Musl. World Bk. Rev .. 14. no. 2.

1994

Shawkat M. Toorawa

RRALL/University of Pennsy Ivania

ARABICUS FELIX: LUMINOSUS BRITANNICUS. ESSAYS IN

HONOUR OF A.F.L. BEESTON ON HIS EIGHTIETH BIRTHDAY.
Ed. Alan Jones. (Oxford Oriental Institute Monographs No. II.) Published
for the Board of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, by
Ithaca Press: 8 Richmond Road, Exeter EX4 4JA, UK, 1991. pp.vi+239.
25.00 (HB). ISBN 0 86372 145 1.
A.F.L. Beeston, formerly Laudian Professor of Arabic at Oxford and a
leading British Arabist, played a pioneering role in the study of pre-Islamic
South Arabian epigraphy. His scholarship and leadership in the "field of
Arabic studies is well recognized by colleagues, friends and pupils alike.
That this is the case is evident, besides other instances, from the fact that the
present volume is a second festschrift presented to him, the first being
Sayhadica. Indeed, the editor of this volume hopes that a third may even
come out in the next 10 years or so.
Arabicus Felix contains 16 articles in addition to a personal introduction
and an envoi. The editor tells us that the contributors were asked to write on
topics which they thought would be of interest to the honouree.
Accordingly, four broad areas are covered with an uneven distribution of
essays in each area: Yemen, Classical Arabic Language and Literature,
Modem Arabic Literature, and Semitica. As space does not permit the
reviewer to comment on each article, I will limit myself t9 a few, chosen
arbitrarily, on the theme of medieval scholarship.
.
In A Latin Lament on the Prevalence of Arabic in the Ninth-Century
Islamic Cordova', David J. Wasserstein presents a new translation of the
ambiguous Latin passage by the zealot writer Alvarus of Cordova. His
translation certainly gives a better sense of the passage in question than
those who translated it before, but one of his comments on the expansion of
Arabic in ninth-century Islamic Spain is open to question. He doubts
whether the number of Arabic speakers in Islamic Spain at this time, Le. one

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Must. World Bk. Rev., 14, no. 2, 1994

and a half centuries after the Muslim conquest, was very large (pA). It is
hard to understand why the number of Arabic speakers among the educated
classes could not have been large after one and a half centuries of Muslim
rule in Spain. It is natural that the language of the ruling class was dominant,
and local people (Muslims, Christians and Jews) learnt that language. By
looking at the colonial history of the eighteenth to early twentieth centuries
one can easily see how rapidly English, French and Spanish spread among
the colonized peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Unlike these
colonialists, Muslims went to Spain not just to rule the country but to settle
there as well. Thus, the possibility of spreading their language was even
greater.
Paul Dresch in his article 'The Tribes of Hashid wa-Bakil as Historical
and Geographical Entities' investigates the 'mode of change in the tribal
divisions of northern Yemen. Since the time of al-HamadhanI (lOth
century) a noticeable transition took place in the formation of these tribes,
ordered not on the basis of kinship but of shared ancestry. Thus 'men are
simply' 'brothers" in a section, sections are' 'brothers" in a tribe, and all
are "from one ancestor" (min jadd walJ.id).' From time to time various
weaker tribes merged with stronger ones, but they neither moved as a whole
from their geographical locations nor did they lose their separate entity
within the tribe they merged with. In the course of time when such tribes
re-emerged, they did so either under their old name or filled in some
pre-existing categories at the middle of the tribal genealogy. The modem
tribes of 1::Iashld wa-Bakil is an example of such a case; they are not listed by
al-Hamadhani but their existence in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times is
well attested.
Based on contemporary Yemenite usage of the term hijra, which
basically means a protected enclave in the tribal territory, R.B. Serjeant, J.
Chelhod and G. Puin assumed that the term hijra in this particular meaning
must be a pre~Islamic tribal institution, and suggested that the hijra of the
Prophet Mul)ammad to Madina be reassessed in the way of Madinan tribal
protection rather than in the way of immigration. Opposing this view,
Wilferd Madelung in his article, 'The Origins of the Yemenite Hijra,'
successfully demonstrates that use of .the term hijra in the meaning of a
protected enclave in the tribal territory is not pre-Islamic but rather a
medieval Islamic concept. The very concept of hijra was introduced in
Yemen by the Zaydi Shi'ites to denote the sense of 'immigration from the
land of the "sinners and oppressors" " by which they meant the Sunni
rulers. Even in the three extant slras ofZaydI imams, written in the 4th/10th
century, the term hijra was used in this latter sense, not as a protected
enclave in the tribal territory. It was only in the 5th/II th century, during the
period of Isma'ili ~ulayl)id domination in Yemen, that the term hijra was
first applied to specific locations. The present reviewer wants to add to
Madelung's argument that no specific territory was assigned to the Prophet
and his Makkan followers when they emigrated to Madina. Thus the hijra as
a locality makes no sense in the case of the Prophet Mul)ammad (peace be
upon him). Moreover, numerous references to hijra in the Qur'an and the
Traditions of the Prophet make it clear that the hijra means al-hijrah ila
Allah wa-rasulih (emigration in the cause of Allah and His Messenger), not
to a protected enclave.

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Musl. World Bk. Rev., 14, no. 2,1994

In 'al-TaniikhI's al-Faraj ba'd al-shidda as a Literary Source' Julia

Ashtiany, following A.F.L. Beeston, demonstrates parallels between three
stories of al-TaniikhI's al-Faraj ba'd al-shidda and a particular maqiima of
BadI' aI-Zaman al-HamadhanI - the maqiima ma4frah. Besides these three
stories, five others (all from al-Faraj) are also presented in translation in
support of her argument. The method of translation, however, is open to
question in the sense that it does not closely follow the text. Moreover, in a
study which shows parallels the stories of only one side, i.e. al-Faraj, are
presented in translation, while the other side (i.e. maqiima ma4frah) is left
without even mentioning that a reliable English translation is available for
interested readers. The present reviewer is also puzzled by the comment that
'al-Faraj ba'd al-shidda is an inherently problematic source by virtue of
that fluidity. Nevertheless, we must remember that al-Faraj ba'd al-shidda
is not [italics mine] in the first instance a source, but a user of sources'
(p.121). The statement is self contradictory. Moreover, Julia Ashtiany
recognizes that Abu al-Faraj al-I~fahanI's Kitiib al-Aghiinf is a source
(p.l15). If so then why not al-Faraj ba'd al-shidda? Both works were
collected and classified in the same manner, hence they deserve the same
status.
C.E. Bosworth assesses the value of Gharas al-Ni'ma Hilal al-~abi"s
Kitiib al-Hafawiit al-niidira as a source of Buyid (social) history. The
prominence ofthe ~abi' family as physicians, then as high-ranking officials
and literary men under the' Abbasids and Buyids lasted for 11 generations.
This is a remarkable' achievement as the glory of most such families in
medieval Muslim history did not extend beyond three or four generations.
The first five generations of the family served the 'Abbasids without
changing their faith from the old religion. It was only in the sixth generation
that Gharas al-Ni'ma's father, Abu al-I:Iusayn Hila! ibn al-Mu~assin
al-~abi', converted to Islam. Gharas al-Ni'ma was born of his father's
Muslim wife whom he had taken after his conversion. Thus, he was the first
generation of Muslims in the family born of Muslim parents.
Being a high official in the Buyid bureaucracy and having access to the
state archives, Gharas al-Ni'ma had first-hand knowledge of the many
events which took place in his time. Unfortunately his History, which was a
continuation of his father's work, is lost except for excerpts quoted by other
historians. But his literary work, Kitiib al-Hafawiit al-niidira, has survived
complete. The work comprises 405 anecdotes 'all on the basic theme of
errors and solecisms committed by intelligent, normally prudent persons, or
the blunders of negligent, heedless persons most of whom are usually
profoundly embarassed [sic] when they realise the inappropriateness or
inauspiciousness of their hasty words or actions' (p.134). Like the N ishwiir
al-mu~ii4ara of al-TaniikhI, from which Gharas al-Ni'ma has frequently
quoted, the anecdotes of Kitiib al-Hafawiit al-niidira, especially those
concerned with the Buyid period (which amount to roughly a quarter of the
total number) contain valuable information on social, economic and
political events of the period. In spite of the literary garments of these
anecdotes their historical value is well attested by other contemporary
works.
In 'The Rasii' if of BadI' aI-Zaman al-HamadhanI', D.S. Richards points
out that in spite of the wide popularity of HamadhanI's Maqiimiit, his

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Mus/. World Bk. Rev .. 14, no. 2,1994

Rasii'il (i.e. collected letters) is largely neglected by modern scholars. The

reason for such negligence is not incomprehensible: 'The language is
difficult and obscure, the imagery and the allusions are often tortuous, and
the editions ... are unsatisfactory' (p.142). Even so any attempt to grasp ~he
contents of these letters will be rewarding as they are full of information on
social, economic and political events during the career of HamadhanI. The
authenticity of such information is beyond doubt as these are 'real letters
written to real people'. Information on various kinds of legal and extra-legal
taxes, social unrest, the activities of the vagabonds (' Ayyarfm?), the
oppression of tax collectors, the military activities of Sultan Mal)miid of
Ghazna, are some of the headings on which plenty of information can be
extracted from these letters.
Richards raises the issue of HamadhanI's connection with the Isma'IlIs.
In Jurjan, according to al-Tha'aJibI, HamadhanI spent some time in their
association. Although a number of scholars are of the opinion that the
Isma'IlIs of Jurjan were part of the Isma'IlI sect, Richards rightly points out
that these JurjanI Isma'I1Is were a major family of SunnI Shafi'I scholars.
Regrettably, he does not explain, even in a footnote, why this family was so
named, except referring to al-Sam'anI's Kitiib al-Ansiib which general
readers will find too much to consult. HamadhanI's letters clearly show that
he had no patience with the violent and disruptive elements in society. He
considered various extreme groups as a potential danger to the stability of
urban life. He even organized a movement of notables to put down such
elements. Thus, it is highly unlikely that he would have associated himself
with an extreme group like the Isma'I1Is (as they were considered at that
time). Moreover, as Richards makes his point, if Tha'alibI had wished to
refer to the Isma'IlI sect, he would have called them, according to the norm
of his time, al-Batiniyya rather than al-Isma'Iliyya.
Altogether the volume presents fine pieces of scholarship which befit a
presentation to a scholar who devoted his entire career to the study of the
Arabic language, its literature and culture. Despite a few printing errors,
such as 'embarassed' for 'embarrassed' (p.134), 'ones,' for 'ones.' (p.134),
'goodly' for 'godly' (p. 146), the volume is very nicely produced.

Muhammad aI-Faruque

University of Toronto,
Canada

EAST OF WIMBLEDON. By Nigel Williams. Faber & Faber: 3 Queen

Square, London WCIN 3AU, UK, 1993. 14.95 (HB).
Conspicuously advertised across south London, it is hard not to feel curious
about Nigel Williams' latest novel; particularly on noticing the word 'East'
and the familiar crescent and star on those very advertisements.
James Woodall of The Independent on Sunday. titled his review of the
novel as 'Fatwa in South London'. He describes Williams as straying onto
'very dangerous terrain' (p.29, 18.7.93), by drawing a parallel to the
infamous affair of that other novelist, who also strayed onto very dangerous
terrain, and who it is needless for me to name here. Significantly the issue
which Woodall raises and which I will underline - and which rather

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