making our contribution like a Football fan who
supports his team in front of a TV screen at home, shouting and jumping from his seat,
in a superstitious belief that this will somehow influence the outcome. (Zizek, 2011)

This believe that somehow fans can influence the outcome of the game is the gasoline that
ignites the passion for this game. Of course, it would be appropriate to make a clear
distinction between fans who watch the games at home at a TV screen from the diehard
season ticket holders that follow their clubs every single time in their own stadiums.
Statistically the home teams have a slit advantage because they possess the majority of the
fans in the stadium supporting in their favor. This support depends on how organized the fans
are. There could be from simple songs and cheers to complex choreographies and coordinated
actions inside the stadiums.
Independently from the type of fan, the premise is always the same; somehow they will
influence the outcome of a match. This believe is so strong that even the question of identify
is somehow twisted in the name of Football. In a multidimensional identity model3, where the
individuals show multiple identity markers, like nation, language or religion, the football club
appears as another identity reference. On this occasion Football appears as important as any
other marker; in some cases even as the most important one.

Espinosa, Emilo (1995) Culturas, estados, ciudadanos. Alianza Editorial

9

There Football is such an important identity marker that could be even compared to religion.
In a survey done by the Social Issues Research Centre in 2008 with football fans from all
member states of the European Union around 60% of football fans answered that Football is
indeed like a Religion for them4.

Even in a traditional catholic country like Portugal over the 70% answered positive to the
question if football is comparable to Religion.
Therefore, the habit of going to a stadium becomes a very ritualized process. Its done on a
strict routine every week, with their own rituals, symbols and songs. Even the football ground
is treated like a sanctuary by the fans, like a holy place that should be respected by some
common rules. It is not rare after a big title win or promotion, that fans invade the pitch and
collect the field grass as a they are gathering something sacred. Another common nickname
for football stadium is the term temple, where the players become the saints and the fans the
followers of a surrogate religion5.
Football in some moments can reach the same level of importance of other identity markers
such as religion, ethnicity or national identity.

4
5

SIRC (2008) Football Passions, Social Issues Research Centre

Pilz, Gunter (2009) Overview of the Ultra culture phenomenon, Council of Europe
10

When in 1994 the famous German striker Jrgen Klinsmann arrived in London to play for the
Tottenham Hotspur Football Club, and the local fans sang in their home game this song:
Chim chimney chim chimney chim chim cheroo.
Jurgen was a German but now he's a jew. (Foer, 2004)
What is particular is that Tottenham Hotspur is a club which is self identified with their local
Jewish community.
Hotspur fans call themselves the Yids, a name they adopted in 1936 when Oswald
Mosley, leader of Britains fascist movement, led a march through Londons East End,
calling down with the Yids. In order to antagonize their football opponents and
arouse more emotion and tension during football matches, the Hotspur fans adopted
the name Yid. Although the club had many Jewish fans, the club was not known for
primarily catering to Jews. (European Jewish Press, 2006)
The problem is that the majority of Hotspur fans are not even Jewish, but they adopted the
concept. What was originally an insult is today celebrated as an important part of the clubs
identity. Almost like in a mechanism of defense, the fans took the insult as their own name,
denying their rivals the possibility of defame. How is possible to insult someone if that person
adopts the same insult as their own identity? This is a common trend in football culture, it
happens across Europe where the fans accept a new identity that was originally created as
just an insult by rival fans. In Portugal FC Porto fans adopted the name tripeiros (the person
who eats tripes or entrails) and in Serbia FK Partizan fans assumed the name grobari (the
gravediggers).
The cases of replaced identities can be easily observed across Europe. The football club
could in many situations be the main identity to an individual, replacing other features like
religion, ethnicity, language, social class or even national citizenship. This is a complex and
bold claim that puts football culture as important as any other traditional identity marker
already studied by social scientists. Stefano Cordero di Montezemolo, the Academic Director
of the European School of Economics already pointed that:
Football is even more than sports. Football is an anthropological phenomenon.
Football is a means of social identity and interactions. Football is a pattern which
keeps together communities though the common completion of different teams
supported by the passion of their fans. (Montezemolo, 2012)
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3.2 Fan culture and its Diversity

Football fans are as heterogeneous as human society itself. In the same way that there are
different classes, nations or regions in a continent; a stadium has its different football fans.
The architectural design of football grounds are already made to embrace a complete
heterogeneous public. Since the beginning, stadiums were constructed to shelter any type of
fan, from the rich aristocrats whom watched the games on privileged exclusive places, to the
working class masses which were allocated in the most uncomfortable areas of the stadiums.
Football was never democratic in this sense. Stadiums were never design to treat everybody
on equal terms. Even the modern sophisticated all-seater arenas are well designed to observe
the economical differences among football fans. In all-seater stadiums each individual seat
can be priced differently to maximize the profit that is possible to make with the social
economical differences between the fans. The logic is pure straight-forward modern
economics; the best seats are priced higher for the most affluent fans and the worst seats are
sold cheaper to the fans with less consumption power.
This is not a new method in how to maximize profit with attendance figures; traditional old
stadiums (like the Stadio Olimpico in Rome) have and had a similar design. Today with the
new all-seater arenas (like the recent build Emirates Stadium in London) this process of
maximizing profit is just more sophisticated. Whether Old stadium or new arena, it was
and still is all about, how to maximize profit with football fans.
From an engineering and economical perspective, football fans are also not homogeneous.
Different fans, even before the game starts, are allocated in different parts of the stadium. The
assumption is that they should have dissimilar patterns and that is what makes fan culture so
diverse. Normally everybody in a stadium is qualified as a fan, but because they have
different backgrounds and interests they are allocated and treated different. A person who
bought the cheapest ticket possible doesnt have the same treatment as a person who could
afford a seat in the VIP-Lounge. Technically and normatively they are the same, as fans, but
in reality they live totally different experiences before, during and after the game.
With so many differences between fans, could it be possible to qualify their differences? This
depends directly on the perspective and methodology which is used to face the problem.

12

If the only variable to be analyzed is stadium attendance, the so called Event-fans 6 should
be excluded. They dont necessarily attend to regular games in stadiums. Event-fans just
follow football every 2 or 4 year for a World Cup or an European Football Championship.
Their gathering place is not a football ground, but a Public viewing area build specific for this
event. They could be consider important potential consumers for the sports macro economy,
but the impact of Event-fans in football fan culture is almost irrelevant.
In relation to the ticket prices, there are the VIP-fans. This type of fan buys the most
expensive entrances for the games and they are allocated in the most luxurious places in the
modern football arenas. Most of todays VIP-Lounges in the stadiums are cooperated owned,
which means that the access to this exclusive area is not just a matter of money, but also a
question of influence too. Sometimes big companies detain a large number of VIP-boxes in
multiple stadiums, making restrictions to these areas not a local question, but a general issue
that could affect entirely a whole national league.
Traditional fans are the long time season tickets holders who live the stadium experience for
generations. In countries like Germany, they sometimes organize themselves in local fan
clubs that meet regularly before and after the games. Traditional fans are one of the most
heterogeneous group of fans, which have multiple social backgrounds. They could be found
in almost any part of the stadium, and they dont necessarily have a high attendance in awaygames. What traditional fans have in common is this long connection with their club attending
to home-games.
Different European countries have also developed different types of fans, which are common
to a specific region or culture, like the casuals in England or the Kutten in Germany. Both
categories embraced fashion as an important identity marker to their football culture. The
English casuals glorify expensive European Designer clothing on the terraces7, but, in the
opposite direction, a German Fan-Kutte wears for decades the same handmade cut-off vest
with innumerous football themed patches that is collected along the seasons following the
club.
So, even when fashion is the theme, it is possible to observe totally different fan cultures,
depending in which country or region that is analyzed. In the same way that there are different
national costumes, there is in football culture different dressing codes.

6
7

Kster, Philipp (2008) Die Event-Fans: Keine Ahnung? Kein Problem!. tagesspiegel.de
Thornton, Phil (2003) Casuals: The Story of Terrace Fashion. Milo Books
13

Behavior can also be a method to analyze the issue of fan culture, for instance the German
police has got a very systematic way for labeling football fans.
The German police ranks the psychological profiles of all fans in 3 simple categories (A, B
and C) 8.
Kategorie A (Category A), are be the peaceful fans who only for the sport event and the
entertainment that the stadium experience provide. They come with their families to the
stadiums and in theory would pose no danger to public order. Kategorie B (Category B), are
the fans with potential" inclination to violence. They would just react with violence if they
are stimulated on that direction. Normally, they come to the stadiums for the sake of the
game, but if they are provoked by the police or opponent supporters they may respond
violently. Kategorie C (Category C), are the violent fans by definition. They do not attend
the games because of the sport, but because of the violence. Most of them already have been
banned from the stadiums through harsh judicial sentences, but they are still revered by their
old colleagues in the stands.
The problem with this simplification is that it just analyzes only one variable; violence.
Anybody could be violent giving the perfect conditions for the perfect storm. Even the most
peaceful citizen can ignore his own moral rules towards violence, when a war between
countries is declared, and institutionalized violence becomes the formal norm. Similar
situations are possible in Football Culture, any football fan can become violent when is
treated with violence. Fan behavior will never be a simple problem which can be easily
categorized by institutions that are just looking for a better method of surgical repression.
A common mistake that happens over and over again is to establish those types of
simplification towards football fans. Disasters like in Heysel or Hillsborough and even more
recently like in Port Said, all obey the same narrative; blame the fans. The problem is that not
every Casual-Fan is a Hooligan in the same way that not every fan is a violent thug.
Its way easier to blame the fans than to really face down and analyze the whole complex
diversity of fan culture.
The Ultras is another group of football fans that has today a major influence on European fan
culture. They are the most organized version of a football fans and their passion involve
multiple aspects of fan activities, that comes from songs, fashion, banners, flags, graffiti,
8

Wolfgang /Fischer (2009) Fans und Problemfans, Polizeiprsidium Kaiserslautern

14

stickers, drums, rallies and the most complex terrace choreographies. The following quote is
an extract from a conversation with a member of the Drughi, a Juventus Ultra group.
An Ultra is one who follows the team everywhere. The 'normal' fan is only interested
in watching the match, silently, independently from what happens all around the
stadium. On the contrary, we are the ones who, with our presence, our passion, our
efforts and our sacrifices, try to make the match the only and real show. 9
So with all those differences a football stadium has to be seems as a complex ecosystem. In
the same way that a biologist has to take into account the very diverse community of living
organisms, a social scientist has also to take into account the diversity in football stadiums
and in football culture.
Sport is ambiguous. On the one hand, it can have an anti-barbaric and anti-sadistic
effect by means of fair play, a spirit of chivalry, and consideration for the weak. On
the other hand, in many of its varieties and practices it can promote aggression,
brutality, and sadism, above all in people who do not expose themselves to the
exertion and discipline required by sports but instead merely watch: that is, those who
regularly shout from the sidelines. (Adorno, 1966)
Adorno claims that the ambiguity of sports should never be ignored. Football fans are those
who regularly shout from the sidelines and those shouts are still the main activity of any
active fan. Shouting is a discipline that all football fans have in common. Regardless of their
differences on background or nationality, football fans shout during a football game and what
is important to observe is the content of the shouting. Sometimes this shouting can promote
the good spirit of chivalry, but other times the same shouting can promote the most barbaric
behavior.
This ambiguous results depends on the stadium ecosystem. Different fans like different
organisms will never behave the same way. Its all a result of the context and which type of
fan that is in question.
Event fans, Vip-fans, Traditional fans, Kutten, Casuals or Ultras they are all part of the same
stadium ecosystem. They might have different behaviors or interests, but they are all there
for the same reason; Football.

SIRC (2008) Football Passions, Social Issues Research Centre

15

4. The Ultras
The Ultra movement is of one the most important and complex subjects related to football
culture. Their influence is a major in almost all European leagues. Their activities are
discussed in newspapers and TV-shows across the continent. There is no academic consensus
on the origins or the definition of an Ultra.
The beginnings (of Ultra) though can be found in the fan culture in Italy at the end of
the 60s. At the same time that the student and worker protests were taking place in
Italy, the first groups of fans who termed themselves ultras, began to form in the
stadiums. You can still see many of the characteristics of these street protests in the
style adopted by the Ultras: the support coordinated using a megaphone, the flags, the
banners. In some ways even the organizational form common with ultra groups is
influenced heavily by the protest movements of the time: larger groups, often
deliberately aiming to attract younger members, who in turn are brought up by the
group. Likewise, clear decision making processes, generally through a so called
direttivo (like a board of directors), but often dependent on member-based
democracy, and communication to the outside world (such as) fanzines, infosheets,
and nowadays, websites. (Gabler, 2011)
But even with their strong Italian origins in the 60s, there are groups in Europe that claim that
they are older than that. The Croatian group Torcida Split, for instance, claims their
foundation back in the 50s, when they took a Portuguese name inspired by the Brazilian
torcidas organizadas from the 1950 world cup 10. This is a problematic assertion because
besides their similarities, the European ultra movement and South Americans fan groups like
the Torcidas organizadas in Brazil or the argentine barra bravas, are very distinct fan
cultures.
It would be a very difficult task to compare fan culture of different continents. An Ultra in
Europe, a Barra Brava in Argentine or a Torcedor Organizado in Brazil might share the same
profound passion for football, but they have very different origins and ways to organize and
express this passion.

10

http://www.torcida.hr
16

A good way to define an Ultra group in football culture is related to how active or passive the
group is in relation to the football scene in their own club. Normally the ultras are the most
active type of fans that a club can get.
Across Europe there is a clear distinction between the passive supporter and the
active fan. Although the terminology may change between countries the distinction
between active and passive methods of support is consistent. In Norway, for example,
the active followers of football would be offended by the term 'fan', preferring
'supporter' as a way of describing their experience. The Italians differentiate between
the 'tifosi' and the 'Ultras'. The tifosi are more passive and 'live' the match experience
as spectators. Ultras, by contrast, consider themselves to be protagonists, playing an
essential and active role. The majority of them also believe that their presence has a
significant impact on their team. SIRC (2008)
When the Italians make a clear distinction between a tifosi and an ultra is to differentiate who
is the follower and who is the organizer. A tifosi is just the person who builds a tifo,
choreography, by holding the cards that creates the huge mosaics that sometimes could
involve the whole stadium. The ultra in other hand is the active organizer who engineers the
whole thing, from the drawing, the direct organization and the distribution of cards seat by
seat hours before the game starts.
The tifosi could be the generic passive fan that usually sings along, but the ultra is the active
one who beats the drums, writes the songs and coordinates the melodies throughout the 90
minutes of the game. They have very distinctive roles during the game. The ultra group
functions like the heart beat of the stadium. Its from the ultra section that floods the
passionate atmosphere of football. And thats how the ultras creat their own identity.
Ultras do love their club, independent of the people who assume functions in it, but
they do not need the club alone for their identity. The ultra groups create the fan
identities themselves. In the self-image of one of the biggest ultra groupings it is even
stated e.g.: We explicitly refuse to be an unpopular part of this big event
footballWe are the most important thing! WE are the game and the club (or its
remains) 11

11

Pilz/Behn/Klose/Schwenzer/Stefffan/Wlki (2006)
17

The ultra rejection of the big event creates a strong critical position on the modern game,
with the high commercialization of football in all spheres. Their self-image is direct related to
their rejection of football as just a business model. Thats a reason why ultra groups produce
their own merchandising materials (like t-shirt or scarves); its not just a way for selffinancing their own activities, but also a statement against the monopoly of the modern fanshops and the commercialization of their own clubs.

Their claim is that the ultras are the real soul of the club. As the most active fans on the
terraces, their believe derivates from their dedication to the club as active organizers.
What all European Ultras seem to have in common is simply their desire to support
their club or team while enjoying the experience, the extreme pleasure they gain in
providing that support creatively for a full 90 minutes both acoustically and visually
in spaces that are as wide as possible and to prepare these activities in the week
before the game, while at the same time always adopting a critical attitude to
modern football. Accordingly, what counts for most Ultras is not only the match
result or the league in which their club or team plays but, rather, their committed
support and the activities before, during and after the match. (Pilz, 2009)
This dedication is what legitimates the ultras into a leading position during the games. Almost
like strong political entrepreneurs, the ultra culture can shape the dynamics of a game, a club
or even a league.
They can shape the dynamics of a game depending on how loud is the singing and the support
of their own team. Thats why clubs have a better performance at home games, where they
have a majority supporting in their favor. When a club has a powerful and influential ultra
group this support is maximized.
Ultras can also shape the dynamics of a club depending on how much influence they have
inside the club. If most of the ultras are also members of the club, they could decide an club
election, or reject players or managers.
Moreover the dynamic of a league can also be influenced by the Ultras depending on how
organized they are in general terms with policy makers. They could endorse or resist league
rules and regulations. When policy makers see ultras and fan culture as potential voters for
future elections, the dynamics of public opinion and policy making are also modified.
18

One of the key factors of the ultras influence on football culture is related to their power of
identity and this is use as an instrument of mass mobilization.
Traditionally collective identities are based on religion, nation, gender, class, race and
civilization12. Historians play a key role on the construction of collective identities. When
children are socialized in a particular religion, like in church schools, this comes with the cost
of depreciation of the other religions. When historians write books about the history of a
particular nation, this also comes with the over valorization of one nation in detriment of the
others. When gender studies emphasize the historical disadvantages of been a women, this
undermines the male role of men in the present. When Marxist historians, like Eric
Hobsbawm, focused his brilliant work on the role of class in History, this also came if a price
of division. When historians of ethnic studies clarified the struggles between blacks and
whites, this also came with academic tensions. When Samuel Huntington published his work
The Clash of Civilizations, his model was also came with a questionable and vague
conception of different "world civilizations".
The problem of trusting historians with the identity question was already alerted by
nineteenth- century French philosopher Ernest Renan.
Forgetting, I would even go so far as to say historical error, is a crucial factor in the
creation of a nation, which is why progress in historical studies often constitutes a
danger for the principle of nationality. (Renan, 1882)
National identity is based on historical errors. People have to believe in a common heritage or
a special element in the composition of a nation. Football fans and especially football ultras
obey a very similar logic.
Football fan culture is also a strong collective identity. Depending on the situation or the fan
group that is observed, football can be more important than any other collective identity, it
can overcome religion, nation, gender, class, race or civilization. The ultra culture is one the
best evidences for that.
The fanatical dedication of the Ultras to their club and to their fan culture offers an extensive
potential for mass solidarity and mobilization. For an ultra his club is the most important
thing, and loyalty is tested on a daily basis, this derives from their duty as an extreme active
football fan. The ultra dedication to fan culture in not just tested during the weekend or the
12

Cannadine, David (2013) The Undivided Past: Humanity Beyond Our Differences, Knopf
19

games, but also during the week when the hard work as an organizer is demanded. This is the
daily plebiscite is what constitutes the Nation.
A nation is therefore a large-scale solidarity, constituted by the feeling of the
sacrifices that one has made in the past and of those that one is prepared to make in the
future. It presupposes a past; it is summarized, however, in the present by a tangible
fact, namely, consent, the clearly expressed desire to continue a common life. A
nation's existence is, if you will pardon the metaphor, a daily plebiscite, just as an
individual's existence is a perpetual affirmation of life. (Renan, 1882)
The French philosopher Ernest Renan defined a nation as a daily plebiscite based on the
will and passion. The football ultras obey a very similar code, but instead of the country, their
dedication, will and passion is directed to a football club.
This opens the same spaces of large-scale solidarity that Renan so well mentioned for a
nation. The difference is that in football solidarity is not based on citizenship, but instead to
other fellow football fans. The club emulates the nation, and depending on the case, the club
could substitute the nation, in a replace identity model, or in some other situation the club can
embody the nation, as an instrument of the state.
Nationalism is based on the nation-state concept; football culture is based on club identity. In
both cases there is no utilitarian rationality or scientific logical enlightenment for any
justification. As in Renans conception of a nation, Football culture and their Ultras are
moved with their hearts, and that means that sometime it moves towards irrationality, based in
pure passion. Its a challenge to elaborate the possible reasons why to follow and dedicated a
whole life to a football club.
The ultras dedication to their club is measured on the activities that happen not just during the
games, but also before the matches. There is a well organized preparation for chants,
choreographies, banners, flags, flares, megaphones, away trips, and etc. This requires a strong
mobilization capacity, which cant be ignored. These great efforts are what bond the Ultra
subculture together.
I said just now, to have suffered together, for indeed suffering in common is a greater
bond of union than joy. (Renan, 1882)
Tears in Football culture function almost like mortar in a construction, without it, the whole
structure can collapse. When football club loses a match or a championship, their fans suffer
20

together in a collective commotion of tears and sorrow. The capacity of suffering together is
what makes the bond in Football culture so strong. The Ultras just have a higher level of
suffering, because they have huge invested interests in the whole process.
Theodor Adorno already pointed out that Football implies the desire to suffer13. Football fans
are bonded by this suffering and that is what forges their own particular identity. The Ultras
invested interests come from the high capacity of mobilization for their choreographies and
support. After long hours of work on planning, cutting, painting and building choreographies
for theirs clubs, their investment in the outcomes of the game is higher than any other regular
football fan that just bought tickets to watch a football game. But even with all this effort
from the ultras, they all suffer together with the regular non-ultra football fans if a game or a
championship is lost.
Violence can also be a source of suffering. In Italy, the club Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio has
one of the most charismatic leaders of the Italian ultra scene; his name is Claudio 'il Bocia'
Galimberti and hes an active capo (leader) in the Curva Nord from the city of Bergamo.
Bocia describes how this collective bond is build even towards violence.
In terms of any violence that may sometimes take place, this is because of too much
love; love for this team and for these colours. And so in certain situations we will do
what has to be done. If we have to fight somebody, we will fight them and be proud of
this. Because this is how we honour the name of Atalanta. People may object to this,
and it is perfectly right that they should do so. But we are conscious that the fight is
the ultimate conclusion of what were about, its the most beautiful thing we can do
because it is the one really determined by our hearts.14
According to Bocia, love is also a bond between the fans. This bond is one of the main causes
of group identity; this is a perfect case of replaced identities that could substitute previously
social identities. The fan identity turns stronger than any previous one, like religion, nation,
gender, class or race.
It doesnt matter whats the religious background between football fans. When the club plays
football becomes their own religion. Even the nationality doesnt play any role as a main
13

http://versobooks.tumblr.com/post/37407422058/football-implies-the-desire-to-suffer

14

Utton, Dominic (2008) The Real Football Factories, John Blake Publishing Ltd
21

identity maker, because football players come from everywhere and they are praised as local
heroes in the local football scene. Furthermore football fans in general have a very diverse
background and although the majority of football fans are male, it doesnt mean that in the
ultra scene women are excluded. In many ultra groups women have an important role, even
in leadership positions. Further class identity is also replaced because the ultras do not
demand an economical qualification. Most of the ultra groups are constituted by young
working class fans, but that doesnt mean that fans from different classes couldnt join. It is
easier to observe ultras from affluent families and poor communities supporting together. It
basically is a youth subculture, not an economical strict culture.
It would be easier to understand this European subculture, with a basic and simple model,
dividing then in right-wing Ultras and left-wing Ultras according to their political tendencies.
Even with this strict modeling division, it is important to observe their common interests, their
differences and similarities and how the ultras expand solidarity beyond its borders.
Every single thing you do is Politics; the interaction of human beings is politics
(Williams, 2013)
Thats how the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize winner for her work against anti-personnel landmines,
Jody Williams, defined politics. One the most influential phenomenon of human interaction in
a football ground in Europe is the loud and colorful Ultra subculture, and this is also politics.

4.1 Right-wing Ultras

It would very difficult to find political neutrality among the ultras. The origins in Italy were
already in political movements that manifested and externalized their directions on football
terraces. For instance, Fabiano, an Italian Ultra from Turin already defined the term Ultra this
term;
The word Ultra in Italian derives from oltre, which means beyond as in beyond
the limit. So being an Ultra means being prepared to go beyond the limit for your

22

team. It means trying to be the best, always trying to be one step above everybody
else. An Ultra goes beyond the limit. 15
These limits also include in the political polarization inside the Italian Ultra scene, where the
ultras expand even the limitations of what is socially acceptable. Nationalism, Homophobia,
Racism, Xenophobia and Anti-Semitism are some of the common characteristic of right-wing
ultras across Italy and also Europe.
The political spectrum of an Ultra group is never something that is easy to identify, like in
any social movement or subculture, the spectrum depends on the correlation of forces inside
the group. The best method to identify in which side of the political spectrum a determined
ultra group is, its to observe what materials ate these groups producing on the terraces. What
flags are they holding? What messages are they raising during the game? What songs are they
singing? And critically, what choreography are they making?
Right-wing ultras tend to a more exclusive, incomprehensive and narrow view of what the
fan-community should be or look like. Among right-wing ultras across Europe, nationalist
symbols could appear, anti-gay banners could be raised, racists chants could be sung,
xenophobic attacks could happened or Anti-Semitic insults could be shout. Depending on the
club or group this narrow and exclusive behavior is openly showed, and in some other clubs
and groups this conduct is more indirectly displayed.
The main point is; there are no apolitical or neutral Ultras. The American historian Howard
Zinn already pointed out that it is not possible to be neutral on a moving train 16. Everything is
just a matter of tendencies, like in any dynamic and elaborate social movement; the ultras
sometimes tend to a more exclusive, incomprehensive and narrow behavior, but some other
times they tend into the opposite direction. History and social movements are like moving
trains, there is no space for neutrality, apolitical, uncommitted or impartial behavior.
Everything is just a matter of analyzing the tenancies and the direction of each case and
group.
If any traces of Nationalism, Homophobia, Racism, Xenophobia or Anti-Semitism are found
in any ultra material, this helps to point the right-wing tendencies of this group. It is a key
15

Utton, Dominic (2008) The Real Football Factories, John Blake Publishing Ltd
Zinn, Howard (2002) You Can't Be Neutral on a Moving Train: A Personal History of Our
Times, Beacon Press
23
16

issue to observe everything that is systematic organized by these groups on the terraces,
banners, flyers, flags, zines, chants, symbols, graffiti and especially the most important ultra
discipline; the choreographies.

4.1.1. Irriducibili (Societ Sportiva Lazio)

Lazio is one of the major clubs in Italian football with one the most determined and organized
ultra groups in Europe, the Irriducibili.
Despite the fact that Lazio Rome was a club that resisted the fascist idea to unify all roman
clubs in one. The SS Lazio didnt accept this attempt, and so, in technical and in historical
terms, the club rejected in 1927 a fascist idea of their own assimilation by their main rivals
AS Roma17. The conception of that time by the Mussolini regime was that the capital of the
country should have one club and one club only, this club was planned to be AS Roma. A
historical rivalry was born, but that didnt mean that the ideology change too much.
The Irriducibili as a group was found years later, in 1987, as a unification of other groups
from the Curva Nord in the Stadio Olimpico of Rome18. The group developed right wing
tendencies on their discourse, using football culture as very effective instrument for political
issues. The group developed their organization even to detain their on radio broadcast.
Until the emergence of our group, everyone thought that the typical Ultra was an
imbecile who goes to the stadium to watch the match, perhaps drunk and seeking
violence. We want to send a message to the public; the Irriducibili showed the public
that Ultras can think beyond football. We did this firstly with our fanzine and then
with our radio broadcast. Via these tools we can express our opinions and defend
ourselves from media attacks; this was the main reason why we started radio
broadcasting. The fanzine pushed the Irriducibili thought at the games, our radio show
keeps it alive all week. We wanted to underline that the Irriducibili are Lazio Ultras
but they are also citizens wishing to have their opinions heard. We have been pioneers;
we tried to make other Ultras realize that we are a potent lobby and we can make a
difference at the elections.19

17

http://www.sslazio.it/societa/storia.html
http://www.ultraslazio.it/ukstory.htm
19 Testa, A. (2009) UltraS an Emerging Social Movement, Review of European Studies
18

24

But in what direction leans the Irriducibili from Lazio? This is question can only be answer
observing their own materials in the stadium.
Here are some examples to illustrate their right-wing tendencies;

20

Nationalism is the main characteristic, and it is obvious when the Italian flag is raised in
detriment of their own club in almost every game. But when the Lazio blue and white colours
appear, they come on German terms revoking the old Reichsadler (the german Imperial
Eagle) or the Wehrmacht. Lazio also has an Eagle as their symbol and logo, but the
Irriducibili plays with this symbology adapting to their own political terms.

21

Even their own football heroes could fall in the same discourse, a good case is Paolo Di
Canio; who before he became a Lazio professional football player, was an active ultra with
20
21

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
25

the Irriducibili. He has a tattoo on his back with the same eagle with the portrait of Benito
Mussolini as the Il Duce. Di Canio was also praised by the Irriducibili by celebrating with
them the saluto romano (fascist salute) as a Lazio professional player. He became a cult hero.
His name can be found in banners, flags and shirts among the Irriducibili ultras, even after his
retirement.

22

As the German player Miroslav Klose was transferred to Lazio, the Ultras organized a
welcome to him which could be read Klose mit uns (Klose with us) on their banners. This
was a reference to Gott mit uns (God with us), which was written on every belt of
Wehrmacht soldiers in the Second World War.

23

Thus it is no accident that Nazi-flags or Wehrmacht-flags are shown with the Irriducibili

22
23

www.reuters.com/
http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
26

during the games.

Sometimes even an explicit political party can be supported by the Ultras, like the Italian farright party Forza Nuova. Therefore the Ultras often present banners with a Forza Nuova
statement or the Celtic Cross, which is an international indication for white supremacism.

24

These are some indications that as whole the Irriducibili tend for a more exclusive right wing
views. This happens systematically as a method to avoid repression and offers a dangerous
antithesis of notions of political correctness;
The football stadium allows us to bring our battles -via the media- to 40 million
Italians. Before in the stadium you would rarely find socio-political issues raised by
Ultras. It is the only place that we can speak freely about our ideas without being
charged with subversive association. In other places we would be repressed. We are
people that do not want to be made stupid by consumerist repression, we want to discuss
and to confront. The stadium ends are ours and here we can express who we are and
impose our rules. We go to the stadium and articulate our ideas because the State does
not allow the individual to freely speak out because of rampant political correctness. 25

4.1.2. Ultras Sur (Real Madrid Club de Ftbol)

Real Madrid is one of the main forces in the world of football; one of the most successful
clubs in the history of the game. But for many years this success was directly sponsored by
the power of the state, which was Franco. During Francos military dictatorship Real Madrid
dominated Spanish and European Football, winning most of the domestic titles and a number
24
25

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
Testa, A. (2009) UltraS an Emerging Social Movement, Review of European Studies
27

turned into this hegemonic force in Spanish football, winning most of the domestic titles, but
also wining European Cups as well.
This club basically invented the conception of bringing international superstars. Throughout
the Franco era Real Madrid was already importing major international players, like the
Argentine hero Alfredo Di Stfano or the Hungarian legend Ferenc Pusks.
All this success came with a price, which was the full and blind support of the regime. Even
in current years this influences Real Madrid fans. The club was the personification of the
central Spanish state in detriment of other autonomist regions, like Catalonia with the FC
Barcelona, the Basque country with Atletico de Bilbao or Galicia with Celta de Vigo.

26

And thats why the Spanish flag will be a repetitious theme with the Real Mardrid Ultras , the
Ultras Sur. Spanish Nationalism and specially Franquismo would be their main core ideology
(Spaaij, 2006). For the Ultras Sur, their club is the best personification the Spanish central
state, and to show that nothing is better than Spanish national symbols.

27

26
27

http://ultrassur88.blogspot.de/
http://ultrassur88.blogspot.de/
28

The Ultras Sur is an old group found in the early 80s 28, but with the increased of contacts
with other right wing groups across Europe, they start incorporating the iconography of more
northern European right wing movements, like Scandinavian gods or the Celtic cross for
white supremacism. This becomes a little problematic, for instance, when a huge Norse god
like Odin is displayed in a major Ultra Sur choreographic for an Iberian crowd. This type of
behavior only helps them to alienate themselves to rest of the regular real Madrid fans.
In some other examples, the Ultras Sur even translated into Spanish and used as fence banner
the old Gott mit uns (God with us) Wehrmacht soldiers belt buckles slogan, Dios con
nosotros. Its even possible to spot in the Ultras Sur section of the stadium a flag from a
German far-right political party, the NPD (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands). All
this create a narrative for expanding and incorporating far-right rhetoric from other European
countries, not just Spanish right-wing tendencies, but European.

29

Graffiti is also ultra material to be observed, in this two cases the name of the group is painted
with the old German SS (Schutzstaffel paramilitary organization) with sig runes. This is no
coincidence; this is just another systemic use of far-right symbols as a method of group
identity (Spaaij, 2006).

30

28
29

http://www.ultras-sur.es/index.php/historia
http://ultrassur88.blogspot.de/
29

4.1.3. Ultras Legia Warszawa (Legia Warsaw)

Legia Warsaw is one the oldest club in Polish Football found in 1916 by the Polish Army.
The club was relative successful, wining the Polish championship 10 times, despite the
allegations of corruption and match fixing especially in 1993 (Wilson, 2006). The club had
always a strong and faithful fan base.
Like most east European ultras, among Legia fans right wing views are common. There is a
claim that they used the club as a platform to resist communism during the 80s, which makes
very difficult to prove since Legia was a club back by the army, and even their own stadium is
the Polish Army Stadium. If it was true or false this is total irrelevant today, because the
main current discourse among Legia ultras is an aggressive language for anti-communism.
What makes the Legia case interesting is the use of Roman Catholic symbols with their
choreographies. In the first example below is possible to read God, save the fanatics with
the main picture of Jesus Christ in middle of the display. And in the second example it was
used when Legia won the Polish Cup, the display reads Habemus Campione in a direct
allusion to the pope election announcement Habemus Papam! ("We Have a Pope! in Latim),
but with Legia Ultras it becomes we have a Champion.

31

This is a detail that should not be ignored, Poland still one the major Catholic countries in the
world and this type of display makes them very charismatic with the rest of the regular fans.
But this doesnt happen in a vacuum; Catholicism played a major role against communism in
Poland, from the election of a Polish Pope, Karol Wojtya, to the full catholic support of the
Solidarno trade unions. Legia Ultras reproduce a very similar political narrative, the fight
against communism, and their own group identify is shaped on that.
30
31

http://ultrassur88.blogspot.de
http://jp85.pl/
30

Here is how ideology is really shaped, in the radical right-wing approach against their own
communist past, Legia Ultras embrace anything on this extreme direction. In the banners
below the message could not be so clear. First a double negation principle appears with
100% anti-antifa, for them, in this extreme right-wing narrative, Anti-fascism is just another
word for communism. This is not use to avoid repression, because there is no fear in the use
of the word fascism, there are other worse examples for that. Openly Racist banners like
White-Power standard with Ku Klux Klan portraits are commonly used. Even anti-semitism
could appear, associating the term Jew or the David star as a direct insult to the figure of the
other.

32

Another interesting observation about Legia Ultras, is related to their influence in the club. In
a Cup final game between Legia and Ruch Chorzw, where Legia won the game 3 0, and
were declared Cup winners, the first fan to get personally the cup in his own hands by the
captain of the team was Piotr Staruchowicz, the Legia Ultras capo (leader)33. This is not just a
direct recognition of their influence by the other fans, but also by the players, and the club
that allow it.

34

32

http://jp85.pl/
http://www.ultras-tifo.net/photo-news/849-legia-warszawa-ruch-chorzow-24042012.html
34 http://jp85.pl
31
33

4.2 Left-wing Ultras

Left-wing Ultras have a basically a different model, mixing, depending on the group, very
distinct types of political orientations. Anarchism, socialism, communism, environmentalism,
feminism, and many other type of progressive ideas are shared as the common values in this
family of Ultras.
Left-wing ultras tend to a more inclusive, comprehensive and broader view of what the fancommunity should be or look like. So what connects them is basically the resistance to the
opposite view of this model; Reactionary ideas like, fascism, racism, sexism, anti-semitism,
homophobia or other types of discrimination or exploitation are automatically rejected by leftwing ultras, unifying the group or the groups in a common antifascist collective identity.
They even found their own ultra international forum, the Alerta network, which was founded
in 2007 (Kuhn, 2011). Different left-wing ultra groups can meet, exchange experiences and
organize combine actions in multiple countries across Europe using this network.
Across the continent a solidarity model is expanded based on the struggle against a common
enemy; Fascism in Football Culture.

35

35

Ultras Inferno 96, Standard de Lige, http://www.ui96.net/Ultra_Inferno_96

32

4.2.1. Ultr Sankt Pauli (Fuball-Club St. Pauli)

FC St.Pauli is a small alternative club located on the red light district of Hamburg. The club
had never had the same football achievements as the city rival, Hamburger SV. But what
made FC St.Pauli so interesting and internationally recognized was never their Football
results, but instead the behavior of the fans.
The club was a standard traditional club in German football until the high infusion of local
punks and rockers from the red light district in the mid-1980s. The change on fan demography
made FC St. Pauli a cult club not just in Hamburg, but also all over the country. These fans
from other youth sub-cultures brought in the club their political views changed the tone of the
terraces, and even changing the symbols of the club. Even an alternative flag for the club was
designed; the punk rock Skull and crossbones flag (Nagel, 2009).
FC St.Pauli turned a pirate flag as their own flag. In the beginning the traditional old fans
didnt understand the arrival of the new alternative fans on their terraces (Nagel, 2009). But
they coexisted and the narrative was gradually changing inside the club, as the board started
listening to the loud voices of the new fans. The club pioneered the political bans on racist
and xenophobic chants, something that is a current discussion with senior FIFA and UEFA
officials to adopt worldwide. 36
Their ultra group, Ultr Sankt Pauli, is a relative young group. Most of the German groups
are recent when compared to their Italian predecessors; the oldest German ultra groups were
formed in the late 90s. The USP (Ultr Sankt Pauli) was formed in the beginning of the new
millennium, founded in 2002.
The USP could not make their political positions so clear; almost every material has a straight
up anti-fascist, anti-racist or anti-sexist connotation. Punks, artists, skinheads, rockers, mods,
headbangers, and almost ever every single youth subculture group is represented inside the
south stand where the USP watches the games.
The ultra culture in St.Pauli is literary a mosaic of many other youth sub-cultures. This is
what makes the Ultr Sankt Pauli a left wing group that embraces an inclusive view of
football culture.
36

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/sport/football/european/10078930/Fifa-to-introducemandatory-five-match-ban-for-racism-and-points-deductions-for-clubs.html
33

Anti-fascism is a common choreographies theme with the Ultr Sankt Pauli. They repeatedly
use the old logo with two flags from the 1932 german Anti-Fascist Action, one flag is red
symbolizing the communists and socialists, and a second black flag is in reference to the
anarchists. This is was a common tactics with popular front to unify progressives in a
common struggle against fascists in the streets (Rosenhaft, 2008).
The Ultr Sankt Pauli follows very similar tactics; it is possible to unify different ideologies
with a common cause. The Anti-Fascist Action logo is often adapted to the use of different
choreographies on the terraces.

37

Stickers are also form of street art commonly use by ultras to demarcate stadium areas and
away trip to different cities. It is important to analyze is just the use of stickers and graffiti as
forms of group territoriality, but the message itself. A common mistake is to ignore these
small messages that could help drawing the big picture. In those cases the Ultr Sankt Pauli
mix old socialist propaganda (the Marx, Engels, Lenin portrait on a red flag) with football, the
text reads Class struggle now, St Pauli back to the 1st division.

38

37
38

http://usp.stpaulifans.de/
http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
34

In this second case, the sticker reads kein mensch ist illegal (No Human Being is Illegal) on
the Ultr Sankt Pauli colours (Brown, white and red) forming a typical ultra bar-pattern,
commonly use on flags and banners. If the observer is not alert the reaction would be that this
is just another football fan sticker, ignoring the real message of solidarity with the ones in
constant risk of deportation.

39

Clothing, like a simple t-shirt, can also be an indicative of ideological orientation. In this case
the Capo (ultra leader) with the megaphone in his hands, is wearing a very indicative message
that reads, warning, left curve. Ultr Sankt Pauli. This could be argue in a moment of
repression that is just a traffic sign shirt, but any active member of the ultra scene knows
what that really means, its a left wing political statement for a colorful and dynamic terrace.

40

39

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
35

4.2.2. Green Brigade (Celtic Football Club)

The Celtic Football Club is a Scottish football club founded by and for Irish immigrants.
(Wagg, 2002).

The club has an impressive record and has dominated Scottish football

together with their counterpart city rivals the Rangers Football Club. Football in Scotland
became almost a duopoly between these two clubs.
Celtic and its fans is a direct result of the big Irish Diaspora caused by the Great Famine of
Ireland during the 1840s. The club was founded in 1887 as a charity for poor Irish
immigrants, and thats a legacy that no Celtic fan can ignore or forget about it (Coogan,
2002).
Its simplistic to resume the Celtic fan identity to religion, of course that religion always plays
a role in shaping common values, but in Celtic FC case, Irish republicanism is the main player
on that issue (Mangan, 1995). In a Celtic FC game it is way more common to hear Irish folk
or rebel IRA songs than any catholic reference. So, its not religion, but politics that guide
Celtic fans.
The Celtic Football Club has also their own ultra group, the Green Brigade. Founded in 2006
is one the first ultra groups in the British islands. Despite the relative new formation this
group respects the Irish republican traditional and combines with broader left wing politics
from the ultra international forum, the Alerta network. Here are two choreographies from this
group, the first case it is an anti-racist display, Celtic people against racism and in the
second one, it is a coordinated Alerta network campaign in solidarity with refugees across
Europe.

41

40
41

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
http://ultras-celtic.com/
36

Anti-fascist icons are also adapted by the Green Brigade; the Anti-Fascist Action logo appears
in flags and banners, but with Celtic or Irish republican colours. In the case below even the
German multinational corporation Adidas, could be a target for political satire. The Adidas
logo is turned into antifas (antifascists) painted in green and white for a banner.

42

The Green Brigade express the own political tendencies even with their own words, they
define themselves as a politically orientated Ultras group;
As a politically orientated Ultras group, the use of banners, tifo and pyro, both home
and away, are fundamental to our presence at matches. The continuation, in some cases
resurrection, of Celtic and traditional Irish songs are also at the heart of the group.
Despite problems in the past from police, security and the club in their attempts to
curtail and water us down, the Green Brigade continues to enjoy the support and
backing of the Celtic support on the whole. This has allowed the group to flourish with
popularity rising each year.43 (Green Brigade, 2013)
Politics is not played here as backdoor for something, but instead is played in the front. There
is a clear program here that combines Irish republicanism with left wing politics for national
liberation. This is not just facing the Scottish or the Irish case, but also Europe, almost with an
internationalist spirit.

42
43

http://ultras-celtic.com/
http://ultras-celtic.com/blog/?page_id=760
37

Written banners are also an Ultra tool. It comes down to a simple paper roll 80 cm wide and a
few feet long, where it is written anything that the group thinks is necessary. Cheaper if its
use from recyclable materials and disposable after its done. The messages are raised by the
fans for a few minutes several times during the match.
Those written banner are great clues to identity the political tendencies of each group and a
great method for the groups to exchange public message with each other. In first example
bellow the Green Brigade express solidarity with the Basque Country in their fight for
independency. The message reads the Basque country does not walk alone mixing green
(Celtic) and red (Basque Country) letters in a reference to their own Celtic Football Club
anthem youll never walk alone.
The second didnt even happen in Scotland, but in Spain instead with another left wing group
that wanted to express solidarity with the Green Brigade. The banned was done by the Madrid
based group Bukaneros, an Ultra group from the Vallekas district club Rayo Vallecano. The
message reads From Vallekas to Glasgow, Solidarity with the Green Brigade, Football
without fans is nothing. This is a living evidence the ultras can express international
solidarity across European borders.

44

The Green Brigade is a good case study for an inclusive, comprehensive and broader view of
what the fan-community should be or look like. The evidence could not be so clear, is just a
matter of observing how solidarity could be expand, not just internally to your own fellow
fans and compatriots, but also transcending national boundaries towards other ultra groups
and fans across the whole continent.

44

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
38

4.2.3. Original 21 (AEK Athens F.C.)

AEK Athens is club founded by refugees from the Greco-Turkish War of 19191922. The
club was established in 1924 by expatriates from Constantinople, that after the conflict were
forced to migrate back to Athens in the 1923 population exchange between Greece and
Turkey. The name AEK is a direct reference to their old city, Athletic Union of
Constantinople Football Club.
Those places now belong to modern-day Istanbul, their previous inhabitants migrating
'back' to Greece in the wake of the Greco-Turkish War, a historical event referred to by
Greeks as the Asia Minor Catastrophe. It was back in Greece where former members of
Constantinopolitan athletic clubs such as Megas Alexandros and Pera would form
modern-day AEK Athens in 1924. (Paraskevas, 2013)
Trauma and tragedy are the foundations of AEK fans and this true even according to their
own history book;
Athletic Union of ConstantinopleA club, an initiative of a group of refuges from
Constantinople, only two years after the Destruction of 1922. The need for the creation
of a cultural spine, a body that would soothe the sorrows, unite their dreams and give
them back their lost pride, seemed immeasurably greater than the need for daily
survival.45
As sons of refugees, AEK fans had to face their own discriminations in their adopted new
home of Athens. This is the main discourse played by their fans and their Ultra Group, the
Original 21.
The group is one the oldest in Europe formed in mid 70s, in gate number 21 of their original
stadium, the Nikos Goumas Stadium. This gate was where the toughest fans used the gathered
before the games, this myth influence the name of the group that carried on.
AEK had a relative successful results in Greek football wining the national title 11 times, but
was always considered the smaller club from Athens, living in the shadow of the bigger clubs
like Panathinaikos FC and Olympiacos FC.

45

http://www.aekfc.gr/index.asp?a_id=3025
39

The Original 21 is the ultra personification to the refugee trauma, with the Greek migration to
rest of Europe and North America the group has form charters all across those continents.
Migration and Racism became a real issue inside the group. Fight all forms of Racism is a
banner commonly use by the group in AEK games, as a reminder of their own lives and
history.

46

The Original 21, like other Greek groups, is present in other sports as well, like basketball for
instance. In this example below, they even use a Bob Marley song in their Choreography,
"Get Up, Stand Up" with the Rastafari movement colours green, yellow and red, despite the
fact the those are not the AEK colours, which are the traditional black and yellow worn since
1924.

47

46

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
40

The Original 21 even formed their own left wing European ultra alliance with other clubs.
The groups involved were the Commando Ultra 84 from the Olympique de Marseille in
France, the Brigate Autonome Livornesi from Livorno in Italy, the already discussed Ultr
Sankt Pauli from Germany and the Biris Norte group from Sevilla FC in Spain. This Graffiti
in Athens shows this cross-section European left wing alliance48.

49

4.3 Right and Left wing Ultras in the same club

In an uncommon way its even possible for ultra groups from the two distinct ideological
models coexist and support the same club. This is only possible if they are completed isolated
from each other in different sectors of the stadium. If they are put together in the same block
the natural tendency is the open conflict.
Its extremely difficult to avoid the direct conflict in the long term when this case happens,
the different groups will naturally search for the own hegemony inside the stadium, and
everything in the end would turn into an aggressive game of correlation of forces inside the
same club, fans and stadium. Eventually one model will prevail in detriment of the other.

47

http://www.original21volosclub.com/gallery/photos/
http://www.commandoultra84.com/index2.php?content=liens
49 http://www.commandoultra84.com/index2.php?content=photos
48

41

4.3.1 Kop of Boulogne vs. Virage Auteuil (Paris Saint-Germain F.C.)

A good example of right and left wing Ultras inside the same club was Paris Saint-Germain
FC. The club is a relative new one, founded in 1970 as a merge of other Parisian football
clubs. Even though Paris is the capital of the country, the club could never face the other
major powers in French football like Saint-tienne, Marseille, Nantes, Monaco or Lyon.
Two major ultra groups were formed in Paris that supported the same club. The right wing
Kop of Boulogne and the left wing multicultural Virage Auteuil. This was only possible,
because of their localization inside the stadium.
Boulogne are located in the south stand of Parc Des Princes, stadium of Paris Saint
Germain. They members are well known as nationalists, and the group has an old and
long history Auteuil, the northern stand of Parc Des Princes, has bigger number of
black and Arabian members. In this part of the stadium you find groups as Supras
Auteuil, Lutece Falco, Authentiks and so on. 50
The Ultra materials of both groups are also very different on their messages, even supposing
they are supporting the same club and players. In the Kop of Boulogne French national flags
or Celtic crosses are shown with a predominately white demography, on the other hand, the
Virage Auteuil prioritize adapted Paris Saint-Germain logos on their banners, mixing them
with multicultural symbols.

51

But the unavoidable could not be stopped. In 2010 an openly violent conflict happened
between the two groups, resulting in one death and major police restrains on the Parisian ultra
scene. 52
50

http://www.ultras-tifo.net/news/121-rip-yann.html
http://www.ultras-tifo.net/
52 http://www.ultras-tifo.net/news/140-situation-for-paris-supporters.html
51

42

5. The common struggle against Modern Football

Although Football Ultras could have very different visions about themselves and how
Football culture should be, they apparently believe in a common enemy; Modern Football.
This is well described in the Italian Ultra Manifesto;
It is time all football fans understood what UEFA, FIFA and the TV stations are all
doing with our sport with the active support of the national associations. They want a
Europa league, which would ensure that clubs have a huge income through the
marketing of the TV rights, but the smaller clubs would be excluded and financially
ruined in the long term. The number of TV viewers would no doubt go up but stadium
football in its original form would gradually disappear. In a few years, even the pitches
in the stadiums would be spoiled with the sponsors advertising and choreographed
displays would be prohibited because they draw the viewers attention away from the
advertising boards. There would be hundreds of stewards in the stands and the fans
would be videoed throughout the stadium to prevent big flags, banners or fireworks
getting inside. And in a few years time, even the clothing on our players bodies would
look like the suits of Formula 1 drivers, with every spot covered by advertising. The
future is already taking shape in the minds of the football bosses. They want tamed fans
who spread an atmosphere that is moderately exuberant but whose enthusiasm only goes
so far as is necessary as a background to the television broadcast, and they want them to
applaud obediently when asked to do so but otherwise sit still in their seats. There will
not be any room for Ultras any more. There is a UEFA directive that says fans have to
be seated. They do not want any fans who become actively involved in the game; they
want the kind of spectators who meet in a cinema or theatre. These people do not
understand that football is our life, that we live for our club and that we wear scarves
and clothing that represent our town or region. All the terraces in the world should stand
together and form a powerful majority against the football factory.53

Left wing ultras see this over commercialization of football as a threat to the popular aspect
of the game. The expensive entrance tickets for instance and the overpaid superstar players
could exclude, in the future, the poor working class from the terraces, making this whole new
process an elitist project. This is how a left wing French ultra describes this issue;
53

Pilz, Gunter (2009) Overview of the Ultra culture phenomenon, Council of Europe
43

Football could very well become a privilege of the rich, with twenty or should I say
Fourteen? teams competing in the same obscenely advertised competion, preferably
on a quarterly basis to generate more money. 54
Right wing ultras also see Modern Football as a threat or a menace to the purity of the
game. They believe that it is necessary to implement an intense struggle for the return of
golden age, where, in their own views, football was pure and romantic. This is how a right
wing Croatian ultra describes the same problem;
Were against modern football, you know. Like, creating a festival where people bring
their kids and eat burgers. Were against that, the whole spectacle of Champions league.
We just dont want to happen to our club. We dont want to become a place where away
fans can feel like nothings going to happen to them. Like they can just eat popcorn and
wear a Red Star jersey Thats never gonna happen here. 55

Both sides converge to a very critical position of what is acclaimed by FIFA and UEFA
officials as the future of the game. The ultra subculture will tend to resist those commercial
inclinations on how Football is managed and governed across Europe.

6. Conclusion
Its clear that is not possible to build Europe without solidarity. Once a constitutional
community extends beyond the boundaries of a single state, solidarity among citizens who are
willing to support each other should expand to keep pace with it (Habermas, 2011).

Football fans can be shown as good evidence that this expansion of solidarity is possible and
could be materialized. Football fan culture is just another European identity marker, which
can be utilize for a more inclusive political discourse. The main fact is that the Ultras are in
the vanguard of this process of replacing new identities.

54

Kuhn, Gabriel (2011) Soccer vs. the State: Tackling Football and Radical Politics, Pm

Press
55

Utton, Dominic (2008) The Real Football Factories, John Blake Publishing Ltd
44

Each particular Ultra group across the continent is shaping new narratives, sometimes in a
more inclusive direction, but some other times in a more exclusive behavior. The future is
unwritten for each case. It would be a naive stretch to qualify the Ultras as an European
movement, but it would be a mistake to ignore their influence in Football Culture.
The only way out of this debilitating deadlock is for Europe to resuscitate its legacy of
radical and universal emancipation. The task is to move beyond mere tolerance of others
to a positive emancipatory Leitkultur which can sustain authentic co-existence. Don't
just respect others, offer a common struggle, since our problems today are common.
(Zizek , 2011)
The ultra subculture is the perfect incarnation of this emancipatory Leitkultur. It gives a
direction to people and offers something that they really care so much about it to fight for.
The challenge is to substitute the old exclusive nationalism that are applied to countries or
states for a more progressive local identity, the city patriotism (Bell and de-Shalit ,2011).
The major difference between Nation-State nationalism and city patriotism is that cities
dont have armies. Football ultras cannot raise professional armed forces to defend their clubs
and cities. That makes city patriotism and the ultra club identity less dangerous than the old
nation-state primordial narrative.

An ultra group is a quasi-vanguard organization that guides and shapes football masses
according to their levels of influence on the terraces. This guiding and shaping of identity
should never be ignored. It is this conduct which solidarity could be expanded or shrunk
depending on the group or the situation.
Claudio Tamburrine, an Argentine philosopher, writer, and ex-goal-keeper, who was
imprisoned, says: Sports is a powerful political weapon, we should never surrender it
into enemy hands. (Kuhn, 2011)

This is Football on its core; a passion that should never be left underestimated or minimized
by anyone. Football culture and its ultras are potential instruments of mass mobilization that
shapes and sometimes replaces important social identities.

45

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Galeano, Eduardo (1995) : Football in Sun and Shadow, Verso

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