A History of The Jewish People in The Time of Jesus Christ - Volume 2 (Emil Schürer) PDF

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LIBRARY
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
SANTA BARBARA
PRESENTED BY
MRS. MACKINLEY HELM
A HISTOEY
OF
THE JEWISH PEOPLE

IN
THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST.
EMIL SCHEE11,
D.D.,
M.A.,
PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE UXn-EUSITY OF GTESSEX.
Being a Second and Revised Edition of a "Manual of

the History of Mew Testament Times."
jfirst Division.
POLITICAL HISTOEY OF PALESTINE, EKOM
B.C. 175
TO
A.D.
TBANSLATED BY
REV. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A.
VOL. IL
NPJW YORK:
CHARLES S C R I R N E R
1
8 9
'
SONS.
li
5H3.
mi
V.3
CONTENTS OP DIVISION
VOL.
I.
II.
PACE
....
16
Disturbances after Herod's Death,
17.
The Sons of Herop,
(a) Philip, B.c. 4-A.L). 34,
His Territory under

(6)
(c)
Herod Antipas,
Archelaus,
tlie
Roman-,
B.c. 4-a.d.
4-a.d. 6,
B.c.
10
.10
10
.17
.38
43
90
Disorders under Caligula in Judea,
99
105
Excursus
I.
Excursus
II.
A.D, 6-41,
The Census of Quirinius,

The so-called Testimony of Josephus
.
Herod Agrippa
19.
The Roman Procurators,
19.
Supplement, Agrippa
20.
The Great War with Rome,
I.,
a.d. 37, 40, 41-44,

a.d. 44-GG,
II. , a.d.
50-100,
166
191
(1)
Outbreak and Triumph of the Revolution
The War
(3)
From
in Galilee (a.D. 67),
.207
(a.D. 66),
.
208
.218
the Subjugation of Galilee to the Siege of
Jerusalem (a.D. 68-69),

(4) Siege
.150
a.d. 66-73,
143
to Christ,
(2)
(5)
.1
Disorders under Caligula in Alexandria,
18.
21.
A.D. 34-37,
3!),
Judea under Roman Procurators,
and Conquest of Jerusalem
The Conclusion
of the
War
.227
(a.D. 70),
235
248
(a.d. 71-73),
......
......
From the Destruction op Jerusalem to the Overthrow

OF Bar-Cochba,
(1) Tlie State of Affairs in Palestine
Hadrian,
(2)The War under Trajan,

(3)
from Vespasian
A.D. 115-117,
The Great Rebellion under Hadrian,
A.D. 132-135,
257
to
257
280
287
CONTENTS OF DIVISION
viii
APPENDICES
I.
VOI.
IT,
I.-AÎII.
FACT
I.
1.
ITT.
IV.
....
History of Chalcis, Itcrea, and Abilene,

History of the Nabatean Kings,
.....
325
345
The Jewish and Macedonian Months compared with

THE Julian Calendar,
363
The Jewish Coins and Coins of the Rebellion,
378
(1) Tlie
(2)
The
v. Parallel
.383
379
Shekel
Coins of the Rebellion,
......
....
....
.....
Years of the Greek, Syrian, Roman, and
Christian Eras,
393
VI. Genealogy of the Seledcidae,
399
Genealogy of the Asmoneans,
400
VII.
VIII.
The House of Herod,

Addenda to Division
I.
Vols.
I.
and
II.,
401
403
DISTURBANCES AFTER HEROD'S DEATH,
16.
B.C
4.
Sources.
JoSEPHUS, Antiq.
xvii.
9-11
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
1-6.
Zonaras,
(summary from Josephus).

Nicolas of Damascus in Mller, Fragmenta Htoricorum Graecarum,
Annales, vi. 1-2
iii.
353
sq^.
Feder, Excerjjta Escurialensia, p. 67 sq.
Literature.
Ewald, History of Israel, v. 449-457.

Geikie, Life and Words of Chid, 7th
Grtz,
Geschichte der Juden,
Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes
4 Aufl.
Israel,
ed.,
iii.
ii.
London
1879,
pars
Menke,
qui dicitur
Magni
filiis
1873 (treats only of the events of
1,
Bibelatlas,
Bl. V.
263-272.
559-562.
ScHNECKENBURGER, Zeitgeschichte, pp. 200-203.

Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl.
Lewin, Fasti sacri ad Ann. 4.
Brann, De Herodis
i.
pp. 246-253.
i.
275-283.
fairem in imperio
secutis,
b.c. 4).
"Judea and neighbouring
countries in the
time of Christ and the Apostles."
By
named
made it
the last will of Herod, Arclielaus had been
successor on the throne.

first
Archelaus therefore
his
business to secure the emperor's confirmation of his father's
arrangement, and with this end in view he resolved to
journey to Eome.
But before he could
expedition, he had
to
The people could not

two
his
rabbis,
Archelaus
manner
on such an
stamp out a rebellion in Jerusalem.

so easily forget the execution of the
Judas and Matthias, and violently insisted that

should bring
to
punishment the counsellors of
Archelaus endeavoured
Herod.
start
make
to dissuade the people
at
first
in
from their purpose.
conciliatory
But when
he could not succeed in this way, the only result of his

DIY.
I.
VOL.
II.
THE KOMAX-IIERODIAN AGE.
2
being
proposals
increase
the
to crush the revolt
by
of
the
He
violence.
he
tumult,
resolved
accordingly sent forth a
detachment of soldiers against the people assembled in the

temple, where the people who had flocked into Jerusalem in
prospect of the approaching Passover festival were
gather at that season in great crowds.

sent
was not strong enough
masses.
the
rest,
make way
to
together with their leader, took to

to
by the people
Archelaus
flight.
out his whole fighting force
call
to
against the excited
portion of the soldiers was stoned
was now obliged
wont
But the detachment
and
only by the help of his entire army, amid great bloodshed, was
he able to put down
tlie rebellion.^
After Archelaus had thus by the exercise of force secured

quiet,
he hastened to Kome, leaving his brother Philip to act
Eome
Antipas also started for

there.
Galilee
He
in order to press his
had by the third and
and Perea, whereas
last wnll of
in
emperor that
did the kingdom properly belong.
own
claims
Herod received only
the second will he had been
He
appointed successor to the throne.

to represent to the
when
Scarcely had he gone,
as administrator of the kingdom.
to him,
therefore
and not
now wished
to Archelaus,
Many other members of the

Rome at the same time
Herodian family were also present in
Archelaus and Antipas, and these
as
against Archelaus,
should
now mostly appeared
and expressed a strong desire that Palestine
now be put under immediate Roman government
or
if
would rather have Antipas than
this could not be, then they
Archelaus.^
Hence the sons

lay,
Herod plotted and schemed against one
of
another in Rome.
Augustus, in whose hands the decision
meanwhile convoked
at his palace a consultative assembly,
which the opposing brothers were called upon to make a
at
*
Josephus, Antiq. xvii.
9. 1-.3
Josephus, A7irj. xvii.
9.
of Damascus in Mller,
iii,
3-4;
353.
Wars of
the Jews,
ii.
IFars of the Jews,
1.
ii.
1-3.
2.
1-3.
Nicolas
DISTUKBANCES AFTER IIEROD'S DEATH,
16.
statement of
spoke
on
formerly
tlieir
behalf of
to his side, partly
Damascus,
on
appeared
Herod,
Each party sought
Archelaus.
ing
of
4.
certain Antipater
Antipas, while Nicolas of
minister
the
conflicting claims.
B.C.
behalf
of
win over the emperor
to
by advancing arguments, partly by insinuat-
suspicions against his opponent.
When
Augustus had
heard both parties, he inclined more to the side of Archelaus,
and made a statement
to
ascend the royal throne.
the effect that he was most
fit
to
Yet he did not wish immediately
to decide the
matter, and so dismissed the assembly without
issuing a final
and formal judgment.^
But before the question about the succession
to the throne
had been decided in Eome, new troubles had broken out in

Soon
Judea.
after the departure
Jews had
of Archelaus the
again risen in revolt, but had been restored to quiet by Varus,
the governor of Syria.

leaving behind
him
in
Varus had then returned
to Antioch,
Jerusalem a legion to maintain order.
But scarcely had he gone when the storm broke out
afresh.
After Herod's death, pending the settlement of the question of

succession to the throne, the emperor had sent to Palestine a
But he oppressed the people
procurator, Sabinus.
sort of way,
manner.
and behaved in
Hence
it
all directions in
was that a
broke
revolt
in every
the most reckless
immediately after the withdrawal of Varus.
It
out
again
was now the
season of the Passover festival, and tlierefore crowds of people
were present in Jerusalem.
They were divided into three

Komans at the three different
great divisions, and attacked the

points
on the north of the temple, south beside the race-
course,
and on the west of the
The keenest struggle took
Komans
city
place, first of
beside the royal palace.

all,
at the temple.
The
pressed forward successfully into the temple court;
but the Jews offered a most stubborn resistance,
mounted upon
the roofs of the buildings which surround the temple court,

*
9.
5-7
JVars of the Jews,
ii.
2.
4-7.
THE KOMAN-IIEllODIAN AGE.
and hurled down
upon the
stones
roofs,
and in
temple
400
tliis
When
mount.
way succeeded
These were
soldiers.
therefore obli^'ed to have recourse to
set flames
fire,
to the
at last in reaching the temple
the longed for booty of the treasury of the
into their hands, Sbinus appropriated to himself
fell
talents.*
But
this first defeat of the
rebels
for
In Jerusalem a portion
the further spread of the rebellion.

of the soldiers of
was only the signal
Herod joined the
and consequently
rebels,
they were able to lay siege to Sabinus aud his fighting force
In the neighbourhood of Sepphoris
in the palace of Herod."
had once,
short
so
whom Herod
Hezekiah with
in Galilee, Judas, the son of that
made
number
to the great indignation of the Sanhedrim,
a process (see vol.
383), gathered a
p.
i.
about him, gained possession of the weapons stored up in the
among
royal arsenal, distributed these

able then to
liave
aimed
make
his followers,
He
Galilee unsafe.
all
is
and was
even said
to
In Perea a certain
at obtaining the royal crown.^
Simon, formerly a slave of Herod, collected a band, aud had
by
himself proclaimed king
afterwards conquered by a
Finally,
death.'
it
is
his
followers
Eoman
reported
of
but was
soon
detachment, and put to
one termed Athronges,
formerly a shepherd, that he had assumed the royal crown,
and
for a long
time, along with his four brothers, kept the
country in a ferment.''
when every one sought

for himself.
On
It
was a time
to secure
of
general upheaval,
the greatest possible benefit
was agreement
the part of the people there
only on this one point, that every one wished at any cost to
be freed from the power of the Eomans.
When Varus was

*
informed
of
these
proceedings,
Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 10. 1-2

Wars of the Jews, ii.
Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 10. 3
Wars of the Jeios, ii. 3.
Wars of the Jews, ii. 4.
;
"
Jose]jhus, Antiq. xvii. 10. 6
* Jo.-ê])lius,
Antiq. xvii. 10. 7
Wars
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
of the Jews,
ii. 4.
3.
4.
1.
4. 2.
3.
1-3.
he
16.
DISTUKBANCES AFTER
IIEllOD S
DEATH,
B.C.
4.
hastened from Antiocli, with the two legions which he
had with him,
way he
in order to restore order in Palestine.
also procured, in addition,
by King Aretas,
ing force he
of all
still
the
Arabian auxiliary troops sent
as well as other auxiliaries.
first
On
AVith this fight-
reduced Galilee.
Sepphoris, where
that Judas had been fermenting disorder, was consigned to the

flames,
and the inhabitants sold
as
slaves.
Thence Varus
proceeded to Samaria, which, however, he spared because
had not taken part
in the revolt.
He
toward Jerusalem, where the legion stationed there was

being besieged by the Jews in the royal palace.
there an easy
jjowerful
took to
Eoman
flight.
country.
game
to play
for
it
then directed his course
when
still
Varus had
the besiegers saw the
forces approach, they lost their courage
and
In this way Varus became lord of city and
But Sabinus, who
in consequence of his robbing
the temple and of other misdeeds had no good conscience,
made off as quickly as possible. Varus then led his troops up

and down through the country, apprehending the rebels who
were now lurking here and there in small parties.
He had
two thousand of them crucified, while he granted pardon
to the
mass of the people.
After he had then stamped out
the rebellion, he returned to Antioch.^
While these things were going on

and Antipas were
^
still
Josej^lius, Antiq. xvii
in
Rome
10. 9-10,
in
Judea, Archelaus
waiting for the decision of the
11.1; Wars of the Jews,
ii.
5.
1-3.
This
Varus is also referred to in contra Ainonem, i. 7, as one of the most

important between that of Pompey and that of Vespasian. The name
Varus is therefore probably to be restored in a corrupt passage in Seder
clam, s. fin., in wliicli it is said that " from the war of Asveros down to
the war of Vespasian there were eighty years," ipi DIT'IDX h^ D1d!?1D?3
Although the number eighty is somenjK' D^JDti' DiyDQDS ^C DIDÎDwhat too high, and although the best text exemplars give DIIÎDX) it is yet
war
of
highly probable that Dill should be read, i.e. Varos(so Griitz, Geschichte der
Juden, 4 Aufl. iii. pp. 249, 714 ff. ; Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 194 ; Brann,
De Herodis qui dicitur Magni fdiis, p. 24 sq.). In reference to the transmission of the text, compare especially, Salzer, Magazin fr die JVissenJudenthums, iv. 1877, pp. 141-144.
schaft des
THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
6
Before
emperor.
tliis
was issued an embassy from
tlie
people
of Judea appeared before the emperor, asking that none of the

Herodiaus should be appointed king, but that they should
be permitted
About
tlie
to
live
accordance with
in
same time Philip
also,
own
their
laws.
the last of the three brothers,
had been bequeathed by Herod, made his

appearance in Eome in order to press his claims, and likewise
In regard to
to support those of his brother Archelaus.^
to
whom
territories
these conflicting claims, Augustus was obliged at last to give

a decision.
In an assembly which he fixed precisely for this
purpose in the temple of Apollo, he heard
ambassadors from the Jewish people.

of scandalous
list
sought them to
the
of all
first
These reported a long
misdeeds which Herod had allowed and
buttress,
their
demand
that none
the
of
Herodian race should any more govern in Palestine, but that

it should be granted them to live according to their own laws
under
Eoman
When
suzerainty.
they had ended, Nicolas
Damascus arose and spoke on behalf
of
Archelaus."
When
issued his decision after a few days.
was
in all essential points sustained.
territory assigned to
cities of
him
his
By
it
the will
master
sides,
he
of Herod
Archelaus obtained the
Judea, Samaria, Idumea
only the
Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos were severed from these
domains and attached to the province
*"
of
Augustus had thus heard both
of Syria
JVars of the Jews,
ii.
and instead
1.
6.
The
of
facts
have unquestionably afforded the outward framework for the

"A
parable of the Pounds, Luke xix. 12 ff. Compare especially ver. 12
certain nobleman (Archelaus) went into a far country (Rome) to receive
Ver. 14: "But his
for himself a kingdom (Judea), and to return."
We will not
citizens hated him, and sent a message after him, saying
liere related
have
this
man
to reign over us."
Sevin {Chronologie des Lehens Jesu, 1874,
pp. 128-130) is wrong in thinking of the journey of Antipas reported by

Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 5. 1 for in it is wanting a main point, viz. the
;
embassy and protest of the people.

all as to
^'
Indeed,
we have no information
the pui-pose of that journey.
Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 11. 2-3
Uârs of the Jews,
ii. 6. 2.
at
DISTURBANCES AFTER IIEROD's DEATH,
IG.
the
of king, that of ethnarch
title
B.C.
was given him.
obtained Galilee and Perea, with the
Antipas
tetrarch
title of
4.
Philip,
also as tetrarch, received the districts of Batanea, Trachonitis,
Archelaus was to derive from his territories
and Auranitis.
an income
100
600
of
talents,
Antipas 200
Also Salome, the
talents.
talents,
of
sister
and Philip
Herod the Great,
the portion assigned to her, the cities of Jamnia,
obtained
Azotus, Phasaelis, and 500,000 pieces of silver, in addition to
Salome
the palace at Ascalon.^^

12
Joseplius, Antiq. xvii. 11. 4-5
lived in the enjoyment of
JFars of the Jews,
Nicolas of Damascus in Mller, Fragmenta,
ii. 6.
generally
354 Strabo, xvi. 2.

On the cities named above, Gaza, Gadara, Hippos, Jamnia,
46, p. 765.
Azotus, Phasaelis, see 23, i., Div. II. vol i. pp. 68, 76, 78, 98, 100, 131,
The title iSvi/,pxn; evidently signifies a rank somewhat higher than that
of rtrpt/,px^;- The former had been conferred, e.g., by Caesar upon Hyrcanus
II. (see vol. i. p. 378), but is otherwise rare.
On the other hand, the
title rsrpapxng is very common.
Herod the Great and his brother
also,
iii.
Phasael had
it
upon them by Antony
conferred
(Antiq. xiv. 13. 1
Wars
In B.c. 20, Pheroras was made tetrarch of Perea

(Antiq. xv. 10. 3
Wars of the Jews, i. 24. 5). The expression mpupxiot,
was first made use of by Euripides with reference to Thessaly.
That
country had been from early times divided into four districts (Harpocraof the Jews,
i.
12. 5).
ed. Dindorf,
tion, Lex.
QizrctKoiv
s.v.
QiTTx'hioi.v.
On
TsTpxpx'ct
hXivcc Tov
icdtATiict, iTvl
TLiippciu
kxI
'
ApiarfjriAYi; li ku rri
ir/;p'?,(T6eici
(pYjjii/
tl;
x.oiuri
fôipx; rviv
S'
the antiquity of the Aleuadae and on the constitutional
history of Thessaly
generally,
Staatsalterthmer, Bd.
see
Handbuch der
Gilbert,
griechischen
Euripides therefore, at the

1885, pp. 5-17).
" I now command the citizens
close of his Akestis, makes Admetus say
ii.
and every tetrarchy (or

and the whole tetrarchy ') to proceed with the
dances and to bring forward the sacrifices," etc. (Euripides, Alcestis
:
1154
'
:
Aarrolg Ss
ttccovi
'
ipX,o)'J
Tvi jwS').
//.otpoiu ocpy^rivioe, x.ot.riiryi'Ji
With
I.e.
on
Is (îJîtttto; ku.S
SKciarYiu
O-oyfKuKXQty eiKKot rs Kccl Qioirou.'rog tu
reference to this proceeding, Demosthenes says that Philip
instituted tetrarchies in Thessaly (Demosthenes, Philipp,

QsTTX'hici
Philip of
of Thessaly under his rule, he set an
over every ttpj (Harpocration,
TOUTUu rau
When King
ivi/iyru Tizpupyjct., etc.).
Macedon had reduced the whole
"TFug e^îi
o^x,} ri; yroTîritxs
x,ot,\
rxg
iii.
26
dXT^d.
v'Kit; a.vruu 'TrctpyipyiTXi x,xl
nrpapxix; x-xTiarms"). While some doubt can be entertained as to the

meaning of nrpxax' in Euripides, it clearly signifies in Demosthenes a
province containing a fourth part of the kingdom (the government of a
nrpx;, whence also is derived reTpxlxpxicc). We also meet with the
expression in this original sense in Galatia.
Over
this country, according
"
THE ROMAN-IIERODIAN
these possessions for
some twelve
AfiE.
She died
or fourteen years.
to tlie description of Strabo, twelve tetrarchies ruled, tliat

eacli of the three tribes of
xii. 5.
1,
5G6
p.
sq.
four over
Naturalis, v. 14G).
less correctly in Pliny, Hist.
is,
the Trocmi, Tolistoboii, and Tectosagae (Strabo,
"When the most of them had been massacred by Mithridates (Appiaii,
Pompey rearranged
Mithridat. 4G),
matters, so that over each of the three
one tetrarch. Subsequently the number was reduced

compare,
to two, and finally to one, the Dejotarus (Strabo, xii. 5. 1, p. 567
in addition, the complete exposition of these relations in Niese, Rhein.
Museum, Bd. 38, 1883, pp. 583-GOO). But although the title of tetrarch
was
tribes there
set
had wholly lost its original meaning, it was still retained for the title of
king, which some assumed, applied, not to Galatia, but to other possessions
Niese, Rhein. Museum).
(StraV>o, xii. 3. 13, p. 547, xiii. 4. 3, p. 625
The title of tetrarch, completely stripped of its original signification, is met
with also elsewhere very frequently in the Roman times. It was then
used simply to indicate a small dependent prince, whose rank and
authority was less than that of a king. Such tetrarchs seem to have been
very numerous, especially in Syria. Compare Pliny, Hist. Naturalis,
;
V.
74
norum
" intercursant cinguntque has urbes [Decapoleos] tetrarchiae, reginstar singulae
ea tetrarchiae
ibid.
81
ibid.
77
cum
Decapolitana regio praedictaeque
Nazerinorum tetrarchia
ibid.
tetrarchias
duas quae Granucomatitae vocantur ibid. 82 tetrarch iam quae Mammisea appellatur ibid. tetrarchias in regna descriptas barbaris nominiJosephus, Vita, 11
bus," xvii.
iKyovog loi/ôv rov vi;:l toV Atxuov
:
Antony made
riTpctoxovvTo;.
(Plutarch, Antony, 36
To
fji.iyahu-j).
in
the
army
presents of " tetrarchies and kingdoms
Trr/A'hot;
of
sâ/x'tTsTO nTpccpxô'-i
Varus in
B.c.
&v.iiiKi ? ii'Jig mpct.DxtX'i 7't 77xpi7xou
'^'î
xui'Ksicig
iuuu
4 belonged also auxiliaries whicli
(Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 10.
9, init.).
In the time of Nero the " tetrarch and kings " in Asia were instructed to
obey the orders of Corbulo (Tacitus, Annals, xv. 25 "scribitur tetrarchis
:
ac regibus
praefectisque
et
procuratoribus
Corbulonis
jussis
ob-
sequi").
And
tetrarchae
were very often referred to as minor princes of subordinate rank

Vatinium, 12. 29
pro Balbo, 5. 13 pro Milone, 28. 76
(e.g.
so generally
Cicero, in
Philijip.xi. 12. 31
i.
3.
during the
12.
below).
Eoman
Caesar, Bell. Civ.
Further examples
reges,
iii.
may
Bell. Alex.
the
times besides the
78
Horace, Satires,
be found in the literature quoted
Besides the Galatian tetrarchs and the Herodian princes,
we
have particular information about the tetrarchs of Chalcis or Iturea

Ptolemy, Lysanias, Zenodorus (see about these in Appendix L). When
we consider the small importance of these ndnor princes, it is not to be
wondered .it that the title rsrppxrj; is comparatively seldom met with on
inscriptions and coins.
On inscriptions, compare Corpus Inscript. Graec. n.
4033, 4058 Bullettino deW Instituto di corrisp. archeol. 1873, p. 365 sq.
(both referring to Herod Antipas)
Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4521. 4523 =
Kenan, Mission de Fhe'nicie, pp. 317-319 (dynasty of Chalcis). Of coins,
:
l)ISTURBA>fCES
16.
about
A.D.
AFTER HEROD
DEATH,
What had
Livia.'^
been the empire of Herod was therefore now
parted into three territories, each of which
own
M. Ambivius, and
10, in the time of the procurator
bequeathed her property to the Empress
B.C. 4.
lias for
a while
its
history.
besides those of Philip
and Herod Antipas, we meet only with those of

Compare generally
Ptolemy, Lysanias, and Zenodorus (see Appendix I.).

Stephanus, Thesaurus, s.v. Tirpdcpxyi; and Terpxpxi'cc
and
Forcellini, Lexicon,
Winer, Reahvorterhuch ii. 593; Keim in

Schenkel's Bibellexicon, v. 487-490 Bohn, Qua condicione juris reges socii
populi Romani fuerint (1877), pp. 9-11
Niese, Galatien und seine
s.v.
tetrarches
tetrarchia
Tetrarchen (Rhein.
13
Museum, Bd.
Josephus, Antig. xviii.
38, 1883, rP- 083-600).
2. 2.
THE SONS OF
17.
Philip,
a.
b.c.
HETIOD.
His Territory under the
4-a.d. 34.
Romans,
34-37.
a.d.
Sources.
JosEPHUS,
On
Antifi. xviii. 2. 1, 4. 6, 6.
10
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
1-6.
9.
the coins, see below.
Literature.^
Ewald,
Westcott
History of Israel,
Winer,
Leyrer
vi.
71-74, 347.
in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible.
Reahorterhuch,
ii.
250.
in Herzog's Eeal-EncydojMedie, 2 Aufl. xi. 618.
Keim, Jesus
of Nazara,
Lewin, Fasti Sacri
i.
258, 274
in Schenkel's Bibellexicon,
40-42.
iii.
(see Index, p. 408).
Braxn, Die Shne des Herodcs, 1873 (reprint from the Monatsschrift fr
Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums), pp. 77-87.
The extent
embraced the
it
which Philip received
of the territory
stated in different places

districts
by Josephus.^
of
The most thorough
Luke
by
2
Bibellexikon.
Rfcuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften
iii.
1, also
Iturea.^
on Herod's sons and grandsons
treatise
by Keim in Schenkel's
variously
Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis,
Gaulanitis, Panias, and, according to
article
is
Putting altogether,
The
A.
older literature
T.'s,
558.
Wars
8. 1, 11. 4, xviii. 4.
is
is
of the Jews,
the
given
ii. 6.
3.
In the latter passage, undoubtedly, instead of 'l,tcv/!' should be read

nv<ao, in accordance with Antiq. xvii. 8. 1, 11. 4.
^ Batanea corresponds to the Old Testament Bashan
Eusebius,
(jC*3)
;
Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 232 B<ry

vTrj BtxuxvlTt; v) vvu KcthovYet the ancient Bashan was of larger extent than the
ftivn Barciuxix.
.
modern Batanea.
By Bashan was under.stood

Hermon on the
other side of Jordan between
the whole region on the
north and the district of

Gilead on the south, extending eastward as far as Salcha, on the southern
10
The
districts
Jewish
named were not
Chron.
ancient tribal possessions of the
See Deut. iii. 10, 13 Josh. xii. 4, xiii. 11, 30, xvii.
But within this district lay the later provinces of
;
v. 23.
Trachonitis, Auranitis, and Gaidanitis
The
of the ancient Bashan.
by
later writers in the
iu
BctTxvoiiot Tpotxavir&iv.
named
11
IIEKOD.
but were in great part added to the Jewish
peo]3le,
slope of the Hauran.

1,
THE SONS OF
17.
so that thus
expression, however,
wider sense
Batanea is only a part

sometimes used even
Josephus, Life, 11 med.
e.g.
Since the
is
: ^st ruu
Ashtaroth and Edrei are
cities of
Bashan (Josh. xii. 4, xiii. 11, 30), it may be

formed the centre of the modern Batanea.
Edrei, later Adraa, the modern Der'a, lies almost exactly in the middle
between the southern point of the lake of Gennezaret and the southern
end of the mountains of Hauran. That Ashtaroth and Adraa lay in
Batanea is stated by Eusebius {Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, pp. 209, 213, 268,
articles 'A(7rj5ii^ Kxpumiu, AaTcupud, and Kotpyccsifi 'Arrrxpud).
The Greek
as the chief cities of
assumed that these
also
'
Bx-xvciioc of Polybius, xvi., also corresponds to that of Josephus, Antiq,
and Ptolemy,
xii. 3. 3,
Trachonitis or
v. 15. 26.
o Tpx^c'i'v
(so Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 16. 5, xv. 10. 1
Wars
and the inscription of Mismie) is the rugged plateau

south of Damascus, stretching on to Bostra, which is now called the
Lejah.
It lies, therefore, north-east of Batanea proper.
Proof of this is
afforded by the following data.
On an inscription at Mismie, the ancient
of the Jews,
ii. 6.
Phna, in the north of the

roil
Lejali, this place is characterized as jnyirpoKu/îx
Tpaxcduog (Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4551
= Le
Bas
et
Waddington,
Inscrij)-
Strabo speaks of the Tpccxiouig as two hills in the

neighbourhood of Damascus (Strabo, xvi. 2. 20, j). 756 vTrioKuvrtxi S
tions,
t.
n. 2524).
iii.
compare also xvi. 2. 16, p. 755).

Eusebius places Trachonitis in the immediate neighbourhood of Bostra
{Onomasticon, s.v. Itovpa.la,, ed. Lagarde, p. 268
'Ypu'x,t,>v]rt; os Kot.'kfnctt ^
vrvi;
Ivo
'Kiyof/.ivoi
7^6<poi
Tp,x'>'vii
'
'
y,o)px,
'TTO.piic.KttiA.vjYj
'K.xvt.d,
p.
269
TYi
ipi'i/if.a
ksItoci oi
x.oe.1
Hoazpccv
X.CCT06
TYi
Tsjf
Apxtixc,.
Ibid.
irt kocI vvv sv Tpoe-x^vi 'Tr'Aviniov Boarfiaiv.
s.v.
Ibid.
Tpxx,uvWi;, p. 298
eariv os x.xi fTfix-nvot, Ioarpuu x,xtx, tyiu 'ipfiicov -Trpo;
Also in a rabbinical treatise on the boundaries
iTTi /^xuaa-Mv).
" Trachon, in the neighbourhood of
of Palestine the statement occurs
S.V.
vozov i?
Bostra"
mandel,
(jer.
p.
Shebiith vi.
66, 10
1,
Sijjhre,
36c;
fol.
Toseyhta Shebiith
section Ekeb,
at the
end.
iv.
ed.
Zucker-
The Jerusalem
Talmud has mvin!? DnnOT NJIDI, " Trachon, which borders on Bostra."
Compare on the whole subject Neubauer, Geographie du Talmud, pp.
:
10-21
and, especially, Hildesheimer, Beitrge zur Geographie Palstinas,
Berlin 1886 [on Trachon, pp. 55-57]). The Targums identify X3131 with
the biblical Argob (Onkelos, Deut. iii. 4, 13 f.). Pliny speaks of Trachonitis
as in the
(v.
neighbourhood of Panias (Pliny,
Batanea.
The
latter passage is
"
Hist. Naturalis, v. 74);
Ptolemy
hpuig as dwelling to the east of

indeed explained by Waddington, Comptes
15. 26) speaks of the Upaxotvlrut
THE KOMAX-IIEllODIAN AGE.
12
territory in later times.
The population was a mixed one
and
remlus de Vcadcmie des inscr. 1865, p. 102 sq., as meaiiinf:; rather the
but
reverse, namely, that Bataiiea proper lay to the east of Trachonitis
his exposition hardly coinmend itself. In determining the meaning of
;
Luke
iii.
1, it is
of interest to note that Philo, or rather
Agrippa in the
t^v
communicated by Philo, uses the abbreviated expression
Toxxuvhtv 'Ki'/oy.iurty, to describe the whole territory of Philii?, just as for
the territories of Herod Antipas he uses the phrase tt^v Ta.'hi^.a.ia.u both
a iiarte imtiori, as in Luke. See Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, 41, ed. Mangey,
letter
ii.
593 fin.
Auranitis
is
the p\r\ mentioned by Ezekiel, xlvii. 16, 18
which
also in
the Mishna, Rosh hashana ii. 4, is spoken of as one of the stations for the
Some manuscripts of the Mishna
five signals from Judea to Babylon.
have pnn, others p2n. Since the Hauran, according to the context of
the Mishna, must be a mountain, Auranitis is undoubtedly the country
round about the mountain peak, which now is called Jebel Hauran.
Gaulanitis has its name from the town Golan, which in the Bible is
reckoned in Bashan (Deut. iv. 43 Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 27 1 Chron. vi. 56
Josephus distinguishes
Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 242).
Upper and Lower Gaulanitis, and remarks that in the latter lies the city
Gamala {JJârs of the Jews, iv. 1. 1 according to the same passage, Gamala
lay on the eastern bank of the lake of Gennezaret). According to TVars
of the Jens, iii. 3. 1, Gaulanitis formed the eastern boundary of Galilee.
Hence Gaulanitis is practically within the same lines as what is now
called Djaulan, embracing the lowlands east of the Jordan from its source
;
down
to
it is
Palstina- Vereins,
The
the southern point of the lake of Gennezaret.
description of
detailed
given by Schumacher in the Zeitschrift des deutschen
ix.
1886.
district of Panias, at the sources of the
Jordan
(see
on the town
pp. 132-135), had in earlier times belonged to

Zenodorus, and before that to the kingdom of the Itureans (see Appendix I.
Panias, Div.
IL
vol.
i.
Luke is not altoBut that district

formed, indeed, only a small portion of what had been the kingdom of the
Itureans.
The Itureans proper had their dwelling in the Lebanon (see
Appendix I.), and during the period a.D. 38-49 were imder the sovereignty
So
at the close of this volume).
far the statement of
gether incorrect, that Philip also ruled over Iturea.
of a certain Soeraus (Dio Cassius, lix. 12
same time Agrippa
I.
(Josephus, Antiq. xviii.
have belonged
kon,
iii.
41).
to the
Tacitus,
xii. 23),
while at that
had in his possession the whole tetrarchy of Philip

6. 10,
domain
xix. 8. 2).
Iturea proper cannot therefore
of Philip (see
Wetzstein's idea
is
Keim
in Schenkel's BihelUxi-
certainly wrong, that Iturea
is
to
be
placed upon the eastern slope of the Hauran.
Compare generally on the

pp. lOG-110, 193-203
districts
above named
Reland, Palaestina,
Gesenius, Thesaurus, pp. 249 sq., 458 sq., 285 sq.;

Kitter, Erdkunde, xv. 800-1001 ; Raumer, Palstina, p. 226 ff. j the articles
;
17.
THE SONS OF
13
HEliOD.
the non- Jewish, t'.e. Syrian and Greek, element prevailed.^
himself was certainly a real exception
among
Philip
the sons and
on Basan, Trachonitis, Havran or Hauran, and Golan in the Bibhcal

Dictionaries of Smith, Kitto, Fairbairn, Winer, Schenkel, and Eiehni
F. W. Schultz in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl. ii. 112-116 (article
" Basan")
Cless in Pauly's Eeal-Enajdopaedie, vi. 2, 2038 f., art. " Trachoiiitis ;" Kuhn, Die stdtische und brgerliche Verfassung des rm. Reichs, ii.
381 f., 384 f.; Porter, " Historico-Geographical History of Bashan" (in
Journal of Sacred Literature, new series, vol. vi. 1854, pp. 281-313) Five
Years in Damascus, 1855, ii. 250-275 Wetzstein, Reisebericht ber Hauran
und die Trachonen, 1860, pp. 36 f., 82-92 Wetzstein's Excursus to Delitzsch's Commentary on Job; Waddington, Comptes rendus de I'Academie
;
des inscriptions
Nldeke,
belles-lettres,
et
DMG.
Zeitschrift der
1865,
82-89, 102-109.
pj).
1875, p. 419
ff.,
The
treatise of
deals with the sixth century
after Christ.
With reference to the southern limits of the tetrarchy of Philip this

much may be accepted with confidence, that the region round about the
cities now called Bosra and Salkhat, south of the Hauran, did not belong
to his domain, as is proved by inscriptions discovered in these citie.s
bearing the names of the Arabian kings Mahdius and Aretas. See de
Vog^, Syrie centrale, Inscriptions se'mitiques (1868), pp. 103, 107. On the
other hand, Heljran, on the southern slope of the Haixran, still belonged
for an Aramaic inscription found there is dated not
to his territory
according to the years of the reign of an Arabian king, but according to
the years of Claudius " In the month Tizri in the seventh year of the
Emperor Claudius " = a.D. 46. See de Vogue', p. 100. From this, therefore, one may conclude that Hebran belonged to the domain of Philip,
and that in A.D. 37 it was given over to Agrippa I., and was after his
death placed under Eoman administration. Compare the remarks of Le
Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 2286.
* In Batanea, Herod the Great, in the last years of his reign, had settled
a Jewish colony from Babylon, under the leadership of a certain Zamaris,
and conferred on them the privilege of complete freedom from taxation,
;
which was
in all essential points, respected by Philip. See Antiq.

For the history of this colony, compare also Josephus,
De Saulcy, "Monnaies des Zamarides" (Numismatic Chronicle,
Life, 11
These -"coins of the Zamaridae" are in the highest
1871, pp. 157-181).
degree problematical.
In Trachonitis, Herod the Great had settled 3000
Idumeans, to whom he assigned the task of maintaining the peace of the
district against the robber bands which inhabited it.
See Antiq. xvi. 9. 2.
The majority of the inhabitants, however, was pagan, as is proved by
the large proportion of the Greek inscriptions of that region which are
also,
1-3.
xvii. 2.
still
OS
preserved.
xvTviv fiiylii
p. 4.
Compare
'
lovocthi
also, in general.
x.xi
'2,vpoi
Wars
of the Jews,
iii. 3.
oUovot
and, in addition, Div. II. vol.
i.
THE ROMAX-IIBRODIAN AGE.
14
While
grandsons of Ilerod.
all
the others, copying fathers and
grandfathers, were ambitious, imperious, harsh, and tyrannical
toward their subjects, nothing but what

of
His reign was mild,
riiilip.
is
honourable
To the
and peaceful.
just,
remained faithful only in
traditions of his father he
told
is
that
this,
he also sought renown in the construction of great buildings.
The building
of
two
by him
cities
The
expressly reported.
is
ancient Panias, at the sources of the Jordan, north of the lake
with larger dimensions, and gave
of Gennezaret, he rebuilt,
in
it,
it
from the well-known Caesarea by the
called Caesarea
with
The
To
dis-
sea, it
was
honour of the emperor, the name of Caesarea.
tinguish
it
Philippi,
under which name we are familiar
13
in the Gospel history (Matt. xvi.
Mark
27).
viii.
other city which he rebuilt was the Bethsaida^ situated at
the point where the Jordan enters into the lake of Gennezaret,
named
which, in honour of the daughter of Augustus, he
Josephus
Julias.^
of him, incidentally, that be
tells
first dis-
covered and proved that the supposed sources of the Jordan at
Panias obtained their water by a subterranean passage from
We
'
which came out again at Panias.^
know, however, nothing more about his reign beyond
what Josephus
To be
name.
by throwing
Philip demonstrated this
the so-called Phiala.

in chaff into the Phiala,
us in reporting his death
tells
distinguished, probably, from the
See, however, Div. II. vol.
Josephus, Antiq. xviii.
2. 1
i.
New
"
He had
Testament town of that
p. 136.
IVars of the
^
:
On both
Jeii's, ii. 9. 1.
cities,
the time of their building and their subsequent history, see Div. II. vol.
pp. 133-136.
i.
'
Josephus, JFars of the Jews, iii. 10. 7. According to the description

of Josephus, the "Phiala" can scarcely be anything else than the present
Birket Ram.
But then the story
told by him is not possible, owing to

See Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 1. 174-177 Robinson, Later
Biblical Researches, p. 400
Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 394
Guerin,
the relative levels.
Galilee,
ii.
329-331
Vereins, ix. 1886, p.

8
2.';6
Schumacher,
f.
Zeitschrift
des
deutschen Palstina-
(with map).
Josephus, A7itiq. xviii.
TK TOTtoy KUi tcTTpxyfiova,
4.
TfXeyT
Aioinxv
fiiv
yp
fiirpiov
to
wv
h
fi>
oI; ijp)cs
r yri
-Trxpxaxv
rri
v^roTjXti
15
THE SONS OF HEEOD.
17.
sliown himself a person of moderation and quietness in the
conduct of his
He
and government.
life
constantly lived in
He
that country which was subject to him.

his progress with a few chosen friends
which he
sat in
his
used to make
tribunal, also,
judgment, followed him in his progress
on
and
when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no
delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it and heard his
complaint
he then ordered the guilty, that were convicted,
be punished, and absolved those that were accused un-
to
justly."
Of
private
his
we know only
life
he was
that
married to Salome, daughter of Herodias, and that there were
no children by
great value
marriage.^
this
According
was a consistent friend
principles, he
upon the favour
of
of the emperor.
not only in his giving to his cities the
upon
Julias, but also in his impressing
Augustus and Tiberius,
to
this
political
his
the Eomans, and
names
laid
shown
Tliis is
and
of Caesarea
his coins the images of
being
the
first
instance
in
which any likeness was engraven on the coins of a Jewish

prince.^"
IvotiiTO' 'Ttpooi S
Kpiveii )cdi^6fifjo;
yiuotro
pvov
eti/T)
y,oti
Yi
iidctv
ai/TU
rx7;
iu
'fTrtondfiv,
TV'ôi
Toig oChovai x,xl
ai/v
oktyoig ruv evi7\.iKTuv, kxi tou dpovov d; ou
ooig
ovliv it;
eTrofiivov,
yiuoyAvY): x.xdi^/ns'Jo;
i}!jJki
o'xoVs
oiv ciiidKoLg
tov; othix.u; iv
otKi^
'/jxpciXTO,
lyK'Kvjf/.xat
n;
VTrxuTtuact^
tw
sx.
oîo;
iv
xP-'f'
iopixjiui
tow
kuI rtfiopix; t iTriTif^

yivofiivovg.
The judge's
upon the sella was a necessary formality, witliout which the

decision would have no legal effect.
Examples Matt, xxvii. 19 John
sitting
Acts xxv. 6 ; Josephus,

(Florus), iii. 10. 10 (Vespasian).
xix. 13
sitting of the magistrate,
Mommsen, Rmisches
^
10
J^Fars of the Jews,
ii. 9.
Generally on the
3 (Pilate),
sella curulis
Rein in Pauly's Eeal-Encydopaedie,

i. 315 ff.
ii.
14.
and the
vi. 1.
960
Staatsrecht,
In explanation of
5. 4.
should be remembered that Philip's domain

was j)redominantly pagan. Compare on the coins Eckhel, iii. 490 sq.
Mionnet, v. 566 sq. Lenormant, Tresor de numismatique, p. 126, pi. Ix.
n. 1-2
Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 100-102
De Saulcy,
" Notes sur les monnaies de Pliilippe le tetrarque" {Annuaire de la Society
Jrangaise de Numismatique et d' Arch(fologie, t. iii. 1868-1873, pp. 262--265)
this, it
THE UOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
16
riiilip died, after a reign of tliirty-seven years, in the 20tli
year of Tiberius, A.D. 33-34, and was buried in the tomb
by
built
of
territory
was then added
to that
its own
made over to
The Emperor Caligula,
the throne, in March
but retained the right of administering
Syria,
revenues
Hiy
himself.^^
" and was
again, after a few years,
Herodian family.
a prince of the
immediately after his succession to

A.D.
37, gifted the tetrarchy of Philip to Agrippa, a son of
tliat
Aristobolus
who had been executed by
his father Herod,
and so a grandson of Herod and Mariamme."

Madden, Coins of
exposition);
(Annnaire de
fasc. 3,
De
the Jews, 1881, pp. 123-127 (this is the most complete

Saulcy, " Monnaie inedite de Philippe le tetrarque"
la Society fr. de.
1879, p. 181
sq.).
Num.
The
et
d'Arch.
t.
v., or,
seconde
serie,
coins have on the one side the
t.
name
i.
of
(tIAinnOT TETPAPXOT,
with the image of a temple and the

number of the year IB = 12 in.
[Madden, Coins, p. 125, and on an example in de Saulcy, Annuaire, v. 3.
181 sq., not given by Madden). The year numbers 26 and 29, given by
Mionnet, are regarded by de Saulcy as false readings. The coins of the
year 37 (first communicated by Madden, History, p. 102) belong to the last
year of Philip, a.D. 33-34. The coins of the year 12 and 16 = a.D. 8-9 or
Philip,
number
of the year 12, 16, 19, 33, 37 (the
12-13, have on the obverse the head of Augustus and the inscrii)tion
KAICAPI CEBACTa
(fragmentary)
those of the years 19, 33, 37 have
the head of Tiberius, with a similar inscription
those of 37 have the full
name TIBEPIOC CEBACTOC KAICAP. The temple engraved on all

the coins is indeed the temple of Augustus at Panias wliich Herod the
Great had built (Antiq. xv. 10. 3
Wars of the Jews, i. 21. 3). The type is
therefore wholly pagan.
The image and name of the emperor are also
;
found on the coins of many other dependent kings, from the time of
Augustus onward yet there are still instances in which all allusion to
the supreme imperial authority is wanting.
See Bohn, Qua condicione
;
juris
11
re(jes socii
populi
Bomani fuerint, 1877, pp. 45-49.

The 20th year of Tiberius began on the
4. 6.
Josephu.s, Antiri. xviii.
19th August A.D. 33.
Nisan
to
Tlie 37th year of Philip ended, if
Nisan (compare
vol.
p. 465),
i.
we reckon from
in spring a.u.c. 787
Philip therefore died in the winter of a.d. 33-34.

12
Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 4. 6.
"
6.
10
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
9. 6.
a.D. 34.
Herod Antipas,
I.
17
THE SONS OF HEROD,
17.
b.c.
4-a.d. 39.
Sources.
JoSEPHUS, Antiq.
New
Testament
Matt. xiv. 1-11
ix. 7-9, xiii. 31, xxiii.
On
3, 4. 5, 5. 1-3, 7.
1-2
Wars
of the Jews,
6.
ii. 9. 1,
In the
and
xviii. 2. 1
Mark
vi.
14-28
London
1879,
Luke
iii.
19
f.,
7-12.
Literature.
Geikie, Life and Words of
ii.
Christ, 7th ed.
i.
Ewald, History
Hauskath,
207
Winer,
of Israel, vi. 74^80, vii. 241, 242.
Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl.
221
ff.,
Eealwrterhuch,
284
Keim, Jesus of Nazara,
Synojjsis of the
269,
i.
Schenkel's Bibellexikon,
Four
Gospels, pp. 50,
ii.
i.
465
325
ff.,
ii.
159, 216.
f.
Also in
333, 340, 392, iv. 217, vi. 103.
42-46.
iii.
in the Zeitschrift fr luth. Theologie, 1869, pp. 32-53.
Lewin, Fasti Sacri
(see Index, p. 408).
Brann, Die Shne

Geschichte und
Wissenschaft des Judenthums), pp. 17-76.
des Herodes,
In the partition
of
Antipas,
or, as
he
and in the
Philip,
1873 (reprint from the Monatsschrift fr
their father's possessions, a larger slice
than that given to Philip
to
ff.,
484.
i.
Also in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl.
Gerlach
i.
ff.
Wieseler, Chronological
coins,
298-302, 500,
182.
to the lot of his half-brother
fell
frequently called by Josephus, on the
is
New
Testament, Herod, to whom, as well as
was given the
of tetrarch.^
title
His
territory,
he correctly named in Matt. xiv. 1 Luke iii. 19 on the other

hand, he is incorrectly called xaiMvs in Mark vi. 14. Since Herod
Antipas is the only Herod who bore the title of tetrarch, the two following
They give evidence,
inscriptions are undoubtedly to be referred to him.
at the same time, of his foreign travels
(c) On the island of Cos (Corpus Inscript. Graec. n. 2502)
^
Thus
is
'HpZov rov xai'Kiui
viv,
TiTpp^mu,
îK6)v
'
TOt/
DIV.
I.
VOL.
II,
Ky'hu.v,
(Jlvcii
5f
Kvrov îvou Kxt

.,
NiK6)i/oi
(piKov.
THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
18
embracing Galilee aud Perea, was indeed broken up into two
which came in
parts by the so-called Decapolis,
But
between Galilee and Perea."
this
fur
like a
wedge
he was amply
indemnified by the fact that the half of his domains con-
and thickly-populated
sisted of the beautiful, fertile,
with
Galilee,
vigorous and brave, though freedom-loving inhabit-
its
In point of character, Antipas was a genuine son of
ants.'
old Herod,
sly,
ambitious, and luxurious, only not so able as
In regard to his slyness we have unmistakable
his father.*
evidence from the
him the designation
attached to
memorable occasion,
of Jesus, who, on a
life
"that fox.""
of
was
It
always necessary to have recourse to craft in order to keep

Galileans in order, and to guard the frontiers of Perea
the
For the defence
against the robber raids of the Arabians.
Galilee he rebuilt Sepphoris, that had been destroyed by
by the
soldiers of
with strong
Varus
On
tlie
the emperor's wife Livias
after
it
island of Delos (Bulletin de correspondance hellenique,
1879, p. 365 sq.)
O'/ijuo;
'
A\6rivxiuv
aporiv
o'i\
x,ot.l
vijaou]
T'/jv
ctai>î\)s
'
puov
vi6v\
TiTBotpxriv cipcTii[; ivats xetl

ci; ri}; si;
"
fr
ivuoi-'\
eiusdyix.oiuj.
iii. 3.
kccvTOv[^s
Compare the map in Menke's Bibelatlas. On the Decapolis (Matt,

Mark v. 20, vii. 31), see Div. II. vol. i. pp. 94-121.
Compare the description of Galilee in Josephus, Wars of the Jews,
25
^
t. iii.
KotTOiKolyuTsg
iv.
it
defence of Perea he fortified
for the
Betharamphtha, and named

(b)
and surrounded
(see above, p. 4),
And
M'alls.
of
fire
2-3, 10.
8.
Josephus in Antiq.
Luke
xiii.
xviii.
32. Hofmann,
7.
2,
characterizes
Schriftbeiceis,
ii.
1.
him
315
as
dyxTrui
tsjv
Geilach, Zeitschrift
36 and Volkraar, Die Evangelien, 1870, p. 499 f.,

explain the use of the phrase " that fox," not as a symbol of craftiness,
but as that of open robbery and rapacity.
See, on the other hand, Keim,
Jesus of Nazara, iv. 344 and Hamburger, Real-Encijclop. fr Bibel und
Talmud, Abth. i. (1870) art. " Fuchs." In the Talmud the fox is expressly
luth. Theologie, 1869, p.
dcsij^'nated as "bein<^
r.?-;'J'
np2
{b.
regarded as the
Ikrachoth Gib).
sliest
among
the beasts," V^y p-iDIX'J'
He was
or Julias.*
THE SONS OF HEKOD.
17.
19
imdoubteelly induced by political
also
motives to marry the daughter of the Arabian king Aretas/
He
thought that in this way he would be better able than by
the
Arabians
the country against the inroads of
to secure
all fortifications
and perhaps
was Augustus himself wlio
it
persuaded him to enter on this marriage.^

Like
all
the Herods, Herod Antipas delighted in magnificent
In
buildings.
direction
this
he was particularly taken up
with the idea of building a splendid capital, which he under-
He
took during the time of Tiberius,
most beautiful spot in
for his city, the
bank
warm
of the lake of Gennezaret, in
city
was
site
Galilee, the western
the neighbourhood of the
The choice
springs of Enimaus.
one respect not a happy one.

the
selected, as the
of this
spot was in
For just on that spot on which
became apparent from the sepulchral
built, as
monuments, was an ancient burying-ground, and the inhabiting of such a place was impossible to the Jews
who
strictly
observed the law, since every contact with a grave occasioned
Herod was
ceremonial impurity of seven days.^"
there by force
inhabitants for
to secure
obliged, in order
many
that the population
foreigners, adventurers,
was of a very mixed
therefore
his city, to settle
and beggars, so
description.
But
in
regard to the beauty of the buildings nothing more perfect
could be desired.
among
had,
It
2. 1
other public structures, a
JFars of the Jews,
and on the change of the names Livias and

pp. 141-143.
''
Josephus, Aidiq.
generally, see
^
xviii.
Appendix
5.
1.
On
ii.
9. 1.
On both
citiep,
Julias, see Div. II. vol.
i.
Aretas and the Nahatean kings
II.
Compare Suetonius, Augustus,
c.
48: "Reges socios etiam inter semet
ipsos necessitudinibus mutuis junxit, proniptissimus affinitatis cujusque
atque amicitiae conciliator et fautor."

^ On the time of the building of Tiberias, see Div. II. vol. i. pp. 14.3, 144.
i" Num. xix.
Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 2. 3.
More detailed par16
ticulars about impurity caused by graves ai'e given in Mishna Ohaloth
;
xvii., xviii.
THE IIOMAN-IIERODIAN AGE.
20
and a royal palace, which, indeed, by its figures of

animals gave ollence, and during the war with the Romans
Also there
was sacrificed to the fanaticism of the Jews.'^
(TTuSiov "
was not wanting a Jewish irpoaevxv, a /ie'vfo-Toi/ otKrjîa}^

The constitution of the city was wholly modelled upon the
It
Hellenistic pattern.
bers,
600 mem-
council, ovXr], of
had a
a committee of the SeVa irptaioi
with an ap-^wv, and
In honour
Hyparchs and an Agoranomos.
Tiberias."
named
was
capital
emperor the new
of
also
During the time
of
Pilate, A.D.
the
26-36, Antipas, together
with his brother, successfully made complaints against Pilate on

account of his having set up an offensive votive shield in the
And
palace at Jerusalem.^^
representation of the
he was in this instance the
as
Jewish claims, he also did not venture
otherwise, notwithstanding his paganish buildings at Tiberias,
away completely from the traditions of Judaism, and

even in this respect showed himself a true son of Herod.
Prom the Gospel we know that he went up to the feast at
to break
Jerusalem (Luke
old
11
xxiii.
7)
and
Herod, have upon them no

Josepluis,
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
his coins, just like those
of
image.'
21. 6,
iii.
10.
10
Life, 17, G4.
'^^
Josephus, Life, 54.
Josephus, Life, 12.
1* Compare on the building of Tiberias generally
Josephus, Antiq.
Wars of the Jews, ii. 9. 1 Life, 9. For further details about
xviii. 2. 3
1-
the city and the nature of its institution, see Div. II. vol. i. pp. 143-147.
1^ Philo, Lecjat. ad Cajum, sec. 30 (ed. Mangey, ii. 589 sq.). Philo indeed
does not mention the name of Antipas, but states that "o* a.^t'hioig
riTTCtpig
[Ilpwoot/]
vliig
ccaiT'.euv "
made themselves
dTsroOioun; r6 re îu/^ notl roig
oiix.
specially
rv)cctg toiv
Philip
prominent in the business.
and Antipas were first of all intended by this statement. Archelaus was
no longer resident in Palestine alter A.D. 6. But it remains questionable
Wars
wlio the other two are. We know expressly from Antiq. xvii. 1. 3
of the Jews, i. 28. 4, that there were still three sons of Herod who might
be named in this connection 1. Herod, son of Mariamme 2. Herod, son
of Cleopatra and 3. Phasael, son of Pallas.
1''
On the coins of Herod Antipas, compare Eckhel, iii. 486-490
Mionnet, v. 5G6 Lcnormant, Tresor de Nurrhismatique, p. 125, pi. lix. n.
Levy, Geschichte
lG-20 Cavedoni, Bibliiche Numismatik, i. 53, 58-60
;
THE SONS OF
17.
The complaint against
21
IIEHOP.
was probably not made befom
Pilate
Also what we otherwise known of Plerod Antipas
A.D. 36.^^
belongs to the later period, somewhere in the last ten years

of his reign.
During that period he was almost wholly under
woman, who occasioned
the influence of a
series
When
misfortunes.
of
Eome, we know not
for
to
him a whole
once he made a journey to
what purpose, nor exactly
what
at
time, he started before the departure of his half-brother Herod,
Mariamme
the son of
the high priest's daughter,
who had been
designated eventual successor to the throne in the
Herod
of
(see vol.
i.
p.
will
first
That Herod was married
462).
to
Mnzen, p. 80 Madden, History of Jevnsh Coinnge, pp. 95-99 De

Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, p. 254
Madden, Numismatic
Chronicle, 1875, pp. 47-49
De Saulcy, Melanges de Numismatique, t. ii.
Madden, Coins of the Jeivs, 1881, pp. 118-122 (this gives the
1877, p. 92
most complete list). The coins fall into two classes 1. The one class
has the inscription HP.QAOT TP:TPAPX0T, with the number of tlie
year, 33, 34, 37, 38
on the other side the name of the city, TIBEPIAi\
derj'/d.
Saulcy,
2.
HPHAIIS TETPAPXH2; on the

PAin KAICAPI FEPMANIKD. Of this second class there,
The other
other side,
class
has the inscription
are only three examples
which can be with certainty
identified, all
with
number MP or 43- A.D. 39-40. Since this was most probably tin;
last year of Herod Antipas, the existence of the year number 44, which
some prefer to read, is extremely questionable. One of the two who conthe year
tend for this date, Vaillant,
is
generally not to be depended on
other, Freret, describes a coin (in the Memoires de

tions
et
Belles- Lettres,
alte
serie,
t.
xxi.
1754,
p.
I'
Academic
293,
the
des Inscrip-
according to a
manuscript by Erland) which had on one side the inscription HPflAOT

TETPAPXOT (sic), while the inscription on the other side was quite
The coin seems therefore to have belonged to the first class,
illegible.
and it may be reasonably conjectured that instead of MA, 44, should be
read AA, 34. Compare, however, what is said in vol. i. p. 465.
The
coins of Antipas, with the name of the emperor, without his image, occupy
a middle position between those of Herod the Great, which have neither
name nor image of the emperor, and those of Philip, which have
both.
This conclusion may be drawn from Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, 24

Mangey, ii. 569), according to which Tiberius, during the lifetime cf
Sejanus (who died a.D. 31), was unfavourably disposed toward the Jews,
whereas after his death he became decidedly I'avouiable to their religious
^'
(ed.
peculiarities.
22
dau-liter
Ilerodias, a
issue of this marriage
The
Aristobulus, executed
of
husband, as the Gospels
Philip,
tell us,
but the son-in-law of Herodias.^
When now
woman
readily
assented.
Rome
Ilerod on his return from
daughter
"With
Aretas, and
of
It
his return, his
wife,
which the
to
was arranged that
should divorce his wife, the
should
married
be
promise he proceeded on
this
Antipas
was fascinated by
and made his proposals of marriage,
ambitious
On
first
a visit to the house of his brother, he
Ilerodias,
7.^*
b.c.
was Salome, the wife of the tetrarch
who was then not the
])aid
in
his
to
Herodias.
journey to Rome.
who had meanwhile obtained
infor-
mation about the proposed procedure, entreated him that he
would have her sent
Dead
the
Sea,
Machrus, the strong
which then belonged
Compare on Herodias, Winer,
*'
Bibellexikon,
^^
to
iii.
Jsej)hus, Antiq. xviii.
i.
486
Keim
in Schenkel 's
17.
5.
4.
The
Pliilij:)
is
named
as first
husband of
parallel passage, Matt. xiv. 3, omits the
is put in brackets by Tischendorf (ed. 8), but is

unanimous testimony of all the other manuscripts,
genuine.
In Luke iii. 19, on the other hand, where it is
owing
to hold it as
EWB.
Since Antipas
46-49.
Herodias in Mark vi.

name in cod. D, and
inclined,
to Aretas.
fortress east of
to the
ought certainly to be struck out. Since,

Philip, but the above-named
Herod, was the first husband of Herodias, the statement of Maik and
Matthew is evidently a mistake. Many, indeed (among them Winer, RWB.
art. " Philippius"), seek to explain away this mistake by assuming that
they gave to this Herod the name Herod Philip, who therefore, distinct
indeed from the tetrarch Philip, was meant by Mark and Matthew. But
it must be admitted as very remarkable that the one name should be
chosen by Josephus and the other by the New Testament writers and
yet more peculiar would it have been had the old Herod two sons with
the name of Philip.
If we are to reason analogically from the use of the
name Herod, which several of his sons had, such reasoning will not
aj)ply here: for that was the family name.
And ju.st as little to the
purpose is the analogy of the two brothers, Antipater and Antipas, for
these are actually quite different names.
We can therefore come to no
other conclusion than this, that it must be admitted that the two evangelists made a mistake.
Compare Volkmar, Theol. Jahrhh. 1846, pp. 36;>383 Ewald, Hixtory of Israel, vi. 77 ; Keim, Jesus of Nazara, il 390
inserted in the textus receptus,
it
according to Joseph us, not the tetrarch
Scheiikers Bihellexikon,
iii.
47.
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
did not desire that his
Nvife
when
Aretas reached Machrus,
and
let
him know what
king
took
up an
she fled thence to her father,
From
attitude
his secret
had the daughter of
scarcely
friendly intentions
entertained regarding her.
Antipas.^
know about
should
But
plans, he granted her wish.
23
that
of direct
the Arabian
opposition
Nevertheless Antipas seems
to
husband
her
moment
Herod
to
have proceeded
immediately with his marriage with Herodias.
At the time
Baptist and
them carrying on
Of John
Baptist in Perea,^^ Jesus in Galilee.
5.
1.
On
both
of
domains of Antipas, the
their labours in the
Josephus gives the following account

^^
John the
of this marriage, or soon thereafter,
Jesus Christ made their appearance,
:^^
"
Baptist,
tlie
He was
^lacharus, see vol.
a good man,
i.
p. 436,
and
20 toward the end. Machrns at all other periods, before and after,
formed part of the Jewish territory. Alexander Jannaeus fortified it, as
did also Herod the Great {Wars of the Jews, vii. 6. 2). Herod Antipas
put John the Baptist in prison there. In the Vespasian war it was one
of the best places of refuge for the rebels
{Wars
of the Jeivs,
18. 6, vii.
ii.
very remarkable that it should then have belonged to

The words of Josephus are as follows si; tov Moty^xithe Arabian king.
It is
poi/vrcc roTS [cil. ru rs, Bekker, conj. rou tu\ yrctrpi uvtyi; vTroriKiiequally remarkable that Antipas should have guilelessly allowed his wife
Or did he conto go to this fortress belonging to the Arabian king.
sciously agree to it in order to smooth the way for her flight, wishing
thus to be rid of her ? Josephus did not so conceive of the matter, for
according to his representation Herod Antipas knew nothing of the
It is therefore
G).
Hitzig {Geschichte des Volkes Israel, p. 567) for these

flight.
reasons regards the statement that Machrus then belonged to Aretas as
meditated
an interpolation. It may be, however, that, on the contrary, some words

have dropped out, or that Josephus himself made a misstatement through
carelessness.
of the Baptist's activity may have been, as Keim {Jesus of

231-235) supposes, for the most part on this side of Jordan,
But in any case he did actually work on the other
therefore in Judea.
bank in Perea is proved, not only by the fourth evangelist (i. 2, 8, iii. 26,
21
The scene
Nazara,
ii.
40), but also by the fact of the imprisonment by Antipas.

admitted even by Keim, Jesus of Nazara, ii. 265, 266.
X.
^2
5.
2: Krslt/st tovtou 'HoaZyi; dyxdoi/
Tov; 'lovOctiov; KihivovTcx.. dipiTXv t7rxax.rjui/-x;

aiivvj
Kxi Trpc; t6v
diO'J ivaitiitct
x.ctl
rfi
vpo;
This
oc-vOpa,
oSK'/i'Kav;
^pufiivovi, ecTnity.u avviis/xi' qvtm yeip
is
xal
oix.u.i'i
3>j x.eti
THK ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
24
and
Jews
the
corninandeJ
exercise
to
virtue,
as to
botli
liMiteousness towards one another and piety towards God,
and so
come
to
acceptable to
Him,
if
washing would be
For the
baptism.
to
they made use
of
not in order to the
it,
putting away of some sins only, but for the purification of
supposing
body;
the
the
that
still
was thoroughly
soul
Now, when many

purified beforehand by righteousness.
others came to crowd about him, for they were greatly moved
by hearing
who
Herod,
words,
liis
feared
John had over the people might put
influence
power and inclination
the
lest
him
putting
into his
it
to raise a rebellion (for they
ready to do anything he should advise), thought
difficulties
might make him repent of
seemed
best by
it
any mischief he might cause,
to death to prevent
and not bring himself into
great
when
it
by sparing a man who

should be too
it
late.
Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious

temper, to Machrus, the castle I before mentioned, and was
there put to death."
This account by Josephus,
belongs originally to him, and the accounts of the
ment about the Baptist and
his
it
really
New
Testa-
if
relation with the
Herod, mutually supplement one another.
tetrarch
What Josephus
says about the contents of the Baptist's preaching of repent-
ance has indeed very

GrfBco
Eoman
world.
much
of
rYjv at-Tniat dTTOOix.T'û
aXK
Ki tuu X'Kuv
Tpoix.Kix.udxoiiiii/yig.
Tr'harou
Tdi;
rfi
rfi
ccvopoj-Troi;
fiVj
77pr/Ketuv vccipui/,
Kx\
t6
(/.i'j
v)
'Trrj'/.v
cultured
the
rivuv
ovi
Kpsnrov
x,ccl
.u,oi.pTOu'j
rr^g
avaTpi<$Of/A'juu {x,xi
ptirot.o'hVj';
yoip
the
vxpuirriGit
"^^t^X'^?
Wpoiorig to lirl TOaouOi
/lyuTctij "TrpivTi
On
reliable.^^
sxi dToo-ocGH tivI ([ipot (yravT yctp
hiKoiioavi/^
'J^qdYiux'j
'Trtdot.uov
ix.iaoe.v
'f7:i
uvrou
(TVf<,ov>.fi
vsunpou i| cuvtov yivsadxt,
ysi/Of^svn; sig roc "Tcpayy.ctrct, if^xiauv pciroe.-
TToxpicc TYi 'llpi)0ov
n-posfp*i,uivo (ppovpioi/, Toty-jj
23
fiVj iTrl
dyôootaii tZiv t^yau) "hilaxg
ixiiuov '!7pcci,fjUTig\
voih.
bctu (ôtvilactt,
cymi zov aa/xxro;, uzt
id)
style of
and more
of the synoptic Gospels are truer
Xnuf/.iuav,
the
In this respect the short statements
oiay-toi si; rov Îx'/^xiptilvroi,
'Tîy.fphU^
ktivvvtui.
Compare, in explanation of the passage in Josephus

Volkinar,
Namrmus (\S%2\ pp. 332-334; Klpper, "Ein paar Bemerkungen
:
Jesus
THE SONS OF HEEOD,
17.
other liand,
it is liiglily
probable
tliat
25
the real occasion of the
imprisomrient of the Baptist by Antipas was, just as Josephus
The powerful popular preacher
states, fear of political trouble.
did undoubtedly produce a great excitement, which was indeed

of all of a religious kind, but certainly not without the
first
For the masses
mingling of a political element.
were
then
not
able
political hopes.
keep separate
to
It is
their
of the people
and
religious
therefore quite credible that Antipas
feared political troubles from the labours of the Baptist, and
when he extended
so,
xiv. 3
activity to Perea, cast
his
Nevertheless the
prison.
f.
Mark
vi.
may
evangelists
17; Luke
iii.
The two statements
Herodias.
another.^^
The
named by
place
was Macharus, the strong

It
Sea.
fortress
imprisoned
was
is
not
learn that
it
on the east of the Dead
must then have been no longer

it
that
are not inconsistent with one
From Josephus we
the Arabian king Aretas, as
into
marriage with
for his
where Jolm was
the evangelists.
him
right (Matt,
when they say
1 9 f.)
he did this because John blamed him
be
at
in the possession of
the time of the flight
dem
Urtheil des Josephus ber Johannes den Tiiufer" {Zeitschrift fr

Tfieologie, 1865, pp. 1-28).
Also in the almost unlimited
literature on John the Baptist some notice is, as a rule, taken of this
zu
Wissenschaftl.
passage in Josephus.
The
tier
See especially Keim, Jesus of Nazara,
earlier literature is given in
Tufer
"
Winer, liealwrterhuch,
Hase, Lehen Jesu, 42
Reuss, Geschichte der
Alten Testaments (1881), 5G1.

^* The genuineness ut' the passage in Josephus
(even Volkmar sets aside without more ado

Chr. K.
V.
Ler Brief
Hofmann, Die
heil.
Jakohi, 1876, p. 4
Schrift
f.).
art.
Neuen
is
ii.
201-266.
"Johannes
heil,
chriften
but rarely vindicated
against this decision
J.
Testaments, 7 Thl. 3 Abth.
This, however,
may
be alleged in
its
and executing the Baptist are

there reported in a manner so entirely different from the account in the
Gospels.
But since Josephus in other passages has been certainly interpolated by a Christian hand, we cannot be here perfectly confident
regarding its genuineness. Suspicion is awakened by the favourable
estimate of John, who could have been viewed sympathetically by
Josephus only upon one side, as an ascetic and moral preacher, but not
as the prophet of tlie coming Messiah who powerfully moved the people.
favour, that the motive for imprisoning
26
of the
wife of Antipas, but in
first
We
Antipas himself.
come
liad nieanwliile
it
roman-herodian agk
Tin:
would seem as
possession of
the
do not indeed
into his hands."
know
According
the execution of the
if
in
Herod
what way
Baptist followed
immediately upon his arrestment and imprisonment.

from the Gospel narrative
we
see that
At
him.'^^
But
Herod kept the Baptist
a longer time in prison, being undecided as to
do with
it
to Josephus,
what he should
the decision was brought about by
last
Herodias, the chief foe of the rigid preacher of repentance.
When
day'^^
2^
on the occasion of the celebration of Antipas' birthin
Ki'im,
the palace of Machiirus, for there
./)/?
of Nazara, n. 382
it
was that the
Protestantische Kirchenzeitung, 1869,
1218 f., conjectures tliat Antipas had gained possession of the

But even apart
fortress in the beginning of the war against Aretas.
from the fact that this supposition is possible only if one places, as Keim
does, the apprehension of the Baptist close upon the outbreak of the
Nr. 51,
col.
war with Aretas, i.e. in a.D. 34, it is not still probable that Herod should
have confined a political prisoner in a fortress that had been taken from
Tlie word of Wieseler therefore in the Chronological Synopsis,
the enemy.
Beweis des Glaubens, 1870, p. 166, that
Beitrge, pp. 5, 13
])p. 216-217
Aretas has been compelled at the bidding of Tiberius to surrender the
Gerlach, Zeitschrift fr luth. Theologie,
fortress to Herod, is more forcible.
1869, pp. 49-51, believes that the fortress had never really been in the
])ossession of Aretas, but that it was only the city of Machrus that for
In this form the hypothesis is
a long time lay under tribute to him.
clearly impossible, since the one thing without the other is inconceivable.
On the other hand, the supposition is well grounded, that the city and
fortress of Machrus never belonged to Aretas, and that the statement we
have been discussing originated in an error of Josephus or a corruption
of our test of Josephus.
See above, p. 22. The most extraordinary of all
is the idea of Sevin, that Machrus was .still in the hands of Aretas when
Herod Antipas imprisoned the Baptist, and had him executed in that
;
stronghold
of his father
2 Aufl. p. 96
in
law.
Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu,
generally, pp. 90-96.
2" Matt. xiv. 5

Mark vi. 20 Matt. xi. 2-6 compare Keim, Jesus of
Nazara, ii. 340-343; Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, vol. i. p.
331 Weiss, Marcusevangelium, p. 217 f.
2^ The signification of yt-Aaia, (Matt. xiv. 6
Mark vi. 21) is matter of
;
See Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis, p. 266

Beitrge, ]>.
Keim, Jesu of Nazara, iv. 223
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche
controversy.
182
f.
Zeitgeschichte^ vol.
i.
p.
334
and the commentators on Matt.
xiv. 6
Mark
17.
27
THE SONS OF HEROD.
whole business was carried
out,^''
a great banquet was given,
the daughter of Herodias, Salome (she was
still
a Kopdacov,
vi. 21.
Instead of tlie ordinary morning " birthday," many expositors
understand it to mean the anniversary day of his accession to the throne."
But an instance of this meaning cannot with certainty be got in the whole
range of Greek literature and even the rabbinical material, from which
they seek support, is very weak. The principal passage in Mishna Aboda
sara i. 3 " Tlie following are the festivals of the heathen The Calendae and
the Saturnalia and the npxTmn; (O^D^Tp), and the day of the ysveui of
the king (d''3!50 b^ '^D'^Ti QY), and the day of birth and the day of death.
So R. Meir. The learned say Only a case of death, wherein there evidently appears the scorching of fire, is accompanied by an idolatrous
sacrifice
but where this is not the case there is no idol sacrifice." An
explanation of the expressions used is not given in the Mishna.
In the
;
Palestinian
by
Talmud
{Jer.
Aboda sara
i.
fol. 39c),
X'DTJ DV
is
interpreted
In the Babylonian Talmud {Bab. Aboda sara

10 ") there is a regular discussion over the meaning of the phrase, in which
the reasons in favour of the meaning " birtliday " are brouglit f(jr\vaid, but
finally preference is given to the interpretation
Tlbo 13 I"'^'DyOt^' QV,
" the day on which the king ascended the throne " (see Levy, Neuhebr.
Wrterbuch, i. 394'*, and the literal production of the whole discusnTîsn DV, "birthday."
sion in the
German
translation in
Abodah Sarah, translated by Ferd.
Chr. Ewald, 2 Ausg. 1868, p. 70 f.).

Upon this only is grounded the
interpretation, " the anniversary of the accession to the throne," adopted
by many modern
scholars.
But
since the Palestinians undoubtedly
better about such matters than the Babylonians,
who
for the
knew
most part
guessed without accurately knowing, the interpretation of the

Babylonians should not be accepted when it is in opposition to all other
instances.
So also Dalraan, Theolog. Literaturzeit img, 1889, 172, in his
review of Strack's Aboda sara. Also the connection of the context of the
Mishna is in favour of the interpretation "birthday." For D^D''L3"lp is
most probably the anniversary of the obtaining of the government.
Thei'efore x^DTJ must be distinguished from it.
But alongside of it is
mentioned " the day of birth," as further investigation of the Mishna
shows, not the anniversary of the birth, but only that particular day on
which a child is born. On the custom of celebrating the birthday
anniversary in general, see Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, art. "Natalis dies;"
Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Rmer, Bd. i. 1879, p. 244 f.
28 The Gospels of Matthew and Mark evidently assume that the banquet
was given in the same place where the Baptist lay a prisoner. See
Meyer on Matt. xiv. 10 ff. But that was Macharus. And there the
banquet may, in fact, have been given. For Macharus had a beautiful
palace, which had been built by Herod the Great {Wars of the Jews,
vii. 6. 2).
There is therefore no reason for transferring the scene to
Julias, as is done by Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis, pp. 220, 221
<inly
TUE RMAN-IIERODIAN AOE.
28
Matt. xiv. 11; ^Faik

to Philip),
by
promised to
vi.
22, 28; therefore not yct married
dancing so delighted the tetrarch, that he
lier
fulfil
to
At
her any wish she might express.
demanded the head of the

weak enough to gratify the wish
the instigation of her mother, she
Herod
r.aptist.
was
immediately, and to give orders that the Baptist should he
beheaded in the prison at Macharus.*^

The Gospels
JJerge, p. 5.
Mark
iv.
vi.
217
that
are silent in regard to the place
for
from
not necessarily to be concluded, as Keim, Jesua-of Nazara,

Bihellexikon, in. 48
and Volkmar, Die Evangelien, p. 3b"9, think,
21
it is
Mark assumes
Galilee, tliat
is,
Tiberius, as the scene of the trans-
action.
29 Matt. xiv. 6-11
Mark vi. 21-28 Luke ix. 9. In Mark vi. 22 some
very important and authoritative tests, accepted by Westcott and Hort and
Volkmar, read: t~^; dvyoi.Tpc uvrou Hoo'hi.ô;. According to this reading
the maiden herself was called Herodias, and may have been a daughter of
Herod Antipas, and nut merely the daughter of Herodias. But a child of
tlie marriage of Antipas with Herodias could not then have been more than
two years old whereas, on the other hand, we know from Josephus that
Herodias by lier first marriage had a daughter called Salome {Antiq^.
Also in the Gospel narrative itself the maiden appears only
xviii. 5. 4).
us a daughter of Herodias.
The statement, therefore, that would result
from that reading of Mark, cannot in any case be regarded as historically
correct, be that reading ever so old.
On the imprisonment and execution
;
'
of the
Baptist generally,
compare Keim, Jesus of Nazara,
ii.
329
AT.,
Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu, pp. 124-128.

The narrative
of the Gospels contains much that arouses suspicion
especially that
iv.
215
ff.
Salome
is
still
designated a Kopxitou, whereas
we
are informed
by
28-30 to the tetrarch

Philip, who had begun his reign in B.c. 4, and had died in a.D. 34 (see
above, p. 16). But just the weakest point in the Gospel story is proved on
more careful examination to be not improbable. The facts derived from
Josephus are gathered together in the following summary by Gutschmid
{Literarisches Oentralhlatt, 1874, p. 522, in his review of Brann's, Die Shne
" Aristobulus, Salome's second husband, was a son of Herod
des Herodes)
of Chalcis, by Mariam, the daughter of Joseph and Olympias, a sister of
Archelaus, who had married after B.c. 7, but before B.c. 4. Therefore, at
the earliest, Miriam's son Aristobulus could not have been born before
B.c. 5, and not likely before a.D. 14.
This affords us incidentally dates
for determining the age of Salome, whom we should not without necessity
regard as much older than Aristobulus, since her second marriage, by
which she was mother of three sons, was evidently one in wliich the
partners were of similar age.
Philip, her first husband, had in B.c. 4 or 3
Josephus that she had been married long before
a.D.
Even
"
removed from the
before Jolin had been
whom
Mightier" to
29
TUE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
scene, the
he had pointed, had already made His
appearance, and had begun to preach the gospel in Galilee.
He,
could not remain unnoticed by the nobles of the land.
Yet
too,
Antipas
heard of the deeds of Jesus after the Baptist had
first
Hence, tormented by his
been put to death.
he
felt
evil conscience,
convinced that the Baptist had risen again, and was
continuing his dangerous and revolutionary work.^*^
make
to
sure whether this
was
so,
In order
he desired to see the miracle-
worker who preached in Capernaum, and attracted
He meant
people.^^
by
violence, but
and got them
He won
by
craft.
to
undertake
the
voluntarily to quit the country
Herod sought His

conceived
through
but
over to
him the
in
failed
Pharisees,
attempt to induce Jesus
by representing
to
execution,
Him
that
craftily
because Jesus
saw
Subsequently, indeed, Jesus did quit Galilee in
it.
order to take His death journey to Jerusalem.
Antipas,
the
all
however,
not,
The plan was indeed very
life.'^^
it
Him,
in time to get rid of
who was
at
There also
that time living at Jerusalem that he
might keep the Passover, had the satisfaction
of
meeting with
Pilate sent the prisoner to him, in
his mysterious subject.
order that he, as ruler of the province, might pronounce the

reached such an age as to be capable of assuming the reins of govern
inent,
and so must have been born at
Though a
latest in B.c. 21.
disparity of age between the two undoubtedly existed,
we
great
cannot, without
making a most improbable hypothesis, suppose the difference to have been

more than thirty years this would give as the latest date for the birth of
Salome, A.D. 10." Gutschmid therefore assumes that Salome was born
;
it as quite possible that she was still a xopxaiou in

and that in her nineteenth year she married Philip, who was iu
in A.D. 10, and regards

A.D. 28,
his forty-ninth year.
Mark
30
Matt. xiv.
31
Luke
Among the female followers of Christ there
ix. 9.
f.
vi.
14-16
Luke
the wife of an officer of Antipas (Luke

rpoTTov
32
ix.
viii.
7-9.
'luocwx
is
yw^
mentioned
Xov^Si
stti-
Upaoov).
So at
least is
Luke
interpretation, too,
is
xiii. 31,
correct
32 understood by
many
expositors.
compare Keiui, Jesus of Nazara,
Thia
iv. 344.
THE EOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
30
death
sentence
clamoured
for
by the Jewish
hierarchy.
Antipas, however, would not lend himself to this scheme, but

himself
contented
sending
Him
with pouring contempt upon Jesus, and
back again to Pilate.^
The chronology of the public ministry of the Baptist and of

Jesus Christ, which has hitherto been based for the most part
on Luke iii. 1 and John ii. 20, has been in recent times comWhereas previously
pletely turned upside down by Keim.^*
almost the only subject of contention had been whether the
year 30 or the year 31 was the year of Christ's death. Keim
sets down the execution of the Baptist in the end of A.D. 34
{Jesus of Nazara, vi. 226, 232), the death of Christ at Easter of
Kis chief argument is the
A.D. 35 {Jesus of Nazara, vi. 232).
Josephus remarked {Antiq. xviii. 5. 2) that the
following.
defeat which Herod Antipas sustained in the war with the
Arabian king Aretas in a.D. 36, was considered by the people
Accordas a judgment for the execution of John the Baptist.
ingly, says Keim, the execution must be placed as near as
possible to the year 36 and since, in view of the deposition of
Pilate before Easter a.D. 36, Jesus must liave been put to death
not later than Easter A.D. 35, and the execution of the Baptist
must be put down as occurring in the end of the year 34.
There is also one other reason for insisting upon this late dating
The attack of Aretas upon Antipas was an
of these events.
act of vengeance on the part of Aretas, because his daughter
had been divorced by Antipas. Hence both events must have
occurred very nearly about the same time. And, seeing that
the execution of the Baptist could not have occurred until after
the divorce of the daughter of Aretas and the marriage with
Herodias, the death of the Baptist and of Christ could not for
this reason b.ave occurred in A.D. 29 and 30 respectively.
Against this theory Wieseler particularly has urged a series
;
3^
Luke
3*
See Der
Compare
7-12.
xxiii.
Geilacli, Zeitschrift
of Nazara, vi. 103-105.

geschichtliche Christus (3 Aufl. 1866), pp.
1869, pp. 40-42
fr
Theologie,
luth.
Keim, Jesus
224-240
Jesus of
220 Protestantische Kirchenzeitung, 1869, Nr. 49 and

51.
Keim is supported by Holtzmann, Hausrath, Sevin, Schenkel, and
in all essential points by Hitzig, who reckons indeed a.D. 36 as the year
See the summary of conclusions in Keim, vi. 226, 240
of Jesus' death.
Against Keim,
also in Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu, 2 Aufl. 1874.
Beweis des Giaubenf,
Wieseler, Beitrge (1869), pp. 3-16
eee especially
Nazara,
ii.
381,
A'i.
1870, pp. 163-173.
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
31
arguments
wliicli indeed are not all of a convincing character.

seeks especially as the ground of Agrippa's residence with
Antipas (see under 18) to prove that tlie marriage with
Herodias occurred at an earlier date. When Agrippa had been
of
He
appointed by Antipas agoranomos of Tiberius, Antipas was

already married to Herodias. Afterwards Agrippa was sent
away by Antipas, and then stayed for a long time with Flaccus,
the legate of Syria, and then went to Eome, where he, or rather
his freedman Eutychus, became intimate with the city prefect
Seeing then
Piso (Antiq. xviii. 6. 2-5).
so argues Wieseler
that riaccus died in A.D. 33, Piso having previously died in
A.D. 32, the marriage with Herodias must have taken place
before A.D. 32, Wieseler thinks in A.D. 29. But we saw already
that that Piso was not the man who died in a.D. 32, but a later
one, and that Flaccus possibly, indeed probably, did not die till
A.D. 35 (see vol. i. pp. 360-364).
By these arguments, therefore, nothing can be proved.
But the rock upon which Keim's chronology suffered shipwreck is the definite statement of Luke iii. 1, that the Baptist
made his appearance before the public in the fifteenth year of
Tiberius, i.e. between August A.D. 28 and August A.D. 29
which
statement indeed Keim rejects as unworthy of belief. The
tendency now is not to overestimate the trustworthiness of
Luke, and certainly in reference to the tracing of Quirinius he
has erred grievously. But it is surely impossible that in this
case an error of five full years should have been made.
Evidently Luke took great care in examining into this particular
date.
We have here therefore before us, not so much his
opinion, as that of the entire Christendom of his time."
Can
it be thought po&sible that all Christendom was wrong to the
extent of five full years about the date of their Lord's death ?
More powerful reasons must be given than those brought
forward from Josephus before we can feel justified in adopting
such a view.
The reasons advanced by Josephus are indeed nothing less
than convincing. This is at least correct, and also generally
2*
Probably
tlie
at Easter a.D. 30.
result of Luke's investigations
From
he only allows one year
this
was
this,
that Christ died
datum he then reckons back one year
for tlie public ministry
(Luke
iv.
19-21),
for
and so
reaches the 15th year of Tiberius as the date of the public appearance of
the Baptist and Christ.
In any case it is the year 30 that John, ii. 20,
points out as the date of Christ's death
only that John, who assumes a
two
years' activity of Christ, places the
A.D. 28.
Compare
vol.
i.
p. 410.
beginning of His ministry in
THE ROMAN-HEKODIAX AGE.
32
admitted, that the defeat of Antipas in A.D. 36 took place somewhere about half a year before the death of Tiberius, in March
But that the people could not have regarded it as a
A.D. 37.
divine judgment for the execution of the Baptist, seeing that
that event was now seven years past, cannot be maintained.
couple of years more would in this matter make no difference.
For Pharisaism was wont to discover such causal connections
after the expiry of very long periods indeed.
Further, that the
divorce of the daughter of Aretas, followed by the marriage
with Herodias, and the war with the Arabian king, must have
followed immediately upon one another, still remains a point
that cannot be proved.
Josephus says expressly, that only
fiom the divorce is to be dated the beginning of the hostility
lietween Antipas and Aretas {Antiq. xviii. 5. 1
3 5g apyjiv
'iyjpag ravrriv '-oina/Msvog), and that after additional reasons arose,
such as contentions about boundaries. Even Keim himself
admits the possibility of setting down the marriage to A.D.
32-33 (Jesus of Nazara, ii. 397).
then not to the year
29, if once an interval of several years has to be admitted ?
Ilausrath, who in other respects agrees with Keim, put it back
as far as the year 27, and in this way deprives himself of the
main ground upon which he had supported his position
{Ncutestamentliche Zeitgcsckiclde, vol. i. p. 326, 328).
Upon the whole, therefore, we feel entitled to hold by the
statements of the New Testament, and to place the death of
Christ at Easter A.D. 30, that of the Baptist in A.D. 29, and the
Why
marriage of Herodias somewhat earlier, perhaps in a.d. 29,

perhaps even some years earlier (Gutschmid, Litcrarisclics
Centralhlatt, 1874, Sp. 523, places it about A.D. 26).
The connection
Antipas,
with
Herodias
brought
little
The Arabian king Aretas could not
good
forget
Antipas on her account had repudiated his daughter.
to
that
The
feud arising from this cause was increased through boundary

disputes about Galaaditis,
rather than Gamalitis.^^

^^
The
for so
we should
Finally, in A.D.
read the
name
36 the misunder-
what had been the tetrarchy of

Philip, and cannot therefore have been a subject of contention between
Antipas and Aretas. On the other hand, the province of Galaaditis
(Gilead) lay on the borders of their territories. But from TAAAAAITIS
the other word rAMAAITI2 might easily be made. Undoubtedly the
text of the passage in question (Antiq. xviii. 5. 1) is defective.
Compare
Keim
district of
Gamala belonged
to
in the Protestantische Kirchenzeitung, 18G9, Nr. 51,
col.
1218.
THE SONS OF HEKOD.
17.
33
standing between the two neighbours broke out into the war
which ended
in the utter destruction of the
army
of Antipas.^'^
The conquered monarch had now no other resource but
to
complain of his victorious opponent to the Emperor Tiberius.'*
When
prince,
Tiberius heard of the bold proceedings of the Arabian
he gave Vitellius, governor of Syria, express orders to
gain possession of Aretas, dead or alive.

little
Vitellius
had indeed
heart to enter on the expedition, for he was not greatly
drawn toward Antipas.
command, and
But he could not oppose the imperial
he prepared himself for the war against
so
After he had
Aretas.
army
ordered his
about Judea to Petra, he himself went on a
where a
was then being
feast
Passover.^^
He
to
march round
visit to
Jerusalem,
celebrated, probably that of the
waited in that city three days.
On
the fourth,
he received news of the death of Tiberius, which had taken

place on 16 th
March
A.D.
He
37.
Thus the defeat
Antioch.^
to
considered himself thereby
and turned back with
released from his undertaking,
his
army
Antipas remained un-
of
avenged.
About
time
this
we
our Jewish tetrarch present on
find
one occasion at the Euphrates during important negotiations
between Vitellius and the king of the Parthians.

seems that the account of
from
We
error.
know,
affair in
this
The
8^
date
His
seemed
affiiirs
derived from
is
this,
follows shows, took place not long
the death of Tiberius in
is
for instance, that in the years
36 the Parthian king Artabanus had

the Eomans.
Josephus
March
to
to
But
it
not free
35 and
do repeatedly with
be taking a favourable
that the defeat of Antipas, as
what
somewhere about half a yearbefore
A.D. 37.
^^
*9
Compare Keim, Jesus of Namra,
5. 1.
vi.
227
Sevin, Chronologie des Lehens
Jesu, 2 Aufl. pp. 75-77.

^
Since the imperial legates had their

5. 1-3.
only at the personal will of the emperor, so, strictly taken, every
command ceased with the death of the emperor. See Mommsen, Rmische
office
Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl.
DIV.
I.
VOL.
ii.
\\.
1.
235,
ii.
2.
873.
34
THE ROMAN-IIERODIAN AGE.
turn when, by the
own
subjects,
tlireats of Vitellius
In consequence of
the remoter provinces.
the
summer
and the revolt of
he was obliged to betake himself to
of A.D. 36,
went
his
flight into
this, Vitellius, in
Euphrates along with the
to the
pretender Tiridates, supported by the Eomans, and established
him
as king
end
over the
same
of that
year,
Parthians.
Nevertheless, before the
Artabanus returned, drove out
and secured the government again to
Tiridates,
Subsequently
himself.^^
Vitellius arranged a meeting with Artabanus at the Euphrates,
which Artebanus concluded a peace with the Eomans, and
at
in pledge thereof, sent his son Darius to
Eome
At
Herod Antipas was
this meeting, according to Josephus,
He
also present.
magnificent
hastened,
entertained Vitellius and Artabanus in a

erected
tent
soon
as
upon
the
as
since he
Euphrates bridge, and
the
were concluded,
negotiations
communicate the favourable

officiousness
result to the emperor,
which annoyed
Vitellius
after
the
a piece of
report."
official
places this meeting in the time of Tiberius,
and considers that the quarrel arising out

Vitellius
to
him exceedingly,
at
had thereby completely anticipated his
Thus Josephus
as a hostage.^^
this
between
and Herod Antipas was the reason why
Vitellius,
death
Tiberius,
of
campaign against Aretas.
immediately
of
abandoned
the
But Suetonius and Dio Cassius
say expressly, and the silence of Tacitus, in the sixth book of
Annals, indirectly
his
Vitellius
proves,
that
the
between
meeting
and Artabanus took place under Caligula.
therefore
is
question
is,
certainly in one particular in error.

in
what
particular.
If
it
is
Josephus
The only
correct that
Herod
With respect to the date, compare

Dio Cassius, Iviii. 26 Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 4. 4.
The fixing of the date results from the statement of Tacitus.
*^ Suetonius, Caligula, 14, Vitellius, 2
Dio Cassius, lix. 27 Josephus,
Antiq. xviii. 4. 5.
Besides Josephus, Dio Cassius, lix. 17, and Suetonius,
*
also
Tacitus, Annals, vi. 31-37, 41-44.
Annals,
vi.
38
Caligula, 19, speak of Darius as present in

*^
4. 5.
Kome
in A.D. 39
17.
Antipas
took
part
^"35
THE SONS OF HEKOD.

Parthian
the
in
on the
negotiations
Euphrates in the time of Tiberius, then these must have been
summer
the negotiations between Vitellius and Tiriclates in the
36
of A.D.
he
took
(Tacitus, Annals,
Artabanus,
The
But
37).
vi.
if
it is
correct that
and
between Vitellius
negotiations
cannot have been before the time of Caligula.
it
latter supposition
For
the matter.
the
the
in
part
war against
in
most probably the true account of
summer
A.D.
36 Herod was engaged
in
Aretas.^*
had
If Antipas
is
his passion for Herodias to
real occasion of his defeat
thank as the
and damage at the hand of Aretas,
the ambition of this wife of his brought about at last the loss
One
of his government and of his freedom.

of the
new Emperor
ment
into his hands
of the
first
acts
Caligula on his taking the reins of govern-
was
to assign to Agrippa, the
brother of
Herodias, what had been the tetrarchy of Philip, together with

the
title of
king.
Agrippa at
first
in the second year of Caligula,
remained
March
A.D.
still
38
to
at
Eome.
March
But
A.D.
39,
he went to Palestine, and made his appearance there as king.
The success of the adventurer, whose fortunes had once been

at so
low an ebb, and who had even himself sought aid
the hand of Antipas, excited the envy of Herodias,

fore insisted
the royal
to go
upon her husband seeking
title.
forth
also
who
at
there-
from the emperor
Herod Antipas was not very much disposed
on such an errand.
At
last,
however, he was
obliged to yield to the persistent entreaty of his wife, and
proceeded to Eome, accompanied by Herodias, to prosecute

**
Compare
Hitzig,
Volkes Israel, ii. 568

Hausratli,
Also Usslier and Tilleniont (Histoire
des Empereurs, vol. i. Venise 1732, p. 139 sq., and note 4 on Caligula)
express the same opinion. Compare on the Parthian history generally
Gutschmid, Geschichte Irans und seiner Nachbarlnder, 1888, and the
Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl.
Geschichte
ii.
des
209-211.
on p. 171 f.
list of original documents is
given in Clinton, Fasti Komani, ii. 1850, pp. 243-263. On the relations
between the Romans and Parthians, see also Schiller, Geschichte der rm.
literature referred to there
Kaiserzeit,
Bd.
i.
and Mommsen, Rom:
Geschichte, Bd. v. p.
339
fF.
36
THE ROMAN- IlERODIAN AGE.
But they were immediately followed by a repredocument containing

against
Herod
Antipas, in which he was accused of
charges
his
suit.
sentative of jAgvippa, Fortunatus, with a
old
and recent
offences,
having made a compact with
of
Sejanus (who died in A.D. 31), and with the Parthian king
In proof of these charges, his accuser pointed
Artabanus.
the accumulation of arms
came
at the
made by Antipas.
same time before Caligula
Both
When
at Baiae.
to
parties
the
emperor had heard the petition of Antipas and the accusations
how it was that he had made

And when Antipas could give no
against him, he asked Antipas
such a collection of arms.

proper account of
Caligula credited also the other charges,
this,
deposed Antipas from his tetrarchy, and banished him to
Lyons
He
in Gaul.
wished to allow Herodias, as the
of Agrippa, to live on
woman
into
her private estate.
scorned the imperial favour, and followed her husband
his
As
exile.
new
proof of
imperial
7.
1-2
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
the
favour,
tetrarchy was conferred upon the accuser Agrippa."^^

*^
sister
But the proud
9. 6.
Herod
The
latter
passage contains some inaccuracies, which are corrected in the Antiquities,
namely
(1) According to the JVars of the Jeics, Agrippa himself immediately followed Autijâs to Rome, where, according to the Antiquities,
he sent Fortimatus (2) According to the JFars of the Jeivs, Antipas was
hanished to Spain but, according to the Antiquities, to Lugdunum in
Gaul. The difference in reference to the place is not to be explained
away, whether one understands by Lugdunum the modern Lyons (which
:
is
certainly correct), or
Lugdunum Convenarum, on
the Pyrenees, which also belonged to Gaul
rm. Kaiserzeit,
definite
i.
A.D.
Lewin {Fasti Sacri, n. 1561) conjectures that the

had not been given forth before his visit to
and that Josephus confounded the place where the
383).
judgment
Lyons in
the northern slope of
(so, e.g., Schiller, Geschichte der
40,
of Caligula
sentence was given with the place of banishment,
an artificial hypothesis
which only burdens Josephus with a more grievous error in order to
exonerate him from a less serious one. The time of the deposition of
Antipas is determined partly from Antiq. xviii. 7. 1-2 compared with
6. 11, partly from xix. 8. 2.
In the latter passage it is said of Agrippa
:
Tirrctpcn:
f/,iv
ovv Ivl Tcc'iov Kxiaocpo; Iictai'hsvaiu Ivietvrov:, r^; (pt'hiTrTôv
Tsroxox,ixg dg tpiiTtotu oip^xc, tu TiTocpra Bs Kcii
rr.u
Seeing then that Caligula reigned from March a.D. 37
Hpudov
till
,as!/
Trpoasihyiôi:.
January
a.D. 41,
17.
THE SONS OF
Antipas died in banishment.

Agrippa obtained
confused statement in Dio
of Antipas in
tlie tetrarcliy
37
IIEEOD.
tlie
beginning of A.D. 40.
Agrippa bad returned to Palestine in

the second year of Caligula, between March A D. 38 and March a.D. 39,
and had the benefit of the trade winds {iTmioti, Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 5, ed.
Mangey, ii. 521), which from the 20th July blew for thirty days (Pliny,
Consequently he may, since he had on his way paid a
Hist. Nat. ii. 47).
visit to Alexandria (Philo, I.e.), have arrived in Palestine about the end
Seeing then that the deposition of Antipas was
of September a.D. 38.
closely connected with the appearance of Agrippa, it would seem that it
must have taken place, if not in A.D. 38, at least in A.D. 39. In fact, it
can be proved that it actually occurred not earlier and not later than the
But, according to Antiq. xviii.
6. 11,
Not earlier for the forty - third year of Antipas,

of a.D. 39.
which we have coins extant, only began Avith 1st Nisan 792 a.u.c,
But also not later. Caligula was absent from Eome from
A.D. 39.
autumn a.D. 39 till 31st August A.D. 40 on an expedition to Gaul, Germany,
Suetonius, Caligula, 17, 43-49
and Britain (Dio Cassius, lix. 21-25
summer
of
his entry into

8).
Rome
"natali suo,"
i.e.
31st August, see Suetonius, Caligula,
Seeing then that the deposition of Antipas took place while Caligula
was at Baiae, and seeing also, according to Josephus, Antiq. xix. 8. 2, that
it cannot have occurred after the German campaign, it must have hajapened
before that campaign,
tliat it
i.e.
before
autumn
a.D. 39.
should have taken place only after the
Agrippa, from autumn a.D. 40
till
It
is
indeed impossible
German campaign,
for
Caligula's death, resided again near to
ed. Mangey, ii. 584 ff.

24 compare also 17 c.
and 18 of the present work), whereas at the time of the deposition of
Antipas he was in Palestine. It is also shown to be impossible by this
other fact, that, according to Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 41, ed. Mangey,
ii. 593, Agrippa was in autumn a.D. 40 already in possession of Galilee.
Compare also Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 4, from which it may be concluded
In a.D. 39
that Tiberias then no longer belonged to Herod Antipas.
The one visit is
Caligula was twice in Campania (at Baiae and Puteoli).
the other, in Dio Cassius, lix. 17. See
referred to in Dio Cassius, lix. 13
also Suetonius, Caligula, 19.
After his second absence, however, he was
again at Rome on the occasion of his birthday, 31st August (Dio Cassiu?,
lix. 20
Suetonius, Caligula, 26), after which he went forth on the
German expedition. The deposition of Antipas took place at Baiae
therefore before the 31st August A.D. 39.
But, seeing that Agrippa only
obtained the tetrarchy of Antipas in the beginning of A.D. 40 (Josephus,
Antiq. xix. 8. 2), we may fairly assume, with Noris {Op2'>. ii. 622 sq.) and
Wieseler (Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 130), an interval of
several months to have occurred between the deposition of Antipas and
the conferring of his tetrarchy upon Agrippa, and that this latter event
did not take place until the time of the Gallo- German campaign of
the emperor (Philo, Legat, ad Cajum,

Josepjhus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 7
ff.
Dio
sec.
35
ff.,
Cassius, lix.
38

seems
Cassias
to
imply
that
b.c.
4-a.d.
6.
was
he
put
death
to
by
Caligula."^
Archelaus,
c.
His Territory under Eoman
Procurators,
41.
a.d. 6-a.d.
Sources.
JosEPHUS, Antiq.
xvii. 13, xviii. 1-4.
Wars
of the Jews,
Philo, De legatione ad Cajuvi {Opera, ed. Mangey,
On
ii.
7-10.
ii
545-600).
Literature.
Ewald, History
449-457,
of Israel, v.
Geikie, Life and Words of Christ,
Gratz,
Geschichte der Juden, 4 Aufl.
Hausrth,

" Archelaiis
Caligula.
col.
ii.
Israel,
iii.
pp. 253-271, 315-317, 341-344.
562
ii.
f.,
287-308,
253-262,
generally
Sanclemente,
Noris,
De
573-583.
ii.
199-270.
223, vi. 79, 183, 227
ii.
" in Sclienkel's Bibellexikon,
Compare
646-665)
i.
i.
235-257.
vii.
263-272.
i.
iii.
and
art.
38-40.
De nummo Herodis Antipae
(Opera,
vulgaris aerae emendatione, pp. 307-315.
On the coins of Herod bearing what
is
supposed to be the year number
which would require an extension of his reign down to A.D. 40, see
above, vol. i. p. 466, and the present vol. pp. 20, 21. Were the existence of
44,
this coin well established,
we should
be obliged, with Lewin, to assign the
deposition of Antipas, not to the period of Caligula's residence at Baiae,
but to the period of his Gallic campaign, and so
to
assume a serious error
in Josephus.
*^
Dio Cassius,
y^vact; TS
(ivx
OTi
ro)v
relationship
xul
'
lix.
TTot.TD'j)]/
is
8 {Caligula):
rri toi/
K-ypiTrimtv
zov rov 'Hpuhov tyyovov
ttctvzov dpîi 'Trpoar.^cic, roi/ doi'hipou
xTTtaTBpYiaiv,
olKKoL
KUt KctTiatpî.
>cxi
rou viov
Although the
not very clearly expressed, the reference can only be to

To execute those whom he banished was a common
Herod Antipas.
custom with Caligula, Suetonius, Caligula, 28

Dio Cassius, lix. 18
Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 21, ed. Mangey, ii. 543 Lewin, Fasti sacri, n. 1562.
According to Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 9. 6, Antipas died in banishment in Spain. Instead of Spain we are to read, according to Antiq.
xviii. 7. 2, Lugdunum in Gaul.
For one has no right so to combine
contradictory statements of Josephus that a later removal of the banished
one from Lyons to Spain may be assumed.
;
17.
Gerlach,
Theologie, 1869, pp.
Zeitschrift fr luth.
und Juda,
Statthalter in Syrien
39
THE SONS OF HEROD.

30-32
Die rmischen
pp. 44-48, 53-65.
Winer, Realwrterbuch, i. 82 f. (Archelaus), and ii. 261-263 (Pilatus).

Brann, Die Shne des Herodes, 1873 (reprint from the Monatsschrift fr
Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums), pp. 1-16.
ann., 4 B.c. -41 A.D.
Lewin, Fasti Sacra, ad

MoilMSEN, Rmische
Geschichte, v.
Kellner, Die rmische
kaiserlichen Procuratoren
1888, p. 630
Kellner,
508
Statthalter
ff.
von Syrien und Juda.
von Juda
{Zeitschrift
fr
2.
Art. Die
kathol.
Theologie,
ff.).
und
Politische
administrative Zustnde von Palstina zur Zeit
Christi (Der Katholik, 1888,
i.
A summary of the history
pp. 47-63).
during the time of Pompey.
Menke,
Bibelatlas, Bl.
tries in the
V. Special
map
of
Judea and neighbouring coun-
time of Pontius Pilate.
Judea proper with Samaria and Idumea (including the large

Samaria, Joppa, and Jerusalem, but exclud-
cities of Caesarea,
ing Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos) was in the partition assigned
Archelaus, the elder
to
'
brother of Antipas, not indeed, as
Herod had intended, with the
title of
king, but only with that
Yet Augustus promised him the kingdom
of
an
if
he should prove himself to be worthy of
ethnarch.'^
also, like Antipas,
named himself on
it.^
Archelaus
the coins and elsewhere
by the family name of Herod.*

Wars of the Jeios, i. 32. 7, 33. 7.
inaccurately styled a.ai'Kiv; in Matt.
Josephus,
He
is
Antiq. xviii.
3
By
Dio
ii.
22,
and in Josephus,
4. 3.
Josephus he
Cassius, Iv. 27.
E0NAPXOT belong
is
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
6. 3.
never indeed called Herod, but he is so called by

That the coins with the inscription HPHAOT
him cannot be doubted,
for no other Herodiau

This was first of all recognised
by Scipio Maffeius, Antt. Gall. p. 113 (quoted by Eckhel, iii. 484). Eckhel is at least inclined to agree with him (" Forte verior est conjectura
Scipionis Maffeii," etc.). It is now admitted by all scholars.
Compare
on these coins generally Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik, i. 53, 57 f.,
De Saulcy, Recherches, p. 133 sq. Levy, Geschichte der jd.
ii.
32 f.
Mnzen, p. 73 f. Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 91-95 Cavedoni in Grote's Mnzstudien, v. 25 f.
De Saulcy, Numismatic Chronicle^
besides
him bore
the
to
of ethnarch.
title
40
Among
Herod he procured
His rule was violent and
the sons of
worst reputation.
himself
for
the
He
tyrannical.^
He
set up and removed the high priests at his pleasure.^
gave special offence by his marriage with Glaphyra, daughter
She had been married
of the Cappadocian king Archelaus.
first to
7.
B.c.
Alexander, the half-brother of Archelaus, executed in
See
vol.
456
p.
i.
work.
of this
to Juba, king
she was married
Madden, Numismatic
1871, pp. 248-250
Madden, Coins of the Jews, pp. 114-118,
Chronicle,
''
are cLarged against
'n,c46T)7? x.< Tvpotyvi;
Compare
also IVars of the Jews,
Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 13.
ii.
After his death
Upon
Mauritania.^
of
liiin
45
1875,
the
sq.
in Antiq. xvii. 13. 2.
7. 3.
1.
same one who made himself known as a writer. Eeports

about him and the fragments of his writings are collected by Mller,
Compare also Clinton, Fasî
Fragmenta Histor. Graec. iii. 465-484.
7
It is this
Hellenici, 2 ed.
iii.
578
sq.
Pauly's Ecal-Encyclopaedie,
Griechische Literaturgeschichte,
ii.
185
f.
La Blanchere,
iv.
345
Z)e rege
Nicolai,
Juba
Juba
regis
as a
and the literature referred to there.
child {pe(po;, App. xo.a/oij v^'ttio:, Plut.) was led in triumph by Caesar in
In B.c. 29 he obtained
Plutarch, Caesar, c. 55).
B.c. 46 (Appian, ii. 101
from Augustus his father's kingdom of Numidia (Dio Cassius, Ii. 15).
Pour years later, in b.c. 25, Augustus gave him instead of that the lands of
Bocchus and Boguas (Mauritania Tingitana and Caesarieusis), and a part
He was still living in A.D. 18 (Mller,
of Gatulia (Dio Cassius, liii. 26).
iii. 466). and, as is proved by the evidence of the coins, did not die before
Marquardt, Rmisches StaatsA.D. 23 (Mommsen, Ephemeris epigr. i. 278
Juhaefilio, Paris 1883,

;
verwaltung,
i.
pp. 542-544.
xiii.
1878, p.
1881, p. 482
Ruhl, Jahrbb. fr
class. Philol.
117 Bd. 1878,
Ruhl succeeds in proving, in opposition to Niese in Hermes,

35 f., Anm., that Juba died in A.D. 23. Schiller in Bursian's
.Jahresbericht, xv.
497
f.
Paul Meyer, Leipziger Studien zur
class.
Philol.
Vogel, Fhilologus, Bd. 41, 1882, p. 517 La Blanchfere,

De rege Juba, p. 85 [all in favour of A.D. 23]. The marriage with Glaphyra occurred probably between B.c. 1 and a.D. 4, if the conjecture of
Mller is correct that Juba accompanied C. Caesar on his Oriental expedi-
ii.
1879, p. 72
An
and on that occasion became acquainted with Glaphyra.
up as follows by Mommsen, probably refer to
Glaphyra (fijj/iemen's epigr. i. 277 6C[. = Corp). Inscr. Attic, iii. 1, n. 549) :
tion,
inscription at Athens, filled
H ov'K'^
'
)ccc\
[o' Bij.itof]
xoi'htaace.v \jL'hu(pvpt!e.u~\
'App^sXcioy Qv/\_Tipoi., ^loeil
yv'JuiKX
[^cipsTii; 'ivfuot,}.
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
41-
dissolution of this marriage/ Glaphyra lived in her father's
There Archelaus became acquainted with her,
house.
in
fell
love with her, and took her to be his wife, for he divorced his
own
wife
Mariamme.
Seeing that Glaphyra had children by
Alexander, the marriage was unlawful, and
The marriage was not indeed
great offence.^
Glaphyra died soon
for
of long duration,
her arrival in Judea,^" after
after
having had a remarkable dream, in which her

Alexander, appeared to
husband,
first
and made known
her,
gave
therefore
her her
to
approaching death.^^
It will almost go without saying that Archelaus as son of
Herod engaged upon great building

at Jericho
The palace
enterprises.
was restored in the most magnificent
An
style.
aqueduct was built to lead the water necessary for the palmgroves,
which he had
anew
out
laid
He
Jericho, from the village of iSTeara.
and called
in
it
honour
also
plain north of
founded a
useful undertakings could not recon-
misgovernment.
After tolerating his
* Josephus says "after the death of JuLa," which, however,

See previous note.
^
city,
of himself Archelais.''^
But these beautiful and

cile his subjects to his
in the
Compare generally Antiq.
xvii.
13. 1
and 4
is
wrong.
JVais of the Jews,
ii.
7.4.
^^
MsT
^'
Josephiis, Antiq. xvii. 13. 4
^2
vol.

i.
p.
Wars
cA/yoi/ rotJ d^pl'îuc xpoô")
423
on the
1.
of the Jeivs,
ii. 7.
4.
JFars of the Jews, ii. 7. 4.

On the palm-groves near Jericho, see
village of Archelais, see Div. II. vol.
i.
p.
122.
It
according to the tabula Peutingcr. (ed. Konr. Miller, 1888), on the

road from Jericho to Scythopolis, 12 Roman miles north of Jericho,
lay,
12 -|- 12
Roman
Seeing that the actual distance
miles south of Scythopolis.
between was somewhere about 15 Roman miles, an error has somewhere crept into the figures. If we assume that the statement of the
distance between Jericho and Archelais as 12 Roman miles is correct,
then Archelais must have been a little south of Phasaelis, not north, as is
generally supposed.
The following
Archelais, like Phasaelis,
Antiq. xviii.
2.
fact is in favour of
was celebrated
We may
therefore
laid out bj' Archelaus, for
which he
Pliny, Hist. Nat.
actually seek the palm-groves
anew
such a view.
for its palm-groves (Josephus,
xiii.
4.
44).
THE ROMAN- HEEODI AN AGE.
42
more than nine
rule for
Jewish and
years, a deputation of the
Samaritan aristocracy set out for Eome, in order to lay their
The points
complaints against him before Augustus.
must have been very
accusation
felt
himself obliged to
serious
summon Archelaus
for
to
in their
the emperor
Eome, and,
after
having heard him, to depose him from his government, and
him
banish
Vienne in Gaul in
to
his wife, his fate
The
had been
rule, for it
was attached
received a governor of
its
To him
to
immediate
taken under
to the province
own from
also, as
by a remarkable dream.^^
foretold
Archelaus was
territory of
Eoman
a.d, 6.
of
Syria, but
In
the equestrian order.^*
consequence of this arrangement the condition of Judea became
Herod the Great and
essentially changed.
spite
of
respect for
friendship
their
all
for
the
and understanding of the national
peculiarities of the Jews, so that they, apart
exceptions, did not wantonly

bilities of
his sons
Eomans
the people.
to such matters care
wound
Common
had in
considerable
and
traditions
from individual
the most sacred sensi-
prudence demanded
and consideration.
in regard
The Eomans, on the
brought water from Neara, in the immediate neighbourhood of the Archelaia

founded by him. But Neara is most probably identical with the place
called by Eusebius {Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 283) Noopid, which was
Therefore also Archelias
only 5 Roman miles distant from Jericho.
would not be too far from it.
^^ Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 13. 2-3
TFars of the Jews, ii. 7. 3
Dio
;
Without mentioning the name of Archelaus, Strabo, xvi.

2. 46, p. 765, says that a son of Herod kv (îvyfi ItiriT^n Trupoi tol;' k^.^.ptî
TuT^xrats "hotuv oUtiaiv. Vienne, south of Lyons, was the capital of the
Allobrogi. As regards the chronology, Dio Cassius, Iv. 27, places the
banishment of Archelaus in the consulship of Aemilius Lepidus and
Cassius, Iv. 27.
Lucivis Arruntius, a.b. 6.
Antiq. xvii. 13.
Wars
2,
of the Jews,
that
ii.
it
7. 3,
With
this agree the statements of Josephus,
occurred in the tenth year,
or,
in the ninth year of Archelaus.
according to the
According to a
statement of Jerome, the grave of Archelaus was pointed out near Bethlehem {Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 101 " sed et propter eandem Bethleem regis quondam Judaeae Archelai tumulus ostenditur "). If this be
correct, he must have died in Palestine.
:
1*
5, xviii. 1.
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
8.
1.
17.
THE SONS OF
43
IIEROD,
other hand, had scarcely any appreciation of what was peculiar to
As
the Jewish nationality.
the religious views of the
Pharisees and the accumulation of
passed the daily
unknown to
how a whole
traditions
of the people like a net
life
which encom-
were altogether
the Eomans, they could not at
understand
all
people would offer the most persistent resistance
even unto death, and would

merely ceremonial
rites
suffer annihilation
and what
The Jews again saw
difference.
seemed
on account of
matters
of
in-
the simplest rules of
in
administration, such as the proposal of a census
made
at the
very beginning, an encroachment upon the most sacred rights

of the people,
and from day
to
day the feeling more and more
gained ground that the immediate government of the Eomans,
which
at
the
death of Herod they
had wished
even had there been the best of intentions on both
But
this good-will
Thus,
sides, the
became strained and ultimately
relations inevitably
was only
partially
was
for,^
with the principles of the theocracy.
irreconcilable
hostile.
Those at
exliibited.
the head of the government, with the exception of the times

of Caligula, were indeed ready on
cessions
But
and
to exercise forbearance
gross
con-
in a very large measure.
their good intentions were always rendered
the perversity
make
their part to
nugatory by
of the procurators, not infrequently also
miscarriage
Those subordinate
of
justice
officers,
on the part of these

like
all
petty
by
officials.
governors,
were
usually puffed up by a consciousness of their absolute authority,
and by their insolent
demeanour
at
last
drove
the
oppressed and burdened people to such a pitch of excitement

that they rushed headlong with wild
fanaticism into a war
that plainly involved annihilation.
Seeing that the political affairs of Judea during the period

1*
Jojephus, Antiq. xvii. 11. 2
TJârs of the Jews,
ii.
6. 2.
THE EOMAN-IIERODIAN AGE.
44
6-41 were
A.D.
in all essential respects the
generally
exposition
make
the
period
during the
Palestine
follo\vin<i'
we take
same
A.D.
as those of
44-66,
in the
the two periods together, and
use of materials from the one period as well as from
other.^*^
Judea, and subsequently
was not
all Palestine,
in the strict
sense of the term incorporated with the province of Syria,
but had a governor of
only to a certain
its
own
of equestrian rank,
It therefore
legate of Syria."
this third class is
most
of
stood
belonged to the third class of
imperial provinces, according to Strabo's
for
who
extent in dependence upon the imperial
And
classification.-^^
to be regarded as an exception to the rule
the imperial provinces were, just like the sena-
torial provinces,
administered by
men
by those who had been

were
particular provinces
Only a few
manner placed under governors
the
by men who had been
greater provinces, like that of Syria,

consuls, the smaller ones,
senatorial rank
of
in
an
praetors.^^
exceptional
of equestrian rank, namely,
those in which, on account of special tenacity in adhering to

peculiar national customs, or on account of the rudeness and
1*^
Compare Sibranda, De
statu Jiidaeae provinciae sub procuratoribus,
Franecq. 1698 (also in Thesaurus novus thcol.-philol., edd. Hase et Iken,

Kienkel, art. "Verwaltung" in Schenkel's Bibellexikon,
ii. 529 sqq.).
601 f.; Rielim's Handwrterbuch, art. "Rmer;" Mommsen, Rom.

and generally tlie literature referred to on p. 38 of
Geschichte, v. 509 ff.
V.
this
1^
volume.
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews,
iTTctpyJotv 7Fipiypot.J:iia-/ii iirirpo'jrog
Tocîu; KcT^viog
zuv
^*
Tri^ws-trxi.
i-TTTTsav, iiymoftiyo;
ii.
ri;
Antt. xviii.
lovbotiau
tJ5
8.
[1.
tt^ Ss 'Apx^'fôiov x^pot.; ;
ittttikti; va-p.
rii;']
1.
KuTruiviOi
Vuf^xlotg
ryfiuro;
W( TrSiaiu tôvatc^,
840 sis a? fisu jrifjt.-xit rovg 'f^tfuhyiiofîvov;

i/'TT'X.Tix.ovg i'jhpct:, it; a; "hi ar poiTYiytKOVc;, it; ug OS Kcti iTTTT tKOvg.
13 For further details, see vol. i. p. 347 of this work.
The designation
of the imperial governor of Syria as " proconsul," as is done by many
theologians {e.g. Gerlach, Hausrath, Krenkel), is an offence against the
very rudiments of Roman antiquities. Only during the time of Pompey,
down to B.C. 48, was Syria governed by "proconsuls."
Strabo, xvii.
3.
25, p.
TUE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
45
savage state of the country, the government could not be
that
The best known example
by the usual methods.
carried on
is
Elsewhere
Egypt.
of
inhabited by a
were also
there
territories
semi-barbarous people which were admin-
still
istered in this manner.^"
The usual
title
such an equestrian governor was pro-
for
seems indeed that Augustus, not
It
curator, cnriTpoTTO'i.^^
only in Egypt, but elsewhere

praefadus,
Very
7rapxo<i.^^
as
preferred
well,
the
soon, however, at farthest in the
time of Claudius, except in the case of Egypt, the
become the prevailing
curator had
e7rapxo<i
praeses,
governor
the
designates
or
the
is
(procurator)
is
term
the
usually
correct
Testament, r/jefKov
employed.^*
may
title
pro-
sometimes
eirirpoiro^,
New
the
title
Josephus, as a rule,
one.
Judea
of
In
rjye/xcov^-^
title
be
That
by
proved
also
eVtVyooTro?
20
The most important, besides Egypt, are mentioned by Tacitus,

"duae Mauritaniae, Raetia, Noricum, Thracia et quae
i. 11:
A complete li.st is given by Hirschfeld,
aliae procuratoribus cohibentur."
Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1889, pp. 419-423.
Compare also,
History,
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverioaltung,

Beitrge zur Verwaltungsgeschichte,
21
i.
1881,
i.
p.
554
f.
Liebenaui,
1886, pp. 26-30.
Compare generally on the Praesidial-Procurators
Mascovius,
procuratore Caesaris, Altorf. 1724 (also in his Opuscula jurid.
et
De
philol.
1776, pp. 1-30); Eein, art. "Procurator Caesaris" in Pauly's EealWiner, Biblisches Bealwrterbuch, ii. 276 ff.
Encyclopaedie, vi. 1. 88-90
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd.
(art. " Procuratoren ")
;
1,
1881, p. 554
ff.
The
most comprehensive treatment of the subject
given by Hirschfeld, Die
is
ritterlichen Provindahiatthalter (Sitzungsberichte
der Berliner Akademie, 1889, pp. 417-442).

22
See with reference to this matter, Hirschfeld, Sitzungsberichte, 1889,
pp. 425-427.
23 'Ez-irpo7:-os
in the following passages
JFars of the Jews,
11. 6 (in the parallel passage, Antiq. xix. 9. 2
JFars of the Jetcs, ii. 12.

Antiq. xx. 5. 1 fin., 11. 1
Antiq. xviii.
ivirprjTro:).
2. 2,
2*
Antiq. xx.
6.
iTctrpo'zivav,
Wars
Antiq.
of the Jews,
7. 1.
xviii.
1.
1.
i7rt,us'hnT'/;c,
svixpxo;)
Antiq. xx.
xix. 9. 2 (in parallel passage,
iiyriotcivoc,
T-pciarrtCOf/.ivog,
Antiq. xviii.
8.
ii.
12.
1,
ii.
8. 1, 9. 2,
Antic/, xx. 6. 2
5.
14.
1.
Wars of the Jews,

viys(/.uv,
xo;^jor,
ii.
Antiq. xviii.
Aiitiq. xviii.
4.
2.
iTmpo'ZTj,
1.
11. 6
.3.
1.
tTTTrccp-^ri:,
10 fin.
Matt, xxvii.
2, 11,
14,
15, 21,
27, xxviii.
14; Luke
iii.
1,
xx. 20;
46
Tili:
KO.MAN-HERODIAN AGE.
In general this
witnesses of another kind.-^
title
was used
for all imperial finance officers, while pracfactus was more of
a military
all
Such finance procurators were found
title.
also in
other provinces, in the imperial as well as the senatorial
They were chosen not only from the equestrian

order, but even from among the freedtnen of the emperor.^
Those procurators, on the other hand, who had to administer
a province, on account of the military command that was
provinces.'^
necessarily connected with such an appointment, were chosen

It
was an
office
of pro-
exclusively from the ranks of the equestrians.
unheard of novelty when under Claudius the
curator of Judea was given to a freedman, Felix (see below
under
19).
The procurators
of
Judea seem
have been subordinate to
to
the governor of Syria only to this extent, that

ri"ht
Acts
and duty
xxiii. 24,
pracses,
25
and
The
of
it
was the
the governor to interfere in the exercise of
xxiv.
26, 33,
1,
10,
xxvi. 30.
^>s.ajj/
means generally
therefore used of governors of other order.s.
is
decree of the
KovoTTiu 0B&) Tw ifû
Emperor Claudius
tTriTfiz-if).
in Josephus, Antiq. xx. 1. 2

" Christus Tiberio
:
Tacit. Annal. xv. 44
imperitante per procuratorem Pentium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat."

" praedas ad procuratores referre
jus statuendi etiam
Ibid. xii. 54
de procuratorihus." Cumanus and Felix are intended. The material
:
brought together by Hirschfeld in Sitzungsberichte, p. 425 f., seems to me

insufficient to ground upon it the conclusion " that in Judea also in the
earlier days of the empire the title of praefadus was used," although this
may be admitted as possible.
26 Marquardt, i. 555 f.
2'
Compare on these finance procurators (besides the literature given
Eichhorst, Quaestionum epigi-aphicarum de procuratoribus
in note 21)
imperatorum Romanorum specimen, 1861 Hirschfeld, Untersuchungen auj
dem Gebiete der rmischen Verwaltungsgeschichte, Bd. 1, Die kaiserlichen
Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian, 1887 (a well- informing treatise);
Liebenam, Beitrge zur Verwaltungsgeschichte des rmischen Kaiserreichs,
i., Die Laufbahn der Frocuratoren bis auf die Zeit
Diocletians, 1886.
:
]\Iuch material
]jare
also
is
Corp.
supplied in the Indices to the Corp. Inscr. Lat.

Inscr.
Grace,
Haenel, Corpus Lcgum, Index,
Index,
s.v.
p.
36
procurator
{s.v.
tTriTpoTro;
Com-
liuarov).
Dirksen, Manuale latini-
tatis fontium iuris civ. Horn. (1837), s.v. procurator.
THE SONS OF HEROD
17.
supreme power in cases of
his
jurisdiction, of
of
which he was,
Judea had been
The investing the
such a view.^^
command, and with independent

him a position, in virtue
procurator with a military

itself
if
But they do not
incorporated into the province of Syria.

to
Writers have
necessity.^^
indeed sometimes expressed themselves as
continue consistent
47
conferred upon
in regard
to ordinary transactions within
the limits of his province, as independent as the governors of
On
other provinces.
had the
the other hand, the governor of Syria
right, according
to his
own
discretion, to interfere if
he had reason to fear revolutionary uprisings or the appearance
other
of
command
28
in
serious
Judea
He would
difficulties.
the
as
Compare Mommsen, Rmische
superior
of
the
Geschichte, v. 509,
then
take
procurator."
Anm.
Hirsclifeld,
Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1889, pp. 440-442.

2^
Josephus says, Antiq.
Trpoavifindsiat;;
Ivpuv.
Tri
xvii. fin.
li
rr,;
But when he
'AopisXaoy x^'P'î C-TroTiTôv:

Antiq. xviii. 1. 1, calls
also, in
Judea a 7rpocdi]x,m tyi; Ivpl.;, he evidently does not mean to describe it as

a properly integral part, but only as an appendix or annex to the province
of Syria. According to the Wars of the Jews, ii. 8. 1, the territory of
Archelaus had been made into a province, therefore with the privilege of
independence,
tsj?
Ss
'Ac;)(;7ioy
x^'P<^?
''V
It^cx.px''^"
'îpiyoa.cCiiani.
In
reference also to the state of matters after Agrippa's death, Josephus
was not set over the kingdom

while he immediately afterwards states that
affirms distinctly that the governor of Syria
of Agrippa (Antiq. xix.

this governor
Tacitus
9. 2),
had interfered in the
refers, in a.D. 17, to
of one another (Annals,
ii.
42
affairs of that coiuîtrj (Antiq. xx. 1. 1).
Syria and Judea as two provinces alongside

"provinciae Suria atque Judaea), and says
of the arrangements after the death of King Agrippa, History, v. 9

" Claudius
Judaeam provinciam equitibus Romanis aut libertis per:
misit."
(Annals,
When,
xii.
therefore, he reports this same fact in another place

" Ituraeique et Judaei defunctis regibus,
23) in these words
Sohaemo atque Agiippa, provinciae Suriae
additi
"
that
word
additi is to
be understood in the same way as the TrpoadiliKyi of Josephus. In no case

should any one conclude, as Bormann (see under 18 fin.) has done,
because Tacitus introduces this statement first in a.D. 49, when he should
have previously brought it forward in a.D. 44, that affairs had undergone
a change in A.D. 49. Suetonius also wrongly designates Judea a province
(Suetonius, Claudius, 28 "Felicem, quem cohortibus et alls provinciaeque
Judaeae praeposuit
*"
Examples
").
Petronius (A)diq. xviii.
8.
2-9
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
48
"Whether this superior authority went so far that he might
even
call
two
the
in
the procurator to account seems questionable, since,

in
cases
had
concerned
been
which
happened, the
this
probably
with
entrusted
governor
a
special
Judea was
not at
commission.
The
procurator
the
residence of
Jerusalem, but at
of
Since
Caesarea/^
dwelling of
the
commander-in-chief or governor was called
the
j)''^'^'^^^^'^'^'^''^
rov 'HpooSov in Caesarea (Acts
irpaiTcopLov
the
35) was
xxiii.
nothing else than a palace built by Herod, which served as a
On
special occasions, especially
feasts,
when, on account of the
residence for the procurator.
during
the
chief
Jewish
crowds of people that streamed into Jerusalem, particularly

oversight
careful
was necessary, the procurator went up
to
Jerusalem, and resided then in what had been the palace of
The praetorium
Herod.^
Jerusalem, in which Pilate was
at
staying at the time of the trial and condemnation of Jesus

Christ (Matt, xxvii.
27; Mark xv. 16; John xviii. 28, 33,

the well-known palace of Herod, on
9), is therefore just
xix.
the west
side
of
the
It
city.^*
same time a strong
dwelling, but at the
1-5), Cassius Longiniis (Antiq. xx.
10.
was not only a princely
1.
1),
which
castle, in
Cestius Gallus
{Wars
at
of the
9 ff.).
2^ Of Vitellius, who deposed Pilate (Antiq. xviii. 4. 2), Tacitus (Annal;
" Cunctis quae apud orientem parabantur L. Vitelliuiu
vi. 32) says
praefecit."
Of Ummidius Quadratus, who sent Cumanus to B.ome (Antiq.
Jeivs,
14. 3, 16. 1, 18.
ii.
XX.
6.
(Annals,
TFars of the Jews,

" Claudius
54)
xii.
12.
ii.
.
6), it
expressly said in Tacitus
is
jus statuendi etiam de procuratoribus
dederat."
22
Joscphus, Antiq. xviii.
Wars
3. 1
TFars of the Jeios,
ii.
9. 2 (Pilate);
Antiq.
23-33 (Felix)
Acts XXV. 1-13 (Festus) Josepbus, JVars of the Jens, ii. 14. 4 fin., 15. 6
Judaeae
Tacitus, History, ii. 78: " Caesaream
fin., 17. 1 (Florus).
XX.
5.
of the Jews,
ii.
12. 2
(Cumanus)
Acts
xxiii.
caput."
33
sec.
3*
Josepbus, Wars of the Jews,

38 (ed. Mangey, ii. 589 sq.).
Compare the
Ha n diurterbuch.
art.
ii.
14. 8, 15. 5
Pbilo, Legat, ad Cajum,
" Richthaus " in Winer, Eealwrterhuch,
and Eiehm,
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
times (during the rebellion in
40
and again in
66)
detachments of troops could maintain their position
large
against
the
Hence,
also,
4,
whole
the
of
assaults
b.c.
mass
of
A.D.
the
people.^^
during the residence there of the procurator, the
detachment of troops accompanying him had their quarters

within
its
With
xv. 16).
reference to the military arrangements,
was divided
of the empire
kind
legions
two divisions
into
citizens,
of the
those
for
had obtained
deserves
of the days
of a thoroughly
the legions and the auxiliaries.^^
formed the proper core
Eoman
it
remembered that the Eoman army
specially to be
distinct
(Mark
walls
The
legions
and consisted only of
troops,
provincials
who
served
in
the
Each legion formed a
citizen rights.
compact whole of ten cohorts, or sixty centuries, altogether

embracing from 5000
to
6000
men.^^
The auxiliary troops
consisted of provincials who, at least in the early days of the
not as a rule possess
empire, did
Tiieir
arms were lighter and
the legions
own
less
national usages.
formed
harmonious than those
of
often in this they were allowed to follow their
Their infantry was formed into cohorts,
whose strength varied from 500

was
the right of citizenship.
into
alae,
Cohorts and alae were
of
to
1000 men;
similarly
named
after the
the cavalry
varying
strength.^^
nation from which
they had been recruited.^^
In regard to the provinces administered by procurators,
may, as a
rule,
it
be assumed that in them, and under the
^^ Joseplius, Antiq. xvii. 10. 2-3

Wars of the Jews, ii. 3. 1-4, 17. 7-8.
Compare the description, Wars of the Jews, v. 4. 3-4.
8^ Compare on the composition and
nature of the Eoman army
;
generally, Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung,

3'
Marquardt,
ii.
359, 441.
ii.
307-591.
s Ibid.
453-457.
and Syria, "Coliors

Damascenorum, Ituraeorum, Sebastenorum, Tyriorum." Other examples in rich abundance are given in the
indices to Corp. Inscr. Lot.
A collection of materials is given by
Momrasen, Efhemeris epigr. v. 164-200.
DIV. I. VOL. II.
D
^3 So, to
give only a few examples from Palestine
Ascalonitarum, Canathenorum,
50
command
of
troops.'^*^
This rule
the procurator, there

is
There were legions only in Syria

three,
from the time of Tiberius
the time of
to
would be only auxiliary

by the history
of Judea.
in the time of
Augustus
also confirmed
;
But
four.^^
down
in Judea,
Vespasian, there were only auxiliary troops,
and, indeed, mostly such as had been raised in the country
The honour and burden
of this
levy lay only on
non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine.
The Jews were
itself.*^
the
exempted from military
service.
This
have been the state of matters, at
to
Caesar," and, from
all
we
that
abundantly proved
is
least,
positively
from the time
know about
of
the
"* Hirsclifeld, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie,

1889, pp. 431-437 ;
Marquardt, ii. 518.
*^ Three legions under Augustus (Josei)lius, Antiq. xviii. 10. 9
Wars
of the Jews, ii. 3. 1, 5. 1); four under Tiberius (Tacitus, Annals, iv. 5).
Seeing that in Egypt under Augustus there were three legions, and under
Tiberius only two, see Strabo, xvii. 1. 12, p. 797 Tacitus, Annals, iv. 5,
there was meanwhile one of the Egyptian legions transferred to Syria
;
(Pfitzner, p. 24, conjectures that it
four Syrian legions only two are
Ferrata (Tacitus, Annals,
ii.
was the Legio XII. Fulm.).
known with
certainty
79, 81, xiii. 38, 40, xv. 6, 26)
Of
the
the Legio VI.
and the Legio
X. Fretensis (Tacitus, Annals, ii. 57, xiii. 40, xv. 6). The other two were
probably the Legio III. Gallica (Tacitus, Annals, xiii. 40, xv. 6, 26 it
had, according to Tacitup, History, lii. 24, already fought under Mark
Antony against the Parthians) and the Legio XII. Fulminata (Tacitus,
An7ials, XV. 6, 7, 10, 26).
See especially Momuisen, Bes gestae div. Augusti,
;
2 ed. 1883, p. 68, note
Generally Grotefend, art. "Legio" in Pauly's

868-901
Marquardt, Hmische Staatsverwaltung,
2.
Beal-Encyclojxtedie, iv.
430
Stille, Ilistoria legionum auxiliorumque inde ah excessu divi
Augusti usque ad Vesijasiani tempera, Kiliae 1877 Pfitzner, Geschichte der
rmischen Kaiserlegionen von Augustus his Hadrianus, Leipzig 1881.
*^ Compare in reference to the garrisoning of Judea down to the time
ii.
ft'.
of Vespasian, Schrer, Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftliche Theologie, xviii. 1875,

413-425
Egli, Zeitschrift, xxvii. 1884, pp. 10-22 ; Mommseii,
pp.
Hermes, xix. 1884, p. 217, Anni.

Akademie, 1889, p. 433 f.
*^
Josephus,
arpoL7Tfiyci;
avfifioe.x''*^-
Antiq.
xiv.
10.
Hirschfeld, Sitzungsherichte der Berliner
6:
x.oi,l
tu;
^yjOsI;
i^vjts
Lpûv
^ttjjrs
tuv lovootiuv tviaroi [codd. viarec]

Also Monuucn, Rmische Geschichte, v. 501, Anm. The
"Trpi/iivrvig
iv
roi;
'opoi;
Jews of Asia Minor were freed from the conscription for military service
of the Pompeiuns in B.c. 49 (Josejihus, Antiq. xiv. 10. 13, 14, 16, 18, 19),
17.
Palestinian
down
troops
assumed
be
throughout
us, it
otherwise
known
may
imperial
in thorough correspondence with
is
Eoman
regarding the
Indeed, in regard
conscription.
the
the
to
may
what
procedure
use
also
period.
unequal treatment of the population
this
appear to
51
days of Vespasian,
to the
certain
as
Eemarkable as
THE SONS OF HEROD.
made
is
the
in
of the
inhabitants and the confidence reposed in them, the provinces
were treated in very diverse ways and varying measures in

the matter of military service."
For the
period
641 we
A.D.
are
without
information about the troops stationed in Judea.
highly probable that the Sebastians,
i.e.
direct
But
it
is
the soldiers drafted in
whom we
the region of Sebaste or Samaria,
any
meet with subse-
quently, constituted even then a considerable portion of the

garrison.
Herod
in
In
b.c.
the
Herod fought on the

TTjvol
infantry."
best
the death
of
Romans, namely, the Heaa-
whom commanded
the cavalry, the latter the
The troops thus proved would be undoubtedly
deposition in A.D.
Eomans, then, from

his death again
6,
A.D.
it
is
highly probable that, after
they would be taken over by the
41
to A.D. 44,
by the Eomans.
in favour of this supposition.

A.D.
followed
equipped part of the troops of
side of the
retained by Archelaus, and

his
which
under the command of Eufus and Gratus,
'rpt(T')(î\ioi,
the former of
struggles
4, the
by Agrippa, and
after
The following also speaks

At the death of Agrippa in
44, the troops of the king stationed in Caesarea, which
were Kaiaapei<i kuI Seaarrjvoi, gave expression in a very
unseemly manner
to their joy at
the death of the ruler that
and this remission was confirmed to them six years later, in

by Dolabella (Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10. 11-12). Compare Div.
ii.
B.c.
43,
II. vol.
264.
Compare Mommsen, " Die Conscriptionsordnung der rmischen

Kaiserzeit" (Hermes, Bd. xix. 1884, pp. 1-79, 210-234).
*^ Josephus, Wars
Compare Antiq. xvii.
of the Jews, ii. 3. 4, 4. 2-3.
**
10. 3
ff.
THE ROMAN-HEKODIAN AGE.
62
had shown himself friendly

respect to the
memory
In order to show
to the Jews.
emperor ordered these
of Agrippa, the
twv Xeaanqvwv
troops, namely, rrjv Tkrjv rcov Kaiaapecov koI
Kot
way
be sent by
cohorts), to
an ala of cavalry and
(Tireipa^ (therefore
irevTe
Ta<;
punishment
of
their presenting a petition, however,
From
Vespasian.*'^
Agrippa
this it
wêre
may
this
appears
it
be inferred that in the same
over after the deposition of Archelaus.
together a
to the
ascribed
procurator
way they were taken

somewhat
It is also
five cohorts
of
Sebastian troops of
B.c.
4.
During
the
44-66 these troops are often referred to. The

Cumanus led the ala Sehastenorum and four cohorts
of infantry
During the
from Caesarea against the Jews.**
between
struggles
From
we reckon the latter at 500 men, would make

force of 3000 men, which is the same number as
infantry, if
period A.D.
the troops of
that
remarkable that the one ala of cavalry and
is
removed
first
by the Eomans.*^
certainly taken over
On
Pontus.
to
was agreed that they
it
should remain in Judea, from which they were
by
live
and
Jewish
the
Gentile
inhabitants of
Roman
Caesarea, the latter boasted of the fact that the
troops
Caesarea consisted in great part of Caesareans and Sebas-
in
Finally, in A.D. 67, Vespasian
tians.^^
his
army from Caesarea
therefore the
Probably also
*^ Josei^lius,
*''
xix.
five cohorts
same detachments
the
Sebasteni
Antiq. xix.
as
was able
and one ala
** Joseplius, Antiq.
;
xx.
referred
to
^
;
A.D.
44.
on
the
1-2.
9.
Analagous cases arc also known elsewhere.

51, 217 f.
T7,aT
of cavalry
were there in
often
so
to draft into
6. 1
t'Av
IVars of the Jews,
ii.
See
Mommsen, Hermes,
tuv lictaTfivuv Wnv ki -Tnûv

5
12.
îxv
iayiv
'tT^'Tîuv
riaaoipoc,
KuXovy-iufiU
'S.idazYiVUJ.
*^ Joseplius,
V-no
'
Antiq. xx.
8.
iîya.
ifpouovvTii
Pufidiov; iicai aTpxrivouivuu Kcctiapug
the parallel passage,
Wars
of the Jews,
in the received text.

*"
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews,
iii.
4. 2.
ii.
iTrl
iivu.1
13. 7, "
tw rov;
x,a.l
TrKiiarov;
lidOTVi'JOv;.
Syrians
" is
tuu
In
the word
53'
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
inscriptions are identical with our Sebastian troops.'^
Also
the airelpa Xeacrrrj, which at the time of the imprisonment
Paul, about A.D. 60, lay
of
undoubtedly one of the
Many
from Josephus.
come
The
troops.
cohort
in
called simply airelpa
guish
it
from
others.^'
after other results
40, a airelpa
We
meet
In
Schastenorum.
upon auxiliary
probably
therefore
Caesarea
it
was
Xeaarrj, since this sufficed to distin-
It
is,
on the other hand, remarkable,
we have reached,
'IraXi/cy']
witli
was
question
ala
that in Caesarea, about A.D.
should have been stationed (Acts
by which probably a cohort

^1
not
is
rather an exact translation of Augusta,
is
Augusta
cohors
called
This
Xâcnrjvv.
airelpa
of honour very frequently bestowed
title
1), is
we hear about
that the expression airelpa Xâarr]
with
Seaari]
possible.
Caesarea (Acts xxvii.
cohorts which
theologians, however, have erroneously
to the conclusion
synonymous
is
in
five
I.
of
Koman
citizens of Italy
Flavia Sahnstenorum (Ephemeris
390, n. 699), ala gemina Schastenorum (Corp. Inscr. Lat.
t.
x. 1),
is
to
epigr. v.
p.
viii.
n. 9358,
9359), ala Sehastenorum {Ephemeris epigr. v. p. 469, n. 1000), cohors I.
Sahastenorum {Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 2916, whetlier the figure I. is

is, according to another copy, doubtful ; see Ephemeris
the correct reading

epigr. iv. p.
113, n. 370).
Although
the
name
of Sebaste
was given
to
yet probable, on account of the material afforded
by
Jo?ephus, that these troops were drawn from the Palestinian city.
So
The conjecture there ventured upon
also Mommsen, Hermes, xix. 217.
by Mommsen, that among the five cohorts in Caesarea there were a cohors
Ascalonitarum and a cohors Canathenorum is, however, impossible, since
these five cohorts for the most part consisted of Caesareans and Sebastians.
other
*2
cities, it
is
Further details on these matters will be found in the
wissenschaftliche
Theologie,
1875,
pp.
Augusta, which was borne by three legions,
Ptolemy by the word
2/3-7-^
wondered
fr
honour,
rendered by the geographer
416-419.
(Ptolemy,
is
ii. 3.
The
30, iv. 3. 30,
same
Zeitschrift
title
of
ii.
9. 18).
It
should have been

similarly rendered in the case of an auxiliary cohort.
When the ala
referred to by Josephus, although it consisted of Caesareans and Sebastians (^nfig. xix. 9. 2), is yet only called ala Sehastenorum {Wars of the
Jews, ii. 12. 5), so likewise with the cohorts of similar composition the
same meaning may be assumed, therefore cohortes Sehastenorum.
The
is
therefore not to be
at that this
title
inscriptions also favour this view.
"
54
Such a band would naturally not have
be imderstood.'"
served in Caesarea during the period A.D.
But even in reference
Jewish king Agrippa.

period,
The
after the
is
it
story
4144 under
to
the
a later
above made investigations not probable.
of the centurion
Cornelius
lies,
therefore, in
this
respect under suspicion, the circumstances of a later period
having been transferred back to an
some time or other a

perfectly clear
We
of
in Syria is
made
an inscription (see note 53).
have hitherto become acquainted only with the

In other
the garrison of Caesarea.
of
was
cohors Italica
by the evidence
That at
earlier period.
At
Palestine there were also small garrisons.

of the Jewish
war
we
in a.D. 66,
find, for
state
and towns
cities
of
the outbreak
example, a
Eoman
garrison in the fortified castle of Jericho and in Macharus.^*
Throughout Samaria such detachments were stationed.^
however, did not belong to
tlie
in
Ascalon (which,
domains
of
the procurator)
there were a cohort and an ala.^^
6768, placed garrisons
towns
those in the former under the
those in the latter under the
Compare
'^^
On
epigr. v. p.
quae
est
in
t.
command of Decurions,
command of Centurions.^* This
we meet with
249): "Cohors
{Corp. Inscr. Lat.
conquered villages and
in all
Theologie, 1875, pp. 422-425.
fr wissenschaftliche
Zeitschrift
inscriptions
I.
t.
civium
"Cohors miliaria
Syria" (Gruter, Corp.
Italica" {Corp. Inscr. Lat.
Mommsen, Ephemeris
Romanorum voluntariorum
(see proofs in
Italica
xiv. n. 181);
Vespasian, in the winter
of A.D.
;
In
^^
the Great Plain there was a decurio
Inscr.
vi. n. 3528).
p.
In
Italica
434, n.
1);
voluntariorum
"Cohors IL
a passage in Arrian ("Acies
contra Alonas" in Arriani Scripta minora, ed. Hercher, 1854) the expression
'IrX/x// is interchanged with oi 'lr7ôi {ed. Blancard, pp. 102
VI a-rrupcc s)
and
it is
^*
'*
According to this and according to the first-named inscription,

probable that a cohors Italica consisted of Roman citizens of Italy.
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 18. 6.
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, iii. 7. 32
(fpovpccl; ij '^x/^xpshi; oM
99).
'htti'KriTrTO.
^^
Josephus, Life, 24
A'tovno; 6 hnuoxp^ôi 6 tou fnyxyôv '^toiov
Tpoarctaiotv TriTrioTtvft.ivo;.
*^ JoC'2)hus,
JVars of the Jewf,
iii.
2. 1.
*^ Ibid. iv. 8. 1.
tv^v
65"
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
was indeed an extraordinary proceeding, which we are not
to
regard as the rule in time of peace.
In Jerusalem there was stationed only one

the
'î\iap)(ô^,
often
so
referred
Apostles (more exactly, Acts xxi. 31

"
One having command
out
as
salem.'^^
the
officer
With
in
to
:
of
the
cohort
the
chief
"),
the rdyfia there means, not as
of Antonia,
the
appears through-
it
Eomans
regularly
often does, a legion,
The
quoted in note 48, a cohort.
down from
points, stairs {Karadaeif;) led
to the court of the temple.^^

in the
fort
which Josephus describes as the regular quarters
of the detachment, lay to the north of the temple.
it
Jeru-
in
Josephus' statement agrees, that
also
but, as in the passage
For
command
in the fortress of Antonia a rdyfia of the

lay,^" for
coliort.
Acts of
^j^^Xiapô? t/}? aireipr}^,
holding
this
tlie
This
is
At two
the fort Antonia
just the position given
For when Paul, during the
Acts of the Apostles.
tumult in the temple, had been taken by the soldiers for his
own
safety
and was being carried thence into the barracks
(irapefioXi]),
he was on account of the pressure of the crowd
borne by the soldiers up the steps
(tov<;
a.vaa6fxov<i),
and
then, with the permission of the chiliarch, he made from these

steps a speech to the people (Acts xxi. 3140).^^
command
in
the chiliarch,
at fort Antonia,
is
direct connection
who
between the
fort
At
supervision.
Acts xxi. 31-37
chaps,
xxii.
oflScer
(j>poupap'ô<i.^^
The
and the court of the temple

required to be under
latter
the
The
certainly identical with
by Josephus
also called
was of importance, since the

constant
is
chief
24-29,
feasts,
xxiii.
guards
10,
15-22,
dii
Itt
were
xxiv.
7.
22.
^
Josephus, Wars of the
Jeics, v. 5.
xxorâro
yu
vt?,:
ry/ax
Voj fixiav.
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, v. 5. 8.

The vxp;/ico7^yi, barracks or " castle," as in the English version,
referred to in Acts xxi. 34, 37, xxii. 24, xxiii. 10, 16, 32.
'
^2
*'
Josephus, Antiq. xv. 11.
4, xviii.
3.
is
56
which surrounded the
the corridors
in
stationed
From one passage
in the
temple.*
Acts of the Apostles (chap,
xxiii.
23) we see that there was a detachment of cavalry along with

the Jerusalem cohort, an arrangement that
The
existed."'^
precise character
(from Xayj, " the grip," therefore
weapons by the right hand

(xxiii.
who grasped
" those
their
mentioned in that passage
"),
23) as accompanying the regular soldiers and cavalry,
somewhat
are
very frequently
and position of the Be^LoXdoi
Seeing that the expression occurs
obscure.
elsewhere in Greek literature only twice, and even then appears
without explanation, we are no longer in a position to explain
much
This
it.
only
is
certain, that it designated a
special
class of light-armed soldiers (javelin-throwers or slingers)."
After the great war of
66-73
A.D.
the garrison arrange-
The governor
ments of Palestine were essentially changed.
was then no longer a procurator of the equestrian
order, but a
who had
legate of senatorial rank (in the earlier period, one
been praetor
On
in the later period, one
who had been
consul).
the site of the destroyed Jerusalem a legion, the legio X.
Fretensis,
had
The native
its
headquarters (see under
troops,
which
for decades
of Caesarea, were drafted
20, toward the end).
had formed the garrison
by Vespasian
to other provinces.^^
In their place were put auxiliary troops
drawn
in part from the farthest lands of the West.*'^
^* Joseplius,
Jews,
foreign origin,
of
ii.
12. 1
Wars
;
of the Jews, v.
Antiq. xx. 8. 11.
5.
Antiq. xx.
5.
Wars
of the
^5 Accordingly cohortes peditatae and equitatae ought to be distinguished.

See Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. 455.
^^ What is known on these matters, or either is not known, is well
treated by Meyer in his Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles.
fanciful explanation is attempted by Egli, Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftliche
Theologie, 1884, p. 21.

'^^
Josephus, Antiq. xix.
On
9. 2.
a military order of a.D. 86 {Corpus Inscr. Lat.
Dipl. xiv.) the veterans are referred to
"in
alis
who had
t.
iii.
p.
857,
served in Judea, and that
duabus quae appellantur veterana Gaetulorum
et I.
Thracum
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
57
the troops forming the standing army, the pro-
Besides
vincial governors
sometimes organized a
militia,
in special
i.e.
cases of need those of the people capable of bearing arms were
military
into
drafted
service,
without
An
organized as a part of the army.
being
occurred in the arming of the Samaritans by

occasion of the
war against the
permanently
instance of this sort
Cumanus on
the
Jews.^^
Like the governors of senatorial rank, the procurators also
command, supreme
had, besides the supreme military
within
authority
their
This
province.^"
judicial
was
authority
exercised by the procurators of Judea only in extraordinary

cases
for the
ordinary administration of the law, both in
criminal and in civil matters, was left in the hands of the

native and local courts (see Div. II. vol.
The range
That
or potestas gladiiJ^
Mauretana
Thracum
quattuor
et coliortibus
et II.
Cantabrorum."
Josephus, Antiq. xx.
6. 1
I.
Even
aid of Thracian troops {Antiq. xvii.

^^
184190).'^^
of the procurator's judicial jurisdiction extended
also to the right of deciding matters
gladii
i.
8.
of life and death, jus

also
this
is
true
Aujûsta Lusitanorum et
Herod the Great had

Wars of the Jews, i.
3
;
d.va.'Kai.uu ttj
tuu '2iaaTn'Juv
the
of
et
I.
II.
called in the
33. 9).
tKy\u x.xi
ttsûv
Other examples in
Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. 520 f. With these temporary organizations the provincial militia, met with especially in the later days of the
empire, which formed a third class of the standing army alongside of the
rtaaxpoi T.yfieii,T<x,,Tovg ri '2xf/,otpsiTXi jcctdo-^rXiaocs.
legionaries
and the
auxiliaries,
reference to that militia
1887, p. 547
''"
should not be confounded.
Mommsen, Hermes,
xix. 1884, p.
219
See with
ff.,
xxii.
ff.
See with reference to the procurators
Hirschfeld, Sitzungsberichte der
Berliner Akademie, 1889, pp. 437-439.

'"* On the question as to how
far what has been said applies also to the
administration of law in the provinces, see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. ],
p.
244
"The ordinary
criminal jurisdiction was in the provinces
the hands of the particular communities
left in
whereas the courts of the

governor, like the consular courts in Italy, are to be regarded, at least
;
formally, as extraordinary."
(from Ulpian, beginning of the third century after

gladii habent et in
metallum dandi potestas eis permissa eat." The technical expression
^1
Digest,
"
Christ)
i.
18. 6. 8
Qiu universas provincias regunt, jus
58
governors
fiiXP''
over
With
reference
Josephus says expressly that the procurator had

KTeiveiv iôvcrlavP
'^^^
life
proved by several inscriptions."^
is
to Judea,
and death down
extended even to the
to
case
This right of the governor

the third century after Christ
Eoman
of
with
citizens,
this
however, that such a one had the right of appeal-
restriction,
ing against the sentence of
the governor to the emperor/*
used in Lampridius, Vita Alexandri Severi, c. 49 (honores

Firmicus Maternus Mathesius, iii. 5. 5 (ed. Basil. 1533,
"in magnis adniinistrationibus juris gladii decernit potestatem "),
p. 55
and in the passages quoted in the next note. Something will also be
found in Forcellini, Lexicon, s.v. gladius. Elsewhere also potestas gladii
jus gladii
is also
juris gladii)
occurs in Digest,
i.
16.
6 pr. = L. 17. 70
ii.
1.
(all
from Ulpian).
The
technical use of both expressions previous to the beginning of the third
century after Christ does not seem capable of proof.

The Acts of
"
Perpetua and Felicitas belong to A.D. 201-209.
See article " Perpetua
in Herzog, Real Encyclopaedie.
Also the inscriptions scarcely reach
farther back than this.
Literature on the jus gladii may be found in
Pauly's Real- Encyclopaedic^ articles, " gladius " and " imperium merum."
^2
See the collection of passages in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung
p. 557,
Anm.
Mommsen,
Staatsrecht,
ii.
1,
1874, p. 246
Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1889, p. 438.
tions can properly be referred to here

" proc.
Corp. Inscr. Lat. ix. n. 5439
:
Poeninar(ura) jur(e) glad(ii);"
and
Only
i.
1881,
Hirschfeld,
two
Orelli, Inscr. Lat.
inscrip-
n.
3888 =
Alpium Atractianar(um)
et
9367;
compare Ephemeris epigr. v. p. 461, n. 968 "praeses (seil. Mauretaniae
Caesariensis) jure gla(dii)."
Of another kind are the two following
instances: Orelli, n. 3664 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. ii. n. 484: "proc. prov.
M[oe]siae inferioris, ejusdem provinciae jus gladii;" and Corp. Inscr.
" proc, centenarius provinciae Li[burniae jure ?] gladi."
Lat. iii. n. 1919
Seeing that elsewhere a governor of superior rank is assigned to the
Moerians and Liburnians, the procurators here referred to " must undoubtedly have exercised the right of inflicting capital sentence only as
quite exceptional authority " (Hirschfeld).
This at least is perfectly plain
in regard to the finance procurator of Africa, who at the time of the
martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas exercised the jus gladii as interim
occupant of the office of the deceased proconsul. See Acts of Perpetuae
and Felicitas, c. 6 (in Ruinart, Acta Martyrum, ed. 2, 1713, p. 95 also in
Munter, Primordia ecclesiae Africanae, 1829, p. 234): "Hilarianus
procurator, qui tunc loco proconsulis Minuci Timiniani defuncti jus
Corp.
Inscr.
Lat.
viii.
n.
gladii accepeiat."
'3
'*
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 8. 1.

Compare Div. II. vol. ii. p. 278, and the literature quoted in note
In the earlier days
59
THE SONS OP HEROD.
17.
the empire,
of
Eoman
citizen accused
charge
had the important privilege
of an
would seem that a
it
offence constituting a capital
of
appealing
the
to
emperor, even at the beginning of the proceedings and any
subsequent stage of the
Kome and
be carried on at
which may be
the judgment pronounced by the
Momnisen,
also added,
Staatsrecht,
jurisdiction
Aufl.
ii.
2,
Merkel, Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete des rmischen Bechts,

Ueher die Geschichte der klassischen Appellation, 1883 (pp. 76-81
pp. 908-910
2 Heft:
claiming that the investigation
The governor's absolute penal
emperor himself/^
196, to
trial,
treats of the proceedings against Paul).
"
Acts XXV. 10 ff., 21, xxvi. 32, Pliny, Epist. x. 96 (al. 97) " Fuerunt
amentiae, quos quia cives Roniani erant adnotavi in urbem
Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 1. 244-246. Notwithstanding
remittendos."
:
alii similis
number
the small
vol.
of
ii.
pp. 278, 279, I characterized as not quite certain) ought to
The most important
no doubt.
From
of examples, the above statement (which, in Div. II.
it
we may conclude
by
bis
admit
that of the Apostle Paul.
that the governor was not obliged in all
Roman
circumstances to send accused

for the procurator
case is
own
citizens to
Rome
for
judgment
authority takes up the case of Paul though
he was aware of his Roman citizenship (according to Acts xxii. 25 ff.,

xxiii. 27)
and Paul allows matters to proceed without protesting against
this.
Only after two years Paul speaks the word that determines his
future course
Kxiaxpx 'fTrix.a.'Kovf^xs (Acts xxv. 11). We must therefore
suppose that the procurator could judge even a Roman citizen, unless
;
Only if the accused himself made the

claim to be judged in Rome, was the governor obliged to give effect to his
his prisoner lodged a protest.
But that the governor could himself do that is perfectly conceivFor he was in every respect the representative of the emperor even
his tribunal was called "Caesar's judgment-seat" (Acts xxv. 10: karug
claim.
able.
sTTt
Tov -/i^xroi Kxiaxpoi
an accused
Roman
tribunal as Paul at
citizen
first
ii/ai).
might
did
It
is
therefore quite conceivable that
A'oluntarily
submit himself
to such a
for the imperial tribunal of the governor
afforded in ordinary circumstances the same protection as the imperial
Rome, and there could be no pleasure in merely lengthening

out the proceedings by a journey to Rome. Only if the accused did not
trust the impartiality of the governor, had he any interest in claiming
the transference of the trial to Rome. Paul makes use of this privilege,
tril)unal at
when he
sees that the procurator is going to judge him in accordance with

Jewish ideas. That this privilege extended only to Roman citizens and
not to all provincials may be held as certain, although Paul in his appeal
does not make mention of his citizenship (Acts xxv. 10 ff.).
Provincials
were judged by the procurator without any right of appeal (Josephus,
THE ROMAN-HERODI.N AGE.
60
therefore applied only to provincials.
was a gross violation
It
when Florus in Jerusalem,

who were in possession of
had the Jews
of the law
in A.D. G6,
crucified
equestrian rank.'^
even provincials might be sent by the governor
Eome,
he wished on account of the
if
have the decision of the
to
emperor.^'^
But
for trial to
difficulty of the case
The
fact
known from
the Gospels, that the procurator of Judea at the feast of the
Passover set free a prisoner, was grounded indeed on a special

of the emperor
authorization
right of remitting a
for the
sentence was not otherwise given to the crovernors.'*
Although
own
younger
the
partly
him
who,
people,
of his court,
officials
sake
the
for
their
of
governor.
They supported
only in administrative matters,
but also assisted
accompanied the
training,
him, not
the
give
to
frequently availed himself of the advice of his
These were partly the higher
comitcs.
had
governor, as sole judge,
the
decision, he
in the execution
the law as consilium, avfxovXiop
of
(Acts XXV. 12).''

Antiq. xx.
1. 1, 5.
JFars of the Jews,
the crucifixion, of Jesus Christ

'^
'"
by
This appears also in
13. 2).
ii.
Pilate.
Joseph us, Wars of the Jews, ii. 14.

Examples Josephus, Antiq. xx.
9.
Wars of the Jews, ii. 12. 6

6. 2
(Ummidius Quadratus sent the most distinguished of the Jews and the
Samaritans to Eome)
Antiq. xx. 8. 5
(Felix sent Eleasar and other Zealots) Josephus, Life, 3 (Felix sent some
:
of the Jewish priests).

''*
See Hirschfeld, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1889, p. 439.

Merkel, Abhandlungen aus
On
the right of granting jârdon generally
dem
Gebiete des rmischen Hechts, 1 Heft, 1881.
''^
10.
Caesar's decree nominating

2)
lvTîo;
33
Tiber.
Kulaecp
" magistratibus
offerebat consiliarium."
Hyrcanus begins (Josephus, Antiq.
fterec avfcov'hiov
ad Cajum,
ujTX;
01 f^SToc
yvZif^xt
avAopav
Severi,
c.
Ki'Ksvit
46
Mangey,
sec. 33, ed.
34
init.
ypci.<Piadi
xiv.
Sueton.
which Petronius,
by Philo,
details of a consultation
ii.
tj
583 fin.
described
assessores are
ii.
run ovuiopav iauT^nJiro
sec.
iTriKptvx.
yviiy-'/ii
pro tribunali cognoscentibus plerumque se
The
as governor of Syria, hold with his

Legat,
582
rot
:
33
sq. (sec.
TrpxKricc
ii.
rivs;
ccTrodsû/îveuu Si rviu
i'xtaro'Kxi).
Lamprid.
" Ads^ssoribus salaria instituit."
582
tiiv
e-î^ct-
n(Tv
cti
imvoiuv ruu
Vita Alexandri
Corp. Inscr. Lat.
t.
ii.
n.
The execution
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
of the death sentence was, as
Le Blant
out by soldiers.
61
a rule, carried
has, indeed, in a learned disserta-
sought to prove that those appointed to this duty were
tion,
but belonging to the class
not soldiers,
of
aiJparitores,
i.e.
But the opposite
the non-military servants of the governor.*"
opinion, at least with regard to capital sentences pronounced
by the imperial governors, must be considered as absolutely

certain.^^
The imperial governors were military administrators;
their judicial
authority.^^
power therefore the outcome

It
is,
of their military
however, unquestionable, and
is
not disputed
even by Le Blant, that the death sentences on soldiers were

2129
"
comes
et adsessor legati
ad [census accip. ?], comes et adsessor

The most distinct accoujit of the
procos. proviuciae Galliae [NaiLon.]."
given us in a judgment decree

the proconsul of Sardinia of A.D. 68 (contained in a bronze tablet inscription,
meeting of such a council
is
communicated by Mommsen, Hermes
ii.
1867, pp. 102-127).
It also
" In consilio
contains the following statement in the form of a protocol
:
fuerunt M. Julius
Eomulus
pro pr., T. Atilius Sabinus q. pro pr.,

Sex. Aelius Modestus, P. Lucretius Clemens,
leg.
M. Stertinius Rufus f.,

M. Domitius Vitalis, M. Lusius Fidus, M. Stertinius Eufus." Therefore,
besides the legate and quaestor, there were other six advisers.
Compare
generally
Geib, Geschichte des rmischen Criminalprocesses (1842), p. 243 ff.

iv. 1870, p. 123
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwal-
Mommsen, Hermes,
tung,
the commentators on Acts xxv. 12 and the

ff.
Testament on the word (rvfôv'hiov.
Le Blant, " Recherches sur les bourreaux du Christ et sur les agents
i.
1881, p. 531
Lexicons to the
^
New
charges des executions capitales chez
les
Romains" (Memoires des VAcade'mie
des inscr. et belles-lettres, xxvi. 2, 1870, pp.
generally, see
Mommsen,
"
De
137-150).
On
the apparitorcs
apparitoribus magistratuum
Eomanorum
"
(Rhein. Museum, vi. 1848, pp. 1-57) ; Pauley's Real-Encyclopaedie, article

" apparitores ; " Naudet, " Memoire sur la cohorte da preteur et le personnel
administratif dans les provinces romaiues" {Memoires de VAcad. des inscr.

xxvi. 2, pp. 499-555)
Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl. i. 250-293 Mar;
quardt, Staatsverwaltung,
the scribae,
i.
lictores, accensi,
533.
To
the class of these apparitores belong
nomenclatores, viatores, praecones.
Against Le Blant, see Naudet, "Memoire sur cette double question

1. these particuliere, Sont-ce des soldats qui ont crucifie Jesus-Christ?
2. these generale, Les soldats remains prenaient-ils une part active dans
les supplices?" JUemotVes (ê r^carf. (/es inscr. xxvi. 2, 1870, pp. 151-187).
Also Geib, Geschichte des rmischen Criminalprocesses, p. 671 f. ; Rein
^^
in Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, vi.

82 ]3io
Cassius,
liii.
13
1.
1046, article "sententia."
Mommsen,
Staatsrecht,
ii.
1.
245.
THE ROMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.
62
According to Le Blant's view, this
executed by soldiers,^
drawn from that
inference should be
governor
out
carried
namely, that the
fact,
on
sentences
than those employed upon
parties
different
the death
by
soldiers
This,
civilians.
in view of the military character of his judicial authority,
extremely improbable, and
The many executions
of distinguished
in the times of Claudius
and Nero were
the opposite theory.
men and women
by military men, some
carried out
Numerous examples
rank.^
cited
from the history
of
them
kind
a similar
of
officers
emperors.^
of the following
of high
might
clear,
carrying
that the
was not opposed
to
out of
Eoman
by
executions
sentiment.
But
be
Although
these cases might not apply to ordinary courts, yet this

is
is
even forms a positive proof for
it
much
soldiers
not
further,
infrequently speculatores are spoken of as executing the con-
These were certainly soldiers;
demned.^^
** See, e.g.,
Suetonius, Caligula^ 32
vel comissantis
capita amputabat."
c.
11, in order to
" Saepe in conspectu prandentis
miles decollandi aitifex quibuscumque e custodia
Tertullian
asks in his treatise,
show the incompatibility
faith of a Christian
(1) the spccu-
for
" et vincula
et
De
corona militis,
of military service with the
carcerem et tormenta et supplicia
suarum ultor injuriarum?" The passage proves at

least that soldiers were employed at the carrying out of death sentences,
even if we should here with Le Blant refuse to believe that this implies
more than their employment at soldiers' executions.
administrabit, nee
8*
Tacitus, Annals, xi. 37
85
Naudet,
8*'
Mark
t'fi'j
x.iû\%'j
I.e.
27
vi.
f.,
xii. 22, xiv. 8, 59,
xv. 59
ff.,
64, 67, 69.
p. 171.
cclrw.
7r7Ts/xer
Seneca,
De
ccai'hiv;
Ira,
i.
18.
a'Tnx.ov'ht.Topx
"
Tunc
I'Tzira.îv
iviyx.a,t
centurio supplicio
Idem, De be7iefics,
praepositus condere gladium speculatorem jubet."
" speculatoribus occurrit nihilque se deprecari, quominus
in.
25
:
Firmicus
imperata peragerent, dixit et deinde cervicem porrexit."
Maternus Maihes. vni. 26 (ed. Basil. 1533, p. 234): " spiculatores faciet,
qui nudato gladio hominum amputent cervices." Digest, xlviii. 20. 6
(aus Ulpian)
"neque speculatores ultro sibi vindicent neque optiones
[optio in military language = the servant of a Centurio oder Decurio]
ea desiderent, quibus spoliatur, quo momento quis punitus est." The
soldiers engaged at the executions were therefore in later times no
longer allowed, as in the times of Christ, to part the garments of the
:
executed person
among
thera.
Jerome,
Epist. 1
ad Innocentium,
c.
63
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
as holding a military office
latores are frequently described
and (2) in several of the passages quoted the

"jam
non credens
spiculator exterritus et
jugulum,"
1713, p.
Acta Cypriani,
etc.
"cum
218:
spcculatorcs
raucromen aptabat in
ferro,
5 (see Kuinart, Acta martyrum, ed.
c.
autem
venisset
^'
;
Acta
spiculator," etc.
2,
Claudii,
Astern et alior. c. 4 (Ruiuart, p. 268)

"Euthalius commentariensis dixit
Archelaus spiculator dixit." See also c. 5 s. fin. (Ruinart, p. 269).
.
:
Acta Rogatiani et Donatiani, c. 6 (Ruinart, p. 282): "adliuc ministris

imperans, ut post expensa supj^licia a spiculatore capite truncarentur.
Tunc lictoris insania . . lancea militari perfossas cervices Leatissimorum
.
(Bibliotheca
Linus, De passione
maxima patrum Lugd. t. ii. p.
gladio vibrante praecidit."
Petri
73)
Pauli, lib. ii. s. fi7i.

" Spiculator vero in
et
bracliia elevaus eum tota vi percussit et caput ejus abscidit

.
statimque de corpore ejus unda lactis in vestimenta militis exiluit."
Vita Bacchi junioris martyris, ed. Combefis. p. 114 (I give the quotation
altum
according
to
Du
vTro'Kiil/.fii'jo;
i(p-fi.
Gange,
Glossar.)
Ai/aTr,p6Tep6u
Tiy.vi rptx.oe.ru.puTS.
In
tou
a-TriKovXanop
rabbinical literature also
we
often meet with "ilD^paD in the sense of " executioner." See especially the
passages quoted in extenso in Levy, Neuhebrisches Wrterbuch, iii. 573
;
Schoettgen, Horae hebr. ad Marc.
vi.
Chaldicum,
s.v.
also Buxtorf, Lexicon
interpreted
by
mentiim on
Mark
dvox.i(pot,'Kilûv,
27
27 ; Levy, Chald. Wrterbuch, s.v.

In some glossaries cTîx.ov'hrup is
dz-ox.nfa.'hiar'/!;
(Wetstein,
Schleusner, Lexicon in N.T.
Novum
Testa-
The
form
proved by many inscriptions having the correct form.
It cannot be derived from spiculum, for
then we should have expected spiculatus, according to the analogy of
pilatus, lornicatus, hastatus (Fritzsche, Evangel. Marc. p. 232 sq.).
^^ Speculator means indeed generally " spy, watcher " {e.g. Tertullian,
" speculatorem vineae vel hortitui
Adv. Marcion. ii. 25
also in Jerome's
translation of Isa. Ivi. 10 Jer. vi. 17
Ezek. xxxiii. 7 Hos. ix. 8).
But most frequently we meet with sjMculatores in connection with military
matters, as spies (Livy, xxii. 33
Caesar, Bell. Gall. ii. 11
Suetonius,
Augustus, 27) and swift messengers (Suetonius, Caligula, 44
Tacitus,
The coalescing of the two meanings is best illustrated
History, ii. 73).
from Livy, xxxi. 24 " ni sjjeculator
hemerodromos vocant Graeci,
ingens die uno cursu emetientes spatium
contemplatus regium agmen
ex specula quadam praegressus nocte media Athenas pervenisset." It also
means the bodyguard of the emperor (Suetonius, Claudius, 35 Tacitus,
History, ii. 11. 33, and is hence rendered by Suidas, lopvCppog.
In the
latter capacity they formed, down to Vespasian's time, a distinct corps
vi.
sjnculator is a corruption
from speculator, which
s.v.).
is
alongside of the other praetorian cohorts (Tacitus, History,
ii, 11. 33
Corp.
In later times each praetorian cohort
seems to have had a number of speculatores (Cauer, Ephemeris epigr. iv.
464), as then each legion had ten speculatores.
On inscriptions we
frequently meet with speculatores, who served either in legions or in the
Lnscr. Lat.
t. iii.
p. 853,
Dipl.
x.).
64
referred to are distinctly characterized as soldiers
those elsewhere spoken
of
under
same
the
^ and
so
and as
title,
discharging the same functions, will have been also soldiers.
When Le
Blant expressly refers to the fact that in
passages the term speculator
is
and with other words which designate non
lidor,
offices,^^ this
may
be said in the
first
certain laxity in the use of language.
would be equally
now
many
interchanged with the expression

-
military
place to result from a
On
the contrary, one
justified in saying that those expressions are
also used for designating military persons.^
New
In the
Testament the agents entrusted with the carrying out the

by Caner, Ephemeris Eingr. iv. 459-466).
Their employment as executioners (see the previous note) seems to have
resulted from their being bodyguards or generally custodiers of the peace.
Compare generally Laur. Lundii Diss, de speculatore, Hafn. 1703 Joh.
Wilh. Gollingii Bus de speculatoribus veterum Romanorum praeside Chr.
Gottl. Schioartzio, Altorfii 1726 (also in Thesaurus novus iheol.-philol. edd.
Hase et Iken, ii. 485-412). Du Gange, Glossarnim med. et infin. Lat., and
praetorian cohorts (collected
Forcellini, Lex. Lat. s.v.; Scheiffele in Pauly's Real-Ennjlopaedie, vi.

1.364
f.
Schleusner, Lexicon in Nov. Test.
s.v.
1.
The commentators on the
Gospel of Mark vi. 27 (especially Wetstein, Nov. Test. ; Wolf, Curaephilol.

Fritzsche) ; Marquardt, Rmische Staatsvencaltung,
; Kuinoel,
in N. T.
i.
560,
ii.
530.
So not only Seneca, De ira, i. 18. 4 (where reference is made to the

execution of a soldier), but also Acta Rogatiani et Donatiani, c. 6 (lancea
militari), and Linus, De passione Petri et Pauli, s. fin. {vestimenta militis).
The optiones and commentarienses, referred to alongside of the speculatores
as the agents employed in carrying out executions, were also not exclusively
but yet most frequently military appointments (optiones. Digest, xlviii.
20. 6
See Marcommentariensis, Acta Claudii, Asterii et aliori, c. 4-5).
quardt, ii. 527, 529 f.
Cauer, Ephemeris epigr. iv. 441-452, 424 sq.
Theophylact in his commentary on Mark vi. 27 explains speculator by
^^
^^
Speculator
tium,
7-8
and
lictor
are
synonymous
also in Acta Rogatiani
in Jerome,
Donatiani,
Epist 1 ad innocen-
6 (Ruinart, p. 282).
^^ The lictor was in no case a soldier, but belonged to the class of
apparitores (see the literature referred to in note 80).
But he had in the
earliest times to carry out death-sentences only upon Roman citizens ;
and in the days of the empire his duties in this direction did not probably
extend farther. See Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, s.v. ; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl. i. 301 f.
c.
et
c.
65
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
sentence, both at the crucifixion of Christ and at the imprison-
ment
named aTpartwrai, and
of Paul, are
plainly
also
are
described as such.^^
The
third chief function of
command
addition to the
was the administration
the
procurator
of the troops
governor, in
and judicial authority,
the finance
of
From
department.
indeed, those equestrian governors got their title
this,
imperial
the
finance
is
called
pro-
of consequence about the
revenue and methods of taxation will be
sorts of
different
were
generally
officials
Since everything that
curators."
for
"
considered in the Excursus on the Census of Quirinius ( 17,
Excursus
not necessary here to say more than
1), it is
that the revenue of Judea as imperial province
Judea
imperial treasury, the fiscus^

of the word, paid
17
ff.;
in
Mark
14
xii.
fif.
Luke
xx.
of the
22
fif.),
the strict
(Matt. xxii.
which coid only
senatorial provinces.
Div.
(see
vol.
II.
In the gathering of the revenue the
have made use of the Jewish
to
"
It
the purposes of tax collection that Judea
for
was divided into eleven toparchies
157161).
therefore, in
taxes " to Caesar
its
certain degree be said
was probably
seem
went, not
treasury of the Senate, the aerarium, but into the
into the
sense
this,
custom in other places (see Div.
II. vol.
courts, as
p.
i.
162).
i.
pp.
Eomans
was
their
That
the
Mark xv. 16 Luke xxiii. 36 John

34 Acts xxi. 35, xxiii. 23, xxvii. 31, 42, xxviii. 16.
Jesus was pierced with a spear (John xix. 34). A centurion was present
at the crucifixion of Jesus (Mark xv. 39, 44 f.; Matt, xxvii. 54; Luke
xxiii. 47)
also at the scourging of Paul (Acts xx. 25).
Everything connected with the imprisonment of Paul was of a military character.
Hence centurions had immediate charge of him (Acts xxiii. 17, xxiv. 2.3,
^ aTpxTiZncct
xix. 2,
23
Matt, xxvii. 27
sq., 32,
xxvii. 1
^2
On
f.).
the difference between the two, see Marcûardt, Rmische Staats-
ii. 292 ff.

The distinction from the beginning undoubtedly
did exist, even although, as Hirschfeld conjectures, the centralizing of the
imperial treasuries, therefore the establishment of one central fiscus, may
first have been carried out by Claudius (Hirschfeld, Untersuchungen, etc.,
vcriualtung,
Bd.
1,
Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten, 1877,
DIV.
I.
VOL.
II.
p. 1
ff.).
66
taxes were oppressive,
seen from the complaints
is
made by
the provinces of Syria and Judea in A.D. 17.^^
From
the taxes in the proper sense are to be distinguished
the customs,
i.e.
Eoman
of the
upon
duties
articles
on their being exported
These were imposed in
from the country.^
all
the provinces
The great trade emporium which
empire.
From
yielded the largest returns in this direction was Egypt.

the
days of the Ptolemies
had taken advantage
it
of its
geographical position in order to secure the flourishing
between India and Europe.
were acquainted with

era
"
(Ezra
custom
iv.
"
13, 20,
vii.
But even
"
custom
24).
in
as
early as the Persian
The
range to which the
it
may
be assumed that every province of the
empire formed a customs
also the States
district
by
'
of
But
itself.^^
and Communes recognised by the Eomans as
autonomous, and the number of these was very

right
Palestine they
applied, varied certainly according to circumstances.
In general
Eoman
the "
traffic
levying
independently
Tacitus, Annals,
ii.
42
duties
" provinciae
Syria
large,
within
had the
their
own
atque Judaea, fessae
deminutionem tributi orabant."

* Compare in regard to this
Wetstein, Nov. Test. i. 314-316 (on Matt.
Paulys Eeal-Encyclopaedie, art. "Portorium, publicani, vectigal;"
V. 46).
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 261 fF., 289 fF. Winer, Eealwrterbuch, art. "Zoll;" Leyrer in Herzog's Real - Encyclopaedie, art
"Zoll" (1 Aufl. xviii. 652 f. 2 Aufl. xvii. 551 f.) Herzfeld, HandelsHamburger,
geschichte der Juden des Alterthums (1879), pp. 159-162
Real - Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, 2 Abtli. art. "Zoll;" Levy,
oneribus,
Naquet,
iii. 113-115 (art. D3?0, XÔ, etc.)
Des impots indirects chez les Romains sous la re'publique et sous Vempire.
Cagnat, Etude
Paris 1875 (Bursian's Jahresberichte, Bd. 19, p. 466 ff".)
historique sur les impots indirects chez les Romains jusqu' aux invasions des
Vigie,
barbares, Paris 1882 (Bursian's Jahresberichte, Bd. 36, p. 245 fi".)
Etudes sur les impots indirects romains ; des douanes dans Vempire romain,
1884 Thibaut, Les douanes chez les Romains, Paris 1888 {Revue critique,
Inscription material with reference to the vectigalia is given
1889, Nr. 7).
in the Indices to Corp. Inscr. Lat.
Other materials in Haenel, Corpus
Legum, Index, p. 271.
^^ At least in regard to many of these this can be proved.
See
Marquardt, ii. 263 ff.
Neuhebrisches Wrterbuch,
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
To the proofs
boundaries.^
67
regard
in
to
added
now
From
of Hadrian.^
although
it
many
was
Palmyra
independently
revenues
the
evident
that
city in the
same sense
Eoman
autonomous communes within the
other
enjoyed
Eoman
in the time
appears that Palmyra,
this inscription it
at that time a
empire, administered
Eome
be
to
a long inscription in Greek and Aramaic, which con-
tains the customs-tariff of the city of
as
matters
these
already in earlier times acknowledged, there has
the
kings
own
within their
for their
own
citizens
{Romani ac
thereof.
own
its
It
therefore
is
perfectly
" confederate "
and tetrarchs
with
could levy their customs
territories
behoof, only with this restriction, that the
nominis Latini, as
socii
and
customs,
it
is
Eoman
phrased
by Livy) should be exempted from them.^^
The customs
Capernaum, within the borders of
Galilee, in tlie
raised at
^^
691.
Marquardt,
(1881) p. 79
i.
Momnisen, Rmisches
See especially Livy, xxxviii.
41
Staatsrecht,
" senatus consultem factum
iii. 1.
est, iit
Ambraciensibus suae res omnes redderentur in libertate essent ac legibus

portoria quae vellent terra marique caperent, dum eoruui
suis uterentur
inmunes Eomani acs ocii nominis Latini essent." Plebiscite for Termessus
;
in Pisidia of B.c. 71 {Corp. Inscr. Lat.

"
Quam
t.
1,
n. 104, col.
ii.
lin.
31 sqq.)
legem portorieis terrestiibus maritumeisque Termenses majores
Pliisidae capiundeis intra suos
fineis deixserint,
ea lex
ieis
portorieis
dum
neiquid portori ab ieis capiatur, quei publica

populi Romani vectigalia redempta habebunt.
'*'
The inscription was discovered in 1881 by Prince Lazarew. The
capiundeis
esto,
Aramaic text is that of Schroeder
best edition of the
(Sitzungsberichte der
The
best edition of the Greek

and informing commentary
{Hermes, xix. 1884, pp. 486-533). Both are copied from castings made
by Euting. Both texts, with German translation and explanation of the
Aramaic text, have also been edited by Reckendorf {Zeitschrift der
Berliner Akademie, 1884,
text
is
jjp.
417-436).
that of Dessau, with a comprehensive
deutschen vnorgenlnd. Gesellschaft, 1888, pp. 370-415).

earlier publications of
1883, pp. 231-245
t.
De Vogue
ii.
Less coirect are the

(Journal asiatique, VIIIe serie, t. i.
1883, pp. 149-183); and Sachau (Zeitschrift der
deutschen morgenlnd Gesellschaft, 1883, pp. 562-571).

***
96.
See
others.
10.
Mommsen,
Staatsrecht,
iii. 1.
691,
The Romans sometimes made also

Thus
and the passages quoted in note
arbitrary exceptions in favour uf
in the decree of Senate given in Josepluis, Anfiq.
22 (applying probably to Hyrcanus
I.,
see vol.
i.
p. 278),
xiv.
the Jewa weie
68
times of Christ (Matt.

tlierefore,
ix.
Mark
14
ii.
On
Herod Antipas.
the treasury of
at that time, the customs
imperial
Luke
undoubtedly, not into the imperial
We
fiscus.
fiscus,
the interests of the
in
the Gospels that in Jericho,
on the eastern borders of Judea, there was an
(Luke
xix.
the
men
influential
John, a
ap-^LT\covr}<;
In the seaport town of Caesarea in
1, 2).
among
66,
there
but into
the other hand, in Judea
were raised
know from
27) went
v.
is
TeX.covr]';,
who exported
Pliny that the merchants
community,
the Jewish
of
mentioned.^^
It
A.D.
by
stated
is
incense from Central
Arabia through Gaza had to pay a high duty, not only to the
Arabians on passing through their
territory,
Eoman customs
may
would seem
it
who,
officers,
stationed at Gaza.^**
it
be
the
to
supposed,
were
Besides the import and export duties,
as if in Judea, as
well as elsewhere, indirect
duties of another sort had also to be paid,
e.g.
a market toll
by Herod, but abolished in
in Jerusalem, introduced
by
but also
36
A.D.
Vitellius.^''^
The
collecting of the customs
was not done by
the State, but by lessees, the so-called puhlicani,
officers of
who leased
sum so
the customs of a particular district for a fixed annual
allowed to raise customs within their own borders, but on condition that
they should hold the king of Egypt exempt.
^^
Josephus, IVars of the Jews, ii. 14. 4.

Pliny, Historia Naturalis, xii. 63-65
100
Gebanitas, itaque et
horum
" Evehi non potest nisi per
regi penditur vectigal.
lam quacumque
pro aqua aliubi pro pabulo aut pro mansion ibus variisque
portoriis pendunt, ut sumptus in singulos camelos X. DCLXXXVIII. ad
iter est aliubi
nostrum
litus
(i.e.
as
far
as
Gaza)
colligat,
iterumque imperi nostri
We also elsewhere
heard of duties being levied by

uncivilised tribes.
Thus the merchants who carried on trade between
Syria and Babylon were obliged to pay customs to the tribes through
whose country they passed, and indeed the oKvîrxi, i.e. the dwellers in
publicanis penditur.
tents in the desert, were

(pvXctpxoi
100 a
on both
more reasonable in their demands than were the
sides of the
u'jovyAvu KxpTTuv
di/iYiaiu
Euphrates (Strabo,
4 fin., xviii. 4. 3
8.
d; to
p. 748).
:
OwrsAAiOf tx
icciv toI; txvt-/; KarciKoiJai.
Ti>.n
run
17.
THE SONS OF
sum
that whatever in excess of that

their gain
hear the
whereas,
if
the revenue
69
IIEIiOD.
the revunue yielded was
below
fell
they had to
it,
This system was widely prevalent through-
loss.^^
out aucient times, and came often to be applied, not only to
Thus,
the customs, but also to the taxes properly so called.

e.g.
during the Ptolemaic government of Palestine the taxes
of each city were annually leased out to the highest bidder.^^'"
Eomau
In the days of the
no longer applied
empire the system of leasing was
to the taxes,
These were now collected by
by the quaestor
provinces,
the land-tax and poll-tax.
i.e.
of State ? in senatorial
officers
by an im-
in imperial provinces,
perial procurator, assistants
the governor
to
^"^
in provinces
by an equestrian, the governor was
like Judea, administered
The customs, on the
himself at the same time procurator.
other hand, were, even in the days of the empire,
monly leased out
The contrary opinion
Judea.
Compare Eein,
art.
was
it
" Publicani," in
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsvenoaltung,
ii.
TsLwly's
289
ff.
Real- liticydopaedu
Conr. Gottfr. Dietiicli,
Beitrge zur Kenntniss des rmischen StaatspcJitersystems,
Essai sur
les societe's
vectigaliennes precede dJun expose'
Romains, Montauban 1884

en droit romain, Paris 1886.
fiscal des
^^"
Josephus, Antiq.
dvot.u,lllitU
ecpXOVTcts
Kxd'
From
iTTi
TViv
6 ccaihiv;.
i7riTrpct.ax.iv
Reraondiere,
'irvxt 5s
TCtlV
Toiv Ti'hu'j y/jV
iUi'K'hs xae rihit
i}u
4.
TV; iK TUV %'hiWJ
'Khn
'iy.oi.arvi
xii.
in
of Wieseler rests manifestly on
In the passage cited from Pliny, in
a misunderstanding.^""*
^"^
So, undoubtedly,
to puhlicani}^^
com-
still
x,xT
De
''*^
Ibid. xii. 4.
'TzoKiotv.
impts
row Kccipov v.v-ru.i
ÔlUlKr}^
sro; 0 Tccvzoc TOi;
Trnrpaxiadxi t>v
la levee des
iKsivov
x-otr
'^vpix^
T'^?
1877
Pi'ax,
sommaire du Systeme
TTonOVi
X-Oil
hwctTOtg ruv kv
harang
Os rij; ^fcipccg
Compare also
xii. 4. 5.
seems plain that we have here to do, not with

customs, but with taxes (ipdpoi). The most important of these was the
the latter passage
poll-tax (Ântiq. xii.

(Popo'hoyilv,
x.oe.1
4. 1
it
rx;
lOicc;
avuxSpoiôvrs; to
"tt
iKuaTOt rcjv
poam xypth/ov
iz'iav^fcaiv
uvovvro TrxTpidce;
KHij ec?ôe.iou toi; fictaiXivafj
But there was also yet another class of taxes for the Jerusalem
priesthood had been freed by Antiochus the Great (Josephus, Antiq. xii.
irihovv).
3.
3):
ilTTip
eju
v-TTip
T^f
x,i(ptx,'/.ri;
Tihovai x.ou
tou ari<puviTOV
(f:6pov
kuI tcu
TUV oKhUV.
J"3
Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung,
105
Wieseler, Beitrge zur richtigen
ii.
303.
Wrdigung
i"* Ibid.
ii.
302.
der Evangelien, 18G9,

70
note 100,
is
it
expressly said, that for the incense exported
from Arabia by way of Gaza a duty had also
to be paid to
Eoman puUicani. From the universality of the system,

may be assumed that territorial princes like Herod Antipas
would also make use of it. Even city communes like Palmyra
the
it
did not have their customs collected by municipal
rented them out to
The
lessees.^^*^
readily supposed, had
their subordinate officials,
usually be chosen from the native population.

principal less^s were
were
1,
but
may
who would
The
2) and of Caesarea
therefore Jews.
be
But even the
by no means necessarily Eomans.
tax-gatherers of Jericho (Luke xix.
Zaccheus and John
officials,
lessees again, as
Since they are
described as well-to-do and respectable people, they certainly
cannot have belonged to the lowest class of publicans. ^"^
The extent
to
which custom might be charged was indeed
prescribed by the
p.
78
f.,
court
but since these
tariffs,
as
we
seeks support for Lis theory from Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10. 5
see
jttjjrs
But here the matters referred to are not the customs,

hut the revenue derived from the land-tax. Besides, these enactments
of Caesar had long been antiquated in the days of the empire by the convulsions that had meanwhile occurred.
^^^ In tlie decree of the Council of Palmyra with reference to the
customs-tariff in the time of Hadrian {Hermes, xix. 490, compare note 97),
In the older customs-tariff very many subjects were not introit is said
duced and so, in making the bargain with the lessee (rri /aia-da-i), the
amount of custom which the tax-gatherer (to n'Kuvrjiiurot.) ought to levy
has to be determined by tariff and use and wont. But over these questions disputes constantly arose between the merchants and the lessees of
ioyo'Kccuai Tivsg.
the customs.
Therefore did the council then conclude that the courts of

make a list of articles omitted, and in the next lease-
the city sliould
should have them inserted, in addition to

If
it would thus become a fixed sum).
this tariff be accepted by the lessee (rw fiiadovf<.ha), then should it, as well
as the older tariff, be made generally known by being engraved on stone
contract
{tv,
iuyiaroc fziadmit)
the consuetudinary tax (so that
But the authorities should take care that the lessee (roe fitadovshould exact nothing beyond the requirements of the law.
The assertion of TertuUian, that all tax-gatherers were heathens {da
tablets.
y.vjrtv)
^"''
pvdicitia,
c.
Daviasum,
9),
c. 3,
was rightly contested

Opera, ed. Valarsi,
i.
as early as
72).
by Jerome
{Epist. 21
ad
71
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
from the case of Palmyra, were in early times often very
abundant room was
indefinite,
the arbitrariness and
left for
The advantage taken
rapacity of the tax-gatherer.
of such
opportunities, and the not infrequent overcharges that were
made by
these
people.
Not only
" publican
officials,
and
in
made them
the
New
are
synonymous,
almost
sinner "
by the
as a class hated
Testament
terms
the
but
also
in
rabbinical literature tax-gatherers (PP?i) appear in an even

less
favourable
light.^
On
the
generally then, just as in the
contrivances
of
of
ways
and
kamma
x.
other
hand,
the
people
present day, were inventive
means
for
defrauding
the
one should not take payment in

should not even receive
alms from them (because their money has been gained 'by robbery). If,
however, tax-gatherers have taken away one ass and given another in
exchange for it, or robbers have robbed him of his garment and given
him another for it, he ought to keep what is given, because it has already
ceased to be his property (Baba kamma, x. 2).
According to Nedarim
iii. 4, should one promise, in consequence of a vow, to robbers and taxgatherers, he may declare the thing the property of the priests or of the
Tliroughout, therefore, tax-gatherers (pD31D)
king, though it be not so!
are placed in the same category as robbers. Compare also Wnsche, Neue
Beitrge zur Erluterung der Ew. 1878, p. 71 f.; Herzfeld, Handelsgeschichte
der Juden, ]). IGlff.; Rmhiirger, Eeal-Encyclopaedie, art. "Zoll;" Levy,
Neuhebrisches Wrterbuch, iii. 114.
That by pD31D tax-gatherers in the
proper sense are to be understood, is seen from the usage of that word
(SD3D, X''DDD) in the customs- tariff of Palmyra.
1^^ Kelim xvii. 16, speaks of " a walking-stick with a secret place for
pearls," i.e. for the purpose of defrauding the revenue.
In treating of
the prohibition against wearing garments made of a mixture of linen and
wool (Lev. xix. 19 Deut. xxii. 11), Kilajim ix. 2, remarks, that this is
allowed under no circumstances, " not even in order to defraud the
revenue" (dsSH 213^^)In this connection, also, may be quoted the
^^^
According to Baba
money from
1,
the cash-box of the tax-gatherers
where, as an example of a small piece of paper

which, on the Sabbath, ought not to be carried from one place to another,
a "iK^'p of the tax-gatherer's is mentioned.
The expositors understand by
passage Shabbath
viii. 2,
the word, a receipt which has been given at one customs
office so
that the
party might pass free at the next, say on the other side of the river.
jihilological explanation is certainly beset
where means "binding"
(e.g.
with
The
difficulty, since iti'p else-
a knot on a string, or a joint in a
human
"
72
Within the
were stated in the very regula-
limits, whicli
tions themselves, the
Jewish people enjoyed even yet a very
measure of freedom in home
considerable
affairs
and
self-
administration.^'"
The
had
the emperor, presumably on every change of
to take
to
government, was,
if
we may judge from analogous
an oath of confederates than one
home
affairs,
cases,
more
such as had been
of subjects,
given even so early as the times of Herod,^^^

as regards
which the people
oath of allegiance
The
constitution
during the age of the procurators,
is
characterized by Josephus, in opposition to the monarchial
Herod and Archelaus,
rule of
fxev Tjv
after
monarchy
He
of
aristocratic
Sanhediim
office of
edvov<;.
change which took
and that not
incorrectly,
procurator only as an overseer, but the

as the real governing body.
high priest for the time,
presidency of the Sanhedrim,
TOV
apiaroKpajia
Archelaus, a transition from
to aristocracy, because he,
Eoman
^^^
:
tov eOvov; ol ap^Lepel<i
sees, therefore, in the
the deposition
considers the
held the
words
TToXtreia, rrjv Be TrpoaTaaiav
rj
eTreTTiarewTo.
place
in the
is
who
He who
also held the
by Josephus TrpocrdTT}^
called
Yet certainly these very high
and removed at the arbitrary pleasure
of
priests
were
set
the overseer.
up
But
even in this matter the Eomans restrained themselves within

certain
limits.
Whereas during the period
appointments had been made by the
Eoman
A.D.
641
the
governors, either
the legate of Syria or the procurator of Judea, during the

the period A.D.
44-66
the right of appointment was trans-
ferred to the Jewish princes,
Herod
of Chalcis
And
although these did not reign in Judea.
and Agrippa IL,

in both periods
May it not mean a piece of paper, by which a " connection

between two customs offices is established ?
1^" Compare on what follow.?, Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, v. 511 ff.
*^^ Compare generally, vol. i.
We have clear evidence of the
p. 445.
taking of an oath on the accession of Caligula
body).
5. 3.
^^'
Josephus, Antiq. sx. 10 fin.
appointments
the
17.
TEIE
were
73
SONS OF HEltOD.
not
made
in
purely
arbitrary-
manner, but respect was paid to the claims of certain families

(Phabi, Boethos, Ananus, Kamith).^^^
Of greater importance
is
the
fact
Sanhedrim
that the
exercised to a very large extent the right of legislating and of
than on the
executing the law, to a larger extent indeed
among non-autonomous communities in

averajxe was
^^
The state of the law was in general
the Koman empire.^
the case
the communities recognised by
this, that
"
"
autonomous
Eoman
had expressly guaranteed
and executing
passing
their
practical state of matters

"'^
For the
a,py,iipu:
593-657).
Div.
^^^
to
fact,
On the
Staatsrecht,
right of
even over
In the subject,
which Judea belonged, the
was very nearly the same
^^^
;
but
i. pp. 197-206, and my treatise on

Testament (Studien und Kritiken, 1872, pp.
the presidency of the high priest in the Sanhedrim,
proofs, see Div. II. vol.
in the
On
II. vol.
to
as " free " or
them the
laws, in
citizens dwelling within their bounds.
non-autonomous communities,
the
own
Eome
New
i. pp. 180-184.
position of non-autonomous subjects, see
Mommsen, ^mrsc/i^.s
The
singular position of
iii.
1.
716-764, especially 744
Judea has prominence given
ff.
to it in a rather one-sided
manner by Geib,
485 f. " Only one province

namely, Judea, at least in the earlier days of the empire, formed an
exception to all the arrangements hitherto described. Whereas in the
other provinces the whole criminal jurisdiction was in the hands of the
governor, and only in the most important cases had the supreme imperial
courts to decide, just as in the least important matters the municipal
Geschichte des rmischen Criminalprocesses, p.
the principle that applied in Judea was that at least in regard

questions of religious offence the high priest with the Sanhedrim
courts did
to
could pronounce even death sentences, for the carrying out of which,
however, the confirmation of the procurator was required." This representation of Geib is therefore incorrect, inasmuch as it confounds the
position of Judea in the earlier days of the empire with its general condition in the later imperial age. Compare, on the other hand, Mommsen, I.e.
^^^
Mommsen,
Eoviisches Staatsrecht,
iii.
1, p.
748: "In regard to the
extent of application, the jurisdiction of the irative courts and judicatorit^s
among subject communities can scarcely have been much more restricteil
than among the federated communities while in administration and in
civil jurisdiction we find the same principles operative as in legal pro;
cedure and criminal law."
THE ROMAX-HERODIAN AGE.
74
with this twofold restriction
(1) That this practical state of
matters was not guaranteed them
their
own
ance.
The
judicatories.
The Eoman
and (2) that the Eoman
bounds had their own law and
citizens residing within their
point was of most import-
first
interfere at pleasure in the legislation
tion of the
this right
consequence of
could, in
authorities
and in the administra-
law in non-autonomous communities.
seems
limited extent.
to
it,
In Judea
have been taken advantage only to a very
may
It
be assumed that the administration
law was wholly in the hands of the Sanhedrim
of the civil
and native or
local magistrates
almost invariably
death sentences
But even
ing to Jewish law.
the
in
the criminal law this was
only with this exception, that
case,
required
Jewish courts decided accord-
by the
be confirmed
to
In such case the procurator decided
procurator.
if
according to the standard of the Jewish law, as
Even Roman
the trial of Jesus Christ.-^^
Roman
he pleased
is
citizens
shown
in
were not
wholly exempt from the requirements of the Jewish law.
When,
indeed, the procurator Festus proposed to judge the
Apostle Paul according to Jewish law, this was frustrated by

the objection of the apostle (see above,
p.
59).
But the
Jewish law, that no Gentile should be allowed to enter the

inner court
authorities,
of
if
he were a
details in Div. II. vol.
^^" Joseplius,
discovered
temple, was
recognised
and any one who transgressed
with death, even

"6 More
the
Wars
i.
Roman
was punished
it
There was
citizen.^^^
pp. 186-190.
of the Jews, vi. 2. 4
by Clermont-Ganneau.
by the Roman
also confirmed
Compare Div.
by the inscription
II. vol.
i.
pp. 188, 265.
This point is also of importance in forming an estimate of the trial of the

Apostle Paul for a principal charge brought against him by the Jews
was that he had taken with him into the temple a " Greek," Trophimus
(Acts xxi. 28, 29). The endeavour was therefore made to impress the
procurator with the idea that Paul was deserving of punishment even
according to the Roman law, since he had committed an offence against a
specific enactment.
Compare especially, Acts xxiv. 6 o; x.xt ro 'upot
i-iip'jtii'j i-/i>.ii('Oc,i.
The charge was not indeed valid, since that enact;
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
only one limitation to the far

right,
and
reaching application of this
and that certainly a very important one
his agents could at
own
75
any time
the procurator
interfere according to
their
discretion.
The Jewish worship was not only
ment
tolerated, but, as the enact-
just referred to with regard to the temple shows, stood
under State
the
characterized
possible
The cosmopolitan tendency, which
protection.^^^
pagan piety
Jewish temple, and even to

oversight
temple
the
of
administration of
its
of
Eomans
distinguished
for
offer
by the
the
made
time,
sacrifices
State,
quite
it
present gifts
to
the
to
there.^^^
especially
The
of
the
large finances, seems to have been carried
6-41 by means of the Eoman

authorities.
During the period A.D. 44-66 it was transferred
to the same Jewish princes who had also received the right of
out during the period A.D.
appointing the high priests, namely, Herod of Chalcis, and
then Agrippa
II.^-
which was in
itself quite
ment
restriction in the
freedom of worship,
harmless, but was regarded by the
would have affected only Trophimus, and not Paul.

had not really taken Trophimus with him
into the temple.
Compare, hoyuôv, Acts xxi. 29.
''^ This protection extended also to the synagogue services and the Holy
Scriptures.
When the pagan inhabitants of Dora had placed a statue of
the emperor in the Jewish synagogue there, the council of the city was
ordered by the legate Petronius to deliver up the guilty parties, and to
of the law
Besides, it seeras that Paul
take care that such outrages should not occur in future (Josephus, Antiq.
to death
A soldier, who had wantonly torn up a Thorah roll, was put

by the procurator Cumanus (Josephus, Antiq. xx. 5. 4 Wars of
the Jews,
ii.
xix.
6. 3).
Even
^^^
12. 2).
the
Emperor Augustus and his wife sent brazen wine vessels to

{Wars of the Jews, v. 13. 6) and other
the temple at Jerusalem, otKpxroipoooi
ad Cajum, sec. 23 and sec. 40, ed. Mangey, ii.

592 fin.). Marcus Agrippa, on the occasion of his visit to
Jerusalem, gave presents (Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 37, ed. Mangey, ii.589),
and offered as a sacrifice a hundred oxen (Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 2. 1).
Also Vitellius sacrificed there (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 5. 3).
Compare
generally, Div. II. vol. i. pp. 299-305.
costly presents (Philo, Legat,
59
init.,
^-^
Kocl
Herod
of Chalcis, Josephus, Antiq. xx.
Tuv Ispuv )Cpn!^Tav.
Agrippa
II.
1.
Antiq. xx.
9.
t^v eôvaixv roi viZ

7
t/û iTi-tf^.i'hitdtv
rw
76
Jews
was
oppressive,
as
6-36 the
period A.D.
the keeping of the
aside
set
Koman conmiandant
and was only four times in the year,
and on the Day
of
During the
36.
in A.D.
was
beautiful robe of the high priest
in
in the fort of Antonia,
at the three chief feasts
Atonement, brought forth for
At
use.
the
request of the Jews, in A.D. 36, Vitellius ordered that the robe
should
given
be
And when
up.
Cuspius
the procurator
Radius, in A.D. 44, wished again to have the robe put under
lioman
control, a
a rescript from
Jewish embassy went
tlie
and procured
of
was confirmed.^-^
Vitellius
Great deference was shown
Whereas
Jews.
to Iionie
Emperor Claudius by which the order
in
all
to the religious opinions of the
other provinces
the worship of the
emperor was zealously insisted upon, and was claimed as a

matter of course by the emperor as a proof of respect, no
demand
made
of this sort, except in the time of Caligula,
requiring
sacrifice
Jews.
the
of
that
were
authorities
was ever
satisfied
with
twice a day in the temple at Jerusalem
was made
sacrifice for
The
" for
Caesar and the
Eoman
The
people."
the whole day consisted in two lambs and an ox,
and, according to Philo, was provided by Augustus himself,

eV TMv IBlcov irpoaohwu, whereas the opinion of Josephus
that
it
was made
at the
cost of the
is
Also
Jewish people. -^^^
on extraordinary occasions the Jewish people evidenced their

loyal
sentiments
eniperor.^^^
hoov.
On
vol.
i.
121
by a great
the
the administration of the finances of the temple, see Div. II.

of Jerusalem
(Josephus,
1-2
of
pp. 260-264.
4. 3,
xx.
1.
1-2, xv. 11.
Wars
by Titus
of the Jews, vi.
it
fell
Wars
of the Jews,
Compare, on
tliis
the con-
into the hands of the
Komans
i.
p. 256.
8. 3).
Philo, Legat, ad Oajum, sec. 23
Josephus,
4.
On
beautiful robe of the hic;h priest, Div. II. vol.

(juest
honour
in
sacrifice
In the Diaspora the emperor was remembered
and
sec. 40,
^langey,
ii.
569, 592)
2-4; Against Apion,
ii. 6 fm.
Further details in Div. II. vol. i. p. 303.
1^2 This was done thrice over in the time of Caligula, Philo, Legat, ad
ii.
10. 4,
17.
ONS OF IIEOD.
TIIL;
17.
77
in the prayers of the synagogue, which, however, cannot be
proved to liave been the case in
Palestine.^"^^
Next
to the
worship of the emperor, the emperor's images on the coins
and the standards of the
But
the Jews.
tolerance.
were specially offensive to
in these matters also they
could
It
soldiers
indeed,
not,
be
were treated with
avoided
Eomau
that
denaria with the figure of the emperor should circulate in
Judea (Matt.
20; Mark
xxii.
16; Luke xx. 24), for

in Judea.
But the
xii.
and gold coins were not minted
silver
copper coinage restored to the country bore, even in the time
Eomau
no human
the direct
of
Herodians,
rule, as
well as in the times of the
but only the
likeness,
name
of
the
The troops were required
emperor and inoffensive emblems.^"*
Cajum, sec. 45 (Mangey, ii. 598) ; compare also sec. 32 (Mangey, ii. 580
the offering presented on the occasion of his accession).
123a Philo, In Flaccum, sec.
" If one robbed the
7 (ed. Mangey, ii. 524)
:
Jews of the Proseuche or synagogue, he thus made

Tviv ii;
dinovTci.t
Tif/^yjv.
ziy.ii;;"
That
offered
1.
up
is
oi/K,
s;^!)i/7-sj
hpovs
impossible to them
"TreptoTôvi
u'j Vifiiv
o7j
rot;
shown by Ahoth
p. 304.
for tlie
iii.
iuoiccx.vpt'.i;
rov aicca-:6v
uotipidaauu rig irepo; ccTTo'XitTrsrxi totto;
standpoint was not an unusual one even
this
rabbinical Jews
Div. II. vol.
was
Thereby he gives not, but robs

For the Proseuchae are for all Jews 6pfi-/ir'/ip(et rii; tig
TO ivxpiazov
aiTYiTO;
oi>coi/
ivaittsey
Toi); iiiipyirtx.i
it
rpo'Trog
among
words quoted in
no proof that prayer
see the
Yet, so far as I know, there
is
emperor in the synagogues of
considering the opinions jDrevailing there,
it is
Palestine.
Indeed,
extremely improbable that
such prayers should have been offered.

^^*
Compare, on the coins minted in Judea in the time of the procurator.,

Num. iii. 497 sq. Mionnet, Descrvpt. de me'dailles, v.
Cavedoni, Biblische Nuviismatil; i. 64-73,
552-555, Suiypl. viii. 377
159-162 De Saulcy, Bevue Kumismatique, 1853, pp. 186-201
De Saulcy,
Eckhel, Dodr.
Kecherches, etc., 1854, pp. 138-146, 149 sq., pi. viii., ix.
Cavedoni, Biblische
Numismatik, ii. 39-53 Mommsen, Geschichte des rmischen Mimzwesens,
Levy, Geschichte der jiUlisclien Mnzen, pp. 74-79 Madden,
1860, p. 719
Cavedoni in Grote's Miinzstudien,
History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 134-153
;
V.
27-29
pi. iii.-iv.
De
;
Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, 1874, pp. 69-78,

Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, pp. 169-195 Madden,
;
Coins of the Jews, pp. 170-187

Vereins, vii.
Stickel, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina-
1884, pp. 212, 213 ; Pick, Zeitschrift fr Numismatil-, Bd.

On the coins of Augustus with the superscription
xiv. 1887, pp. 306-308.
Kxiaxpoi,
we meet with
the year numbers 33, 36, 39, 40, 41.
If the
78
in
Jerusalem to dispense with standards having on them the
The wanton attempt
likeness of the emperor.
break through this custom
of Pilate to
was frustrated by the violent
Pilate found himself compelled to
opposition of the people.
withdraw again the imperial likenesses from Jerusalem.^"^

number 33
is
the correct reading, then
we
must, as
jectured, assume as the starting-point of the
Mommsen
con-
first
Augustan era the
1st of
According to this reckoning, the coins

a.tj.c, or b.c. 27.
belong to the period 759-767 a.u.c, or A.D. 6-14, which harmonizes
perfectly with historical circumstances. As this era is otherwise unknown.
Pick, in Zeitschrift fr Numismatik, xiv. 306-308, doubts as to the existence of the coins with the number 33, and assumes the Actian era with
autumn a.u.c. 723 as its starting-point. Thus the year 36 would be
Tlie existence of the coins with the number 33 seems,
A.TJ.C. 758-759.
January 727
however, to be well established. See especially Madden and Stickel in

works quoted above. The coins of Tiberius, with, for the most part, the
name written in the abbreviated form Ttspiov K/(t/jo?, are dated by the
years of Tiberius' reign we have examples of the numbers 2, 3, 4 up to
18.
On many the name of Julia occurs along with that of Tiberius, and,
;
indeed, this
is
so
up
to the year of Tiberius 16,
i.e.
A.D. 29, the year in
which Julia (Livia) died. Many coins bore only the name of Julia.
There are coins of Claudius of the 13th and 14th year of his reign and
On the latter stands only the name of the
coins of Nero of the 5th year.
emperor on those of Claudius tliere is also the name of his wife, Julia
;
Agrippina.
^^^ Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 3. 1
Wars of the Jews, ii. 9. 2-3. In reference to the military flags and standards, as Domaszewski has shown
;
(Domaszewski, Die Fahnen im rniisclien Heere, Abhandlungen des archolog.epigraph. Seminares der Universitt Wien, 5 Heft 1885), two different
classes are to be distinguished
(1) Those which were used for tactical
The
])urposes, and (2) those which had only a symbolical significance.
former M'ere by far the most numerous to the latter belonged the eagles
of the legions and the signa which bore the figure of the emperor.
Mommsen indeed believes, however, that even to them should be assigned
:
a certain tactical significance
see Archologisch- e-pigraphische Mittheilungen
Ungarn Jahrgang, x. 1886, p. 1 ff. The figures of the

emperor were in the form of a medallion, and were usually attached to
aus
Oesterreich-
the signa.
Among
the legionaries, as well as
among
the auxiliary cohorts
we hear
The
of imaginiferi (see list in Cauer, Ephemeris epigr. iv. pp. 372-374).

earlier procurators, therefore, had taken with them to Jerusalem
only the
common
sigiia which did not bear the figure of the emperor, that is, the
ones used for tactical purposes but Pilato took also those bearing
the figure of the emperor.
When
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
79
Vitellius, the legate of Syria, took the field against the
Arabian kiug Aretas, at the urgent entreaty of the Jews, he

so directed the course of his
march that the troops carrying
the likeness of the emperor on their standards should not
enter Jewish territory.^^^
So
then, as the civil enactments and the orders of the
far,
supreme
authorities were concerned, the
plain of any
want
Jews could not
of consideration being paid them.
con)-
was
It
otherwise, however, with respect to the practical carrying out
The average Eoman
of details.
official
was always disposed
consideration.
And
the
especially
the
last
decades before the war, had had more than one governor
who
to disregard all such nice, delicate
unfortunate
had
thing was,
that
lost all sense of right
Judea,
and wrong.
Besides
in
this,
notwith-
standing the most painstaking efforts to show indulgence to
Jewish views and
feelings,
the
existing
relations
themselves, according to Jewish ideas, an insult to

lofty, divine
were
all
in
the
privileges of the chosen people, who, instead of
paying tribute to Caesar, were called rather to rule over
all
nations of the world.'^^
Their
there
first
administrative measures which they introduced
show how hard
a task the incorporation of
the empire proved to the Eomans.
the appointment of Coponius, the
Judea into
Contemporaneously with
first
procurator of Judea,
126
Josephus, Anfiq. xviii. 6. 3.

i2Ca Tliis was, at least, the popular sentiment.
From
these religious
premisses in themselves one might, indeed, arrive at the very opposite

result, namely, that even the pagan government was of God, and that it
must be submitted to so long as God wills. But this way of consideiing

the subject was not in favour during the period a.D. 6-66, and, as the
years went on, those who held it were in an ever-decreasing minority.
Compare generally on the political attitude of Pharisaism, Div. II. vol. ii.
pp. 17-19.
80
the emperor had sent a
was now the duty
new
legate, Quirinius, into Syria.
It
of the legate to take a census of the popu-
lation of the newly-acquired territory, in order that the taxes
might be appointed according

no sooner had Quirinius, in
priest Joazar,
Eoman
method.
Only the quieting representations
who
But
6 or A.D. 7, begun to carry
was met with opposition on
out his commission, than he
every hand.
the
to
A.D.
the high
of
open rebellion would
clearly perceived that
be of no avail, led to the gradual abandonment of the opposi-
had already begun, and then the people with mute
tion that
resignation submitted to the inevitable, so that, at last, the
made
census was
but only
It was,
up.^^^
Gaulanitis, called the Galilean,
who
that Judas, son of Hezekiah, of
on
however, no enduring peace,
Judas of Gamala in
a truce of uncertain duration.
p. 4, in
company with
is
certainly identical with
whom we
have already learnt
a Pharisee of the
name
of
Sadduc,
made it his task to rouse the people into opposition, and in

the name of religion to preach rebellion and revolutionary
war.
This movement had not, indeed, any immediate marked
But the revolutionists got so far as to found now
success.
among the
Pliarisees a
more
strict fanatical party, that of
the
patriotic resolutes, or, as they called themselves, the Zealots,
who wished
not to remain in quiet submission
decree the Messianic hope of Israel should be
would rather employ the sword

and would rush into
conflict
by God's
till
fulfilled,
but
in hastening its realization,
with the godless enemy.'*'^
It is
'-''
According to Josepluis, Antiq. xviii. 2. 1, in the 37tli year of tlie

i.e. autumn, 759-760 A.U.C., or a.D. 6-7.
The Actian era
begins on 2nd Sept. 723 a.u.c. or b.c. 31.
'28 z>jAwT/, compare Luke vi. 15
IVars of the Jews, iv. 3. 9,
Acts i. 13
For the Biblico-Hebrai^ K3p we find in later Hebrew
5. 1,6. 3, vii. 8. 1.
aera Adiaca,
also >S3p
and jxip
(see Buxtorf, Lexicon
Chaldaicum; Levy,
Chaldaisclies
Wrterbuch; Levy, Neuhebrisches Wrterbuch). The Greek Kccuecvxio; is

c(mstiucted out of the later form of the word through the modification of
the plural, X'3X3p, as ought to be used in Matt.
x. 4,
Mark
iii.
18, instead
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
we
among
their machinations that
to
the
fires
of revolution
sixty years later burst forth in
Of Coponius and some

to us than
vehement
A.D.
(6)
37-41.^^
9-12
6-9
A.D.
(2)
is
known
Marcellus,
A.D.
12-15
(5) Pontius Pilatus,
36-37
A.D.
6-41
A.D.
Marcus Ambivius,
Annius Rufus, probably
(3)
Marullus,
(7)
A.D.
a.D.
The long period during which Valerius Gratus
of the received Kxvxvtrn;-
Nathan
derabbi
more
administered Judea during the period
(4) Valerius Gratus, A.D. 1.526;
26-36
llames.^^^
Altogether there were seven procu-
Coponius, probably
(1)
probably
are to ascribe the nursing of
the smouldering ashes which
of his successors little
their names.
who
rators
81
c.
Tn
ix. 6, and Ahoth

In the former passage,
the Mishna, Sanhcdrin
we have pX3p
6,
or D"'X3p-
political, but religious zealots.

Compare generOppenheim, "Die Kannaim oder Zeloten" in Fiirst's Literuturblatt
Pressel, art. "Zeloten" in Herzog's liealdes Orients, 1849, col. 289-292
Encydopaedie, 1 Anfl. xviii. 485-489 Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine,
Holtzmann in Schenkel's Bihellexihon, v. 707-709 Eeuss, Gesp. 238
chichte der heiligen Schriften der Alten Testaments, 560
Hamburger, RealEncyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, 2 Abth. pp. 1286-1296
SiefFert in
however, are meant, not

ally
Herzog's Beal-Ericydopaedie, 2 Aufl. xvii. 488-491 ; Wolf, Curae philol.;

Kuinoel, Fritzsche, Meyer, Bleek, and other commentators, on Matt. x. 4.
^29
Jews,
Compare generally
ii.
8.
Acts
v.
1. 1 and 6
JVars of the
in the Biblical Dictionaries.
37.
Art. " Judas
Chr. Alfr. Krner, " Judas von Gamala
"
" {Jahresbericht der
diger-Gesellschaft zu Leipzig, 1883-1884, pp. 5-12).
Lausitzer Pre-
Also the descendants
of Judas distinguished themselves as Zealots.
His sons James and Simon

were executed by Tiberius Alexander {Antiq. xx. 5. 2) his son Menachem
(Manaim) was one of the principal leaders at the beginning of the rebellion
in A.D. 66 {Wars of the Jews, ii. 17. 8-9).
A descendant of Judas and
;
relative of
Menahem
of the
name
of Eleasar conducted the defence of
Masada in a.D. 73 {Wars of the Jews, ii. 17. 9, v^t. 8. 1 ff.). A literary
memorial of the views and hopes of the Zealots is the Assuviptio Mosis,
which had its origin about that time (see Div. II. vol. iii. pp. 73-80),
which goes so far in the way of propliecy as to say that Israel will tread
on "the neck of the eagle," i.e. of the Eomaus (10. 8). Compare Div. II.
vol ii. pp. 144, 183.
130 Compare Josephus, ^71%. xviii. 2.
The period
2, 4. 2, 6. 10 fin.
during which the first three held office cannot be quite exactly determined.
Tliat of the two following is fixed by the facts that Valerius Gratus was
in office for eleven years (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 2. 2) and Pontius Pilate
DlV.
I.
VOL.
II.
THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGK
82
and Pontius Pilate held

principles on
was owing
office
which Tiberius proceeded in
his
to
appointment of
In the interest of the provinces he
governors.
general
the
left
them
as
long as possible at their posts, because he thought that governors acted like
if
upon the body
flies
of a
wounded animal
once they were gorged, they would become more moderate
new men began
in their exactions, whereas
proceedings
Among
their rapacious
afresh.^'^^
those named, Pontius Pilate
is
of special interest
to us, not only as the judge of Jesus Christ, but also because
he
the only one of
is
Josephus and
letter
whom we
Philo,
Philo.^^^
have any detailed account in

or rather Agrippa
in the
I.,
which Philo communicates as written by him, describes
But Pilate was deprived of his office before

was in Jerusalem for tlae first time, i.e. shortly before Easter
A.D. 36, as results from a comparison of Antiq. xviii. 4. 3 with xviii. 5. 3.
The period during which the last two held office is determinedly this,
that Marullus was installed immediately after the accession of Caligula
in March a.D. 37 (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 6. 10 fin.).
Eusebius affirms
(Hist. Eccl. i. 9) that Josephus sets the date of Pilate's entrance upon officein the twelfth year of Tiberius, A.D. 25 and 26, which is only so far
correct, that this conclusion may be deduced from Josephus.
for ten years (xviii. 4. 2).
Vitellius
^^^ Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 6. 5.

Tiberius' care for the provinces is also
witnessed to by Suetonius (Tiberius, 23
"praesidibus onerandas tributo
provincias suadentibus rescripsit
boni pastoris esse tondere pecus, non
deglubere").
Tacitus also, in Annals, i. 80, iv. 6, speaks of the long
periods granted to governors.
For an estimate of Tiberius, compare
:
especially Keim's article in Schenkel's Bibellexikon, v. 528- 535.

^^2
Compare
in regard to him, besides the literature referred to on

Mounier, De Pontii Pilati in causa servatoris agendi ratione, Lugd.
Bat. 1825
Leyrer, art. " Pilatus" in Herzog's Beal-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl.
xi. pp. 685-687
Klpper in Schenkel's Bibellexikon, iv. '581-585 Renan,
p.
38
Life of Jesus, chap, xxvii.
" Fate of the Enemies of Jesus
Warneck,
"
Pontius Pilatus der Richter Jesu Christi.

geschichte,
Gotha 1867
Ein Gemlde aus der LeiderisWoltjer,

Pence Pilate, Paris 1883
Amsterdam 1888 Arnold, Die neronische
Rosiferes,
Pontius Pilatus, sene studie,
Christenverfolgung, 1888, pp. 116-120 (on the mention of Pilate in Tacitus,

Annals, xv. 44) ; Gustav Adolf Mller, Pontius Pilatus der fnfte Pro-
curator von Judaea
und Pichier Jesu von Nazareth, Stuttgart 1888 (gives at

pp. v-viii a list of the special literature on Pilate from the beginning of the
art of printing down to the present time, more than a hundred names)
"
of an
liim as
unbending and recklessly hard character

koI fiera tov av6dSov<i
{rtjv (pvcriv aKafiTrrj^;
bad
a very
gives
" Corruptibility,
account
violence,
of
trial,
ill -
administration.
treatment
executions
and
d/xL\i,KTO<;),
official
the
of
without even the
endless and intolerable cruelties," are charged
The very
against him.^^^
himself into
his
robberies,
people, grievances, continuous
form of a
83
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
office
act
first
by which Pilate introduced
was characteristic of him who treated with
contempt the Jewish
customs
constantly been taken
by the
and
Care
privileges.
procurators
earlier
had
that the
troops entering Jerusalem should not carry flags having the

figure of the emperor, in order that
the religious feelings of
Jews should not be offended by the
the
regard to these, above,
whom
p.
78).
them
sight of
Pilate, on the
(see in
other hand, to
such tolerance appeared unworthy weakness, caused
the garrison soldiers of Jerusalem to enter the city by night
with the figure of the emperor on their
When
flags.
news spread among the people, they flocked out

to Caesarea,
and besieged the procurator with entreaties
days and nights that
five
At
removed.
the
in crowds
last,
the
offensive
for
might be
articles
on the sixth day, Pilate admitted the
people into the race-course, into which at the same time he
had ordered a detachment of
When
soldiers.
the Jews also
here again repeated their complaints, he gave a signal, upon
which the
soldiers
surrounded the people on
But the Jews remained
drawn swords.
would rather
necks, and declared that they

to
As
a breach of the law.
Pilate
hazardous,
further
sides
all
stedfast,
die than
opposition
he gave orders to remove
with
bared their
submit
seemed
the
to
offensive
images from Jerusalem.^^*

133 piiiio,
Kice.;,
T;
De Legatione ad Cajum,
vpiig,
raf apTrctyd;,
i'TTtxXKYi'Kov; Cpvovg,,
^^*
t^v ccv/juvtou Kdt
Hist. Eccles.
ii.
6. 4.
sec. 38, ed.
Mangey,
racj etiKfocg, txc,
3. 1
590
ii.
iTTYipiicci;,
rx; luooln-
toi)j icptTOv;
Kotl
<i,p-/ccKiUTce,T/\v ui^-tyit.
Warn of
the,
Jews,
ii. 9.
According to Eusebius, Demonstratio
2-3
Ensebius,
evangelica, viii
84
new storm
burst forth
when on one
occasion he applied
the rich treasures of the temple to the certainly very useful
purpose of building
an
appropriation of the
sacred treasures was no less offensive
aqueduct to Jerusalem.
Such an
When,
than the introduction of the figures of the emperor.

therefore, he once
went
to
Jerusalem while the building was
being proceeded with, he was again surrounded by a complaining
and
shrieking
But
crowd.
he
had
previously
obtained information of the projected outburst, and had given

orders
to the
fore
began
soldiers
to
armed with
citizen garb
to
mix among the people dressed
clubs.
When
make complaints and
in
the multitude there-
to present petitions,
he
gave the preconcerted signal, whereupon the soldiers drew

forth their clubs which they
had concealed under
garments, and mercilessly beat
Many
lost their lives in
useful undertaking
down
this melee.
the
their
helpless
The opposition
was thus indeed crushed
popular hatred against Pilate was stirred up
upper
crowds.
to
the
but also the
afresh.-^^^
story lias also been reported by Philo in portions of his work

on the persecutions of the Jews under Tiberius and Caligula, which are
no longer extant (vt 013 Tt^r xi
<l>/>i&)i/ (jvf/.f/.ct.prvpil, ri; (si(i!^cx,iet,i
p. 403, this
WoioKuv rots xai'hiKd.; tov Ui'Ktx.rov vvtrup
in regard to this question, Div. II. vol.
iii.
ru
Compare
iipu dvaduvxi).
p. 349.
13^
Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 3. 2

Wars of the Jews, ii. 9. 4 Eusehius,
ii. 6. 6-7.
The length of the aqueduct is given by Josephus,
Antiq. xviii. 3. 2, at two hundred stadia
in Wars of the Jews, ii. 9. 4, at
;
Hist. Eccles.
four hundred
our text of Josephus, whereas in his

rendering of the latter passage Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. ii. 6. 6) makes it
three hundred stadia.
In any case, according to these measurements, there
can be no doubt that the reference is to the aqueduct from the so-called
pool of Solomon south-west of Bethlehem. From thence to Jerusalem
two aqueducts were built in ancient times, of which the ruins of the one
;
are discernible
1.
so at least is it in
the other
is still
Tlie former is the shorter,
preserved in comparative completeness.

higlier level
it begins
and runs upon a
south of the pool of Solomon in the Wady Bijar, then goes through the
pool, and thence without any further deviations straight to Jerusalem.
The one
that
completed is longer and lies lower it begins still

Arrub, passes then also through the pool, and
thence with great windings to Jerusalem. The latter conduit is certainly
2.
is still
farther south in the
Wady
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
The
New
Testament also contains hints about the popular

"
uprisings in the time of Pilate.
season," so runs the narrative in

told Jesus of the
with their
85
Luke
This statement
had put
Pilate
xiii.
"some
1,
that
whose blood Pilate had mingled
Galileans,
sacrifices."
indicating that
There were present at that
to be
is
understood as
sword a number of
to the
Galileans while they were engaged in the act of presenting

their offerings
about
"
murder
the more
the
in
And
known.
who had made
those
modern
But nothing more
Jerusalem.
at
to this incident is
just as
insurrection,
(Mark
insurrection "
little
definite as
do we
know
and had committed
xv.
comp. Luke
on account of the more remote derivation of the

no longer be used,
and so a new one had to he built. Its length, owing to the long windings,
reaches to about 400 stadia, although the direct line would measure much
less than half that distance.
When it had become dilapidated, during
the Middle Ages, earthenware pipes were placed in it.
In its original
form it was probably identical with the building of Pilate. Many, however, owing to the absence of any trace of the characteristics of Eoman
building, hold it to have been still older than the time of Pilate, and
;
for,
water, the aqueduct running on the higher level could
suppose that Pilate only restored it.

But this theory is directly in
opposition to the words of Josephus. That the aqueduct of Pilate ran
along the course taken by this water conduit, may be regarded as highly
probable.
In the Jerusalem Talmud we find the statement that an
aqueduct led from Etam to the temple {Jer. Yoma, iii. fol. 41, in Light-
foot, Descriptio templi,
c.
23, Opera,
i.
612).
In
fact,
Etam
(Q^J;),
according
between Bethlehem and Tekoa, unquestionably at

the spring which is now called Ain Atan, in the immediate neighbourhood of Solomon's pool (compare Mhlau in Eiehm's Handivrterbuch,
to 2 Chron. xi. 6, lay
art.
"
Etam
Schick,
"
Zeitschrift
des
The most exact description of
152 f.).
conduits
is
{Zeitschrift
map and
deutschen
Palstina
Vereins,
given by Schick, " Die Wasserversorgung der Stadt Jerusalem

des
deutschen Palstina- Vereins,
plans).
Compare
i.
the present condition of the two
i.
1887, pp.
"
132-176, with
Eitter, Erdkunde, xvi. 272 ff. ; Tobler,

84-95 (very full in its historical material)
an anonymous article, "Water Supply of Jerusalem, ancient and modern"
{Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, new series, vol. v. 1864,
pp. 133-157 Zschokke, "Die versiegelt Quelle Salomos" {Theolog. Quartalschrift, 1867, pp. 426-442)
The Recovery of Jerusalem, 1871, pp. 233-267 ;
Topographie von Jerusalem,
also
ii.
and generally the geographical

16-20.
literature
mentioned in vol L pp.
THE ROMAN-HEODIAN AGE.
86
whom among
xxiii.
19), to
whose
liberation the
Probably
others that Barabbas belonged,
Jews demanded
of Pilate.
days of Pilate belongs an occurrence
to the later
about which we are informed in the letter of Agrippa
which
Caligula,
to
communicated by
is
Philo.
up
learnt from the outburst at Caesarea that the setting
I.
had
Pilate
of
the figures of the emperor in Jerusalem could not be carried
He
out against the stubborn resistance of the Jews.
he now, at
might attempt the introduction of votive
least,
shields without figures, on
was
Such
written.
for
which the name

richly
shields,
what had been the palace
now wont
gilt,
to occupy, " less for the
tolerate
even
the emperor
of
he set up in
did
Herod, which Pilate himself was
of
honour of Tiberius than
But the people
the annoyance of the Jewish people."
would not
thought
First of
this.
all,
company with
in
the nobles and with the four sons of Herod,
who were then
present in Jerusalem attending a feast, they applied to Pilate

in order to induce
proved
prayer
among whom
him
to
remove the
the
unsuccessful,
were
certainly
most
their
men,
distinguished
four
those
When
shields.
sons
of
Herod,
addressed a petition to the emperor, asking that he should

order the removal of
plainly
perceived
that
the offensive shields.

it
was a piece
of
Tiberius,
who
purely wanton
bravado on the part of Pilate, ordered the governor on pain

of his severe displeasure to
Jerusalem,
Augustus
and
to
have
at Caesarea.
remove at once the shields from
them
set
up
in
the
temple
"
This accordingly was done.
of
And
thus were preserved both the honour of the emperor and the
ancient customs of the city."
136
Philo,
^^
De Legatione ad Cajum,
sec. 38, ed.
Mangey,
ii.
589
sq.
That
the incident occurred in the later years of Pilate is probable from the
decisiveness of the tone of Tiberius
for, according to Philo, Ley. ad
;
Cajum,
sec. 34,
ed.
Mangey,
ii.
5G9, Tiberius
assumed a friendly attitude
toward the Jews only after the death of Sejanus in A.D. 31. Sejanus was,
according to Philo, an arch-enemy of the Jews. To his influence is
17.
At last by his
own overthrow.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
brought about his
utter recklessness Pilate
was an old
It
87
among
belief
the Samaritans
that on the mountain of Gerizira the sacred utensils of the
temple had been buried since Moses'
pseudo
once promised in
prophet
things
sacred
people
the
if
times.''"
35
A.D.
would
to
Samaritan
show these
assemble
The light-minded multitude gave him a
Gerizim.
Mount
on
hearing,
and in great crowds the Samaritans gathered together armed in
Mount
the village of Tirathana at the fort of
Gerizim, so that
from thence they might ascend the mountain and behold the
sacred
But
spectacle.
they were arrested by
project,
strong force, a portion of

in
before they could
flight,
Pilate
them was
out
their
in the village
by a
a portion hunted
slain,
and again another portion
carry
into
cast
prison.
Of
those imprisoned also Pilate had the most powerful and the
most distinguished put
to
death.^'^^
But the Samaritans
were convinced that no revolutionary intentions lay

basis of their pilgrimage to Gerizim,
and
to
the
they complained
so
of Pilate to Vitellius, the legate in Syria at that time.
Their
complaints had actually this result, that Vitellius sent Pilate

to
Eome
to
answer
for his conduct, while
he made over the
administration of Judea to Marcellus.^^^

ascribed both the expulsion of the Jews from Rome in a.D. 19, and the
harsh treatment of Pilate in Judea.
137 Compare also: Petermann in Herzog, Eeal - Encydopaedie, 1 Aufl.
Kautzsch, Herzog, Real-JEncylop. 2 Aufl. xiii. 346, 348.
xiii. 373
;
128
Joseplius, Antiq. xviii. 4.
1.
must have taken about a year

he did not arrive in Rome until
His subsequent fortunes are
after the death of Tiberius (Antiq. I.e.).
not told by Joseplius. The Christian legend makes Pilate either end his
own life by suicide, or suffer death at the hands of the emperor as
punishment for his proceedings against Christ. 1. In regard to the story
about his suicide, Eusebius refers in his Church History to the Greek
chroniclers, who "have made a list of the Olympiads together with the
occurrences that took place in each" (Hist. Eccl. ii. 7
ioTopouatu 'EM.y;uai>
13^ Joseplius,
Antiq. xviii.
4. 2.
Pilate
on his journey from Judea to Rome,
for
88
Soon
went
Vitellius himself
In
Chronicle
tlie
to Jerusalem,
he mentions
Chronicon,
(Eusebius,
Armenian "Pontius
:
Passover festival of
the
at
thereafter,
150
ii.
Kxiaccpo;
TrotKi'hcii;
TnpiTrsauv
ictvTov
uvro(povivrvi;
uivoi,
sq.
Roman
(a)
historici").
on
historians
According to the
manus
mandaverunt."
Hunog IlAroj eri Tutou
res scriptis
:
ug (daiv 0/ to. ûfôtluv avyypx^pci(c) According to Jerome, " Pontius
(rvfi(popctts,
lyhiro.
Pilatus in multas incidens calamitates propria se
Romanorum
for himself
Pilatus in varias calamitates implicitus sibi ipsi
Narrant autem qui Romauorum

According to Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 624
inferebat.
(b)
"the
source
as his
Schoene,
ed.
and won
36,''"'
a.D.
manu
The verbal agreement
Scribunt
interficit.
of the Chronicle with the
Church History (comp. Hist. Eccl. ii. 6 roaxvrctig 'TripiTnauv

(rvpt,<pouiirofouivT'/iv) shows that on both occasions Eusebius used the
Cedrenus, ed. Bekker, i. 343, and Orosius, vii. 5. 8, are
same source.
The legend of Pilate's
derived directly or indirectly from Eusebius.
suicide is further expanded and adorned in the apocryphal literature, e.g.
in the Mors Pilati in Tischendorf's Evangelia apocrypha, 1876, pp. 456458 (the demons crowding around his corpse utter forth dreadful
shrieks, so that the body is transported from Rome to Vienne on the
Rhine, and thence to Lausanne, until at last the people of Lausanne " a
se removerunt et in quodam puteo montibus circumsepto immerserunt,
2. Accorddiabolicae machinationes ebullire dicuntur ").
ubi adhuc
ing to another form of the Christian legend, Pilate was executed by Nero.
:
poclg
So Malalas, ed. Dindorf, pp. 250-257 Johannes Antiochenus in Mller,

Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, iv. 574 (also in Fabricius, Cod. apocryph.
Chronicon paschale, ed.
N. T. iii. 504 sq.) Suidas, Lexicon, s.v. 'Nepuv
Dindorf, i. 459. According to the apocryphal Ilxpxlo(7is UiXccrov it was
Tiberius who caused Pilate to be executed. See text in Thilo, Codex
Tischendorf, Evang. apocryph. pp. 449-455.
apocryph. N. T. pp. 813-816
;
According to this account Pilate dies as a penitent Christian.
Compare
generally on the Pilate legend, besides the literature referred to above on

p. 82,
^"'
over
Keim, Jesus
of Nazara, vi. 185.

feast.
from the
That
it
4. 3,
says that
was the Passover of
it
was
a.D. 36
at the
may
time of a Pass-
be deduced partly
fact that Vitellius did not arrive in Syria before the
summer
or
autumn
of A.D. 35 (Tacitus, Annals, vi. 32), partly from the fact that on
the second visit of Vitellius to Jerusalem he received the tidings of the
death of Tiberius on 16th March a.D. 37 (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 5. 3).

Between the first and the second visit of Vitellius to Jerusalem, however,
we must suppose that a considerable time had passed. Compare especially.
Keim, Jesus of Nazara, vi. 226-230 Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu
also Lewin, Fasti sacri, p. Ixvii., p. 247,
(2 Aufl. 1874), pp. 75-80
;
n.
p.
1493
33
sq.
Rhoden, De Falaestina
et
Arabia provinciis Romanis,
1885,
89
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
that occasion the goodwill of the inhabitants of the capital,
he remitted the taxes on the fruits sold in the
for
gave up for free use the high
had
priest's robe,
and
city,
which since
A.D.
lain in the possession of the Eomans.-^*^
After he had meanwhile been occupied with the Parthian

expedition (see above,
campaign against Aretas,
34), the
p.
which he had been ordered by Tiberius in the spring of
37
A.D.
him again
to undertake, led
On
33).
p.
to
Jerusalem (see above,
occasion also he again established a good
this
understanding by showing consideration for Jewish sentiments.
The way from Autioch
to Petra
had led him, together with his
But the Eoman standards,
army, through Judea proper.
well known, were offensive to the Jews.
They
is
therefore sent
an embassy, which entreated him
at Ptolemais
Vitellius
to
as
with tears that he should not lead his army through the Holy
Land.
was
Vitellius
so reasonable as to perceive the grounds
army
of their request, caused the
to
march through the Great
On
Plain, and went himself alone to Jerusalem.
the fourth
day of his stay there he received tidings of Tiberius' death,
whereupon he led
^*^ Joseplius,
1^2
his
whole army back to Antioch.^^^
Antiq. xviii.
4. 3,
xv. 11. 4.
3.
5.
The
designation the " Great Plain
"
was plainly used for two plains in Palestine, as has been shown in a convincing manner by Reland, Palaestina, pp. 359-370.
(1) Most frequently
this designation is used for the plain which begins at Ptolemais and
stretches thence to the northern slope of Carmel in a south-easterly direcAt its south-eastern end lies the famous battlefield of Jezreel
tion.
Compare
(t'S^yiTV also Esdraelon), after which the jjlain is also named.
Judith
iKTiafiiuYi
3.
iii.
Wars
;
1,
also
5,
i.
Josephus,
i.
Antiq. v.
4.
to fiiy TriOtoy 'EalpviXu^
of the Jews,
1.
Life,
10.
ii.
Ptolemais,
22, viii. 2. 3, xv. 8. 5, xx. 6.

24,
62
26,
Macc.
kcctix.
xii.
49
to /asyx wsB/o!/
Wars of the Jews,

i. 580 f. (art.
Winer, Realwrterbuch,
" Jisreel ") Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, iii. 337 Stanley,
Sinai and Palestine, pp. 335-357 Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 689 fF. (2) But
this same designation was also used for the Jordan Valley between the
;
lake of Gennezaret and the

8.
TiTilo;
TO
(Aiyct, vihi'jv Kct'hUTcti,
TîfiUYi;.
Ginnabrin
Dead
ccTO
is
Sea, Josephus,
Wars
Koifi/i; Ti'jvcipi!/ ^liJKOu
without doubt
the
of the Jews, iv.
fiixpiT^j; Âo0ei}.-
same
place,
which
90
The reign
Tiberius, the
of Caligula, A.D.
enemy
37-41, was,
human
the
of
the rule of
after
race, joyfully
throughout the whole empire, and especially among

Since Vitellius was residing in Jerusalem
the change of government
who
Also during the
first
Jews enjoyed peace and
the
sacrifices
for
eighteen months of his reign
quiet. -^^
38 a bloody persecution
A.D.
of
new
professed to the
emperor the oath of allegiance, and presented

him.^^^
Jews.
news
the
reached him, the Jews were the
of the nationalities of Syria
first
when
greeted
tlie
But
Jews broke out
the
of
autumn
in the
of
in
Alexandria, which, though apparently at the instance of the
Alexandrian
was
mob,
yet
work
the
indirectly
the
of
Wars
of the Jews, iii. 9. 7, calls Sennabris, in the neighbourhood

See Tuch, Quaestio de Flavii Josephi loco B. J. iv. 8. 2, Lips.
1860, and Gust. Boettger, Topogr.-hist. Lexicon zu den Schriften des Flaviis
Josephus, 1879, pp. 136, 228.
Josephus, Antiq. iv. 6. 1
xi riv 'lo^Ss*!
xotTcc TO f/Jycc TTsoiov
The Jordan Valley is also
lipiyôvvroi durticpv.
intended in 1 Mace. v. 52 (= Josephus, Antiq. xii. 8. 5): it; to ttsIi'ou to
fiiyx Kccrcc "TrpoauTrov Bxidadcu (where Keil, against Grimm, gives the
Josephus,
of Tiberias.
'
The Plain of Jezreel was not reckoned down to

Beth-sean or Scythopolis, but rather Mount Tabor lay, according to Josephus, Wars of the Jews, iv. 1. 8, " between Scythopolis and the Great
correct explanation).
Plain."
A third plain, namely, that
of Asochis, north of Sepphoris (see
appears in Josephus, Life, 41_^7i., tobe designated too as the

" Great Plain."
But this was really attached to the Plain of Jezreel, and
ought to be reckoned along with it for only upon this hypothesis is the
very passage referred to, Wars of the Jews, iv. 1. 8, intelligible. In the
vol.
i.
p. 296),
case referred to in our text the plain beginning at Ptolemais is the
army
Vitellius caused his
intended.
to
march
thi'ough
it
one
in a south-
presumably across the Jordan, continuing the

march on the other side farther to the south.
^^3 Philo, De Legatione ad Cajuni; sec. 32 (Opera, ed. Mangey, ii. 580)
easterly direction, then
Tet'tcJ
Trapx'KxiiTi tt^v yiyifôvioiv Trpuroi
OvitsX'Kiov tots
avuriariu-iv,
ypociî^xrex..
i-/.oy,laSri
iD'/CYi<;
Tx't'ov Svaixg.
598.
On
point, vol.
^**
i.
i^'/i;
ii;
ev
-Tiohit
ty)
YipuTOV to
"^vpixv a.Tz.vTUv ^futi
^laTpiovTO;,
ijfiiTtpo!/
Compare on the
iepov
tx.
ihi^xro
Trspt
to.;
tovtu
v'jzip
t^j
Mangey, ii.
See further on this
sacrifices also sec. 45,
5.
3.
p. 445.
Kxl TOV
uinov
the oath
ruv Kotr
7.
'TTXvv yiyx'Kotppvoii
2 fin.
;)(jp5JT0
tvvoixv 'Trpov^.^pn Trxpx Tt
Txto;
Si
tov yAv
vpurov ivixvtov
TO/f 'Trpxyy.xai xxi yirpiov 'Kxpiyj.iv
Vufixioi; xvto7s kx\ toI; xjjxoo/f.
emperor.^*^
beclouded
In his overweaning
intellect,
91
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
self
conceit, joined with a
he took up the idea of his divine rank
With him
with terrible earnestness.
worship of
the
tlie
emperor was no mere form of homage which the emperors had

taken over as a heritage of the Greek kings
believed in his divinity,
him
as
but he actually
and regarded the refusal
proof of hostility
to
his
person.^*
to worship
During the
second year of his reign this idea seems to have obtained a
complete mastery over him, and to have become known in the
The provincials developed a corresponding zeal.

The Jews, who could not follow this course, fell under
This was to the Jew
suspicion of hostility to Caesar.
provinces.
hating populace of Alexandria a welcome excuse for giving

free expression to their hatred of the
well suppose that by persecuting the

the favour of the emperor.
own
Jews.
Philo,
for they
might
Jews they would earn
The governor
of
Egypt
for the
at
that
sake of
interests to agree to the plans of the enemies of the
He had
years,
five
A. Avillius Flaccus, was weak enough
time,
his
Jews
A.D.
been governor of Egypt under Tiberius for
3237, and, according
the testimony of
to
had during that time administered
his
office
in
of the Jews under Caligula Tillemont,

Venise 1732, pp. 434-462, 629-632 Lewin,
Fasti sacri, London 1865, ad ann. 38-41 Delaunay, Philon d'Alexandrie,
Merits historiques, influence, luttes et persecutions des juifs dans le monde
Huidekoper, Judaism at Rome, New York
romain, 2 ed. Paris 1870
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, Bd. ii.
1876, pp. 199-222
Grtz, " Prcisirung der Zeit fr die, die Juder
2 Aufl. pp. 225-251
betreffenden Vorgnge unter dem Kaiser Caligula " {Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1877, pp. 97 ff., 145 ff., reprinted
Mommsen, Rmische
in Geschichte der Juden, Bd. iii. 4 Aufl. pp. 759-769)
For other literature, see Div. IL vol. iii. pp.
Geschichte, v. 515-519.
349-354.
^^^ Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sees. 11-15 (ed. Mangey, ii. 556-561);
Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 7. 2 fin., 8. 1, xix. 1. 1 ff. Dio Cassius, lix. 26,28;
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, ii.
Suetonius, Caligula, 22
1''*
Compare on the persecutions
Eistoire des empereurs,
i.
t.
225
ff.
92
Under Caligula he more and more lost

As an intimate friend of Tiberius, he stood,
as a matter of course, in disfavour with Caligula.
With tlie
death of young Tiberius, grandson of the Emperor Tiberius,
faultless manner.^*'^
that reputation.
whom
and of the praetorian prefect Macro, both of
were
compelled by Caligula to commit suicide, he completely

every support at the
end before him than
this,
namely, to endeavour by
to secure the favour of the
young emperor.
one principle that determined his
lost
no other
Thenceforth he set
court.
means
all
This was the
toward the
proceedings
Jews.^^^
The presence
of the Jewish king Agrippa in Alexandria
gave the ostensible occasion for the outbreak of the persecu-
He
tion of the Jews.
^*^
r'A
T'/ju
Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 3
iTriKpxTitciv "Koioiv 'TTiim
iip'/ivYin
oii^pv'hotî
Trp ot-vToi) ivavTot,;
The name
of Flaccus
Palestine, in
to
init., eJ.
(/.iy
Tx.
STYi
Kxi OVTU; iiiTovug
vTîpxKuv.
Compare
Mangey,
Trparsi,
Kccl
ii.
August
518
'ES,usTicev
Mangey,
sec.
ii.
1,
Schoene,
yup
Kcttactpoi,
; rov;
sppoifiiuu; ccj:y]y/]aciro,
sees. 1-2,
38.
A.D.
^coi/rog Tispi'ov
given in Philo, In Flaccum,
is
by
home-
arrived in Alexandria, on his
ward journey from Kome
517, 518.
as
'^'hx.x.oi;
150 sq.
According to Jerome, Flaccus Avilius ; according to Syncellus, ed. Dindort',
i.
626 f^'K.x.n.og Ai'h(o;, corrupted in i. 615 into (i>Aocxx,o; 'Ao-i/Xas/o,-.
An inscription of the time of Tiberius at Tentyra in Egypt gives the full
name (Letronne, Recueil des inscriptions gr. et lat. de VEgypte, i. 87 sqq. =
Cor}}.
Inscr. Graec. n.
4716=:Lepsius, Denkmler aus Aegypten und
So, too,
Aovl'ATîo;.
'
Eusebiu.?,
Chronicon,
ed.
ii.
'
Aethiopien, Bd. xii. Bl. 76, Inscr. Gr. n. 27)

ijysfii/oi.
nomen
The reading
ett;
A'Kou A.ovi'K'Kiov OA;txo
KvT^m, however, seems from a facsimile
certain.
It
'
The
indeed doubtful in several places.
is
by Lepsius
prae-
to be quite
was so given also by Letronne but the Corp. inscr. Graec.

Flaccus is also mentioned in Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4957,
reads Aj/[x/ov].
lin. 27.
^*8
Philo, In Flaccum, sees. 3-4, Opera, ed.
Mangey,
ii.
518-520.
the death of young Tiberius, see also Philo, Legat, ai Cajum,
sees.
On
4r-5,
549 sq. Dio Cassius, lix. 8

Suetonius, Caligula, 23.
On
the death of Navius Sertorius Macro (after the overthrow of Sejanus,
Mangey,
ii.
A.D. 31, pracfactus jiraetorio, see Pauly's Real- Encyclopaedic, v. 402)
Legat,
ad Cajum,
sees.
Suetonius, Caligula, 26.

I.e.,
occurred in a.D. 37
Mangey,
Philo,
Dio Cassius, lix. 10

The death of Tiberius, according to Dio Cassius,
that of Macro in a.D. 38.
6-8,
ii.
550-554
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
93
Although, as Philo has assured us, he avoided everything
mere appearance
calculated to produce a commotion, the
Jewish king was an offence
was
to the
mob
of Alexandria,
treated with indignity and insult in the
first of all
of a
Agrippa
gym-
nasium, and then exposed to ridicule in the performances of a
pantomime.
man
called
Karabas, suffering from mental
derangement, was decked in uniform similar to

dress,
and was mockingly greeted as king, the people address-
him
ing
in the Syrian as
once roused to
now
the king's
synagogues,
by
called
The mob, however,
Lord.^^^
upon placing statues
insisted
Jewish
Mdpiv,
was not disposed
riot,
They
to be pacified.
emperor in
the
of
Philo
simply
tlie
Trpoaevxai
Placcus did not venture to oppose them, but rather agreed to

all
demands
the
the more the
of the enemies of the Jews.
governor seemed
These again,
disposed to yield to them,
became the more extravagant in their demands.
Placcus
gave permission successively to the setting up of images in

the synagogues, to the pronouncing of the Jews, by an edict,
no longer in the enjoyment of the rights
Jews.^^
plundered
Their houses and warehouses were
the Jews were themselves maltreated, murdered,
the bodies mutilated
others publicly burned
dragged alive through the

of
citizens, and,
Dreadful sufferings were now endured by the Jewish
population of Alexandria.
of
Caligula as a god
image of Caligula was
set
others, again,
The synagogues were, some
streets.
them destroyed, others profaned by the
image
of
he gave his sanction to a general persecution of the
finally,
in
setting
up
of the
the largest synagogue the
up on a high damaged Quadriga,
^*3 Philo,
In Flaccum,
sees. 5-6, ed.
ISO Pliilo,
In Flaccum,
sees. 6-8, ed.
Mangey,
Mangey,
ii.
ii.
521
sq,
523-525. Philo
distin-
guishes in the career of Flaccus three stages: (1) See. Q fin.: iTrnpiTrtt
'7rot'/iaeca6cei ttv dudim'v.
(2) Sec. 8 mit.: 'Kiyocii vjtsoou '/jju.spcii; -rirru
vpypccf^fix,
0/'
oZ ^svov;
ro7g Tporipois x-al
'lovoxicv;.
ipnov
x.ctl
irr'y;><v'6ctg
TrpotjiyiKiv,
ijuci; ccTrsuxyêi
(3) ibid, eir Ovgi
i?<V u; iv 'han roi; tdi'Kovat "TtopSuu
:
;
94
THE UOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
which they had dragged thither from the gymnasium.^*^

governor Flaccus not only
fering,
let
all
this go
on without
The
inter-
but also himself proceeded with severe measures against
the Jews, for which, according to Philo, he had
reason
no other
than the refusal of the Jews to take part in the
worship of the emperor.
He
caused thirty-eight members of
the Jewish Gerousia to be carried bound into the theatre, and

there to be scourged before the eyes of their enemies, so that
some
of
them died under the
infliction of the lash,
were thrown into long and severe
was commanded
to
illnesses.^^^
and others
centurion
search with a select band through the
Jewish women were compelled
houses of the Jews for arms.
before spectators in the theatre to partake of swine's
flesh.^*^
Flaccus had even before this shown his hostility to the Jews
by
failing to
send to the emperor, as he had promised to do,
but retaining in his

151
own
possession,
petition
from the
Plundering of houses Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 8, ed. Mangey, ii. 525

ad Cajum^ sec. 18, ed. Mangey, ii. 563.
Massacre of the Jews
Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 9, ed. Mangey, ii. 526 sq. Legat, at Gajum, sec. 19,
ed. Mangey, ii. 564.
Destruction and profanation of the synagogues or
proseuchae Legat, ad Gajum, sec. 20, ed. Mangey. ii. 565. The plundering, according to Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 11, ed. Mangey, ii. 531 init,
extended to four hundred houses. In Div. II. vol. iii. p. 349, following
Mangey's note, ii. 564, and Kostlin in Tlieologische Jahrbb. 1854, p. 398, I
expressed myself to the effect that the persecution described in the Legat.
ad Gajum is another than that described in the treatise In Flaccum.
Subsequent examination of the facts, however, has convinced me that tha
two are identical, as I had previously, with many others, maintained in
the first edition of this work.
The details are so precisely the same that
their identity cannot be doubted.
Compare especially. In Flaccum,, sec. 9
Legat, ad Gajum, sec. 19.
Sometimes there is even a verbal agreement, as,
In Flaccum, sec. 9, ed. Mangey, 527 (ppvyocvct av'h'hiyovTig x.o.'kvu to wAeov
-TTvpl Zii^dsipou
and Legat, ad Gajum, sec. 19, ed. Mangey, ii. 564 o/ Se
Vi
:
Legat,
i}'.iiJ:>'iKroi
Kotvjw z6 ttXiov
Ti-vpi
dtsC^dilpoi/ro
t^j (^pv/avoovi
v'hyi?.
does not, however, give one the impression of literary dependence.

relationship
naturally be
is,
if
from a literary point of view, very
free,
1*^
Philo,
piiilo,
would
the same writer described at different times the same
incidents.
153
as it
It
The
In Flaccum,
In Flaccum,
sec. 10, ed.

sec. 11, ed.
Mangey,
Mangey,
ii.
527-529.
ii.
529-531.
17.
95
THE SONS OF HEROD.
Jewish community, in which an explanation was given

attitude of the
Jews
by the emperor.
in reference to the honours
This writing was
first
sent
are not in possession of
any detailed information
community
the circumstances of the Alexandrian
autumn
of the
persecution
severe
In autumn of
A.D. 41.
riaccus was suddenly, at the
command
Aegean
in the
Eome, and banished
to
the
a.D.
38
of the emperor, carried
to the island of
Andres
where subsequently he was, together with
Sea,
put to death
other distinguished exiles,

Caligula.^^^
as to
after the
38 down
of A.D.
death of Caligula in January
as a prisoner to
up by Agrippa,
.^^^
with a statement of the reason of the delay
We
of the
demanded
Who
his successor
was
is
by the orders of
unknown.^^^
It
may
be accepted as highly probable that the Jews did not get
back their synagogues during Caligula's
lifetime,
and that the
worship of the emperor continued a burning question, and one

IS*
Philo,
156
Philo,
In Flaccum, sec. 12, ed. Mangey, ii. 531, 532.

In Flaccum, sees. 12-21, ed. Mangey, ii. 532-544. The chronological data for the incidents above recorded converge upon the autumn
Compare Lewin, Fasti sacri, n. 1534-1538. Agrippa arrived
of A.D. 38.
at Alexandria favoured by the trade-winds {iTviatot, In Flaccum, sec. 5, ed.
Mangey, ii. 521), which blow from the 20th of July for the space of thirty
days (Pliny, Hist. Nat.

thirty-eight
members
birthday {In Flaccum,

(Suetonius, Caligula,
ii.
47. 124, xviii. 28. 270).
The scourging
of the
of the Jewish Gerousia took place on Caligula's
Mangey,
sec. 10, ed.
8).
The departure
ii.
529),
on the 31st August

which occurred soon
i.e.
of Flaccus,
during the Jewish Feast of Tabernacles {In Flaccum,

14 init. ed. Mangey, ii. 534) therefore in September or October.
The year 38 is obtained from the two following facts (1) Agrippa
returned from Rome to Palestine in the second year of Caligula (Josephus,
after this, took place

sec.
6. 11).
(2) The Jewish warehouses were j^lundered
they had been closed on account of the mourning for Drusilla, the
Antiq. xviii.
of Caligula (Philo,
In Flaccum,
sec. 8, ed.
Mangey,
ii.
525).
when
sister
But she died
in A.D. 38 (Dio Cassius, lix. 10-11).

^*^ According to Dio Cassius, lix. 10, Caligula had appointed
Macro
governor of Egypt. But he, while still Flaccus was governor of Egypt,
was compelled to commit suicide (Philo, In Flaccum, sees. 3-4, ed. Mangey,
ii.
519).
He
therefore never actually entered
Compare generally on the governors

p.
310
sq.
upon
his
governorship.
of Egypt, Corpus Inscr. Graec.
t.
iii.
96
THE ROMAN-HERODIA N AGE
involving the Jews in danger.

in
consequence of the
still
In
A.D.
40, probably in spring,
continuing conflicts between the
heathen and Jewish population of Alexandria, an embassy
from both parties went to the emperor to complain against one

another, and seek to win over the emperor to their side.
leader of the Jewish embassy
was Philo
opponents was the scholar Apion.
The
The
the leader of his
result
was unfavour-
They were ungraciously received by the
able to the Jews.
emperor, and were obliged to return without having effected
So Josephus
their object.
briefly tells
incidents connected with this embassy are also told
work about
in his
But
Caligula.
definite information
it
the story.-^"
is difficult
few
by Philo
to obtain
from these fragmentary notices.
any
With-
out having referred to the sending of one of the two embassies,

Philo
first
won
andrians
states that the
of all
over completely to their interests
When
Helicon, a favourite of Caligula.

this,
ambassadors of the Alex-
the
the slave
Jews perceived
they made similar endeavours on their part, but in
They then concluded
vain.-'^^
to pass on to the
emperor a
written statement, which contained the main points embraced

in
the
petition
shortly
before
sent
by King Agrippa.
in
Caligula received the Jewish ambassadors
Campus Martius
at
convenient time.^^^
Rome, and promised
first
of
to hear
all
in the
them
at a
The ambassadors then followed the em-
peror to Puteoli, where, however, they were not received.^^**
Only
at a later period
1^" Josejihus,
Antiq.
we know
x\Tiii. 8. 1.
Lassies consisted each of three
not
According
men
how much
to
later
the
Josephus the two em-
according to Philo, Legat, ad Cajam,
Mangey, ii. 60, the Jewish embassy consisted of five men.

ad Cajum, sees. 25-26, ed. Mangey, ii. 570 (Helicon)
ihid. sec. 27, ed. Mangey, ii. 571 (the ambassadors of the Alexandrians)
ibid. sees. 27-28, ed. Mangey, ii. 571 sq. (how the Jewish ambassadors
vainly entreated Helicon to secure them an audience).
i^'J
Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 28, ed. Mangey, ii. 572 (the narrator
sec. 46, ed.
158
piiiio, Legat,
here speaks evidently, in the first person, of him-self).

100 Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 29, ed. Mangey, ii. 573.
17.
97
THE SONS OF HEEOD.
promised audience took place at Rome, in the gardens of
and
Maecenas
Lamia, at
the works
inspected
regarding them
which
that were
emperor
the
going
while
he
and gave orders
on,
caused the Jews to keep moving on always
behind him, throwing out to them now and again a contempt-
uous remark, amid the applause of the ambassadors of the

other party, until at last he dismissed them, declaring that
they were to be regarded rather as foolish than as wicked
men, since they would not believe in his
divinity.^''^
Mangey, ii. 597-600. In the

remarkable that he speaks about the complaints of
the Alexandrian and Jewish ambassadors in Rome without having made
any mention of the sending of the embassies. Possibly there is some gap
So Massebieau, Le classement des
in the text that has come down to us.
Oeuvres de Philon [Bibliothkque de VEcoU des Hautes Etudes, Section des
Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sees. 44-46, ed.
^51
narrative of Philo,
it ia
Sciences religieuses, vol.
seems to
me
i.
Paris 1889], p. 65 sqq.
quite unnecessary
for Philo does not
But this hypothesis

by any means propose
one might suppose from the false

which was not given by Philo himself. His theme is rather the
to tell the history of this embassy, as

title,
same
as that of Lactantius in his treatise,
De Mortibus Persecutorum that

by God. So correctly Masse:
the persecutors of the pious are punished

bieau.
As with
Flaccus, so also with Caligula
first
of all his evil deeds
and then the divine retribution only this second half of

the treatise about Caligula is no longer extant. The Jews are here, thereand so the Jewish embassy
fore, not the principal figures, but Caligula
from Alexandria to Rome is quite a subordinate matter. From this point
are enumerated,
of view, also, other difliculties are probably to be explained.
Caligula
was absent from Rome on an expedition to Gaul from the autumn of

Did the twiceA.D. 39 till the 31st August A.D. 40 (see above, p. 36).
repeated reception of the embassy take place before or after the expedition ? According to Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 29, ed. Mangey, ii. 573
/in., the ambassadors made the sea journey during the winter {x-'f'^'''>i
Since the business on which they were engaged had become a
fiiuov).
matter of burning interest in consequence of the great persecution of
autumn a.D. 38, we would naturally at first fix the date of the journey in
the winter of a.D. 38-39. This view is favoured by the circumstance that
the written apology which the ambassadors laid before the emperor is said
to have been of similar contents with that "shortly before" {vpo 'Kiyv)
sent by Agrippa, on the occasion of his visit to Alexandria {Legat, ad
Cajum, sec. 28, ed. Mangey, ii. 572), which undoubtedly refers to the same
For these reasons Lewin,
affair as has been narrated above on p. 95.
Fasti sacri, n. 1539-1540, places the setting out of the embassy in the end
DIV.
I.
VOL.
II.
98
remained in suspense down to the
Affairs at Alexandria
death of Caligula.
One
of the
of A.D. 38, its first reception in the
first
acts of the
new emperor,
Campus Martins and going down
Puteoli in the beginning of A.u. 39, before the expedition to Gaul
to
(ibid.
but the second audience, in the gaidens of Maecenas and

Lamia, after the Gallic campaign, in the autumn of a.D. 40 {ibid. n. 1600).
Keim, Jesus of Nazura, i. 281, reaches, as it seems, the same result. But
this arrangement is really impossible, because the ambassadors first
received at Puteoli the news that Caligula had ordered his statue to be
erected in the temple at Jerusalem (Philo, Legat, ad C'a,juin, sec. 29, ed.
Mangey, ii. 573). This, as the following exposition will show, cannot
have happened bel'ore the spring of a.D. 40. We are therefore obliged to
set even the first reception, and the immediately following movement
down to Puteoli, in the autumn of A.D. 40, after the Gallic campaign.
That during this period, also, Caligula was once at Puteoli may be concluded from Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxxii. 1, 4, where mention is made of
Caligula's return " from Astura to Antium" not long before his death.
The second audience, in the gardens of Maecenas and Lamia, at any rate
took place after the expedition to Gaul for the ambassadors there refer
to the fact that the Jews had offered sacrifices for the emperor t tj?
iATTilx riis TipfA-ctviK^y; i/ix,Yi; (Legat, ad Cajurn, sec. 45, ed. Mangey, ii. 598).
If, therefore, the audiences of the Jews with Caligula are not to be assigned
to an earlier date than autumn of a.D. 40, the question may be raised
whether their winter journey should not be referred to the late autumn
of a.D. 40 ? This is the opinion of Grtz, expressed in his treatise referred
This date, however, would be too late, since it could
to above on p. 91.
n. 1551, 1557)
not then be explained how the ambassadors first heard in Puteoli of

events which had occurred in Palestine as early as the beginning of
summer. It is therefore to be assumed that the ambassadors made their
journey in the end of the winter of a.D. 39-40, waited in Rome for
So Tillemout,
Caligula's return, and in autumn were received by him.
t. i. p. 457 ; Delaunay, Fhilon d' Alexandrie, p. 180
659 sq. and Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendaSanclemente opposes Noris' opinion, that the audience
tione, p. 313.
<lescribed by Philo, sees. 44-45, occurred before the going down to Puteoli
referred to in sec. 29.
But whether we accept this combination or that,
in any case we fail to discover in Philo's exposition not only an account
Ilistoire des
Empereurs,
also Noris, Opera,
ii.
of the sending out of the Jewish-Alexandrian embassy, but also a full
and
comprehensive account of what befell it in Rome. Still more singular is

it that Philo should have communicated nothing about the state of affairs
in Alexandria itself from autumn a.D. 38 till Caligula's death, so that it
is not explained why the embassy did not start till eighteen months after
But all this may be satisfactorily explained if we
the great persecution.
accept what we said above as to the purpose of the writing.
17.
99
THE SONS OF HEROD.
Claudius, was to issue an
edict
by -which
their
all
privileges were confirmed to the Alexandrian Jews,
unrestricted liberty to practise their
granted
own
earlier
and the
was anew
religion
them.^'^'^
While the Alexandrian embassy

a
imperial decision,
burst upon the
storm
serious
had
Eonie waited for the
to
origin in
mother
town
Jarnnia, a
country of Palestine.
It
on the Philistine coast
which was mainly inhabited by Jews.
When
its
the heathen inhabitants of that place, in order to
their zeal for Caesar
and
show
the same time to aggravate the
at
Jews, erected a rude altar to the emperor, this was immediately
destroyed
again
The incident was
by the Jews.
reported by the imperial procurator of the city, Herennius

Capito,^^^ to the emperor,
who, in order
to
avenge himself upon
the refractory Jews, gave orders that his statue should be set
up
As
in the temple of Jerusalem,^"
such an attempt would
call
forth
it
governor of Syria, P. Petronius, received a

the one half of the
army
^^^
was foreseen
violent
tliat
the
opposition,
command
to
have
stationed " on the Euphrates,"
in Syria, in readiness to proceed to Palestine, in order
assistance to carry out the will of the emperor.
by
i.e.
their
This moderate
and reasonable man obeyed the childish demand with a heavy
3940.
While he
was
getting the statue prepared in Sidon, he gathered about
him
heart during the
^^^
winter of
A.D.
5. 2.
He was
not as Philo names him: (pouv iK'hoyiv; ruv rvi( 'lofout'xi, but only i tij; 'lotft^vsi'; Ix/t/jotoj (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 6. 3).
Jamnia was merely a private estate of the emperor (Antiq. xviii. 2. 2).
1^3
Should
not
in the text of Philo 'Jufcusix; be read instead of
al.o
'
lovZuix;
^^* Philo, Legat,

1^*
Wars
According
of the Jews,
ad Cajum,
sec. 30, ed.
Mangey, ii. 575 sq.

two legions according
to Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 2,

ii.
10.
1,
three.
The former statement
is
to
the correct
for in Syria there were four legions (see above, p. 50).

When
;
therefore Philo, sec. 31, says " the half," this agrees with Josephus, Antiq,
one
xviii. 8. 2.
THE ROMAN -HERODIAN
100
AGE.
the heads of the Jewish people, and sought to persuade them
good grace
to yield with a
Soon
the
Palestine,
news
but
all in vain.*^
what was
of
proposed spread over
and now the people assembled in great crowds
Ptolemais, where Petrouius had his headquarters.
cloud
the
multitude
of
Well arranged, divided
Jews covered
the
into six groups
"
all
at
Like a
Phoenicia."
all
old men, able-bodied
men, boys, old women, wives and maidens, the mass deputation
Their mournful complaints and
appeared before Petronius.
made such an impression upon Petronius that he

resolved at all hazards to make the attempt to put off the
The full truth, that he really
decision for a time at least.^^
groans
wished to have a stop put to the whole business, he dared not
He
indeed write to the emperor.
wrote him rather that he
entreated for delay, partly because time was required for the
preparing
of
the
statue,
approaching, which
it
partly because
since otherwise the exasperated
When
the whole harvest.
was greatly enraged
the
harvest
would be advisable to see gathered
Jews might
in the
was
in,
end destroy
Caligula received that letter, he
But
at the dilatoriness of his governor.
he did not venture to give expression to his wrath, but wrote
him a
letter
of
acknowledgment
prudence, and only advised
him
in
to
which he praised his

proceed as quickly as
possible with the preparation of the statue, since the harvest
would be already about an end.^^
The date
piiilo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 31, ed. Mangey, ii. 576-579.
determined by the fact that the negotiations following at Ptolemais
took place during harvest, therefore between Passover and Pentecost and
But since, according to
in the year 40, as the current report declares.
Antiq. xviii. 8. 2, Petronius had gone into his winter quarters at PtoleJosephus' words
mais, he must have gone there in winter, A.D. 39-40.
are certainly calculated to give one the impression that these events did
not occur till the winter of a.D. 40-41. See vol. i. p. 365.
^" Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec.
32 f., ed. Mangey, ii. 579-582 Jose166
is
fVars of the Jews, ii. 10. 1-3.

Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sees. 33-34, ed. langey,
phus, Antiq. xviii.

16
8.
ii.
582-584
This
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
Petronins,
however, did not even yet proceed with any
vigour in the matter, but entered

the Jews.
101
anew
Yea, even late in autumn,
into negotiations with
down
to
the season of
sowing in November, we find him at Tiberias besieged for

forty days by crowds of people to be
numbered by thousands,
who besought him with
he would yet save the
tears that
country from the threatened horror of
When
temple desecration.
at length Aristobulus also, the brother of
and other
King Agrippa
relatives of his joined their prayers to those
of the
people, Petronius resolved to take the decisive step of asking
He
the emperor to revoke his order.
led his
army back from
Ptolemais to Antioch, and set before the emperor, in a letter
which he sent
of equity
purpose to Caligula,
for this
and prudence
it
how upon grounds
would be advisable
to
recall
the
offensive edict.'"'
Meanwhile
Rome
at
affairs
had taken a more favourable

spring of the year
Rome
40 had
or at Puteoli in
returned from his
affecting
turn.
matters in question
who
in
met with Caligula
in
King Agrippa
left Palestine,
I.,
autumn, when the emperor had just
German
campaign.^"*'
He
had as yet heard
correspondence does not occur to be identical Avith that spoken of by

Joseplins, Antiq. xviii.
8.
for the
latter
had taken place before the
proceedings at Ptolemai.s.
Wars of the Jeics, ii. 10. 3-5. The

8. 3-6
merely mentioned in TFars of the Jews, ii. 10. 5.
^""^
That A,jrippa had left Palestine as early as spring may be deduced
from this, that he knew nothing of what had been going on in Palestine
when he arrived in Rome. He cannot, however, have been in company
with Caligula in Gaul, as Dio Cassius, lix. 24, conjectures, but must have
gone first to Rome or Puteoli, some time after the return of Caligula from
his campaign on 31st August a.D. 40.
For had Agrippa's intervention
that was crowned with success already occurred in Gaul, it would not
have been only after Caligula's return, and after they had followed the
emperor to Puteoli, that the Alexandrian ambassadors would have fir.^t
heard the sad news about the affairs of Palestine, as was the case (Philo.
Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 29, ed. Mangey, ii. 573).
The intervention of
Agrippa must therefore have taken place after that time. It therefore
follows from this that Petronius, late in autumn, in the time of sowing,
1^3
recall of the
army
is
102
THE ROMAX-HEEODIAN AGE.
nothing of what was going on in Palestine.
him
of the emperor's eye assured
wrath in his
When
heart.
But the glance
that he was nursing secret
he sought in vain for the cause of
such feelings, the emperor observed his embarrassment, and

let
him know
in a
very ungracious tone what the cause of his
The king on hearing
displeasure was.
stricken that he fell into a fainting
recover
the
till
recovery he
made
it
so horror-
On
day.^^^
his
his first business to address a supplica-
which he endeavoured
to persuade
by showing that none of
had ever attempted anything of that

expectation, the
was
from which he did not
evening of the following
tion to the emperor, in

to recall his order
fit,
this
letter
Contrary to
sort.'^^
Agrippa had the desired
of
him
his predecessors
all
effect.
command-
Caligula caused a letter to be written to Petronius,
ing that nothing should be changed in the temple at Jeru-
The favour was
salem.
not unmixed
certainly
for
along
with this order there was an injunction that no one who

should
erect
emperor outside
a temple or altar to the
Jerusalem should be hindered from doing

concession that had been
of the
drawn
and
it
was only owing
one took advantage of
the
disturbances did not arise out of
soon repented that he had
made
made was thus
to the
right
so.
again with-
circumstance that no
thus
granted, that
new
The emperor, indeed,
it.
tliat
of
good part
concession.
And
so,
as
he made no further use of the statue that had been prepared

at Sidon, he
ordered a
new one
and not long before Caligula's
to
be
made
deatli, therefore
in
Rome which
somewhere about Nov-
ember, petitioned for the revoking of the order. He cannot therefore

have then had in his hands Caligula's decision in reference to the matteiand this cannot in that case have been agreed upon in Rome earlier than
some time in September or October. That the intervention of Agrippa

took place in a.D. 40 is made plain on general grounds from the contents
of his supplication, in which he designates himself as already in possession
of Galilee (Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 41, ed. Mangey, ii. 593).
"'^ Philo,
Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 35, ed. Mangey, ii. 584-586.
'^2 Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, seed. 36-41, ed. Mangey, ii. 586-594
103
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
he intended himself, in his journey to Alexandria which he
had in prospect,
on the coast of Palestine as he
to put ashore
passed, and have
it
Only
secretly brought to Jerusalem."^
the death of the emperor that soon
followed prevented the
carrying out of this enterprise.
For the person
Judea the death
When,
of
Petronius as well as for the
of the
further, Caligula, after he himself
stopping
of
proceedings,
the
received
expressing the wish referred
to,
about the disobedience of this
he
fell
officer,
had arranged
letter
of
own
and caused a command
Soon
life.
news thereof twenty
the
for
that he
thereafter, however,
Caligula was murdered, 24th January A.D. 41

received
for the
Petronius
into a furious passion
immediately to be issued, that as a punishment

should take away his
land of
emperor was a favourable occurrence.
and Petronius
seven days before
messengers arrived with the order for self-destruction

these,
in
consequence
unfavourable
of
three full months upon their way.

little
was
weather,
the
;
for
had been
There was now just as
idea of carrying out the order for self-murder as there
of setting
up the statue
in the temple of Jerusalem.^^*
The new emperor, Claudius, who had been
raised
to the
throne by the soldiers, immediately upon his accession gifted

"8 Philo, Legat, ad Cajum,
sees.
projected journey to Alexandria
is
42-43, ed. Mangey,

also
mentioned in
ii.
594, 595.
sec. 33, ed.
The
Mangey,
49.
A somewhat different account
by Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 7-8.
According to him, on a particular occasion when Agrippa had won the
special good will of the emperor by means of a luxurious banquet,
Caligula demanded of the Jewish king that he should ask of him any
favour that he desired, whereupon he besought the emperor for the
revocation of the order to set up his statue in the temple of Jerusalem.
The result, according to Josephus, was the same, namely, that the prayer
was granted.
^^* Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 8-9
JVars of the Jews, ii. 10. 5.
Compare
ii.
583,
and in Suetonius, Caligula,
c.
of Agrippa's intervention is given
also, generally,
the Jewish tradition in Derenbourg,
p.
207
sq.
The order of succession in time of the different incidents recorded may

be set forth in something like the following arrangement. It must be
:
;
104
Agrippa,
to
possession
besides
dominion which
the
he
had
already
under Caligula, Judea and Samaria, so that now
Rome or Gaul to
Jerusalem, and vice versa, would ordinarily take about two mouths
here presupposed that the transmission of news from
Winter, A.D. 39-40
Petrouius receives orders from Caligula to set up
and goes
his statue in the temple at Jerusalem,
April or
May a.D.
with two legions into Palestine.

When harvest was at hand, the negotiations were
opened at Ptolemais. First report of Petronius
to Caligula (Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, sees. 32-33
40
Josephu, Antiq. xviii.

ii.
8.
IFars of the Jews,
10. 1-3).
June
Caligula receives Petronius' first report, and answers
Auûet
Petronius receives Caligula's answer, but
him, urging him to

off
End
of
haste (Philo,
sec. 34).
still
puts
the final decision.
Agrippa pays a
September
make
Puteoli
visit
learns of
to Caligula
at
Rome
what had happened, and
or
inter-
Caligula sends to Petronius the order to
venes.
put a stop to the undertaking (Philo, Legat, ad

Cajum, sees. 35-42 Josephus, Atj. xviii. 8.
;
7-8).
Tiberias in time of sowing

Petronius prays the emperor to desist from
Beginning of November: Negotiations at

setting
3-6
End
of
up the
statue (Josephus, Antiq. xviii.
8.
IVars of the Jews, ii. 10. 3-5).

Petronius receives the order to put a stop to the
November
undertaking.
Beginning of January
A.D. 41
Caligula receives the petition of Petronius

desist
from setting up the
the order to take

Antiq. xviii.
away
statue,
his
own
life
(Josephus,
8. 8).
murdered.
24th January a.D. 41
Caligula
Beginning of March
Beginning of April
Petronius receives the news of Caligula's death.
is
to
and sends him
Petronius receives the letter with the order for

self-destruction (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 8. 9
;
This table
may
still
JVars of the Jews, ii. 10. 5).

be regarded as essentially correct, even if in some
from Italy or Gaul to Palestine,

might be somewhat shorter. On the average the time may
be put down at between one or two months. It deserves, however, to be
taken into consideration that Caligula was in summer still in Gaul, and
The most difficult
that in winter news travelled slowly and irregularly.
point in our chronology is this, that Agrippa as well as the Alexandrian
Jewish embassy did not hear of Caligula's order with reference to thu
cases the time taken for a letter to travel
and
vice versa,
again
Palestine,
all
105
TUE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
same extent which
the
to
it
formerly
Lad under Herod the Great, was united in the hand
of
Herodian."^
ExcuBsus I. The Valuation Census of Quirinius,
Luke
il
1-5.
Literature. 1
Greswell,
Dissertations
upon
the Principles
Oxford 1830,
of the Gospels, 3 vols.
and Arrangement
vol.
i.
pp. 443-524
of
a Harmony
By
the same
author, Supplementary Dissertations, Oxford 1834, p. 114 sqq.
works have not been
These
accessible to me.
Fairbairn, Hermeneutical Manual, Edinburgh 1857, pp. 461-475.
*Hdschke, Ueber den zur
Zeit der Gehurt Jesu Christi gehaltenen Census,
1840 (125 pp.>
HoscHKE, Ueber den Census und

Kaiserzeit,
1847 (208
die Steuerverfassung der frheren rmischen
jip.).
'Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis
of the
Four
Gospels,
Cambridge 1864
(Original, 1843), pp. 95-135.
Winer, Kealwrterhuch, arts.

GuMPACH, "Die Schtzung"
" Quirinius
"
"
and
Schtzung."
{Studien uiui Kritiken, 1852, pp. 663-684).
Lichtenstein, Lebensgeschichte
des
Herrn Jesu
Christi, 1856, pp. 78-90.
temple of Jerusalem earlier than sometime in September (see above,

98 and 101)
whereas, according to Philo, the affair was already
matter of common talk in Palestine in harvest time, as early as April or
May. Tillemont had for this reason given up the later statement of
l>p.
Philo as unhistorical (Histoire des empereurs,

Notes sur la ruine des juifs, note
Monatsschrift, 1877, p. 97
759
ff.,
145
But the sUitements
ft'.
ix.)
t.
Venise 1732,
i.
so also in
p.
630
sq..
recent times, Grtz
Geschichte der Juden, Bd.
iii.
4 Autt.
on this point so definite and

tletailed {Legat, ad Cajum, sec. 33, ed. Mangey, ii. 583
h ccx.fiYi /nev ydp
Tov Tdv aiTov jcctpTTov iivoii, etc, compare also sec. 34 fin., ed. Mangej',
ii. 584) that it seems very risky to have recourse to such violent measures.
]t.
ff.
of Philo are
^"*
Josephus, Antiq. xix. 5. 1

Wars of the Jews, ii. 11. 5.
The most complete monographs are those marked with an asterisk.
Tlie earlier literature is given by Hase, Lehen Jesu, 23 b; Buschke,
Winer, Belwrterhuch, ii. 292-294 Meyer on Luke ii. 2
1840, p. 8
Gumpach, Studien uni Kritiken, 1852, p. 663 f.
The more recent
especially in Lecoultre, De censu Quiriniano (1883), p. 7 sq., and Sieffert
;
in Herzog's Iêal-Encijclopaedie, 2 Aufl. xiii. 455.
THE ROMAN-HERODIAN
106
Khler,
art.
A.GE.
"Schtzung" in Herzog's Eeal-Encyclopaedie,
xL
Aufl.
1860, pp. 463-467.
Bleek, Synoptische Erklrung
der drei ersten Evangelien (1862),
GoDET, Commentary on Gospel of
St.
6675.
i.
Luke, 2 vols. Edin. 1875, vol.
i.
pp. 120-129.
Meyer on Luke
iL
1,
by Weiss
also the revi.=!ion
and generally the
Commentaries on Luke's Gospel.

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 1864, pp. 336-340
Die Halben und die Ganzen,
1865, pp. 70-79.
Aberle, " Ueber den Statthalter Quirinius"

1865, pp. 103-148
1868, pp. 29-64
HiLGENFELD, " Quirinius
als Statthalter
schaftliche Theologie, 1865, pp.
Gerlach, Die rmischen
(Tiib. Theolog. Quartalschrift,
1874, pp. 663-687).
Syrians"
408-421
Statthalter in
{Zeitschrift
fr
tuissen-
1870, pp. 151-167).
und Juda,
Syrien
1865,
pp.
22-42.
Lutteroth, Le r^censement de Quirinius en Judê, Paria 1865 (134

Rodbertus, " Zur Geschichte der rmischen Tributsteuern
(Hildebrand's Jahrbcher fr Nationalkonomie und
1865, pp. 341-427
Bd.
v.
1867, pp. 81-126, 385-475.
Ewald, History
Bd.
Bd.
iv.
viii.
the passage in Luke, Bd. v. 155
ff.).
ii.
116-123.
History.
*Wieseler, Beitrge zur

pp. 16-107.
Farrar,
Statistik,
1865, pp. 135-171, 241-315
On
pp.).
Augustus "
of Israel, vi. pp. 155-157.
Ebrard, Gospel
seit
By same
richtigen
Wrdigung
author, Studien
lfe of Christ, vol.
i.
p. 7,
note
Evangelien,
der
1869,
und
Kritiken, 1875, pp. 535-549.
vol.
ii.
p. 450.
Caspari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction
to the
Life of Christ,
pp. 34^38.
*ZMPT, Das Geburtsjahr
WooLSEY,
Christi, 1869, pp. 20-224.
" Historical Credibility of
Luke
ii.
1-5
"
{New Englander,
This paper has not been accessible to me).
pp. 674-723.
1869,
By
the
Review of Zumpt's Geburtsjahr Christi in the BiblioVery carefully done.

theca Sacra, 1870, pp. 290-336.
Steinmeyer, "Die Geschichte der Geburt des Herrn und seiner ersten
same author
Schritte
im Leben"
{Apologetische Beitrge,
iv.),
Berlin 1873, pp. 29-41.
Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu (1874), pp. 20-39.
Schenkel's
Bibellexikon, Bd. v. pp. 23-27, art. " Quirinius "
and pp. 398-405,
Hehle,
TJieolog.
art.
by Weizscker,
"Steuern" by Kneucker).
Quartalschrift,
1875, pp.
(review of Zumpt's Geburtsjahr Christi).
666-684
1876, pp.
85-101
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
107
Makquardt, limisclie Staatsverwaltung Bd. ii. 1876, pp. 198-216(2 Aufl.

revised by Dessau und Domaszewski 1884, pp. 204-223).
Keil (1879) and Schakz (1883) in their Commentaries on Luke.
RiESS, Das Geburtsjahr Christi (1880), pp. 66-78. By the same author,
,
Nochmals das Geburtyahr Jesu
Hofmann
hngend untersucht, Thl.
viii. 1
Lecoultre, De censu Quiriniano
Lucam
Christi (1883), pp. 59-68.
Chr. K. von), Die heilige Schrift S'euen Testaments zusammen-
(J.
(1878), p. 46
et
anna
Lausannae 1883 (100
evangelistavi,
ff.
(1883) p. 64
x.
nativitatis Christi
pp.).
ff.
secundum
review of
it
in
Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1883, p. 481.

art. "
PLZL,
iii.
Census
"
in Wetzer
and Welte's Kirchenlexikon,
2 Aufl. Bd.
1884, pp. 1-7.
SlEFFERT,
"Schtzung"
art.
in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedic, 2 Aufl. xiii.
1884, pp. 446-455.
MoMMSEN, Ees
gestae divi Augusii, ed. 2, 1883, pp. 175-177.
author, Rmisches Staatsrecht,
ii.
1 (1874),
Unger, " De censibus provinciarum Romanarum "

class.
Philologie, Bd.
inscriptions in
It has
ment
which
collection
p.
79, that after the banish-
of Archelaus the imperial legate, Quirinius, arrived in
list of
proceeded to
A.D. 6 or 7,
make
a census,
the inhabitants, and a reckoning of their landed
property, for the purpose of apportioning the taxation.

evangelist Luke,
days of Herod the Great, that
but he places
is,
it
in the last
somewhere about ten
twelve years earlier tlian that census was really made.

a matter of debate
recorded
different
how
by Josephus
valuations
in
whether
Judea
that
there
were
set
down
in A.D. 7 in the last years of
or
the valuation that
Herod the
we may be in a position to form

this much - debated question, and
judgment on
the credibility of the narrative of Luke,
one
two
actually
by Quirinius,
conducted
or
It is
this story is related to the similar

;
whether Luke has erroneously
was made
The
15, makes mention of a valuation census
ii.
such as that made by Quirinius
order
of
tax-collectors are mentioned.
been mentioned above, at
Judea, and there, in

i.e.
(Leipziger Studien zur
Mainly a
1887, pp. 1-76).
x.
By the same
pp. 391-394.
it
is
Great.
In
a deliberate
generally on
necessary
first
THE KOMAN-HEKODIAN AGE.
108
of all to understand, at least in its
Koman system
The
Eoman
Eoman
census, as
was drawn up during the
it
strictly confined to the
It consisted of a list of
citizens.
and their possessions, made
(2) the
citizens
(1)
The
levying of the
The party whose property had
taxes.
enrolment
Roman
a double purpose
for
regulating of military service, and

direct
outlines, the
of taxation during the days of the empire.
original
period of the republic,^ was

of
most general
to be valued
was obliged to present himself before the censor and give in

a statement of his possessions
but
it
was the custom that
the father of the family should pay taxes for himself and for
In the time of the republic there was no
the whole family.
one regular valuation census of the subjects of the
these
had no
intimate connection
another nor with the census of the
In the days of
its
original
therefore all
Roman
significance
Italy
were no longer
art.
still
coherence
but
with one
citizens,^
for
citizens
the
had completely
Roman
citizens,
and the colonies with Italian
sufficient
longer paid direct taxes.*
and Vespasian
or
Roman
empire, as even before in the days of
tlie
the republic, the census of

lost
Roman
Valuations were indeed made here and there
nation.
made
for
i.e.
privileges,
military service, and also no
When
therefore Augustus, Claudius,
valuation rolls of
Roman
citizens,
Compare on the census
of citizens in the time of the republic, Rein,

" Census " in Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, ii. 247-257
Zumpt, Das
;
De Boor, Fasti censorii, Berol. 1873

Gehurtyahr Christi, pp. 97-116
Mommsen, Rmisches Staatsrecht, ii. 1 (1874), pp. 304-442 ; E. Herzog',
(Heschichte uiul System der
rmischen Staatsverfassung, Bd. i. 1884, pp.
754-797.
;
Compare on
the provincial census of the times of the republic,
Zumpt,
114-116; Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung,

180-204).
ii. 175-197 (2 Aufl. revised by Dessau und Domaszewski,
i:)p.
* Compare on the citizen census of the days of the empire
Zumpt,
Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 116-129
De Boor, Fasti censorii, pp. 30-33,
96-100
Mommsen, Rmisches Staatsrecht, 1 Aufl. ii. 1, pp. 310-312,
The last citizen census which was fully carried
391 ff.
ii. 2, p. 1012 f.
out, was that of Vespasian in a.D. 74.
Geburtsjahr Christi,
iip.
was done only
this
109
THE SONS OF HEKOD.
17.
on account of
statistical purposes, or
for
the religious festivities associated therewith, but not for taxa-
Fundamentally
tion purposes.
provinces, the
main purpose
Even
levying of the taxes.*

in the earlier days of the
different
of
was the census
which was
in
of the
the
to regulate
this direction there existed
empire a very great diversity
in general even then those principles
but
had become pretty well
established which in later juristic documents {Digest. L. 15:
De
censibus)
we
these
assumed as everywhere
are
taxes: (1)
direct
tributum
soli
The property-tax on possessions in land,

and (2) The poll-tax, tribiUum capitis J
or agri,
The former was paid partly

the latter, the
tributum
there
various
income
which varied according
tax,
sorts
Under
in kind, partly in money.^
capitis,
summed up
-
From
prevailing.
learn that there were for the provinces two kinds of
personal
of
seems
to
such
taxes,
amount
to the
been
iiave
as
the
of
the
Compare, on the provincial census during the days of the empire, the
works and treatises referred to above by Huschke (1847), Rodbertus,
Zumpt (pp. 147-175), Marquardt, Unger and, in addition Rein, art.
" Tributum" in Pauly's Eeal-Encydopaedie, vi. 2, pp. 2125-2129 Zachari
von Lingenthal, " Zur Kenntniss des rmischen Steuerwesens in der Kaiser:
zeit "
(Memoires de VacacUniie imperiale des sciences de St. Pêrsbourg, 7 s^rie,

No. 9, Petersb. 1863) Bernh. Matthiass, Die rmische Grundsteuer und
das Vectigalrecht, Erlangen 1882.
The two last deal especially with tlie
t.
vi.
later period of the empire.

^ Zumpt, Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 156, 176, 187, 211 f.
Compare also:
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, ii. 185-196.
^ That there were only these two kinds of direct taxes is plain from
Digest. L. 15. 8. 7 (from Paul in beginning of third century): "Divus
Vespasianus Caesarienses colonos fecit, non adjecto, ut et juris Italici
essent sed tributum his remisit capitis sed Divus Titus etiam solum
immune factum interpretatus est." Compare Appian. Libyca, 135 to<>
;
oi
XoiToii <p6pov upiaetu exi t yyi
Tertullian, Apologet. 13
x,ecl
tTfl
Toii
aoifmntv
Dio Cass.
" agri tributo onusti viliores,
stipendio censa ignobiliora."
Pauly's Real-Encyclojyaedie,
Ixii.
hominum
vi. 2.
capita
2126.
According to Josephus, JVars of the Jews, ii. 16. 4, " the third part of
the world," that is, North Africa, with the exception of Egypt, yielded
yearly so much grain, that from it the needs of the city of Rome could be
supplied for eight months and from the city of Alexandria four months.
*
110
income, and the poll-tax proper, which was of equal
In Syria,
for every caput?
amount
there was raised in Appian's
e.g.,
time a personal tax, which amounted to one per cent, of the

This
valuation.^"
When, on
was therefore properly
an
income-tax.
the other hand, Josephus reckons from the poll-tax
that Egypt, with the exclusion of Alexandria, had a population of seven
and a half
the same amount
tax of
millions, he
for
evidently referring to a
is
At any
every caput}^
rate,
during
the earlier days of the empire, the taxes levied were of the
Women
most diverse kinds/^
and slaves had also to pay the
poll-tax.
Only children and old men were exempted.
Syria,
men from
e.g.,
the age of fourteen and
In
women from
the
age of twelve years, and both up to the age of sixty-five years,
Census der Kaiserzeit,
Husclike,
StcMtsverwaltwiig,
^^
185-196.
ii.
Appian. Syr. 50:
ccyturctrinv
ciat>.iv;
iiroii
Kxi
Kxd'^pTix.ii,
'Aopiavog uvdi; ev
TUV
aUf/,(,TUV
Klhi^tv
Ilo.ax^/Of
KotTiaKcc-^tv,
i)v
Kcti
Marquardt, Rmische
'
-ptXiv
YlTOhifioitog
Kotl
iariD
Trccatv
XXI
AiyVTcrov
kxI
x,xTia>cxtpe,
^lovhccioi;
'EtTTI
TTipi'jfycixC.
Kul
lipoaohv^tx
6 "Trpuro;
otKiaduaxu
ctvi;
B/ tocvt
xpi/TipOi T^J CCKhl);
ff.
fnyiarnii
tviv
S^
Oiiio'Trct'jixv;
tfcov.
175
p.
'S,
Vp
6 <p6pos
I
XXI
Instead of ;rp/o;exXTOoTyi rov Ttu'/if^xTOi exdcazu.

x!x; (a conjecture of Musgrave adopted by Bekker) the codd. have
TTip.ovaix;, which is meaningless, although it is still defended by Huschke,
The correctness of the conjecture is proved
Census der Kaiserzeit, p. 135.
i-yjaioi,
Appian means to eay On account of the battles under

and Hadrian, the Jews had to pay a higher poll-tax than the
other neighbouring peoples, namely, than the Syrians and Cilicians, who
pay an annual poll-tax in the form of a percentage of the sum of the
valuation.
From Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vii. 6. 6, Dio Cassius, Ixvi. 7,
l)y
the context.
A^'espasian
however,
we know
that the increase consisted in this, that the Î'^px^fôv,
which had before been paid

destruction of the temple had
^^
T??
as a temple-tax (Matt. xvii. 24), after the

to be paid to the
Joseplius, IFârs of the Jews,

i-TTTXXoatxi;
xxroixoi/Tuu,
i-)(fiX"JX
iutartv
ii.
fcvptxhx;
ix
Tij!
16.
xvdpTrav
xxff
Romans.
Al'yvTrro;
oi^^x
ixuarinv
TtvTVixouTx
tuv
x,t(px7<.'^v
-yrpog
A.'Kt^xvopttxv
ilaCpopx;
rtxpcri-
paaSxi.
**
ruy
Of Northern
Africa, Josephus says
iTTKFiuv xxpTTUv, to ptriaiv
{Wars
oxru to xxtx
iûdiv Tcxuroiui (popoTôyov vr ut, xxi rx7(

irct'tiu;
tx;
ti<j<fopxi.
t'^v
of the Jews,
Poifcnv
j^/ê/a/f
t^j
ii.
'Tr'Kv^doi
16. 14):
xf-^p'^s
Tpk(f)ovai,
iiyi/ncivlxi
xxi
vxpix^^"'*
were obliged
to
As
pay the poll-tax."
of the provinces,
the preparation of
i.e.
Ill
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
to the valuation census
the sake of the
lists for
apportioning of the taxes, the same principles regulated pro-
cedure as in the drawing up of the census of
Eoman
citizens.^*
In regard to the one as well as the other, the expressions
were used
censum, profiteri
cdere, deferre
evident that the party liable had to

himself,
and
to be paid iu the chief
taxation districts
^^
;
At what
lay.^'
is
ofiicers.^^
towns of the particular
those
communes
Roman
correctness of this assumption,
taxation boards the
was repeated
the five years' period
citizens.^^
Zumpt
contests the
and believes that by standing
Many
was kept carefully revised."
list
hints favour the idea of a five years' census period.
fourth century after Christ
is
Huschke assumes a ten
years' period for the census, similar to
of the earlier census of
whose domain
in
intervals the valuation
any certainty known.
not with
it
and, indeed, the landed estates had to be
registered for taxation in
they
from which
were only controlled by the
his taxes
The taxes had
give in the valuation
it
is
well
known
Since the
that the fifteen
year indiction period became prevalent.^"
So much on the question of valuations and taxation in

^^ Digest. L. 15. 3 pr. (from Ulpian, beginning of the third century)
"Aetateni in censendo significare necesse est, quia quibusdara aetas
tribuit, ne tribute onerentur
veluti in Syriis a quatuordecim annis
:
quintum annum
autem spectatur censendi tempore."
Huschke, Census der Kaiserzeit, p. 192 ff. ;
masculi, a duodecini feniinae usque ad eexagesiraum

tribute capitis obligantur
aetas
^* Compare generally
Zumpt, Das Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 170-175.
^* Huschke, Census, p. 193
Zumpt, Geburtsjahr,
^^ Zumpt, Das Geburtsjahr Christi, p. 174.
:
^^ Digest.
L. 15.
" Is vero, qui

in
qua ager
4.
p. 173.
2 (from Ulpian, beginning of the third century)
agrum
est
in alia civitate habet, in ea civitate profiteri debet,

agri enim tributum in eam civitatem debet levare, in
cujus territorio possidetur."

^^
Huschke, Census der
Kaiserzeit, p.
57
ff.
Zumpt, Das Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 168-170, 189, 205, 206 compare
Hock, Rmische Geschichte, i. 2. 406.
ô Marquardt, Rim.
Staatsverwaltung, ii. 236-238 (2 Aufl. pp. 243-246).
13
112
THE ROM.VX-HERODIAN AGE.
Now, Luke says
general.
1 5 "
certainly
Matt.
ia the passage referred to, chap.
that about the time of
iL
ii.
the birth of Christ, therefore
while Herod the Great
reigned (Luke L
still
122), a decree (807/ia) went out from the Emperor

" all
Augustus requiring that

diroypcpeaai iraav
the world should be taxed,"
By
tt)v oiKOVfieirqv.
" all
the world," in
among
accordance with the well-known use of the phrase
Eomans, we can understand nothing

empire, the orhis Rcnnanus.
Strictly taken, the phrase
Yet
include Italy as well as the provinces.
the
Roman
than the whole
else
would
would be a
it
pardonable inexactness in the use of the expression, even were
found to have been employed actually
it
general census of
to
designate only a
Absolutely impossible
provinces."
the
the limitation of the phrase to Palestine sometimes favoured
is
by
The verb
earlier expositors.^
only
" to register,"
and
is
definite aTrorifiav, " to value."
of registration
that
naturally
forming a basis for taxation
from military service)
suggests
the
(for
than that
and certainly Luke has
so understood
proceeds in ver. 2 to say
iyevero ^/efiovvovTo<;
At any
Compare in
Beitrge, pp.
De
ocn-iu
-'
*^
**
18-32
Zumpt,
may
Whether the
be cited in favour of
the
besides
commentaries
Geburtsjahr, pp. 90-96,
188
ff.
is
to be
Wieseler,
Lecoultre,
Quiriniano, pp. 11-27.
So Wieseler, Beitrge, pp. 20-22.

So Paulus, Hug, and others.
Compare Wieseler, Beitrge, p. 19 f. Zumpt, G^mrtgjahr, pp. 84-86

The majority of MSS. has the article it is wanting in BD, also in x,
;
**
from
Troypa(f>7] or not, it is difficult
rate the order irpoiTi) iyevero
explanation,
;
[77]
it
dTroypa(f)r] Trpdarr,
Kvprjviov.
to say, since important authorities
both readings."^
taxing ")
Quirinius,
to distinguish
avri]
t^? 2vpia<;
article is to be inserted before
*^
("
connection with the well-known census of
He
of
Jews were exempted
whether to identify with that taxing or

it.
of all
no other purpose
is
itself
the word, since in ver. 2 he brings this registration

into
first
more general than the
But there
^*
means
a7rcr/p(i(f>eiv
therefore
113
THE SONS OF HEEOD.
17.
maintained over against the isolated readings iyivero Trpwrrj (k)
and iyivero
For the sense
aircr/pa^r) Trpcorr] (D).
former case
as the
first
it
"
it
;
first
"
taxing,"
would be translated
and in the other case
Does he mean
was the
it
This taxing took place
"
This took place as the
But
of Syria.
be asked, in what sense Luke uses the term

to
imperial valuation,^ or the

or that
for in the
"
^ while Quirinius was governor
may now
first."
almost
it is
indifferent whether one insert the article or not
say that
first
it
Eoman
was the
first
general
valuation in Judea,^^
made by Quirinius ? ^
explanations would make Luke assume a
among
first
The first of these

number of general imperial
several
But
valuations.
if,
as will appear,
even the one imperial valuation census under Augustus

problematical, a frequent repetition of such a census
We shall
be yet more problematical.
is
would
therefore do well in not
unnecessarily attributing this serious error to the evangelist.
The
first
tenable explanation then
We
the second place.
is
can be proved that Quirinius only

for Judea,
and that
also
Provisionally, therefore,
that mentioned above in
have to stand by
shall then
made one
Luke intended
we may assume
to
it, if
it
valuation census
refer to that
one.
this as the sense of
the words, that the general imperial valuation census ordered
by Augustus
for
Judea was the
there by the Eomans, and that
was governor
must
which had been made
took place while Quirinius
In this case the only point that we
of Syria.
according to
still,
first
it
Ill, leave undecided
p.
is,
the valuation census was subsequently repeated

whicli reads
uurr^v
tf:royfi*^r,v
TregeUes, Tischendorf, ed.
8,
tte article
is
rejected
by
whether
at regular
Lacliniann,
Weiseler, "Weiss, Westcott and Hort,
Buttmann, Grammatik des neutestamenichen Sj/rachgehrawhs, p. 105.

So Huschke, Ueher den zur Zeit der Geburt Jesu Christi gehaltenen
Khler in Herzog's Beal-Encychpaedie, 1 Aufl. xiii. 466.
Census, p. 89
2 So Wieseler, Beitrge, pp. 24, 27; Hilgenfeld, ZeiiscAri/, 1870, p. 157;
Hock, Rmische Geschichte, L 2. 417.
*3 So Meyer- Weiss on Luke . 2
and Zumpt, Geburtsjahr Christi,
2^
2'
pp. 188-190.
DIT.
I.
VL.
II.

114
intervals of time, or
of the
lists.
was kept up
In what
to date
by constant revision
35, Luke further states
follows, in vv.
that in obedience to that decree, all (in the land of Judea)
went
to be taxed, every
one
eavrov
ei9 t7]v
iroXiv^'^
i.e.
every one
who was away from the native place of his family (his
had now to go to that place in order to be taxed there.
Joseph went from Galilee
so also
was
dver],
which
account
This
is to
much
is
1.
Mary
his espoused
be joined with airoypa-âaBat, not with

further removed from
by Luke, however, now
following considerations
it).
calls
forth
the
Of a general imperial census
history otherwise
And
Bethlehem, because he
to
of the house of David, to be taxed with
wife (crvv Mapia/j,
oiKo<i),
knows
in the time of Augustus,
nothing.
Apologetical: Husclike, Census zur Zeit des Gehurt Jesu Christi,

2-59 Wieseler, Chronolofiical Synopsis of the Four Gospels,
Eodbertus, Jahrliicher fr Nationalkonomie und
pp. 66-82
Statistik, v. 145 ff., 241 ff.
Zumpt, Gelurtsjahr Christi, pp.
pp.
147-160
(2 Aufl. p.
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsveriualtung, ii. 204 ff.

211 ff.); Lecoultre, De censu Quiriniano, pp. 28-41.
Huschke
especially has endeavoured
establish the position that such
by a
series of facts to
an imperial census actually
did take place, but the want of demonstrative force in this
attempt
is
now
to
some extent,
most decided upholders
Huschke
refers (p.
11
ff.),
rationarium or hreviarium
of help or supply for the
at least, admitted
the
of
and
narrative
also
even by the
of Luke.
Thus
even Wieseler,^^ to the
totius imperii,
list of
the sources
whole empire, which Augustus, as a
good financier, drew up, so that he might be able to bring

into order again the seriously disturbed financial arrangements
30 So it is to be read, according to ^<^BDLS (with Tisch endorf, ed.
Weiss, Westcott and Hort), instead of Rec. ; tyiv illotu 'Tzhtu.
3^
Chronological Synopsis^ p. 73
f.
Beitrge, pp. 52, 93.
8,
17.
101; Dio
of the empire (Suetonius, Augustus, 28,
oO,
liii.
33;
Ivi.
Tacitus, Annals,
remarks^' that
rightly
115
THE SONS OF HEROD.
Cassius,
But Zumpt
11).^^
i.
indeed, speaks for the orderly
this,
condition of the State administration, but does not prove an
imperial census.**
more unfortunate
Still
ence (pp. 37-45) to Dio Cassius,
former passage
the
it
man had undertaken
private
of
Buschke
45-53)
(pp.
(on which compare what
censu.
and in the
Eoman
only to a census of
Huschke's
Iv.
13
refer-
for in
simply said that Augustus as a
is
{iravra ra vTrp'yovT ol)
is
35 and
liv.
citizens.^'
of all
his
Finally, the attempt
to call the Ifonunicntum

is
said in vol.
property
other, the reference is
i.
p.
115)
Ancyranuni
as a witness
on behalf of the general imperial census completely breaks
down
and
for proof of this,
enough
it is
to refer to Wieseler^^
and Marquardt.^^
Of the numerous witnesses whom Huschke had
called to
prove the fact of the general imperial census, there remain,

therefore, only Cassiodorus, Isidorus Hispalensis,
22
Tacitus in that passage describes
classes, regna, provinciae, tributa
Quae cuncta sua manu
tiones.
its
Suidas.'^'^
contents as follows
quantum civium sociorumque
publicae continebantur,
and
" Opes
in armis, quot
aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largi-
perscripserat Augustus addideratque con-
silium coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum metu an per invidiam."

^3
Geburtsjahr Christi, p. 154.
The attempt
been made
deduce from the statement of

censuses even in
the domains of reges socii. But it will be seen that it is not once said
there that the regna paid tribute, let alone that censuses were held in their
^*
has, indeed,
Tacitus a declaration that Augustus had
to
made valuation
territories.
3^ Compare Wieseler, Clironological Synopsis, pp. 75-79
Beitrge, p. 57
The passage in Dio Cassius,
Zumpt, Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 126, 155.
liv. 35, is referred also by Rodbertus to a census of the provinces, although
with a meaning somewhat different from that of Huschke.
;
2^ Chronological Synopsis, pp.
p.
^''
Rmische Staatsverwaltimg,
3^
Compare Huschke,
68
f.
ff.
^'uat wer waltung,
ii.
Beitrge, pp. 58-64.
205.
Census, p. 3
flF. ;
Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis,
53-56
Rodbertus, Jahrbucher fr NationalZumpt, Geburtsjahr, pp. 149-155 Marquardt, Rmische
Beitrge,
konomie, V. 241
79-82
ii.
pp.
205
f.
116
They
undoubtedly, speak of a general imperial census
all do,
But
in the time of Augustus.^^
much
of
its
and lived in a very
Christians,
and
sixth, seventh,
calculated
their testimony loses very
value from the fact that they were
tenth
namely, in the
late period,
centuries
which
Christ,
after
The con-
they simply drew their information from Luke.
by Wieseler^ and Zumpt*^

Suidas,
is
produce ap exceedingly strong suspicion that
to
fused rigmarole of the Spanish Isidore
to
three
all
not regarded even
an independent witness.
as
upon Luke
dependence
his
is
is
As
apparent.
quite
Finally, Cassiodorus has certainly used older sources, namely,
But who can give us any
the writings of the land measurers.
guarantee that he did not derive his statement about the

census from Luke
At any
the silence of all older sources (the
Dio Cassius, Suetonius),

The
^'
hazardous, considering
rate, it is
Monumentum Ancyranum,
accept as historical the isolated
to
passages referred to run as follows
Variarum, iii. 52: "August! siquidem temporibus orbis

Romauus agris divisus censuque descriptus est, lit possessio sua nulli
haberetur incerta, quam pro tributoruni susceperat quantitate solvenda.
Hoc auctor Hyrurametricus [some editors read gromaticus] redegit ad
dogma conscriptum, quaLeiiiis studiosus legendo possit agnoscere, quod
Cassiodoru?,
deberet oculis absolute monstrare."
229 sq.) " Era

quando primum
Dictum autem era ex eo,
Isidorus, Etymologiarum, v. 36. 4 (Opera, ed. Arevalo,

singulorum annorum constituta est a Caesare Augusto
censum exegit, ac
quod oinnis orbie
Romanum orbem
descripsit.
aes reddeie professus est reipublicae."
iii.
On
the Spanish
era of B.c. 38, the origin of which Isidore here seeks to explain, see Ideler,
Handbuch
der Chronologie, ii. 422 ff.

Pauly's Rcal-Encydopaedie, i. 1,
2 Aufl. p. 420 f. (art. " Aera")
Heller in Sybel's Hist. Zeitschrift, Bd. xxxi.
1874, pp. 13-32.
;
Suidas, Lexicon,
t'lKijVtv
vficc;
ruv
s.v.
ci'ô'/pct(p7!
Lv
T1/1V
yviv
)cecl
ovatuu, xCrupKYi rivcc -ttoostl^;
AvTTfl
7)
VT:ry\x,av
CtTTOyOaipVl
povfiiviiv,
rov; ccpiarovg tov iov ctl

iîTrifixJ/s, o/'
TTpOITYl
Koilaotp
Tiif
Avyovaro; 6
ci7iro'ypoe.(px; iTTor/iaXTCt rcjy
tu
y.(iva.py,viaxt
rpoTrov STTi'Ki^xfisuo; ItI
"hviuoaiu pcolpnv f
tovtuv iiaîpujxi.
iySViTO TUV TTpO CCUXOV TO/f KiKTYIf/.ivOl; Tl
; trJXi rol; tVTrpoi; Oyiu^tov
'iyx.'hYiu.
Chronological Hynoimx, p. 69, note
*^
Gebwtsjahr
Christi, p. 151.
1.
tov
kSLqoi.v
ts oivSpij7:uv
Tr'KwTCti/.
fiVl
oi<fl.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
statement of Cassiodorus.''^
The
which Eiess again lays great

given up by most,
"
117
testimony " of Orosius, on
stress,
though
it
had long been
undoubtedly, only upon the narrative
rests,
of Luke."''
Many
think that they have found an indirect support for
the idea of an imperial census in the times of Augustus in
But even
the so-called imperial survey of Augustus.
We
very problematical.*^
is
the friend of Augustus, collected material for a

world, and that this
up
map
map
of the world after his death
in marble in a corridor.
of the
was
But
*2
Mommsen
set
These commentarii of Agrippa
were specially valuable on account of their numerous

exact measurements.^*
this
know, indeed, that Agrippa,
it
is
and
very doubtful whether the
also is of opinion that Cassiodorus has derived his state-
ment about the census from Luke.
See his treatise on "Die libii

coloniarum" in Die Schriften der rmischen Feldmesser, edited by Blume,
Lach mann, and RudorfF, Bd. ii. (1852) p. 177.
" Eodem quoque anno [752 a. IT.] tunc primum
6
censum agi singularum ubique provinciarum et censeri
jussit, quando et Deus homo videri et esse dignatus est.
42a Orosius, vi. 22.
idem Caesar
omnes homines
.
Tunc
est."
*s
igitur natus est Christus,
Romano
censui statim adscriptus ut natus
Compare Riess, Das Geburtsjahr Christi (1880),

The
materials relating to this question are well
p.
69
fF.
summed up
in a brief
form in Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd. ii. pp. 200-204 (2 Aufl.

revised by Dessau und Domaszewski, 1884, pp. 207-211).
In that work
at p. 200 (in the 2nd ed. p. 207) the special literature is also given, to
which we may now further add
F. Philippi, Zar Reconstruction der
Weltkarte des Agrippa, 1880
Schweder, Beitrge zur Kritik der Chorographie des Augustus, 3 Thle. 1876-1883
Detlefsen, Untersuchungen zu, den
geographischen Bchern des Plinius, 1. Die Weltkarte des M. Agrippa, GlckCompare also Hhner, Grundriss zu Vorlesungen ber die
etadt 1884.
rm. Literaturgeschichte, 4 Aufl. 1878, p. 180 (a list of the literature)
:
TeufFel, History of
Roman
Literature, 220. 12-13.
The extant statements regarding these (especially those in Pliny)

have been collected by Riese, Geographi Latini minores (1878), pp. 1-8.
Compare also his Prolegom. pp. vii.-xvii. The principal witness is Pliny,
" Agrippam quidem intanta viri diligentia praeterque
Hist. Nat. iii. 2. 17
in hoc opere cura, cum orbem terrarum orbi spectandum propositiirus
esset, errasse quis credat ? et cum eo divuni Augustum ?
Is namque conplexam eum porticum ex destinatione et commentariis M. Agrippae a
Borore ejus inchoatam peregit." The statements in Pliny are evidently
**
118
lueasuremeuts of Agrippa rest upon a general survey of the
That such a survey was
empire undertaken by Augustus.
begun as early as the times

under Augustus,
indeed,
is,
of Caesar,
and was completed
by some
affirmed
late
questionable whether this statement

sources."*^
And
even
imperial survey,
if
statistical
it is
derived from ancient
is
Augustus had undertaken a general
this, evidently,
It could only properly
census.
cosmo-
But
graphers, like Julius Honorius and Aethicus Ister.
had nothing
have
to
do with the
to do, as all geographical-
materials of the following period show, with geo-
graphical investigations, and, above
with the measuring of
all,
roads, with a statement of distances from place to place.
But even although

from
Luke, there
much
this
no
is
imperial census by Augustus,
information about that
would require
For
to
evidence
it
may
still
of
fact.
But even
general
certainly be regarded
Luke alone has handed down
a possibility that
as
established that, apart
is
historical
to
us
this possibility again
be stated with very important limitations.
this reason chiefly
we cannot
entertain the idea of an
imperial census, but at most only a census of the provinces,
because in any case Italy would have to be excluded (compare

p.
108).
But even with respect
this great difference
among them,
to the provinces, there
that
by Augustus through
his legates, others
scarcely conceivable
that
avoid
all
was
some were administered
the shrewd
by the Senate.
It is
Augustus, careful to
encroachments on the rights of the Senate, should
have ordered by one and the same edict a census of the same
not taken from the map, but from Agrippa's commentarii.
See Riese,
p. ix.
Yet Detlefsen still seeks to prove that they are from the map.
^^ The texts of Julius Honorius and Aethicus Ister are given in Riese,
Geographi Latini minores (1878), pp. 21-55, and 71-103.
The statement
about the imperial survey is made by both at the very beginning. Julius
Honorius is older than Cassiodorus. But it is worthy of remark that in
the Cod. Parisin. 4808, saec. vi., which contains the oldest recension of hia
work (in Riese distinguished as A), the statement about the imperial survey
ia
wanting.
17.
and
sort for his provinces

this, it
Besides
for those of the Senate.*^
to be noted that
is
119
THE SONS OF HEROD.
we know
definitely of
some pro-
*^ In general it may be assumed that the emperors from the first claimed
the right of arranging for valuation censuses even in senatorial provinces.
Dio Cassius, liii. 17, reckons as a matter of course among the privileges of
tlie
emperors that they
oiz-oypx(px; "ttoiouutxi.
They must indeed have
reserved this right to themselves, because even the senatorial provinces
were required to contribute certain dues to the imperial fiscus, and so

even in senatorial provinces there were imperial procurators (Marquardt,
Rmische Staatsverwaltung, i. 2 Aufl. 1881, p. 555 f.). But, in spite of the
paucity of materials, it has been regarded by Mommsen and Hirschfeld
worthy of remark that imperial financial officers have not hitherto been
met with in the senatorial provinces throughout the first century of the
imperial era. Among the instances brought together by Marquardt, ii.
2 Aufl. 1884,
1887, p. 1
p.
216,
we
ft'.),
find
and linger {Leipziger Studien zur class. Philol. x.

two legati ad census accipiendos in the senatorial
Narbonensis (Unger, n. 1 = Orelli-Henzen,

one in Macedonia (Unger, n. 6 = Corpus
Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 1463).
But the former was the regular proconsul
appointed by the Senate, and had been as such appointed by tlie emperor
to draw up the census
in the case of the other, who, in the abbreviated
title, is only called cens(itor) provinciae Macedoniae, his position was
probably the same (so Unger). Besides, the inscription belongs only to
the second century. An imperial procurator ad census accipiendos Macedoniae (therefore in a senatorial province alongside of the proconsul) is
met with on an inscription at Thysdrus in Africa (Unger, n. 31 = Corpus
Inscr. Lat. t. viii. n. 10,500).
But this one also has its origin only in
the second century (Unger, p. 58 sq.).
Great weight should not indeed
be laid upon these facts, for it is possible that even to the imperial provinces the same principles apply
namely, that in the earlier days of
the empire the governors were entrusted with the getting up of valuation
returns, and only in later times were special census officers apiôinted
alongside of the governors for getting them up (so Unger compare below,
note 125). The main point is, that Augustus, according to all that we
know of him, aimed at making it appear that the senatorial provinces
were independent. Compare generally on the imperial right to making
one in Gallia
provinces,
Inscr.
Lat.
n.
and
6453),
same time, against the
a census in the senatorial provinces (and, at the
idea of
an imperial census under Augustus)
Staatsrecht,
Aufl.
ii.
1,
pp.
392-394,
ii.
2,
p.
Mommsen,
945
f.
Rmisches
Hirschfeld,
Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der rmischen Verwaltungsgeschichte, Bd.
i.
1887, pp. 17-19 ; Unger, Leipziger Studien, x. pp. 48-59.

Hirschfeld
holds that it is quite probable " that in the Augustan constitution this
sovereign
riglit
Italy," p. 17.
had been bestowed upon the Senate in
its
provinces and in
THE ROMA.N-HEKODIAN AGE.
120
vinces that in the time of Augustus
is
simply
no Iloman ceusus had
The conclusion
been made in them.^^
-which
we reach then
that in the time of Augustus valuation censuses
this,
had been made
many
in
since the need for such
And
provinces.*^
this is quite likely,
must have been keenly
felt after
confusions of the civil war, and Augustus regarded
matters
special
task
Zumpt
lays great stress also
to
restore
an
to
upon the
orderly
it
the
as his
condition.
fact that the juristic
sources from the beginning of the third century after Christ
15) already presuppose
L.
{Digest.
a great
uniformity in
But there
reference to the matter of the valuation census.*^
nothing to justify us in carrying that unification back to
is
Augustus.
But a further remark on the narrative
II.
Under a Eoman
census, Joseph
obliged to travel to Bethlehem, and
required to accompany
him
of
Luke
is
would not have been
Mary would
not have
thither.
Huschke, Census zur Zelt des Geburts Jesu

Apologetical
Chronological Synopsis,
Wieseler,
116-125
Chnsti, pp.
pp. 92-95; Beitrge, pp. 65-69, 46-49; Zumpt, Gelurtsjahr
Christi, pp. 193-19(3, 203 f.
:
Eoman
In a
for
census the landed property had to be registered
taxation in the
enrol his
name
rest,
in
whose
territory
*'
Zumpt, Geburtsjahr
In
essential
Geburtsjahr, pp. 147
f.,
Christi, p.
points
163
ff.,
176
Zumpt
De
Lecoultre,
211
f.),
agrees with this view (compare

only that he goes back to an edict
advocate,
**
is
Zumpt,
and made
So, too, Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung,
ii.
204
at
ff.
and ALerle, who does not

but only a decree of Augustus {Theolog. Quartalschrift,
The idea of an imperial census, which they avowedly
censu Quiriniano, p. 28 sqq.,
assume an edict,
1874, p. 664 ff.).
lay (see
f.
for authority for provincial valuations of different sorts
different times.
it
the person to be taxed had to
in the census at his dwelling-place, or at the
*^
all
commune
For the
above, p. 111).
thus practically abandoned.

Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 156-160.
town
chief
When, on
121
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
the taxation district within which he resided.
of
Luke
the other hand,
Joseph travelled to
tells that
Bethlehem, because he was of the house
of
assumed that the preparation of the taxation
made according
and
to tribes, generations,
by no means the Eoman custom.

conjectured (as
Now
But
made
to the
had been
which was
custom of the
Eomans
in measures
frequently conformed to existing institutions.
in this particular case such a concession as that referred
would have been very remarkable, since
to
is
therefore usually
is
quite correct that the
it is
that kind
of
lists
families,
it
done even by Wieseler and Zurapt) that in
is
that census a concession had been
Jews.
It
David,
conducting the census would be
would lead
to
much
much more
method
greater inconvenience than the
It is also extremely questionable
plan.
this
of
troublesome, and
Eoman
whether a registration
according to families and generations was any longer possible,
many
since in regard to
they belonged
now be proved whether
could not
it
family
this
to
remarkable that Luke makes
or
it
to
that.^
appear as
if
It
is
furtlier
Mary had been
obliged to travel with Joseph in order to be taxed (ver. 5
No
aTToypyfraaai avv Mapid/j,).
have been made by a

also
were
Eoman
such requirement could
census.
Tor although women
liable for the poll-tax (see above, p. Ill),
they were
not accustomed to appear personally at a census,^^ since the

particulars required, as
the
Eoman
old
may
be concluded from the analogy of
have been supplied by the
could
census,
lather of the family.

*" See Div. II.
Mishna, Taanith
vol.
i.
iv. 5,
p. 252.
"those of
the altar of burnt- offering,
general
wood
special days.
bringing.
With
is
Only
The 15th Ab, on which, according to the

unknown descent" brought the wood for
elsewhere designated as the day of the
particular tribal houses brought
register of generations still continued

vol.
*^
i.
p.
As
219
is
it
on
these tribal houses are also related the remnants of a
down
to the times of Christ (Div. II.
f.).
still
assumed by Wieseler,
Gebartsjahr Christi, p. 203
f.
Beitrge, pp. 46-49,
and Zumpt,
THE OMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.
122
III.
Eoman
census could not have been made in Pales-
tine during the time of King Herod.
Apologetical
82-92
Husclike, Census zur Zeit des Gehurts Jesu

Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis, pp.
79-94 Zumpt, Geburtsjahr Christi, pp.
pp. 99-116
Beitrge, pp.
Christi,
;
178-186, 212
When
f.
Eoman
converted into a
Great, was
still
After
tribute
^^
;
regard to the
Pompey had
that
all
about the position of the reges

especially in
under Herod the
Palestine,
an independent kingdom, though under the
suzerainty of Eome.
impossible.
socii
we have come
series of
upon Herod a
tribute
position
Herod, this seems
of
country.
of taxation
Even Antony had imposed

edicts.^^
when he appointed him king.^^ P)ut
this
tribute
could not even then be supposed that a
it
valuation
know
indeed laid the land of Judea under
even granting that Herod had continued to pay
under Augustus,
to
toward the Eomans, and
and Caesar had rearranged the system
by means of a
Eoman
in
Judea had then been
On the other hand, Luke

Eoman census had been made
when
a time
Palestine, at
for
province.
would have us believe that a

in
make a census
Quirinius in A.D. 7 undertook to
Judea, this was quite in order
should
census
have
been
Such an arrangement in regard
made
in
his
the internal
to
administration might indeed have been ordered in Palestine

after it
had become a province, but not so long
as
it
was the
territory of a rex socius.
In order to
make the matter
conceivable an attempt has
been made to point out similar

in the
domain of a rex
Thus reference
socius
made
is
"2
Josephus, Antiq. xiv.
*3
Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10.
**
Appiail, Civ. v. 75
';aTYi
pet riTccyf4,ivoig, Uourov

fixiuu Oi KXt
'^f/.ecpiajv
4.
to a
5.
which presumably
cases, in
Eoman
passage
in Tacitus
Wars of the Jews, i. 7. 6.

Compare also above, vol.
Os tjj
kxI
ctcri'hix;, ov;
/xiu Aotptiov tou <^piiii.Kovs
Hpdriv,
k.t.'K.
was made.
census
i.
about a
p. 379.
OOKiuaattiv, ivl (ppot;
tou 'M.idpihxTOV,
loov
among
census undertaken
41
"
123
THE SOXS OF HEROD.
17.
^^
the Clitae
Tacitus, Annals,
vi.
Per idem tempus Clitarum natio Cappadoci Arclielao
subiecta, quia
modum
nostrum in
deferre census, pati tributa
adigebatur, in iuga Tauri montis abscessit locorumque ingenio

sese contra imbelles
But
copias tutabatur."
regis
it is
not
Eoman
here said that in the domains of King Archelaus a
census had been made, but only that Archelaus had wished
to
in
make a census according to the Eoman custom {nostrum

modum) among the Clitae who were subject to him.^''
Zumpt
is
of opinion that in the revolt of
the
the occasion of
Judas of Galilee on
census of Quirinius in A.D.
obtained a proof that this census
he has
7,
extended not only over
the territory of Archelaus (Judea and Samaria), then
made
into a province, but also over Galilee, since that revolutionary
must have received
chief
his designation
from the scene
of
But Josephus mentions expressly only the
his operations.^^
which the census applied
territory of Archelaus as that to
''^
;
^^ Huschke,
Census zur Zeit der Gehurt Jesu Christi, pp. 102-104
Wieseler, Chronological SynojJsis, p. 83 ; Beitrge, p. 94.
*^ Arclielaus is proLably a son of the one named above in vol. i.
p. 456.
Another view, but one that can scarcely be

Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 182-184.
^^ Geburtsjahr Christi,
p. 191, note.
Galilean, see Antiq. xviii.
rA<X/oy
lovl Tou
^*
IFars of the Jews,

Kxhouf^-ivou
TTig
ii.
1.
'^vpixg yevofiiv/iv,
8. 1
'^tfi'TTirett
the designation of Judas as
t/j ecuvjp
xx.
TxT'.i'Kce.ô;
Acts of Apostles
vupviv ti kui Kvpvjvto;
ei'jrorif^yi'jofisuoi
.Troituay.iuo; roc 'Ap;^>jXoy p^^jj^êsr.
13. 5
On
Tx?î>,x7og 'lovlx;
Toe.ht'hxiov
'Trpoad'/iK.Ylu
1.
Shortly
Kvpyjuio; vro Kuidetpo;,
by Zumpt,
correct, is given
ccvvip
5.
'lovhag
v.
37:
el; ryju
'loiiS rou
;
ii.
17. 8
'loi/ou,;
'lovllu)u,
rs ocvruv toc; ovaictg
kocI
before Josephus says, xvii.

V7:'ut{k6s, d'ToriiUYiafiSvo; roi
In fact, Quirinius did

valuation returns, not only in Judea, but also elsewhere in Syria, as
the inscription of Q. Aemilius Secundus, which in earlier times was
erroneously treated as spurious, proved, according to which Secundus by
the order of Quirinius made a census at Apamea.
See above, vol. i.
iv
Ivpicf.
Kxl rou
kp-îKccov
ôStoo-o'^si'o;
oFao;/.
make
p. 357.
But
of the Pabstinian districts Josephus distinctly
names only
those that were then included in the province.

It is also to be observed
that the Pharisees who put the question to Jesus about the tribute money
124
and the designation of Judas as the Galilean
is,
on the
contrary, to be explained by the fact that Judas, belonging

to
Gamala
Galilee
wider sense,
the
organized
this
revolt,
^^
after his native country, " the Galilean."
Judea
to
not in
and was now named by the inhabitants
Galilee but in Judea,

of
which may readily be reckoned
in Gaulanitis/^
in
In order to prove the subject position of Herod and the
Eoman
consequent possibility of a
census in his domains,
it
has been pointed out that he was not allowed independently to

declare war;^^ that he besought permission of the emperor for
^^
the execution of his son
that his subjects also had to take
the oath of allegiance to the emperor

*
the emperor's confirmation
honour
in
of
that his will required
yea, even the wrestling
Augustus and
temples
the
erected
games
the
to
emperor are requisitioned to aid the proof of the possibility

of a
census.^
As
but that the
else
any one ever had supposed anything
if
Jewish
undoubtedly
were
kings
vassal
Even from
dependent upon the Iloman emperor.
the Jewish
coins Wieseler thinks that he can gather material
In regard to this
vindication of Luke.^
it is
the
for
eminently deserv-
ing of notice that there are Palestinian coins of Augustus
with the year numbers 33, 36, 39, 40, 41, which, reckoning according to the Actian era of a.u.c. 723, would belong
arc those of
at that
xxii. 17
kyiuio; or
*^
*^^
That
Jews,
ii.
nothing
p.
Judea (Matt.
time paid no
this is correct is
8.
else
Mark
Josephus, Antiq. xvi.
"2
Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 10-11, xvii.
''3
one
Luke
xx. 22).
quite evident, especially from
where Judas is called

than a native of Galilee.
1,
It had, as
Galilee
1. 1.
made
^^
445.
14
xii.
(ppoi;.
ccvrip
Tu>t'Kulo;,
Wars
^\hich can
of the
mean
9. 3.
2.
may
4.
5. 7,
xvii. 7.
Compare on
this oath, above, vol.
i.
conclude, according to the analogy of the
oath formula of Assus, not the form of the oath of a subject, but that of
a confederate.
"*
^ "Wieseler,
8. 4,
11. 4-5.
Beitrge, pp. 90-92.
Beitrge,
pp. 83-89.
125
THE SONS OF HEUOD.
17.
to the age of Archelaus, therefore to the time
when Judea was
But these numbers are probably
under native princes.
still
to be
reckoned according to the Augustan era of 1st January
A.u.c.
727, according to which the year 33 would correspond
to
759.^
A.TJ.C.
when reference is made

Herod among " the pro-
It is quite irrelevant
that Augustus enrolled
to the fact
commanded
curators of Syria, and
that everything should be

;
done in accordance with his judgment

follows, not that
and
patrons
of high
friends.
of a
this
it
subject,*'''
on the part of his
trust
explanation
similar
from
for
Herod occupied the position
on the contrary, one
but,
^*
"
may
also be
given of the threat once uttered by Augustus under extreme
when he
he had used him
provocation
said {Antiq. xvi. 9. 3) that " whereas of
old
as his friend, he should
avrw
his subject," oti irdXat, '^pwfievo'i

"X^prjaerai.
Wieseler, by a rare
twist
also into
this
is
as
of reasoning, seeks to
style
Herod
him
use
vvv vTrrjKoa)
An
a support for his theory/**
definition of the position of
law
now
(plXro,
exact
the sight of the civil
in
certainly not easily given, since Josephus, where one
would naturally look

In
to the question.^^
an
for
explanation, omits all reference
30 Herod was by a decree of the
A.D.
Senate anew confirmed in the possession of his kingdom.^'^
But
in regard to the contents of that decree Josephus gives
us
no
^''
Even
details.
the
remark
Dio
of
Cassius,
that
Compare on these coins, above, at p. 77, and the literature given

The year numbers given as 30, 31, 34, 35 are uncertain the first
there.
two being decidedly doubtfuh

**
Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 3
tvovai
rvi;
Somewhat
Ivpi'ctc,
ivzn'K.fîuog
differently in
2fp/<ie?&A)7; iTTirpoTvov
^0/? lioiKitu.
^'^
'"
Wars
g
,
iyx.(*.xa,i/,iyvvai
//.ir
of the Jeivs.
i.
3'
o-vtov
yvf^.ri;
20. 4
/icnlsv i^ti/i Oi'xcCTii: ixiivov
Compare in addition what
As Wieseler
Ikh'i/ov
rii;
is
xxl ro7; iTrnpoTr-
tx
to-vtoc -ttoiuv.
xars^Twcrs It uinou Kctl

av/ôvhicc; roi; iTrnpo-
said above in vol.
i.
p. 453.
holds in Beitrge, p. 89 f.
Chronological Synopsis, p. 85
Beitrge, p. 83.
still
Compare on the
what is said above in
''^
'2
position of reges socii under the civil constitution,

vol. i. p. 448.
Josephus, Antiq. xv.
6. 7.
Compare Wars
of the Jews,
i.
20. 2-3.
126
Augustus, when, in
Syria, "
for regulating affairs in
according to the
made
20, he
A.D.
arranged the subject domain
Eoman method,
but allowed the confederate
princes to rule according to the customs

is
too general
drawn from
a
Eoman
arrangements
definite
their fathers,"
of
permit any very definite conclusion to be
to
It is at least not favourable
it.
"
to the idea of
The same may
census in the domains of Herod.
be said of the expressions with which Josephus describes the
conversion of Judea
into
They prove
province.
Judea was then
factorily that, in the opinion of Josephus,
the
Eoman
time made into a
first
satis-
for
territory subject to the
Eomans.^*
Beyond the range
we
of these general remarks
are carried
by a consideration of the taxation system in the time
we
Herod, in so far as
we
and there
reference to the taxes,
"^
sometimes a fourth
third,^"
no sign
is
He
the taxes.
of
the Jewish colony in Batanea from
payment
every
the
kind."
Archelaus
After
was therefore
S&V)
liv.
OlUKil,
TO
'O
oi
TT
obtain
^^
(p
kxtcc
t
from
and the
v7r'/;Koov
fisv
V T f U
CJ
frees
which
taxation,
of Archelaus
Avyovaro; to
oi
even
of all taxes of
Jews
oppressive
the
of
at the disposal also
Dio Cassias,
'^
Vui/,Ot.[C)l/
death
his
reduction
paying any
of his
Herod remits sometimes a
Eomans.
dues to the
the
of
informed by Josephus.
Here
Herod acted independently with
are
throughout that
find
of
t tuv
Tp6VU
i'i CC
cLpxâdcti.
''*

rri
f/^nhiuYig
Ivpou.
Wars of
Wars
i7rocp-x,iot.v
-Triptypotîia-zj^.
(ûapxtx;
fiiTu-^saoviryi;
4.
2.
"a
tlie
till
A7itiq.
vTron'Kovs
x'^'/S?
t^j
1:
8.
ii.
''
A.pxi'huov
1:
9.
xviii.
4.
t^s
:
T^-poai/e-
''V
x'-'P"^'
'AjopiÂaot/
ov (Archelai)
dpx^f.
Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10.
eti/TOVi
ii.
of the Jews,
eTrupxicî'.
iig
Vof^ctioi TTupot.'otôc.ff.iuot rvjv
'''
T^j 'A/j^sAaew
the Jews,
''^
Josephus, Antiq. xvi.
nTiv) ts tviv
^^f"
2. 5.
i'J^riyyk'Khi-xQ,
xetl
(pop CIV Tn'h'hcc.yfiivovs oc-Truauv.
8.
4.^
Wieseler
is
indeed acute enough to make

Roman one ; Chrono-
tax about which the Jews complained into a
logical Synopsis, p.
90
Beitrge, p.
98
f.
17.
Jewish deputation at
127
THE SONS OF HEROD.
Eome
complained of the burdensome
taxes under Herod, in order to base upon this their request

that Palastine should not again be put under the rule of a
Herodian.
But there
is
no mention of a
Koman
tax7
We
have seen then that Herod dealt quite unrestrictedly with the
taxation system of Palestine.
even
if
quite correct to afiirm that a
system
It will therefore in
Herod should have paid
tribute
Eoman
of taxation could not have
to
any
case,
the Piomans, be
census and a Ptoman
been introduced in his
country.''
lY. Josephus knows nothing of a
7 as somethiog
Apologetical
census in Pales-
Herod speaks rather of the census

new and previously unheard of.
tine in the time of

A.D.
Eoman
of
Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis, pp. 86-92
Beitrge, pp. 94-104,
In the attempt to weaken the force of the argumentum e

drawn from Josephus, two different courses have been
silentio
'3
80
The question whether Herod paid a
2.
tribute to the
Romans
is
immaterial for the matter now under consideration as to the possibility

for the payment of a lump sum as tribute is someof a Roman census
tliing quite different from the direct taxation of the individual inhabitBut even the idea of
ants of the country on the part of the Romans.
;
Herod being under tribute is not probable, at least there is no proof of it.
That Antony imposed a tribute upon Herod (Appian, Civ. v. 75, see
above, p. 122), proves nothing in regard to the time of Augustus. When
it is said of Caligula that he, on the reinstatement of kings in the
realms of their fathers, granted to them "the full enjoyment of the
revenues and also what was due for the intervening vacancy during which
the kingdom was in abeyance" (Suetonius, Caligula, 16 "si quibus regna
restituit, adjecit et fructum omnem vectigaliorum et reditum medii
temporis "), we are not to conclude from this that always under other rulers
For Suetonius does not intend
the contrary in both cases was the rule.
:
in this to point out a special instance of folly, but an instance of good

What was extraordinary was only
conduct on the part of Caligula.
indeed the repayment of the reditus medii temporis. We see, however,
from this passage that there was in these matters no very strict rule of
128
taken
some have endeavoured
to discover
traces of a Pioman census in the time of
even in Joseplius
Herod
others have
denied that the silence of Josephus proves anything.

AVieseler
of opinion that he has found
is
a trace of
tliat
sort in the revolt of Judas and Matthias shortly before the
death of Herod,^ the cause of which

the taking of a census
have been
to
cause of an altogether different kind.^^
assigns a
Another
supposed to be found in the detailed reports of the
trace
is
large
amount
nitis,
said
is
whereas Josephus as clearly as possible
and Tracho-
of the revenues of Judea, Galilee,
which are given by Josephus in his account of the
among Herod's three sons;^^ as if in

amount of these rents it would have been
partition of Palestine
know
order to
the
necessary to have a census of the purely
Roman
kind.
It
is
a fact far more worthy of consideration that on the occasion

of that partition
Augustus
rate of taxation
of the
fourth,
down
the condition that the
they had not taken part in the war against
since
This
Varus.**
laid
Samaritans should be reduced one-
is
worthy of attention, because
it
is
the only
instance of an interference on the part of the emperor in the

its being made into a
we cannot deduce from it
which Wieseler^^ wishes to draw, that here we
matter of the taxation of Judea prior to
Eoman
But
province.
the conclusion
Eoman
have to do with a
cTiKih (Appian, Civ.
8^
I>p.
^^
i.
ttoXs;?
uvrovofôi t
x.u]
(p6upv
were in general
Compare generally the literature given above

;
Compare Wieseler,
6. 2.
Chronological Synopsis,
Beitrge, pp. 98-104.
See above, vol.
i.
p. 463.
*3
Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 11. 4;

Wieseler, Beitrge, p. 99.
*
the contrary, the matter
p. 448.
88-92
"hiT^VJTO,
On
102), it is not probable that kings
worse position.
jilaced in a
i.
tax.
But seeing that there were
procedure.
in vol.
certainly
Kxiaxpoi
>L0/7r>) iT'Krt&vi.
etvTolg
4.
of the Jews,
Tiruprov
of the Jews,
ii.
ii.
/nipov; ovroi
Kovîaiv xpyjCpiaec/nevov
Compare Wars
* Beitrge, p. 99.
Wars
/ai
6. 3.
to
fi'/!
6.
tuu
3.
Compare
<p6puv
Trxp-
avuctTTOOTyivoii
ti\
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
treated of throughout
129
only the revenues of
is
princes,
Archelaus, Antipas,
absence
of
any reference
and
in
Philip
this
place
the
native
and
the
Roman
to
mere
tax
speaks strongly in favour of the idea that no such tax was
then paid,
by means
of
sought for
lie says
^^
Finally, the argumentation is particularly acute,
which Zumpt has discovered in Josephus the

census, prior to the acknowledged one of A.D. 7.
that from the account of Josephus with reference
to the census of A.D. 7, it follows
" that
Quirinius then only
taxed the property of the Jews, therefore those
who were
poor and without property were not taken into consideration."
But now
since the poll-tax
presupposes also a
list of
existing in
the time of Christ
those without property, such a
list
must have been drawn up previously, even under Herod.

In reference to this statement there are only three things that
be proved: (1) that Quirinius taxed "only the
require to
property " of the Jews
(2) that in Palestine in the time of
Christ a poll-tax was in force even for those without property;^ and (3) that this poll-tax had been introduced as
early as in the time of Herod.
In
then, Josephus
reality,
census in
the
time of
knows nothing
Herod.
"We
may
of
inclined ordinarily to lay any weight on argumenta
but in this case the argument
no other period
to
none
is
Herod.
is
is of
Eoman
not indeed
some importance.
be
e silentio ;
In regard
Josephus so well informed, in regard
to
his narrative so full, as in regard to the last years of

It is scarcely conceivable that a
to cut into the very
marrow
measure so calculated
of the people as a
Eoman
census of
that period should have been passed over

faithfully describes the census of A.D. 7,
^^
*^
by him, while he
which occurred in a
Geburtsjahr Christi, p. 201 f.

According to Ajjpian, Syr. 50
(see above, p. 110), it seems rather

that the poll-tax in Syria existed only in the form of an incometax.
DIV,
I.
VOL.
II.
130

Josephus knew practically nothing.^
period of which
ought also
to
have passed
be remembered that a
Eoman
wdthout leaving any trace behind, but must
off
have occasioned a rebellion as well as that of
much
It
census could not
A.D.
7,
yea,
more, because in this case the latter would have been
The
nothing new.
innocent registration
(7ro'ypa(f)r})
offensive.^
The
had
poll-tax
Eomans, whereas the expenses

the country had to be
contradiction of all
to the
amount
was
reason
so
be paid as tribute to the
to
facts
Eomans should have
of equal
7 was a property
that
for
of the internal
met by the
known
into an
of the people for the purpose
and just
(airoTi'fMTjai'i),
thinks to
Herod
in the time of
of the poll-tax, whereas the census of A.D.
valuation
Zumpt
argument, indeed,
latter
by making the census
invalidate
government of
But
property-tax.^
it is
in
that the tribute to be paid
consisted simply in a poll-tax
in the case of each
cajouf.
Appian says
expressly that the Syrians paid a poll-tax of one per cent,

of the
sum
of the valuation.^
If,
therefore, a
been imposed throughout Palestine,
have been a mere poll-tax.
would
still
be a
Eoman
tax.
And
it
Eoman
tax had
would certainly not
even were this granted,
it
There must then have been a
numbering of the people, who would have made the imposition of this, just as
the
occasion
between the
aTTOTLfjbrjai'i
of
much
as a valuation census of the people,
tumult.
'iro<ypaj)rj
But, finally, that
referred to
by Luke
of A.D. 7 completely breaks
down
ii.
distinction
and the
before the fact
that the latter which occasioned the revolt of Judas of Galilee

88
Compare above,
8^
So
vol.
i.
pp. 88, 89.
Kodbertus as early as 1865 in Jahrlcher fr Nationalkonomie

und Statistik, v. p. 155 ff.
also
3 Zumpt, Geburtsjahr Christi,

pp. 196-202. Wieseler also had previously
expressed a similar opinion (Chronological Synopsis, p. 96, compare p. 84 f.,
p. 90 f.), wliereas subsequently he reverted to th'; idea of a poll- and landtax {Beitrge, p. 98 If.).
^1 Appian, Syr. 50 (see above,
p. 110).
duce of Africa and Alexandria, p. 110.
Compare
also the grain pro-
131
by Luke in the Acts of the Apostles
referred to
is
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
v.
37
in
the same words as the so-called numbering of the people in

the time of Herod, and the airoypacjiy]
is
simply mentioned as
an evident proof that he means in both passages

the same
to
refer to
fact.
The most
decisive argument, however, against a census in the
time of Herod
is
this, that
Josephus characterizes the census
new and previously unheard of

When we find Zumpt attempting to repre-
of A.D. 7 as something entirely
among the Jews.
sent the novelty as consisting only in the property valuation
and Wieseler thinks that what was new and

offensive lay merely in the form of the valuation, namely, the
(diroTLfXTjai'i),
judicial examination (y Kp6aai<;)

their depositions
and the obligation
a heathen tribunal
before
to confirm
by means of a
which may
definitely prescribed oath,^^ these fine distinctions,
possibly be spun out of the story in the Antiquities, are reduced

to nothing
Jews,
ii.
when we turn
8, 1,
rovTov (under Coponius)

et?
diroaTaaiv
Pa)fiaioi,<;
The
6v7}Tov<i Sea-iroTWi.
but the
eTTi'^copiov';,
reXelv iiirop,evovaL Koi
taxing of property, or
Eoman
as follows
fxera
form in which
taxation as such.
rov 6eov ocaovcri
This
is
it
of the Jews,
ovK oXljov^
^lovSaLovi
deov.
vii.
firj
8.
also the
For the Eomaus
novum d inauditum.
out,
assumption
rebellion.
tlie
Îov8a rov Trelaavro^ 'lovSaiwv
TTOieiaOac ra? airo'ypatpd';
on
6viBLaa<;
was not the
was carried
lying at the basis of accounts elsewhere given of
Wars
the
eVt
kuki^cov el (f)6pov re
offensive thing, therefore,
tlie
raXiXaio'i 'IovSa<; ovofia
dvrjp
rt?
Tov<i
ivrj<ye
Wars of
to the parallel account in
where Josephus expressed himself
P(o/j,aioi<;
virerdo-cyovTo
at all to raise a tax in
ii.
17.
fierd
8:
rov
Judea was a
Also from the words already quoted
Studien und. Kritiken, 1875, p. 546. Compare

pp. 95-97
tu Znv^ (fipoi/Ts; tvju tvl ruig u'7ro'ypa.(pul;
Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 1. 1
'2 Beitrge,
dx, pool (Til/,
"the judicial examination in connection with the enrolments."
Whether this
would also be
translation
is correct,
may
possible to render dapxaig
be regarded as undecided.
by "obedience."
It
132
THE KOMAN-IIEKODIAN AGE.
above, with which Joscphus tells of the conversion of Judea

he Âp-êXdov %w/?a9
into a province, Antiq. xvii. 13, 5
vTTOTeXov'i
^vpcov,
we
exactly
irpoavefirjOelar]'^
ttj
t?}<?
we take them
if
cnnclude that in the time of
shall be obliged to
Herod and Archelaus no taxes were paid

For
if
was only
it
Judea was made tributary,
The tetrarchy
two passages.
by Tiberius
^6pov<;
follows that
it
eVeXeucre
Philip was after his death
of
province
the
to
(rvWeyo/xevovi
KaTariOeaOai {Antiq.
yevofjievr]
had not been so
it
The same conclusion may be drawn from other
previously.
added
Eomans.
the
to
banishment of Archelaus that
after the
tou? fiivroi
of Syria,
ry rerpap-îa
iv
xviii. 4.
If
G).
eKeivou
rfj
even after the
death of Philip no taxes flowed from his tetrarcliy into the
Iioman
fiscus,
much
would
less
have been the case
this
But of the Jewish colony
during his lifetime.
at
Batanea on
which Herod conferred the privilege of being absolutely
free
from taxation Josephus reports as follows, Antiq.
xvii. 2. 2
'Eyevero
iirl
xciipa acoSpa
t)
dreXov'i.
'
irapefieivev
oXijov avTov^ eirpdâTO.
oil
avTov Kal
[x'evTot
'Pw/jbaloi.
TO,
T^9
Tr]V
eTTieaai'
avTov^.
raising of a
up'^T]v
^coz^ro?"
Kivelv
rov
ap-î-jv
îXiTTTro?
fxîya^
eV
Kal
irdw eêrpv^coaav auTOv^,
Kal
iXevOepiaf;
76 6
Traaiv
oXiya re koI
ÂypL7r7ra<; fxevroc
oficovvfj,o^
heâfxevoL rrjp
Tqpovai
HpcoBov
avrol<i
irapakaoov Tyv
8e Bevrepo'i i/cetvov
7ral<i
iroXvavO pa)7ro<i Seia tou
rjOekrjaav.
fiev
eXevOepov
Hap'
oju
Kal avTol
dîcoaiv, iirioXat^ Be tcou <popu>v et? to irajxirav
It
Poman
is
thus made quite evident that the
tax in that district began only
was no longer ruled over by
Herod the Great,
Philip,
its
own
Agrippa
I.,
princes,
when
it
whereas under
and Agrippa IL, these
taxes were raised or not raised at the pleasure of the prince.
From
all
that
we have
learned, then, the
conclusion
is
Pioman taxes could not possibly have been raised in Palestine

in the time of Herod,
and with
this result the
as a matter of course falls to the ground.
Roman
census
Bat,
V.
main consideration that
finally, tlie
account of Luke
133
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
is
against the
tells
census held under Quirinius could not have occurred
was never governor
in the time of Herod, for Quirinius
of
Syria during the lifetime of Herod.
Not only Matt
ii.
but also Luke
ff.,
i.
5,
undoubtedly places the census referred to
Bat he
of Herod's reign.
had been made
mean nothing
also says
rj'yejxovevovTO'i t?}?
than
else
that
this,
had the supreme command
inius
by him
therefore
in the period
expressly that the census
ûpiwi Kvprjvlou, which can

it
took place " while Quir-
in Syria,"
Now we know
governor of Syria.^^
assumes that
He
Jesus was born during the lifetime of Herod.
i.e.
when he was
indeed that Quirinius
arrived in Syria as governor in A.D. 6, and that he had been in

possession of the
same
office
even
earlier, in b.c.
But
3-2.
in the time of Herod he cannot have been governor; for from

B.C.
96
6_4
this office
was held by Sentius Saturninus, from
which broke out
revolt
The
Quinctilius Varus.
l)y
and was,
in Palestine
had
B.c.
to suppress the
after the death of
Herod,
therefore, in Syria at least half a year after Herod's
But the predecessor
death.
latter
during the last
five
of Saturninus
was
or six years of Herod,
Thus
Titius.^*
and
it is
only in
regard to them that there can be any question here, there

absolutely no
room
is
for Quirinius.
This point has caused most trouble to the vindicators of
Luke
and their opinions, which hitherto have been tolerably
unanimous, now go very
far apart
from one another.
"We
pass over the older attempts at solution, for the most part of
a most arbitrary description (some even venturing upon the

boldest alterations of the text), and restrict ourselves
^5
The
official title is,
For
proofs, see above, vol.
legatus
Awjusli
348.
^*
i.
p. 350.
jpro loraetore.
See above,
to a
vol.
i.
p.
THE ROMAN-HERODIN AGE.
134
Statement only of those which have their representatives in

the present day.^^
Lutteroth, in order thoroughly to set aside the ahove
1.
exegetical
stated
Luke
in
Beiê(t)<i
i.
has devised the
facts,
He
explanation.
When
^^
says
it is
following
said of
John the Baptist
80, that he was in the deserts eco?
avrov
iTpo<i
original
rbv ^lapaijX, by aj/aSeiî?
rj/jbipwi
ava-
be under-
to
is
stood, not his public appearance as a preacher of repentance, but
his presentation before the people as a child of twelve years,
according to the custom of the law.

the
following
taxing,
statement
be inserted, that iv
to
falls
this
also
his journey to Bethlehem.
As a
Herod Antipas, he would indeed be under no
obliga-
that led to Joseph
making
tion to do this, as the taxing applied only to
Bethlehemite nativity.
setting
down
Judea
but by
there he would bring into view his
his voluntary appearance
in
was
It
rat<i
about the
edict
which was carried out by Quirinius.
subject of
point of time
this
was issued the emperor's
eKLvai<i
rj/jbepafi
At
Luke, therefore,
is
perfectly correct
when
the taxing of Quirinius at the time
John the Baptist was twelve years old. The conclusion of

Luke ii. 5 is to be translated To be taxed with Mary, whom
:
he had married
when
fore twelve years
already she was great with child (there-
then ver. 6 again reverts
they also
the
before
when Mary
And
of
those
To
this
earlier
time
just there, in Bethlehem, were
(twelve years before the taxing) brought
forth her first-born son, etc.
number
taxing).
The explanation belongs
which may excite
admiration
for
to the
their
acuteness, but stand in no need of confutation.

2.
Huschke,^^ Wieseler,^^ Ewald,^^ Caspari
assign to the
^*
The
"s
Le r^censement
8^
Census zur Zeit des Gehurt Jesti Christi, p. 78 ff.

Synojms, pp. 101-106 Beitrge, pp. 26-32
older views are given in Winer, Realwrterbuch, ii. 292-294

Bleek, Synapse, i. 70 ff. Meyer, comm. on Luke, on the passage.
;
de Quirinius en Jude'e, Paris 1865, pp. 29-44.
98 Chronolorjical
Kritiken, 1875, p. 546

1""
99
Studien und
History of Israel, vi. 155, note 3.

Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of Christ, p. 35.
ff.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
135
superlative irpwro'i a practically or exclusively

significance,
and translate
expressly distinguishes the

earlier
made when first,

Luke therefore
taxing made under Herod as an
one made under Quirinius.
That
This taxing was
was governor
or before, Quirinius
one from the later
admitted (John
the governor under
be
by no
is
It is indeed
whom
taxing took place before
Why
Quirinius was governor of Syria.
name
may
what purpose Luke should have
remark, that this
the idle
it
the correct translation.
it is
absolutely inconceivable for
made
justifiable
But even then
30).^^
15,
means proved that
of Syria.
need might be
this translation in case of

i.
comparative
it
would he not rather
did take place
It
may
indeed be said that he distinguishes the earlier census under
Herod from the
later
under Quirinius.
But Luke does not
really even do this, according to that translation.

" This taxing
took place earlier than that
inius " (which

r]
would have required something
airojpacpr) irpooTrj ijiveTO
ryevofiivrjti);
the analogy of
like this
avrr)
KvprjvLov ^vpca<i rjyefMOvevovro'i
T'/}<?
So also Wieseler translates, and
Syria."
instances adduced
all
Synopsis, pp. 102,
103
Beitrge, pp.
by him (Chronological
30-32)^^ admits of no
But no unprejudiced person
other translation.
suitable sense in these words.
Joi
says not
but: "This taxing took place before Quirinius
was governor of
that
He
made under Quir-
And
Luke must here have expressed himself

Only indeed in
case of necessity
will find a
to this it should be added,
in a
manner
as
for of all the instances wliicli
Huschke, pp. 83-85, has brought together in favour of giving to Trpurog a

comparative sense, if we set aside those which are clearly irrelevant, only
those remain where two parallel or analogous ideas are compared with each
other, but not where, as here, two wholly disparate ideas are before us
the
taxing under Herod and the governorship of Quirinius.
i"2 Also Sophoches,
Antiq. 637-658
i,uoi
yoLp oitOiig dîu; iarat yikfcog
fiiiôv (pipiadxi
which
is
to be translated
"
aw
y-cthu^ '/jyovinsuou,
To me with
value than that thou leadest
me
right no marriage will have greater
well (than thy noble leading)."
TUE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGK
136
involved and as likely to lead to raisunderstanding as possible,
whereas elsewhere his special characteristic
No
and lucidity of expression.

hazardous explanations
will
who
one
be abln
otherwise than as superlative, and
is
just intelligibility
does not seek after
understand
to
rjyi:fiovevovTo<i
KvprjVLov otherwise then as genitivns ahsolutus:
t?}?
TrpcoTT]
Xvpia<i
as, to
name
only some authorities, Winer,^*^^ Buttraann,^* Zumpt,'^"^ Bleek,^'^
Meyer,
3.
Chr.
etc.,
have declared.
Gumpach,^^ Lichtenstein,^^ Kohler,^^^ Steinraeyer,^^ J.
K. von Hofmann,^^^ emphasize iyevero, and translate

"
This taxing
vms carried
into
effect
(Gumpach), or
"
completed" (Khler, Steinmeyer, Hofraann),
was governor of
Luke
Syria.
while
"
was
Quirinius
distinguishes the issuing of the
order for the taxing under Herod, and the execution of the
decree,
ten
twelve years
or
later,
under Quirinius.
This
hypothesis, apparently the most simple, in reality indeed
weakest, comes into conflict, as
we
shall
immediately
Mary
the narrative of the journey of Joseph and
according to which
its
it is
see,
tlie
with
Bethlehem,
to
not only the taxation decree, but also
execution, which took place in the time of Herod.
explanation at best could have a meaning only
if
That
one were
bold enough to render the simple iiyevero by " came to a conclusion,
was
carried
to
a close,"
which, however, even the
above-named expositors have not ventured

^^^
Grammar
^^*
Grammatik
^'
Geburtsjahr Christi, p. 22.
of
^^ Synoptische
New
Testament Greek, 335.
4,
note
to
do.-^^^
1.
des neutestamentl. Sprachgebrauchs, p. 74.
Erklrung der drei
ersten Evangelien,
i.
71.
"' Studien und
Kritiken, 1852, pp. 666-669.

'" Lebensgeschichte des Herrn Jesu Christi,
p. 78
ff.
'09
Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie, 1 Aufl. xiii. 463 ff.

^^'^ Die Geschichte
der Geburt des Herrn, p. 36 ff.
^'^ Die heilige Schrift Neuen
Testaments zusammenhangend untersucht,
Thl. viii. 1, p. 49 Thl. x. p. 64 ff.
;
^'2
Compare against
pp. 100, 101
tliat
view especially Wieseler, Chronological Synopsis,
Beitrge, p. 25
f.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
137
Ebrard^^^ has advanced what he regards as an improved
when he accentuates
explanation
lates
The
when
avrr]
rj
Quirinius was governor of Syria.
not distinguish, as those

issuing
and trans-
aTroypacfyr]
raising of the tax itself, however, took place only
order
the
of
execution of
it,
critics
for
before
valuation
Luke therefore does

named supposed, the
property and the
of
but the valuation of property (and that not
only the order for
it,
but also the execution of
it)
on the one
hand, and the levying of the tax based upon that valuation on
the other hand.
There
is
thus given to the
suhst. airo'ypa<^ri
a completely different meaning from that given to the verb
aTToypdêadaL, which, in the close coherence of the passage,

is
The substantive and the verb
absolutely impossible.
can mean nothing else than
alike
enrolment, to enrol, and in the
strict
sense are both specially used of the valuing and enrol-
ment
of property.
Quirinius
is
The
affirmation that just the census of
ordinarily designated
that in consequence thereof this

definite case, the
140
f.),
meaning
by the term
word
Acts
V.
37, and Josephus, Antiq.
regarded in this
Instead of avTrj
light.
it
eKKoyrj or elairpa^L^.
xviii. 1
t]
for
reference
cannot
ff.,
diroypacjirj it
:
97
Se
is
in con-
Quirinius, in A.D. 7, levied the
merely on the ground of an earlier valuation, but
and
chiefly,
be
would
rwv ôpcov
In conclusion, that view also
tradiction to the history
all,
for the
be necessary to read something like this
of
f,
a purely imaginary conception, and not once has the
is
taxes, not
and
136
of the levying of a tax (pp.
attempt been even made to establish

to
aTroypa^/],
has, for that particular
he was then
engaged
in
first
making an
13
Ebrard, Gospel History, Edinburgh, 1869, pp. 136-142.

New and original is the discovery of Godet, who accentuates ir^
but expounds as follows {Commentary on St. Luke, vol. i. pp. 128, 129)
" Luke breaks off to remark that prior to the well-known enumeration,
11*
which took place under Quirinius, and which history had taken account
name of the first, there had really been another, generally lost
of under the
THE KOMAN-HEKODIAN AGE,
138
Seeing then that nothing can be gained by exegetical
4.
the attempt has finally been made, even without any
arts,
Luke
such, to vindicate the account of
as historical
by having
Indeed, Hengstenberg,
recourse to historical combinations.
since the discovery of the famous inscription
which afforded
evidence of the twice-repeated governorship of Quirinius in

Syria, thinks that every difficulty has been wholly removed.^^^
That the inscription in reality proves nothing

evident after the description
vol.
353).
p.
i.
But
we have given
also with
of
Luke
quite probable even apart
is
inscription, nothing is gained

;
for
even the
first
of it above (see
the twice-repeated governor-
ship of Quirinius in Syria, which
from the
quite self-
is
toward the vindication
governorship of Quirinius cannot
and thus that it was

eiglit of, which was the very one here in question
not unadvisedly that he spoke of a census anterior to the first. In this way
(2) tlie asyndeton between
(1) the intention of this parenthesis is clear
;
vers. 1
and 2
of the article
making
ij
livripoe), is
explained quite in a natural
is
sj
between
d-Troypccip'yi
and
way
-TrpuTvi,
and (3) the omission

which has the effect of
;
xoy/)?^ -tvputyi a sort of proper name (like ^ l^/ffroAjj "Kpnn,

" As to
completely justified." Consequently Godet translates
the census
itself called the first, it
took place under the government of
Quirinius."
^^5
Compare Evangelische
Kirchenzeitung, 1865, col. 65 f., where he ex" He is so utterly unfamiliar
presses himself about Strauss as follows
state of matters in those times that
with the
he quite confidently repeats
the old objection against the taxing of Luke, that Quirinius had not
entered lipon the governorship until several years after Herod's death,
without having any suspicion of the fact that the question has long ago
entered upon quite another stage by the discovery of a later inscription
which afl"ords evidence that Quirinius was twice governor in Syria. This
inscription was described as early as 1851 by Bergmann in a special
treatise, and has been reprinted in so accessible a book as the Tacitus of
Nipperdey. But Strauss knows nothing of it." And Hengstenberg, we
add, seems to have known nothing of the following facts
(1) That in
1865 the inscription had been known for a hundred years (2) that it had
been used by as early a writer as San demente, in a.D. 1793, in vindication
of Luke (3) that it absolutely does not contain a testimony to Quirinius
having been governor twice; and (4) that even with a twice -repeated
governorship of Quirinius nothiog is gained in the way of justifying
Ijuke.
have begun
at the earliest
139
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
at least half a year after the
till
death of Herod (see above, p. 133), whereas, according to Luke,

Quirinius must have been governor in the time of Herod.
Zumpt-^^^ and, after him,
relying for support on a
Plzl,^^''
by assuming that the
passage in Tertullian,^^^ seek assistance
census was begun by Sentius Sat\irninus,
by
Quinctilius Varius,
B.c.
From Quirinius, as
name where-
Quirinius during his f rst governorship.

the completer of the work,
fore also
Luke
says that
then as Tertullian
part of his
work
wanting in
all
it
it
has received the
concerned,
that the
Zumpt
But
himself says in another

"
Chnrch Fathers
in other respects
generally are
stating of the Gospel
Zumpt's theory
Gumpach and
a falling back upon the theory of
under No.
So far
their statements, therefore, nothing can with
safety be built.
to
was made under him.
historical sense in the
On
narrative."
is
^^^
9-6, carried on
B.c.
64, and brought to an end by
only
others, referred
The matter then stands
3.
is
in
so,
Zumpt's
opinion, that either in place of iyhero we must put a verb

like erekeadrj, or instead of Quirinius
of that governor in
whose term of
Luke, the journey of Joseph and

^^
place
must be put the name
office
the fact recorded by
Mary
Bethlehem, took
to
Luke does indeed intend by mentioning the
for
name simply
to
determine the time of which he speaks.
Thus, as the words imply, the representation that the birth of
Jesus Christ took place in the time of Quirinius
is
fundamental
is
Above
to the
all, it is
hypothesis, which, however,
inconceivable that the
"6 Geburtsjahr Christi, pp. 207-224.

^"' Wetzer and Weltc's Kirchenlexikon,
^^^
7roypa(f)r],
2 Aufl. Bd.
iii.
necessarily
impossible.
in the
way
Sp. 5-7.
"
Sed et census constat actos sub

Augusto nunc in Judaea per Sentium Saturninum, apud quos genus ejus
Tertullian, Adv. Marcion, iv, 19
inquirere potuissent."
^'^
Geburtsjahr Christi, p. 189, note.
loc/ical
^^'*
Synopsis, p. 99, note
Compare
also
Wieseler, Chrono-
2.
Therefore, according to Zumpt, Sentius Saturninus.
140
which
in
is
it
represented by Zumpt, namely, as a simple
enrolment of the people without a property valuation, should
have taken
three
or four
whereas
years,
difficult 7roTLfji7](n<; of A.D. 7,
the
much more
which, besides, had to encounter
the opposition of the people, was completed at farthest in the

course of one year.^"^
Both
dilSculties
^^"
with Gerlach
might indeed be overcome were we
to assume,
and Quandt,^^^ that Quirinius had been sent
to Syria along with
Quinctilius Varus
64)
as extra-
ordinary legate, and as such had undertaken the
census.-^^'*
In
and most precise form
best
its
by Sanclemente,
this theory
he assumes that
for
(b.c.
was represented
Quirinius
had been
despatched to Syria as Icyatus ad census accipiendos, and indeed
with a higher authority than the ordinary legate of Syria of
1-1
For
was begun
But
Saturninus.^^^
this
expedient
is
banishment of Archelau?, at the earliest

and was, according to Josephus, Antiq. xviii.
after the
of a.u.c. 759,
completed in the year 37 of the Actian era
1,
759-760.
A.D.
it
summer
in the
2.
Sentius
time,
tliat
It is to be i^laced therefore late in
autumn
= autumn
of a.u.c.
of A.u.c. 760,
i.e.
in
7.
1--
Die rmischen Statthalter in Syrien und Juda, pp. 33-35.
12^
Zeitordnung und Zeitbestimmungen in den Evangelien (also under the
title
Chronologisch- geographische Beitrge
Schrift,
12*
i.
zum
Verstndniss der heiligen
Chronolog. Beitrge, 1 Abthlg., Gtersloh 1872), pp. 18-25.
What
Gerlach says at
p.
33
f.
about the possibility of two governors

See
in one province, proves only gross ignorance of the facts of the case.
against him, Wieseler, Beitrge, p. 43
who
f.
The case
is
better with Quandt,
conjectures that Varus occupied a position subordinate to Quirinius
But, according to Josephus, there can be no

doubt that Varus was in possession of the supreme command in Syria.
(see Zeitordnung, p. 22).
12^ Sanclemente, De vulgaris aerae emendatione, iv.

The
6, pp. 443-448.
materials regarding the legati and procuratores ad census accipiendos may be
found collected together in Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd. ii. 1876,

209 (2 Aufl. von Dessen und Domaszewski besorgt, 1884, pp. 215, 216)
p.
andUnger, "De censibus

class. Fhilol.
Bd.
x.
-pvoviziciarum.
1887, pp. 1-76).
It
Romanorum" (Leipziger Studien zur

is
were even in early imperial times special
not yet decided whether there

officers of this sort besides
the
ordinary governors in the provinces. Unger contends against the idea by

seeking to prove that in the earlier days of the empire the governors were
themselves charged with the business of valuation and taxiue;, and that in
absolutely
Avhat
than " when

is
SOiN'S
from
inadmissible
since rjêixovevovro';
else
THE
17.
141
OF HEROD.
words of the evangelist,
the
Xvpia<i Kvprjvlov can
Tfj<i
Cyrenius had the supreme
mean nothing
command (or,
the same thing, the office of governor) over Syria."
]>uke therefore nndoubtedly considers Quirinius as the ordinary
and regular legate of
Syria.
But
this office, as
is
thoroughly
well established on historical grounds, was occupied in the
Herod, not by Quirinius, but by Sentius Satur-
last years of
ninus, b.c. 9-6, and then
The statement
if
it
of
by Quinctilius Varus,
Luke then can be indicated
b.c.
6-4.^^
historically only
could be proved that Quirinius had been already in
times of Herod governor of Syria.
tlio
But such a proof can
never be produced, since, Aberle notwithstanding, the contrary

is
an established
fact.^^^
All ways of escape are closed, and there remains nothing

the senatorial provinces it was only in
imperial provinces
still later,
tlie second century, and in tlie

that special officers of equestrian rank besides
the governors had control given
them
of taxation matters.
Of both
cases
where the governor held also the finance office, and again where sjjecial
finance officers were appointed, there are several unmistakable instances.
The earliest case belonging to the former class is that of Quirinius, who,
according to Josephus, as well as according to Luke, was at once governor
and censor. Four other instances are collected by Unger, p. 54 f. But
the material
is
too scanty to afford a certain conclusion of a general
description.
^^"
Compare
against that theory also Huschke, Ueber den zur Zeit der
Geburt Jesu Christi gehaltenen Census, p. 75
f.
127
Aberle {Quartalschrift, 1865, p. 129 ff. 1868, p. 29 ff.), by "the perception of the great, we might almost say, official-like, precision by which
such statements in Luke are characterized" (1865, p. 148), has been led to
;
the discovery that Quirinius in fact was governor of Syria in the last
years of Herod, and was only detained in Rome by Augustus. Quinctilius
Varus was therefore obliged to remain at his post, so that there were at
the same time two governors

de facto.
Luke names the
Quirinius was the governor de jure, Varus,
former, Josephus the latter.
this acute attempted solution it is sufficient to
In opposition to
remark that Luke would

have only been deceiving us, if, instead of the actual governors who must
have conducted the census, he had only named the governor de jure. The
words of Luke admit of no other explanation but that Quirinius was
actual governor of Syria.
THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGK.
142
else
but to acknowledge that the evangelist has made his
statement trusting to imperfect information, so that

in accordance with the facts of history.
This
Wette,^^^ Meyer, Strauss, Hilgenfeld,
history
is
Bleek,
De
Keim, Weizscker, Sevin,

by
Lecoultre, and in all essential respects also

of
not
it is
the conclusion
Mommsen/^^ Hase/^ Winer,
reached by Hck/^^
contradiction
is
twofold:
(1)
The
Sieffert.^^^
Luke
ascribes to
Augustus the order that a census should be made throughout

the whole empire.
nothing.
in
It is
Of such an imperial census
possible that
history
knows
Augustus may have held censuses
many, perhaps in most, of the provinces, and that Luke
had some vague information about
But these numerous
these.
provincial censuses, diverse in respect of time and form, could
Luke has
not be referred back to a single edict.

here generalized in a
manner
similar to that in
deals with the famine in the days of Claudius.

of the various famines, which, in quite
therefore
which he
Just as out
an unusual manner,
occurred in various parts of the empire during the reign of

Claudius, he
fievrjv
also
(Acts
may
makes a famine extending

xi.
28, see regarding
it
e^'
oXrjp tt]v
below under
ol/cov-
19); so
the various provincial censuses of which he had
heard have become combined in his representation into one
we should here mention the discovery

(Programm des Gymnasiums zu Parchim, Easter 1873, pp. 8-13),
that Varus had indeed been governor of Syria in B.c. 6 and B.c. 4 but
between these two dates, in B.c. 5, a year passed over by Josephus (!), P.
Quirinius was governor. If Pfitzner had not only made reference to the
work of Eckhel, Dodr. Num. iii. 275, but had also thoroughly examined
it, he would on this point have learned his lesson better.
Only
for the sake of completeness
of Pfitzner
'2**
Rmische Geschichte,
^29
^3"
Pes gestae divi Augusti, ed.

Leben Jesu, sec. 23.
^32
All of
i.
2, p.
412
ff.
2, p. 175 sq.
^î Exegetisches
Handbuch zu d. St.
works before referred to. Sieffert indeed holds
fast by the theory that a census was made in Palestine by the emperor's
orders under Herod, but admits that the two taxings, that under Herod
and that under Quirinius, are not clearly distinguished chronologically by
them
in their
Luke, but are in his picture allowed to blend together.
143
THE SONS OF HEROD.
17.
Should the statement about an imperial
imperial census.
survey by Augustus be historical (see above,
might have contributed
He knows
(2)
p.
117), even this
production of his mistake.
the
to
further that a census in Judea under Quirinius
had taken place somewhere about the time of the birth
By means
Jesus Christ.
of
of this census he explains the fact
that the parents of Jesus travelled from Nazareth to Bethlehem,
and places
therefore exactly in the time of the birth of
it
Christ, under Herod,
about ten or twelve years too soon.
i.e.
That Luke was indeed acquainted with

acquainted only with
Acts of the Apostles
is
it,
this taxing,
and was
established by the passage in the
37), where he speaks expressly of
(v.
it
as " the taxing."
Whoever thinks
that such
should not have been
errors
expected from Luke, needs only to be reminded of the fact

that
who belonged
Martyr,
Justin
regarded King Ptolemy,

translated
into
(Apol.
31).
free
i.
c.
at
to
the
educated
class,
whose instance the Bible was
a contemporary of King Herod

Even Luke himself cannot be pronounced
Greek, as
from other errors
work and movement
of
for
Theudas, to
whom
he ascribes the
Judas of Galilee (Acts
v.
36
can
ff.),
scarcely be any other Theudas than the well-known bearer of

that name,
who
actually lived
somewhere about
forty years
later (see 19).
Excursus
II.
The so-called Testimony of Josephus

TO Christ, Antiq.
xviii. 3. 3.
A list of tlie literature on this point is given by

Bibliotheca Grace, ed. Harles,
ii.
pp. 127-132
t.
v. pp.
49-56
Hase, Leben Jesu, 9
Oberthiir in Fabricius,
Frst, Bibliotheca Judaica,
Heinichen in his edition of Euseb Scripta Historica,

p.
623 sqq.
Josephus,
The
ii.
2,
vol.
iii.
i.
558
(1870)
older treatises are printed in Havercanip's edition of
pp. 186-286.
Some
controversial tracts of the time of
144
TUE EOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
Richard Simon are enumerated Ly Bernus, Notice hibliographique sur
Simon (Bale
liichard
From
A'ast
1882), n. 110, 230, 238, 239.
number
of more recent times
of treatises
I.
theologiae
scriptis collecta (1812),
Judaem-um
des Flavins Joscphus Zeugniss
Mayaud, Le Umoignage
dor/maticae
Flavii Josephi
e.
pp. 59-66.
Schdel, Flavins Josephus de Jesu
Lngen,
select the following
Defending the Genuineness.
Bretschneider, Capita
BHMERT, Ueber
and pamplilets we
von Christo, 1823.
Christo testatns, 1840.
de Joseph, Strasb. 1858.
Theologische Quartalschrift, 1865, p. 51
ff.
Danko, Historia revelationis divinae Novi Testamenti

Mensinga, Zeitschri fr wissenschaftliche Theologie,
(1867), pp. 308-314.
1889, p. 388 (genuine
apart from possible modifications of the text, which, however, have
not yet been proved).
II.
GlESELER,
Maintaining the Theory of Ixterpolation.
Ecclesiastical History (Edin. 1846, 5 vols.),
Hase, Lehen
Jesu, 9 ("
voh
p. 63.
i.
wholly or at least in part non-genuine ").
Ewald, History of Israel, vi. 138-142.

Paret in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, 1 Aufl. vii. 27-29.
Heinichen in his edition of Eusebii Scripta Historica, vol.
iii.
ed.
2,
1870,
pp. 623-654.
Wieseler, Des Josephus Zeugnisse

des
Herrn (Jahrbcher fr
iiher
und JaJwhus, den Bruder
Christus
deutsche Theologie, 1878, p. 86
VOLKMAR, Jesus Nazarenus, 1882, pp. 335-345.

Ranke, Weltgeschichte, 3 Thl. 2 Abthlg. (1883) p. 40
Schlten, Theologisch
Van Manen
Mensinga,
Tijdschrift, 1882, pp.
ff.).
f.
428-451 (compare the review by
in Jahrbcher fr protestantische Theologie, 1883, p. 608
Theologisch Tijdschrift, 1883, pp. 145-152
f.).
(Van Manen, Jahr-
bcher fr protestantische Theologie, 1883, p. 618).
Oust. Ad. Mller, Christus
Edersheim
in
"Josephus.
vol,
iii.
art.
5.
in
hei
Josephus Flavins, Innsbruck 1890 (53 pp.).
Smith's
Dictionary
The Alleged Testimony
of
Cliristian
Biography,
of Josephus to Jesus Christ,"
pp. 458-460.
III.
Against the Genuineness.
Eichstaedt, Flaviani de Jesu Christo testimonii

rursus defensa
sit
quaest. i.-vi., Jen.
ecvdsvTix
1813-1841.
quo jure nuper
Quaestionibus sex
Flaviano
super
de
17.
145
THE SONS OF HKROD.
Jesu
audarium,
testimonio
Christo
i.-iv.,
Jen.
1841-1845.
Lewitz, Quaestionum Fletrianaruni spreimen, Regiomon. Truss. 183.

Reuss, Nouvelle Revue de Theologie, 1859, pp. 312-319.
Ernst Gerlach, Die Weissagungen des Alten Testamentes in den Schriften

des Flavius Josephus und das angebliche Zeugniss von Christo, 18G3.
Keim, Jesus
Hhne,
of Nazara, vol.
i.
pp. 16-21.
Zeugniss von Christo
lieber das angebliche
Zwickau
bei Josepltus,
1871, Gymnasial-programiiie.
D'Avis, Die Zeugnisse nichtchristlicher Autoren ges

Christus
und das Christenfhum,
gramme
(p.
" Probably the whole passage
by
rather, perhaps, is thoroughly corrupted
LoMAN,
Tlieologisch Tijdschrift, 1882, ]>p.
593-601
Manen, Jahrbcher fr protestantische
Jahrhunderts
iiber
1873, Gymnasial-pi'o-
an interpolation, or
is
interpolations").
596
(p.
a genuine basis
Compare the review by Aân
but "scarcely probable."
is possible,
ersten
Signiai'ingen
Theologie, 1883, pj). 593-595, 614).
In our manuscripts and editions of Josephus the following

passage concerning Christ
is
found, Antiq. xviii. 3. 3
Tiverai he Kara tovtov tov '^povov

<ye
dvBpa ainov
Xeyetv
%p'7.
'Hv
Îrjcrov'i,
croô?
cLvrjp, el
Trapahoôov
'yap
kpjcov
BiS(iaKa\o<i dvOpcoTTCov rSiV rjSovf] Tokrjrj SeÔfievcoV
rroirjTr]^,
KOL TToXA-oy? fiev ^lovSaLovi ttoWov^ Se koI tov 'EWiJ'VLKou
dvSpcov
TrpdoTcov
ovK iiravcravTo
avroi<i
Kai avrov
'O Xpcaro^ oiro? ^v.
eTrrjiydyeTO.
oravpo)
irap' rj/xiv
to TrpwTOv auTov
oi
e^cov rjfxepav TrdXtv
TpLTTjv
ravTa re Kal
aWa
El<rTi T vvv
T(x)V
u<ya7r')]aavTe<i'
^wv,
6av^daia
pbvpia
ivSeiêi
ro)V
UiXdrov,
eTTLTeTifnjKoro^
i(f)avr)
yap
twv delwv
irpocpTjTMV
avTov
elprjKOTCv.
irepl
XpiaTiavcov uTTO TouBe oopofiaafxevcov ovk
eTreXnre to (jiuXov.
"
Now
there
be lawful to
works
pleasure.
many
was ahout
call
him
teacher of
He drew
such
over to
of the Gentiles.
men
I.
VOL.
II,
as
was a doer
receive
him both many
He was
the Clirist
at the suggestion of the principal

DIV.
man,
this time, Jesus, a wise
a man, for he
the
it
truth with
of the
Jews and
and when
men amongst
if
of wonderful
us,
Pilate,
had con-
THE BOMAN-HEKODIAN AGE.
146
demned him
to
him
the cross, those that loved
did not forsake him, for he appeared to
had
third day, as the divine prophets
them
at the
foretold these
thousand other wonderful things concerning him

trihe
named from him
Christians so
of
first
alive again the
are not
and ten
and the
extinct
at
this day."
From
the fourth century,
when
stratio
Evangclica,
Hegesippus,
De
Middle Ages,
the
never disputed.
105106,
3.
iii.
Judaico,
hello
Eccles.
Indeed,
Gaisford
ed.
Pseudo-
whole
of
paragraph was
this
contributed not a
it
11; Demon-
i.
12), through the
ii.
genuineness of
tlie
was quoted by
this passage
Eusebius and others (Eusebius, Hist.
little
the reputation of Josephus in the Christian Church.
to exalt
It
was
eagerly seized upon as a proof of the truth of the evangelical

history.
first
It
moved
was only
in the sixteenth century that criticism
in the matter,
the controversy,
and
rnô
and since then
surely be at
words, as
we have them now, were
Whatever may be advanced
much
to
unanimous
sap.,
But
have this paragraph.

of the interpolation,
which the
oldest, the
p. 103),-^
without exception
this proves only the great antiquity
citations
is
vouched
for
by Eusebius.
since Eusebius stands the fact
extremely probable that Origen did not read this
passage in his text of Josephus
have expected
^
i.
which besides
Over against the old
of
do not go further back than the
eleventh century (see above, vol.
is
the
not amount
in their favour does
Our manuscripts,
Amhrosianus F. 128
it
to this, that
as
not written by Josephus.
in comparison with the unquestionable indications
of spuriousness.
that
day
has gone on uninterruptedly.
con,
We may
least
to the present
it,
for,
just
where one would
he betrays no knowledge of
The equally ancient
Parisin. 1419,
it.^
which Gerlach,
p.
Even
then,
107, designates
the oldest manuscript, contains only the first ten books of the Antiquities.
' In several passages where Origen speaks of James, the brother of
Jesus Christ, he mentions it as a remarkable circumstance that Josephus
should have made favourable allusion to this man, although he (Josephus)
17.
in
respect
external
the
of
are
more decided.
Josephine
the
The
his task.
the
are
only bestow upon
that
for
the genuinely
to
the
very skilfully performed
As concerns
non-Josephine character of the contents.

clear that
is
it
was distinctly
Xpc<TTo<i ovTo<; rjv
whoever wrote the words

a Christian
for that rjv is
not equivalent to ivofjuiêro and cannot be rendered
was the Christ
On
in the popular belief.
But
necessary to say more.
it
Ergo
has interpolations in
it,
The point under discussion
is
this point
He
it is
not
also equally certain that
is
Josephus was not a Christian.

the least of
not
similarity of style is not sufficient to outweigh
the contents then,

o
made
be
of having
praise
objections
objections on internal grounds
If reference
we may
style,
interpolator
evidences,
But the
altogether wanting.
147
THE SONS OF HEROD.
the passage, to say
it.
simply
this
interpolations in the passage or whether
it is
whether there are

wholly spurious.
Let us make the attempt to distinguish, and cast out what
The words
suspicious.
et
avhpa avrov
<ye
evidently presuppose belief in
said
rroLTjrr]^,
by Josephus,
mental support
At any
The
of
That
the
non-genuine words preceding them.
words
Xptaro^;
BiBdaKoXo'i
icpdvrj
avTol<i
And
rpLTrjv
raind re Kat
T>v Oetiv 7rpo<prjT(juv
avOpcoircov
rwv
yjSovrj
come from a Christian
was not written by Josephus
ovto'? rjv
has been already pointed out.

not written
have been
were not that they form the funda-
rXrjrj Beô/jievcv again must have

pen.
following, yv Trapa-
in a case of necessity
it
if
the
rate,
might
is
^p?;
the divinity of Christ, and
betray the Christian interpolator.

BôiP epycov
Xejecu
just as certainly he has
eôov rj/xepav irakiv
aWa
t(v,
fivpca Oavfidata nrepl
did not believe in Jesus as the Christ.

(on Matt.
xiii.
(1) Com. in Matth. torn. x. c. 17

55): kki to ^ctv^ctorv sanv, on rou Înnovv tjicuu ov koitoc-
Oii,xfisuo; ihcii 'KpisToi/, ov^sv tJTTOv
(2) Contra Cels.

x.T.x.
It
himself,
if
is
i.
47
'
Ixuuu OiKxtoavunv
efixpri/pnai rCKjetvrû.
uUtc; kxitoi yt dTJnrjTuv ru
scarcely conceivable that Origen
he had known the famous passage.
^\y]aov
would have
; Xpiara
so expressed
148
avTov
want
Finally, also, the concluding words
elpijfcoTcov.
the necessary support so soon as the words 6 Xpiaro^ ovto<;
removed from the
are
r)v
text.
now, we examine the passage as thus reduced we shall
If,
lind that as good as nothing remains
a couple of insignificant
form in which they stand after our
phrases which, in the
has been performed, could not have been written
operation
by Josephus.
one therefore continues
If
theory of interpolation,
it
maintain the
to
cannot at any rate be in the sense
of a simple insertion of Christian additions, but, with Ewald,

Paret,
and
others, in the sense of a complete
new form
But
if
working up in
of the original text of Josephus.

is
it
once admitted as an established
fact, that of
the present text scarcely a couple of words are from the hand
of Josephus, is
it
not then more reasonable to recognise the
utter spuriousness of the passage,
been
throughout
has
hypothesis
is
silent
and assume that Josephus
regarding
Christ
That
impossible cannot be maintained.
It is
this
known
that Josephus wished to represent his people in the most favour-
Therefore he speaks as
able light possible.
little
the Messianic Hope, since to his cultured readers
as he can of
it
could only
have appeared as foolishness, and, besides, would have been

an unwelcome subject with the favourite of the Caesars
in
it
lay the power of the opposition to Rome.
might casually
mention
of
no longer
neither
to
refer
the Messianic
possible
represent
Hope
as
Josephus
but this would have been
introduced
a teacher
Baptist, nor describe the Christian
He
Christ.
of
virtue,
community
If,
for
proof
of
could
like
the
as a school of
philosophy, like those of the Pharisees and Sadducees.

fore he will be silent
for
John the Baptist without making
had he
Christ
There-
throughout about this phenomenon.

the
contrary,
we should
refer
to
the
subsequent mention of James, the brother of Jesus Christ

(Ajitiq. XX. 9. 1
tcj^
aSeXcpov Îrjcrov rov \'yn/j,ivov Xpi<TTOV,
17.
THE SONS OF HEROD.
'laKcoof; 6vo/ia avru)), in order to
140
draw from
that some previous mention of Christ
it
the conclusion
must have been made,
has to be answered, that the genuineness of this passage
it
also
very seriously disputed.
must say
to
the very statements which
James prove that Josephus has
Christian hands.
For Origen,
passage about James which

manuscripts, which
is
Indeed, on the contrary, one
is
we have
in reference
been interpolated
by
in his text of Josephus, read a

to
be found in none of our
therefore, without
doubt, was
single
instance of a Christian interpolation not carried over into the
vulgar text of Josephus.'
We
therefore, althougli absolute certainty
on such questions
cannot be attained, are inclined to prefer the theory of the

utter spuriousness as simpler than that of the merely partial
spuriousness of the passage.

*
See under
referred to there.
19, in the section
on Porcius Festus, and the literature
HEROD AGRIPPA
18.
A.D. 37,
I.,
40,
41-44
Sources.
JosEPHUS, Antiq.
Annales,
In the
New
xviii. 6, xix.
5-9
Wars
of the Jews,
ii. 9.
11
Zonares,
7-11 (an Abstract of Joseph us).
vi.
Testament
Acts
xii.
Rabbinical Traditions in Derenbourg, pp. 205-219.
The
coins are most completely given in Gladden, Coins of the Jcics (1881),
pp. 129-139.
Literature.
Ewald, History
Grtz,
of Israel,
236-247, 257-270.
vii.
ScHNECKEXBURGER,
iii.
pp. 318-3G1.
ii.
568-571.
Zeitgeschichte, pp.
211-215.
Israel,
Hausrath, Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl. ii. 212-225, 266-283.

Lewin, Fai sacri (1865), ad ann. 31-44. See also the Index,
Winer,
Realwrterbuch,
Keim, Jesus
of Nazara,
Hamburger,
484
i.
i.
p.
389
sq.
f.
In Schenlcel's Bibellexikon,
lli-'^Tib.
Real-Encyclopaedie fr Bibel
iii.
und Talmud., Abthl.
49-56.
ii.
art.
" Agrippa."
De
Saulcy, Etude chronologique de
AgripjM
Gerlach,
Menke's
I. et
Agrippa
II.
la vie
et
des
monnaies des
1869 (see above, vol.
i.
reis juifs
p. 27).
Zeitschrift fr lutherische Theologie, 1869, pp. 5.3-62.
Bibelatlas,
Bl.
v.,
Special Majj of
"Judea and Neighbouring
Countries in the last years of King Agrippa
I."
When
Agrippa
I.^
ascended the throne of Herod the Great,
he had already passed through an eventful and adventurous
He was
career.
born in
B.c.
The New Testament, Acts
10," as the
xii.,
As
is
evident from Antiq. xix.
By
as Herod.
always designated Agrippa.
2, according to which he had
names him simply
Josephus, however, and on the coins, he

'
son of Aristobulus,
8.
is
reached at his death, in a.D. 44, the age of fifty-four years.

150
18.
HEROD AGRIPPA
who was executed
in A.D.
Salome and Costobar.^
and Berenice, a daughter
7,
of
Shortly before the death of his grand-
was, while a boy
father he
151
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
I.,
scarcely
of
si.x
years old, sent
education to Home.
His mother Berenice was there

manner by Antonia, the widow of the
Drusus, while the young Agrippa himself became
for his
treated in a friendly
elder
attached
the
to
younger Drusus, the son of the Emperor
The influence
Tiberius.
Eoman
of the
society seems not to
He was
have been a favourable or healthy one.

to entertain ambitious projects
He
knew no
His
soon ran through his means.
And when by
debts accumulated upon him.
Drusus, which took place in
the death of
23, he lost support and
A.D.
Home and
favour at court, he found himself obliged to leave
He
go back again to Palestine.*
up
trained
of extravagance,
death of his mother,
which, especially after the
measure or bounds.
and in habits
betook himself to Malatha,
a stronghold in Idumea,* and meditated committing suicide.
When
these tidings reached his wife Cypros, she wrote to
Agrippa's sister Herodias,
who was by
Antipas, and entreated her help.
way induced
to
give to his
would be
at least
gave him,
in
sufficient
Herod Antipas was
support of his
for the
addition, the appointment of
Anfiq. xviii.
5. 4.
Jopephus, Antiq. xviii.
168
6.
1.
in this
distressed brother-in-law
seer of markets) in the capital, Tiberias.

^ Josepliup,
time married to
this
Wieiêler, Beweis
places the journey of Agrippa from
Rome
life,
Agoranomos
This
des
what
new
and
(over-
position
Glaubens, 1870,
29
perchance be correct.
At any rate it did not take
place, as what follows shows, until after the marriage of Herodias with
p.
f.,
or 30, which
to Palestine in a.d.
may
Antipas.
*
MAâ
or yLaT^xcedx
is
also several times referred to in the Onomasti-
con of Eusebius (ed. Lagarde, pp. 214, 255, 266).

It lay fully 20 Roman
miles south of Hebron, probably on the site of the modern Tell-el-Milh.
See Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, ii. 201 ; Ewald, History of

237; Guerin, Jude'e, iii. 184^188 Tlie Survey of Western Pales-
Israel, vii.
Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener,

XXV. of the large English Map,
tine,
iii.
pp. 404, 415 sq,
also Sheet
THE liOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
152
ill
life
the
At
did not indeed continue long.
a banquet in Tyre
two brolhers-in-law once engaged in a dispute, which
ended in Agrippa resigning his situation

betaking himself to
But
at
stay was not of long duration.
here, too, his
and
Tiberias,
Eoraan governor Flaccus in
tlie
Antioch.'^
In a dis-
pute which broke out on one occasion between the inhabitants

of
Sidon and those of Damascus, Agrippa took the side of the
Damascenes, apparently
thoroughly disinterested manner,
in a
but really in consequence of bribes which he had taken from
When
them.
this
came
him
friendly relations with
again deprived of
He
of subsistence.
in liome.
to try his fortune again
then resolved
After he had meanwhile
by the assistance
raised a loan in Ptolemais

his
and Agrippa found himself once
means
all
the ears of Flaccus, he broke off
to
mother Berenice, called Peter, and
at
of
a freedman of
Anthedon had only
with difficulty escaped the hands of Capito, the procurator of

Janinia,
who wished
emperor's,
large
and had
sums on the
to
apprehend him as a debtor
finally in
the
of
Alexandria succeeded in raising
credit of his wife, he
arrived in Italy in
the spring of a.D. 36,^ and on the island of Capri* presented
The emperor entrusted him with
himself before Tiberius.^
He became
the oversight of his grandson Tiberius.

larly
intimate
with
patroness Autonia,
now he
who
Caius
Caligula,
the
afterwards became emperor.
could not keep himself out of debt.
to appease his old creditors
new and even
larger
Joseplius, Antiq. xviii. 6.
'^
JosepluTP, Antiq. xviii. 5. 3
Wieseler rejects this
fact,
his
of
But even
Yea, in order
he was obliged always to borrow
sums.^"
"
particu-
grandson
It
was not therefore
to
be
2.
:
htoivTu T^pTipov
>J
teXsvt-^* Tiiotoi/.
and, on account of the Piso mentioned in
what
Agrippa in a.D. 32. Beitrge, p. 13 " probably A.D. 31, at latest a.D. 32;" but in his article in the Beweis d^s
Gkmbens, 1870, p. 169, he says distinctly : "not before a.D. 32."
" Where Tiberius lived almost without interruption from a.D. 27
(Tacitus, Annals, iv. 67) down to his death.
follows, places the arrival of
Josejihus, Antiq. xviii.
6. 3.
ô Ibid, xviii. 6. 4.
wondered
HEROD AGRIPPA
18.
but there seemed at that time no prospect of
accomplishing
153
1.
he eagerly desired au improvement in his
at that
circumstances
A.D. 37, 40, 41-4
I.,
until the aged Tiberius should be succeeded
it
on the throne by Caligula,
whom
Un-
he had befriended.
thinkingly he once expressed his wish aloud to Caligula in
At
the presence of his coachman Eutychus.
he happened to bring a charge
a later period
same
theft against this
of
Eutychus, and had him brought before the city prefect
Piso.^^
Eutychus now made a declaration that he had an important
communicate
secret to
no heed
the
to
to the emperor.
was granted,
hearing
Agrippa had
said,
Tiberius at
But when,
matter.^"'^
and
after
came
Tiberius
know what
6th March
for six
A.D. 37.^*
the death of Tiberius and the accession of Caligula
Agrippa the period
for
scarcely waited
were
gave
time,^^ a
he had him immediately put in fetters and
months, until the death of the emperor on
began
to
first
Agrippa now continued in confinement
cast into prison.
With
some
over
till
before
of his
good fortune.
Caligula
the solemnities of the funeral of Tiberius
he
had
delivered
friend
his
from
his
imprisonment and conferred upon him what had been the

tetrarchy of Philip, and that also of Lysanias, with the
of king.
To
rank of a
praetor.^^
^^
The
this gift the Senate further
Instead of the iron chain which he had
Piso here referred to cannot have been the same as the one
was dead, according

Beitrge, p. 8
ff.,
to Tacitus, Annals, vi.
wishes to
make
Ayitiq. xviii. 6. 10, after the
designates
him
(pt/XasI
praefedus urbi, see

^^
title
added the honorary
out; for he
On
t^; ttokiw;.
Josephus, Atitiq. xviii.
is still
death of Tiberius.
Mommsen, Rmisches
who
10, in a.D. 32, as Wieseler,
referred to in Josephus,
Josephus in two pastâges
other Greek designations of

Staatsrecht,
ii.
2.
tlie
981.
6. 5.
which Wieseler makes four

See the Beweis des Glaubens, 1870, p. 169.
^* Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 6. 6-7
Wars of the Jews, ii. 9. 5.
15 Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 6, ed. Mangey, ii. 523.
Compare above, vol. i.
The loan was obtained, not through the emperor, but through
p. 450.
See Philo, I.e.: oiaiyA x,l cp/'hov Kxiaxpoi Kxi tto t^;
the Senate.
^^
xpiuov iyyivofîvov {Antiq. xviii. 6. 6), of
years.
Vaifixiuv
/3ot/>.'<f
TiTif/.yiy.iDoti
nTpxT/jyiKcct; ny.oti;.
154
worn, Caligula gave him a golden chain of equal weight.^
But Agrippa
still
Eome
continued to stay in
and a
for a year
not before autumn of A.D. 38 that he went
was
It
half.
back by way of Alexandria to Palestine, that he might
set in
order the affairs of his kingdoni.^^
Soon afterwards, through imperial favour, he obtained yet
more important
(above, at
fault,
had
36) how Herod Antipas
p.
his
lost
A.D. 40, Caligula
Eome
at
tliat
by
his
own
upon Agrippa.
also
it
been already told
in A.D. 39,
and now, probably not before
tetrarchy,
bestowed
In the autumn of
more
It has
territorial additions.
same year we
Agrippa once
find
where he contrived by his personal
or Puteoli,
intercession to prevent Caligula, at least for a long time, from
persisting in his attempt to set
Jerusalem (see above,
company
of Caligula,
patron, on
and was
24th January
and contributed not a
up
A.D.
still
present in
Rome when
be supposed that he was not the
man
to
in
not
return,
his
only
to
may
It
readily
perform such services
without securing some personal advantage.

obliged,
of
secure the succession to the
throne of the Caesars to the feeble Claudius.^^
was
temple
then remained in the
41, was murdered by Charea,

to
little
his statue in the
He
102).
p.
The new emperor
confirm
him
in
the
possessions which he had previously, but also to add to these
Judea and Samaria
sway the whole
so that Agrippa
now
territory of his grandfather.
united under his
Besides
For the confirming of
obtained consular rank.
this,
this
he
grant,
according to ancient custom, a solenm covenant was con-
"
Joseplius, Antiq. xviii. 6. 10
JFars of the Jeios, ii. 9. 6 Philo, In

Mangey, ii. 520 sq. Dio Cassius, lix. 8. From
the inscription at El-Muschennef (in Le Bas et Warldington, Inscriptions
Grecques et Latines, t. iii. n. 2211) we see that the territories of Agrippa
extended as far as what is now the Hauran.
^' Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 6. 11
Philo, In Flaccum, sec. 5, ed. Mangey,
Compare above, p. 37 and p. 95.
ii. 521.
Flaccum,
sec.
init., ed.
^8
Josephus, Antiq. xix. 1-4
IVars of the Jeics,
ii.
11.
HEROD AGPJPPA
18.
I.,
155
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
eluded in the Forum, but the documentary deed of
gift
was
engraved on brazen tablets and placed in the Capitol.^^

II.
The
first
was
Palestine
significant of the
which he was
It
by which Agrippa celebrated
act
The golden chain which Caligula
of piety.
had bestowed upon him on

"
he hung
it
1^ Joseplius,
Ix. 8.
imprisonment
might be a memorial of the severe
it
lain under,
and that
his liberation from
up within the limits of the temple, over the
treasury, that
had
and disposition with
spirit
conduct the government of his kingdom.
to
was an act
his return to
and a testimony
of his
change
fate
he
for the better
might be a demonstration how the greatest pro-
Antiq. six.
5. 1
Wars
of the Jeus,
11.
ii.
Dio Cassiup,
manner as to imply that the

Lysanias was now anew conferred upon Agrippa. But seeing
Joseplius expresses himself in such a
tetrarchy of
that he had already received that territory from Caligula, the statement
can only mean that now the gift was formally confirmed. It is in the
highest degree probable that Josephus found in the documents which he
used the statement that Agrippa, by the favour of Claudius, held possession
of the tetrarchy of Lysanias in addition to the whole territories of his
The concluding of the covenant is represented on a coin, of

which the superscription is indeed no longer perfectly legible on which,
however, at any rate there is mention of a av^(/,a.xi of King Agrippa with
the Roman Senate and people {avuy.'hriTdc, xxl îifô; 'Fufmiau). See especially Reichardt in the Numismatische Zeits'-hrift of Huber and Karabacek,
iii. 1871, pp. 83-88
Mommsen, Nxim. Zeitschrift, iii. pp. 449 ff.; Madden,
Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, pp. 69-76 Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881,
Among the six different attempted readings enumerated by
]). 136 sq.
Madden, the most successful is that of Mommsen. That Claudius was
generally inclined toward such old covenants is affirmed by Suetonius,
grandfather.
Claudius, 25
"
Cum
regibus foedus in foro
icit
porca caesa ac vetere
fetialium praefatione adhibita."
A return home of Agrippa I. or II. (possibly the present return of

Agrippa I.) is referred to in the inscription of El-Muschennef in Le Bas
et Waddington, Inscriptions Grecques et Latines, t. iii. n. 2211
:
TxSjS aonfipiag Kvpt'ov xai"hiU;
h.ypi'KTTOt,
iiix^v
Aiog
X-dl
y,xi
O/iCOUClCC^
iTTClDOaU
TretTpiov (?)
rOU
OIX.0U
KX.
Cf)K(ihu\_-/l'JSu\,
THE KOMN-IIERODIAN AGE.
156
sperity
is
may have
down."
fallen
law
raises
and bore the expenses of a large number of Nazarites,
"
they might discharge the obligation of their
in order that
vow.
fall,
because he would not neglect any precept of the
olfering, "
;
and that God sometimes
what
At the same time he presented a thank-
"^^
''1
With such
reign
acts the
quondam adventurer began
new
his
and he maintained the same tone throughout the three
was allowed
during which he
years
to
and
live
There were again golden days for Pharisaism
Hence Josephus and
the age of Alexandra.
unanimous
in
loved
live
to
careful
in
the
Talmud
"
sounding forth the praises of Agrippa.

continually at Jerusalem,
and was
over his head without
appointed
its
the eulogistic strain of Josephus
^"^
;
first-fruits in
the temple."^
And
He
He
nor did any day pass
Thus runs
sacrifice."
and the Talmud
own hand
as a simple Israelite with his
are
exactly
the observance of the laws of his country.
therefore kept himself entirely pure
how he
govern.
a revival of
relates
presented the
not only at home, but also
abroad, he represented the interests and claims of Judaism.
Tlie golden charms which, according to

were hung on the curtain of the temple court,
See the contrary in
can scarcely be the same as are referred to here.
Derenbourg, p. 209.
^^ Joseplius,
Antiq. xix.
the Mishna, Middoth
iii.
6. 1.
8,
2^
6. 1.
-^
7.
lipoao'KvfcQig
sjy,
Koii roi
Ilostcc yoiiv
Trirpia Kxdxpai;
xvtu
irijpst.
oi'ccitoc.
A/os
kxI awix'Ai
Tcdtoris
i toi;
yvv xvru
vjyiv
yviiot,;, ovoi i^Âpx ri; "TzeipuOivev ccvra )cyipivV(jot dvaix;.
-a
Mishna, Bikkurim
iii.
When
the procession with the firstlings of
mount " every one, even King

Agrippa himself, took his basket upon his shoulder, and went up until he
came into the court," etc. Here, as generally throughout the rabbinical
traditions, it is not, indeed, quite certain whether Agrippa I. or II. is
meant. On the ceremonial ritual in connection with the presentation of
the first-fruits, see, especially, Mishna, Bikkurim iii. 1-9
also Philo's
tract, defesto cophini (Opera, ed. Richter, v. 48-50 = Tischendorf, Philonea,
Gratz, Monatsschrift, 1877, p. 433 ff., and generally the literapp. 69-71)
the fruits of the fields reached the temple
ture referred to in Div. II. vol.
i.
p. 238.
When
of
HEROD AGKIPPA
18.
157
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
I.,
on one occasion in the Phoenician city of Dora, a mob
young people erected a statue
of the
emperor in the Jewish
synagogue, he used his influence with the governor of Syria,
was any such
r. Petronius, so that not only for the future
outrage strictly forbidden, but also the guilty parties were

called
to
account
for
And when
proceedings.^*
their
betrothed his daughter Drusilla to Epiphanes, son of
Commagene, he made him promise
Antiochus of
would submit
By such
to be circumcised.^^
he
King
that
he
displays of piety
he gave abundant satisfaction to the people who were under

This was shown in a very
the guidance of the Pharisees.

striking
manner when,
at the Feast of Tabernacles in A.D. 41,
according to the old custom, he read the Book of Deuteronomy,^''
and
in the
over thee that
is
passage, "
Thou mayest not
not thy brother" (Deut.
set a stranger
xvii, 15),
forth in tears, because he felt himself referred to in
people
cried
out
Thou
art our brother
the
to
2*
^^
him,
Thou
"
Be not
grieved,
art our brother
"
he burst
it.
Then
Agrippa
"'^
6. 3.
7. 1.
Epiplianes afterwards refused
to fulfil
liis
promise, and therefore the marriage was not consummated.

-^ At the close of each Sabbatical year, i.e. in the beginning of the
eighth year, Deuteronomy had to be read at the Feast of Tabernacles
-Soto vii. 8).
Seeing, then, that the year 68-69 was a
(Deut. xxxi. 10 fF.
;
must also have

i. p. 41), the year 40-41
would be the only one occurring during the
Sabbatical year (see above, vol.
been one, and, indeed,
it
Accordingly, this incident took place in a.D. 41.

Mishna, Sota vii. 8.
The declaration of the people could also be
for when the
vindicated in accordance with strictly Pharisaic ideas
Edomites (Idumeans) went over to Judaism, their descendants in the
third generation became full members and citizens of the Israelitish comperiod of Agrippa's reign.
*''
monwealth (Deut. xxiii. 8, 9). Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. 571,
makes the narrative refer to Agrippa IL, and Brann, Monatsschrift fr
Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judcnthumus, 1870, pp. 541-548, gives
himself great trouble in order to prove that this reference is correct
whereas the majority of scholars (see the list given by Brann at p. 541)
prefer Agrippa
I.
And
to favour the Pharisees
than in that of his son.
this latter
is
far
more
view
is
right
for a decided inclination
clearly proved in the case of Agrijipa
I.
158
TUE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
The
careful
observance of Pharisaic traditions, however,
does not seem to have been the only ground of his popularity.
We
must
Josephus, at
him a certain natural amiability.

ascribes to him an amiable disposition and
allow
also
least,
to
unbounded benevolence.^^
Silas,
That he was grateful
him
that had been rendered
a faithful companion
command
the supreme
is
who had shared
his adventures, to
He
must, indeed, have
of his troops."^
had many unpleasant experiences with

frequently reminded by him
and
earlier troubles,
in
service
tlie
for service
proved by his appointment of
he was
this Silas, for
rude, rough
way
of
his
which he had rendered him.
In order to rid himself of this troublesome prattler, Agrippa
was obliged
of
his
him
to cast
into prison.
But
it
was a new proof
goodheartedness that on the next celebration of his
birthday he caused the prisoner to be called, so that he might

share in the enjoyments of the banquet.
however, had no
for
effect,
Silas
This kindly oer,
would take nothing
matter of favour, and so was obliged to remain in
Agrippa on one occasion exhibited
Simon the
who
Pharisee,^^
his
as a
prison.^*^
clemency towards
in the kind's absence
had excited a
popular tumult in Jerusalem, and had charged the king with
Agrippa obtained information
transgression of the law.
these proceedings at Caesarea,

sence, caused
theatre,
him
and said
him
me now, what was done

^*
of
to his pre-
be seated alongside of himself in the
to
to
summoned Simon
7.
in a gentle
and kindly tone
here contrary to the law

3
Upx'vi 6 rpTro; \\yptv-ivx, kxI
"
-Trpog
" Tell
OverTcvTxi
70 iiiipytriKOu oô/oy.
^^
3"

6. 3.
7. 1.
Frankel, Darke-ha-Mishna, p. 58 sq., regards him as identical ^vith

Simon, the reputed son of Hillel and father of Gamaliel I.
But the
^^
existence of this
p. 363).
Simon
is
more than questionable
Besides, the chronology does not rightly
(see Div.
fit in,
IL
vol.
i.
since Gamaliel
I.
was already head of the school before the time of Agrippa (Acts
V. 34).
HEROD AGKIPPA
18.
come with shame the learned
159
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
I.,
could give uo answer,
scribe
and was dismissed by the king with presents.^^
To a Pharisaic-national
policy belonged also emancipation
And
from a position of dependence upon Eome,

direction Agrippa made, at least,
this
two rather shy and timid
In order to strengthen the
attempts.
even in
fortifications of
Jeru-
salem, the capital, he began to build on the north of the city

a powerful
new
would,
had been completed, have made the
if
it
wall, which, according to Josephus' account,
city
impreg-
nable.
But, unfortunately, before the work could be carried
out, the
emperor, at the instigation of Marsus, the governor of
an injunction against the continuance of
Syria, issued
Of yet greater
princes
ISTo
significance for
Eome was
it.^^
the conference of
assembled by Agrippa soon after this at Tiberias.
fewer than
Eoman
five
magene, Sampsigeram
Polemon
vassal kings
of
But
invitation of Agrippa.
Antiochus of Com-
Emesa, Cotys of Lesser Armenia,
and Herod
Pontus,
of
^*
of
Chalcis,
answered
enterprise also
this
the
was broken
The Syrian governor himself put in an

Tiberias, and ordered the other guests without
up by Marsus,
appearance at
delay to return home.^^

^2 Joseplius,
Antiq. xix.
7. 4.
Wars of the Jeivs, ii. 11. 6, v. 4. 2. ComThe oiiginal forbearance of the emperor
toward the building of the wall seems to have been purchased by Agrippa
through, the bribing of the imperial councillors.
Compare Tacitus,
History, v. 12: "jjer avaritiara Claudianorum temporum empto jure
uluniendi struxere nuiros in pace tamquam ad bellum."
33
Josephus, A7itiq. xix.
pare also Derenbourg,
3*
Araniic
DlJt^'Ot^* in
7.
218
p.
1'.
De Vogue,
On an inscription at Emesa, of
1x1^1.0 lyipufôg
is
referred
to,
Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions, p. 54 (n. 75).
the Seleucid year 390
probably a
Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions,
=; a.D.
78-79, one
of the royal family (Le
In the Corpus Inscr.

a later period, too, the name
found also in that region (Waddington, n. 2564, of the
t.
Grace, n. 4511, the date is wanting).

'â.u.tjiyipa.y.oq is
member
Stdeucid year 494
iii.
n. 2567.
At
A.D. 182-183).
Josephus, Antiq. xix. 8. 1. Compare in general, on the above-named

vassal kings, the paragraphs referring thereto in Kuhn, Die stdtische und
^^
brgerliche Verfassung des rmischen Reichs, Bd.
ii.
Marcpiardt, Emische
160
THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGF,
Finally,
was a further consequence of
it
good-natured
otherwise
the
that
his
Jewish policy
king should
become the
persecutor of the young Christian community, especially of
James the
the apostles.
him
to a martyr's death
the intervention of a miracle."''
is
Moreover, he was an
The heathen
not of the Christians only.

his territories hated
was put by
of Zebedee,
elder, son
and Peter escaped his hand only by
him on account
enemy
also within
cities
Jewish policy, as
of his
proved by the unconcealed jubilation with which the news
was received by the Caesareans and
of his death
Sebasteans.^'^
That Agrippa's Pharisaic piety was a real conviction of the

heart
in
is,
view of his
earlier
life,
not in the least probable.
He who had spent fifteen years in gaiety and debauchery is

not one of whom it could be expected that in the evening
from hearty conviction assume the
of his days he should
the
that
{jroofs
Besides
yoke.
Pharisaic
svithin the
we have
the
most certain
Jewish piety was maintained only
king's
limits of
this,
Holy Land.
the
When
he went abroad
he was, like his grandfather, a liberal latitudinarian patron

of
Greek
much
Thus, for example, Berytus had
culture.
the pagan magnificence which he there cultivated.
tell of
had erected there
amphitheatre, baths,
games and sports
building,
among
own expense a
and piazzas.
At
at his
of all
sorts
to
He
beautiful theatre, an
the
opening of the
were performed, and
the rest in the amphitheatre there was a gladiatorial
i. 2 Aufl. 1881 (p. 398 f.;

Commagene p. 403 f.
3G9 Lesser Armenia p. 359 f.: Pontus p. 400 f. Clialcis)
also Lewin, Fasti sacri, n. 1662.
On the dynasty of Commagene see
especially
Mommsen, "Die Dynastie von Commagene" in Mittheilungen
des deutschen arclmeologischen Institutes in Athen, Bd. i. 1876, pp. 27-29.
(See vol. i. pp. 184, 185, of the present work.) On the kings of Pontus,
the treatises of Sallet and Waddington named by Marquardt, Rmische
Staatsverivaltung, Bd.
Emesa
p.
Staatsverwaltung,
i.
360, note
36
Acts
3''
(Sebaste),
xii.
who
7.
On Herod
of Chalcis, see
Appendix
I.
1-19.
9.
1.
The
'^soto-nvol are soldiers of
lay in garrison in Caesarea.
Compare above,
Samaria
p. 53.
18.
HEROD AGEIPPA
1400
combat, at which
I.,
IGl
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
made
malefactors were
to
slaughter
Also at Caesarea he caused games to be per-
one another.^^
There also statues of his daughters were erected.^^
formed.^^
which were stamped during Agrippa's reign
So, too, the coins
are in thorough agreement with the description of the state
now
matters
of
Only those stamped
given.
had on them no image, while
Jerusalem
in
were minted in
of those that
other cities some had the image of Agrippa, others that of the
The
emperor.*^
s*
official
Josephus, Antiq. six.
hy the circumstance that
7.
it
title
of Agrippa
5. The favour shown

was a
Roman
the
is
to
same
Berytus
is
as
explained
Compare above,
colony.
that
vol.
i.
p. 430.
^^
*i
Compare on the
*"
8. 2.
coins of Agrippa generally
9. 1.
Eckhel, Dodr.
Num.
Mionnet, Description de me'dailles, v. 567-569 Lenormant,

Tre'sor de Numismatique, p. 126 sq. pi. Ix. u. 3-7
Cavedoni, Biblische
Niomismatik, i. 53 f., 61-64 (ascribes all to Agrippa II.)
De Saulcy,
iii.
491
sq.
Eecherches, p. 147 sq.
Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik,
35-37
Levy,
80 f.
Madden, History of Jeivish
Coinage, pp. 103-111
De Saulcy, Etude chro7iologique de la vie et des
monnaies des rois juifs Agrip2}a I. et Agrippa II. 1869 (compare above,
vol. i. p. 27)
Reichai^dt in the Wiener Numismatische Zeitschrift, Bd. iii.
Mommsen, Wiener Num. Zeitschr. iii. 1871, p. 449 ff.
1871, p. 83
Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, pp. 58-80 Madden, Coins of the
;
Geschichte der jdischen
Mnzen,
p.
ii.
flf.
Jews,
1881, pp.
129-139
Vereins, vii. 1884, p. 213.
coins of
shade
Stickel,
Zeitschrift
des
deutschen Flestina-
Those of most frequent occurrence
among
the
Agrippa are those without an image, with merely emblems (sunand three ears of corn), which almost all liave the year-number VI.
BACIAGCOC ATpLDA..
and the simple inscription
older numismatists ascribed to Agrippa IL, but since
They were by
the
De Saulcy have been
rightly assigned to Agrippa
Jerusalem.
The
I., in consequence of their having been minted at

existence of examples with other year-numbers (V., VII.,
VIIL, IX.) is very questionable. Compare especially De Saulcy, Numismatic Chronicle, 1871, p. 255 " J'ai encore recueilli un tres-grand nombre
de monnaies d'Agrippa au parasol, cent au moins
Toutes sans exception
sont datdes de I'an VI. Je persiste done plus que jamais me mefier des
:
autres dates qui ont ^te signalees."

of Agrippa
by the
I.,
Besides those coins properly so called

there were also stamped during his reign (1) In Caesarea
sea {Kxwxpiec n
^rpo;
'Esecaru
Tîfisn),
coins with the image of
Agrippa and the superscription BaciTîu; fnyx; AypnrTrct; <[i\x.octaup.

(2) In Caesarea Panias, coins with the image of Caligula and the (more
or less defective) name of the emperor, or without his name.
(3) In
DIV. I. VOL. II.
L
162
Eoman
we know
the other
of
inscription
-y^"^
the gens Julia
aaCkev^
fii<ya<;
a survey of
vassal kings
had been adopted
into
and from another that he bore the
title
that his family
(piXoKataap evaer]^ koX

the facts
all
From an
time.
of that
From
(f)i\opwfiai,o'i}^
evident that his concessions to
it is
image of Claudius, and on the reverse btti a.ai'hs.

besides these we have the coins referred to in
the above, note 19, in remembrance of the "covenant" between Agrippa
On the so-called Agrippa coin in Anthedon,
and the Koman people.
Tiberias, coins with the

Tiepisav.
K'/pt'Tr.
(4)
see Div. II. vol.
*2
On
pp. 73-74,
i.
Numismatik, Bd.
And
xiii.
and Imhoof-Blumer in
1885, p. 139
Sallet's Zeitschrift
the inscription at Athens, Corpvs Inscr. Graec. n. 361
Inscr. Atticarum,
1,
iii.
BipivsiKYi x(n\i(Ti7a
fr
f.
n. 556, his
fnyxhn, 'lov>.iv
daughter Berenice
^
is
Corpus
called 'lovTÛ
kypiizvat. ciai'hiui 6vyxT'/)p.
There
is
members of the Herodian family bearing the Gentile

name of the Julians by Agrippa IL, from the inscription given by Le
Bas et "Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 2112. Agrippa I. had a son-in-law
also evidence of other
called 'lov-hio; Ap)ci>^xos (Josephus, A7itiq. xix. 9. 1

'
Probably also the
Td't'o;
rci,uicc; kccI BLvrioTpxTYiyo^ tvi; 'Aat'x;
tions
from
Against Apion,
i.
9).
'lov'ktog xaiXia; 'AXe^vlpov vto; 'AypfVxaj
the Great Theatre, p. 50,
(Wood, Discoveries
note
5),
at Ephesus, Inscrip-
referred to in an inscription at
Ephesus, belonged to the Herodian family. Compare, generally, on the

frequent occurrence of the Gentile name of the Julians among the Koman
Renan, Mission de Phenicie,
vassal kings of the days of the empire
Bohn, Qua condicione juris reges socii populi Romani fuerint, Berol.
p. 310
:
1877, p. 25 sq.
It
should be observed that the
name
Julius, as well
rank which Agrippa enjoyed, implied the possession of

Roman citizenship, which had been conferred upon the Herodian family
See
as early as in the days of Antipater, the father of Herod the Great.
first vol. of this work, p. 378.
* The most comijlete form of the titles of Agrippa I. and Agrippa II.
has been given us in the interesting inscriptions which "Waddington found
as the consular
from Kanawat, on the western base of the Haurau

(Le Bas et "Waddington, Inscriptions Gi-ecques et Latines, t. iii. n. 2365). It
runs as follows
'Etti xaiAiu; /n.syei.'hov 'Aypi'^vx CPtM^xiaxpog ivaiov; x,xl (Pi>.opu[/,x\_t-\
at Si'a, half a league
ov,
TV
iic
xGi'hetng
fiiyx'hov
'Aypiir'Trx
"hopuuxiov, 'Aâpsi); xT7i7\.iv6ipog kxI
The
titles
that period.
Inscr.
Graec.
Most
(îhUxiaxp and
Cpt'hox.xiaxpo;
'AyîVx^j
(pi>.opf^xtog
viot;
ivaiov;
xxl
[(?/-]
xvidriKXV.
occur very frequently during
Numerous examples are given in the Index of the Corpus

Compare also Bohn, Qua condicione juris reges,
p. 165.
precisely and perfectly in accordance with the titles of the

two Agrippas are those of King Sauromates of Bosporus, Corpus Inscr.
Qi-aec. n. 2123 and 2124: xai'hix xui'hiuv fiiyxv Tiipiou 'lov'hiou Ixvpo-
p. 14.
HEROD AGRIPPA
18.
163
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
I.,
Upon
Pharisaism were purely matters of policy.
the whole
he was a careful imitator of the old Herod, "only milder

in
and somewhat more
disposition
grandfather
Agrippa was in
Pharisees.
make
himself obliged to
felt
sly."
Yet even the
concessions to the
matter only consistently
this
following out his general lines of policy, for he very well
knew
that the peace which he loved could be secured in no
other way.
The country did not long enjoy

reigned
little
more than three
his rule.
years,
if
After he had
we reckon from
41, he died at Caesarea very suddenly in A.D. 44.^^
A.D.
two accounts of
his death
and Josephus, Antiq.

ficcTYiv (ptTôxai'axpx
kxI
which we have, in Acts
(pi'Kopufietiov
many
with
xix. 8. 2,
li/aiyi.
xii.
The
19-23,
variations, are yet
Compare
also, in reference to
him, Wilmanns, Exempla Inscr. Lat. n. 2689.
Keim
**
in Schenkel's Bibellexikon,
iii.
55.
The date of Agrippa's death is discussed

manner by Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen
*^
in the most complete

Zeitalters,
he had reigned three full years over

(Josephus, Antiq. xix. 8. 2 rphov Is ho; ccvtu xat'hiwvn tjj
Agrippa died
after
pp. 129-136.
all Palestine
o'hn; 'lovhociot;
consequently in A.D. 44, and indeed, soon after the feast of

the Passover (Acts xii. 3 ff.), while the games were being celebrated at
Caesarea in honour of the emperor (s/j rviu Kot.iaoe.poi rifîiv, C-Trep rii; sksi'vov
'TTfTrXtipuTo),
aurnpiui, Josephus, Antiq. xix. 8.
2).
By
these games Wieseler under-
by Herod the
which were celebrated every fourth year. Upon the hypothesis,
therefore, that they began on the 12th August, he places the death of
Agrippa on the 6th August. But this hypothesis that the games began
on 1st August is quite an arbitrary assumption. Indeed, the words of
Josephus {uTvip TV); iKiivov aurnpiag) plainly show that no regular games
are here intended, but some extraordinary entertainments, and point to
games which were celebrated at Rome in honour of Claudius' return
from Britain in the spring of A.D. 44 (Dio Cassius, Ix. 23), and afterwards
Such also is the opinion of Anger, Be temporum
also in the provinces.
stands those regular wrestling matches at Caesarea founded

Great,
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte,

p. 40
Lewin, Fasti sacri, p. 279 sq. n. 1674. The regular
games of Caesarea celebrated every fourth, not every fifth year (see vol. i.
of present work, p. 439), would come round, not in a.D. 44, but in a.D. 43,
in
act.
2 Aufl.
ap.
ii.
ratione,
278
f.
according to Josephus, Antiq. xvi. 5. 1, they were instituted in the

28th year of Herod=A..c. 744, and so would come round in a.u.c. 796 =
since,
A.D. 43.
164

and detailed agreement on the principal points/^
in thorough
The Acts
of the Apostles relates that in Caesarea, sitting on
the judgment
an
delivered
citizens of
seat (/Sr//ia) dressed
oration
the
to
royal
his
robes,
he
ambassadors representing the
Tyre and Sidon, with whom, we know not why,
he had been displeased.

called out
in
While he was speaking the people

and not of a man.
It is the voice of a god,
Im-
mediately the angel of the Lord smote him, because he gave

not
God
the glory
the ghost.
and he was eaten up of worms, and gave up
According to Josephus, he was present at Caesarea
while games were being celebrated
On
emperor.
there in honour of the
the second day he appeared in
in a robe which was
made wholly
of silver.
the
theatre
When
the robe
him
declaring
sparkled in the sun, the flatterers cried out to
that he was a god (ebv nrpoaayopevovTes:), and entreating that
he would have mercy upon them.

to be carried
an owl
away by
sitting
upon
their flattery.
which
a rope,
He
presage of a speedy death.*^
at
then
Soon thereafter he saw

once he accepted as a
knew
that his hour had
Immediately a most severe pain arose in his bowels.
come.
He had
corpse.
The king allowed himself
to
be carried into the house, and in five days was a
It thus appears that the principal points
Caeserea
as the scene of the incident, the brilliant robe, the flattering

shout, the
sudden death
are
common
to
both narratives,
although the details have been somewhat diversified in the

course of transmission.
Agrippa
*6
left,
The rendering
besides
his
three
daughters
of the story of Eusebius, Hist.
eccl.
ii.
(Berenice,
10, is in all
thorough agreement with that of Acts and Josephus,

although he changes the owl of Josephus into an angel. Compare also
Kanisch, De Lucae et Josephi in morte Herodis Agrippae consensu., Lips.
1745.
In recent times
Gerlach, Zeitschrift fr luth. Theologie, 1869,
essential points in
pp. 57-62. On the changing of the owl into an angel,

Eusebii Scripta historica, iii. 654-656.
*^
Pliny, Hist. Nat.
x, 12.
6. 7.
34-35.
On the owl as
Heinich en,
a bird of evil omen, see
18.
Mariamme, and
HEROD AGRIPPA
name
1G5
A.D. 37, 40, 41-44.
only one son, then in his seven-
Drusilla),
teenth year, whose
I.,
also
was Agrippa.
The Emperor
Claudius had been disposed to give over to him the kingdom

of his father
but his advisers restrained him from carrying
out his intentions.
And
so again the
whole of Palestine, as
formerly Judea and Samaria had been, was taken possession

of as
Eoman
territory,
and
its
administration given over to a
procurator under the supervision of the governor of Syria.^^
The
younger
Agrippa
continued
meanwhile to
live
in
retirement.
*8
9.
1-2
Wars of
the Jews,
ii.
11. 6.
Bormann
(De Syriae provinciae Eomanae partihus capita nonnulla, 1865, pp. 3-5)
assumes that Palestine during the period A.D. 44-49 was administered
by a procurator independent of the legate of Syria but in A.D. 49 was
attached to the province of Syria, because, forsooth, Tacitus, Annals,
;
begins his narrative of the events of the year 49 with the words
" Ituraei et Judaei defunctis regibus, Sohaemo atque Agrippa, provinciae
xii. 23,
Suriae additi." But it is evident that the narrative of Tacitus is very

summary, and brings together things that in point of time lay quite apart
from one another.
Hence such a conclusion cannot be based upon his
Just in A.D. 44 or A.D. 45, immediately after the death

the legate of Syria, Cassius Longinus, did interfere in the
The independence of the procurator of Judea was thereaffairs of Judea.
fore no greater then than it was subsequently, and it was subsequently no
statement.
of Agrippa
less
I.,
it was then.
Compare generally above, p. 47 ; and
Bormann, Marûardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd.
than
against
1881, p. 411, note 11.
especially
i.
2 Aufl.
19.
THE ROMAN PROCURATOBS,
A.D. 44-66.
Sources.
JosEPHUS,
Antiq^. xx. 1
Annales,
vi.
and 5-11
Wars
Zonaras,
of the Jews, iL 11-14.
12-17 (summary from Josephus).
Literature
Ewald, History
Grtz,
of Israel, vii. 412-426, 479-485.
ScHNECKENBURGER,
Hausrath,
4 Aufl.
iii.
pp. 361
ii,
588-594.
Zeitgeschichte, pp.
215-224.
Israel,
426
ff.,
Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl.
ii.
724
ff.,
362
ff.
ff., iii.
331-374,
423-426.
Lewin, Fasti
sacri,
1865, ad. ann. 44-46.
Gerlach, Die Rmischen
'
Statthalter in Syrien
und Juda,
1865, p. 67
ff.
Grtz, " Chronologische Prcisirung der Reihenfolge der letzten rmischen

Landpfleger in Juda,"
etc.
{Monatsschrift fr Geschichte
schaft des Judenthiims), 1877, pp. 401
der Juden,
4 Aufl.
Monatsschrift
is
iii.
p.
724
ff.,
ff.,
443
ff.).
und Wissen-
Compare,
Geschichte
treatise
from the
where the
almost entirely reproduced.
RoHDEN, De Palaestina
et
Arabia provinciis Eomanis quaestiones
selectae,
Berol. 1885, pp. 34-36.

Kellner, " Die rmischen Statthalter
von Syrien und Juda zur Zeit

und der Apostel." Zweiter Artikel. " Die kaiserlichen Procuratoren von Juda" (Zeitschrift fr katholischen Theologie, 1888,
Christi
p.
630
Menke's
ff.).
Bibelatlas, Bl.
V. Special
countries in the time of Felix
When we
to whom
trusted,
Map
of " Judea
and neighbouring
and Festus."
glance over the history of the
Eoman
procurators,
once more the government of Palestine was en-
we might
readily suppose that all of them, as if
secret arrangement, so conducted themselves as

to arouse the people to revolt.
[
166
Even the
by
most certainly
best
among them,
THE ROMAN PROCURATORS,
10.
to say nothing at all of the others
law under
like the
foot,
Jews
who trampled
had no appreciation of the
required, in a
and
for their prejudices
167
A.D. 44-60.
and
right
fact that
a people
permanent degree, consideration

Instead of exercising
peculiarities.
mildness and toleration, they had only applied themselves
with inexorable strictness to suppress any movement of the

popular
life.
As
compared with those who
words of Josephus are true regarding the

that, "
making no
The
first
followed, the
two procurators,
alterations of the ancient laws
they kept the nation in tranquillity."

1.
first
procurator
was Cuspius Fadus
whom
44
(a.D.
and customs,
Claudius sent to Palestine
Immediately
?).^
after
he had
entered upon his office he had an opportunity for affirming

his determination
to
When
maintain order.
he arrived in
war
Palestine the inhabitants of Perea were in a state of open
The
with the city of Philadelphia.^
conflict
had arisen over
disputes about the boundaries of their respective territories.
Inasmuch
as
the Pereans were the parties at fault, Fadus
caused one of the three leaders of the party to be executed
and the other two
Fadus with
all
of
appreciation
people,
is
to be
banished from the country.
and love
his uprightness
the peculiar
But
that
of justice
had no
the
Jewish
characteristics
of
proved by his demand that the beautiful robe of
the high priest, which in earlier times, A.D. 6-36, had laid
under
Roman
keeping, and had been afterwards given up by
Vitellius (see above, p.
the charge of the
88), should again
Eomans.*
be committed to
without
Thus,
any occasion
whatever, by petty annoyances, the feelings of the people,
which were most sensitive in

outraged.
Fortunately, Fadus and the
Cassius Longinus,
who on account
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 11.

On Philadelphia, see Div. II. vol.
matters
1. 1.
6.
i.
of
this
sort,
were
governor of Syria,
of this important affair
had
Josephus, Antiq. xix,
9. 2,
pp. 119-121,
1G8
gone up to Jerusalem, were considerate enough as to
at least
allow a Jewish embassy to proceed to Eome, which by the

the younger Agrippa obtained an order from
mediation of
Claudius that in the matter of the garments things should

continue as they had been.*
More
was one which occurred at a
serious than this conflict
later period,
and led
who pretended
open war and shedding
to
to be a prophet,
large multitude of followers after him, with
down
One
of blood.
Theudas by name, gathered a
whom
he marched
them the assurance that he by
to the Jordan, giving
his
mere word would part the stream and lead them across on dry
land.
This, indeed,
was only
to
be a proof of his divine
mission, and
what he had mainly in view, the contest with
Kome, would
follow.
At any
He
was regarded by Fadus.
rate this
was how the matter
sent a detachment of horsemen
him and slew a

and when
against Theudas, which completely defeated
portion
of his followers
or
took them prisoners
Theudas himself had been apprehended, they struck

head and carried
5
it
Claudius to the
off his
to Jerusalem as a sign of their victory.^
officials
emperor is communicated
28th June A.D. 45, Claud,
and Poinpeius Silvanus.
1.
Compare xv. 11. 4. The rescript of

which this decision of the
1-2.
of Jerusalem, in
to
them (Josephus,
Antiq. xx.
1. 2),
bears date of
trihunic. potest. V., in the consulship of
On
these
Consules
suffecti,
see
Rufus
Klein, Fasti
Compare also Kindlmann, " Utrum litterae, quae ad

Claudium Tiberium imperatorem apud Josephuni referuntur, ad eum
consulares, p. 33.
Mahrisch-Neustadt, Progr. 1884. This

have had no opportunity of examining.
^Josephus, Antiq. xx. 5. l=Eusebius, Hist. eccl. ii. 11. The name
Theudas is met with also elsewhere {Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 2684, 3563,
Pape-Benseler, Wrter3920, 5698 Wetstein, Nov. Test, on Acts v. 36
buch der griech. Eigennamen, s.v.).
Qivoei; is a contraction for Szolato;,
0o'5oTor, Qelupog, or such like name derived from dii.
The contraction
for so into sv is very frequent in proper names connected with 616s and
Even in rabbinical works we find Dllin (Buxtorf, Lexicon
x7i0f.
Chaldaicum, col. 2565 sq.
Schoettgen, Horae
Lightfoot, Opera, ii. 704
But the name of the physician DITTl, Mishna, Bechoroth
hehraicae, i. 423).
iv. 4, reads according to the best manuscripts DIlTin (as in the Cambridge
ret'erendae sint necne, quaeritur.

treatise I
THE ROMAN PROCUEA.TORS,
19.
2.
The successor
of
169
A.D. 44-66.
Fadus was Tiberius Alexander, down
descended from one of the most illustrious Jewish
to A.D. 48,
families of Alexandria, a son of the Alabarch Alexander,
and
He had abandoned
the
nephew
of the philosopher Philo.'
and taken service under the Eomans.
religion of his fathers
During the period of his government Palestine was visited by

a sore famine.^
The one
manuscript and
de Eossi, 138).
cod.
fact
of
Our
any importance that

chief
rebel
Theudas
is
well
is
known from the reference made to him in Acts v. 36, where the allusion
to him occurs in a speech of Gamaliel delivered a considerable time
before the actual appearance of Theudas.
Indeed, according to the
representation of the narrative of the Acts, the appearance of Theudas
placed before that of Judas of Galilee in a.D. 6. But as many are

unwilling that so serious an error should be attributed to the author of
the Acts of the Apostles, several theologians have assumed the existence
is
two different rebels of the name of Theudas. But such an assumption

not justified in consideration of the slight authority of the Acts in such
Compare on the j^ro and con of this controversy Sonntag,
matters.
of
is
"
Theudas der Aufruhrer
"
{Studien und, Kritiken, 1837, p. 622
ff.)
Zuschlag,
Theudas, Anfhrer eines 750 R. in Palstina erregten Aufstandes, Cassel
1849
Wieseler, Chronological Syyiopsis, p. 90 f.

Beitrge zur richtigen
der Evangeliev, p. 101 ft'.
Winer, Bealwrterhuch, ii. 6U9 f.
;
Wrdigung
Keim
in Schenkel's Bibellexikon, v. 510-513
EncyclojMedie, 1 Aufl. xvi. 39-41

paedie,
553-557
xv.
Aufl.
Khler in Herzog, Eeal-
K. Schmidt in Herzog, Real-EncijcloZeller,

Die Apostelgeschichte, 1854,
Lewin, Fasti sacri, n. 903, 933, 1469. The Commentaries

on Acts by Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, Overbeck, Wendt, Nsgen, and
pp. 132-137
others.
on Acts
The
older literature
is
given in Wolf, Gurae
philol. in
Nov.
Test.
V. 36.
''
Div.
8
II. vol.
ii.
5. 2, xviii. 8. 1
On
the office of Alabarch, see
pp. 280, 281.
Compare in regard
to this famine, besides Antiq. xx. 5. 2, also Antiq.
xi. 28-30
Anger, De temporum in actis apostolorum ratione (1833), pp. 41-49 ; Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen
Zeitalters, pp. 156-161
Karl Schmidt, Die Apostelgeschichte^ Bd. i. 1882,
Josephus refers the famine to the time of Tiberius Alexander,
pp. 157-164.
but states that it had its beginning in the days of his predecessor iTri
iii.
15. 3, XX. 2.
Acts
TOVTOls O'/j Kxi T'j (î-/ot,v "hiuov JcetTot. TY^v 'lovZctixv av'ji-/] ysvidxi. The
reading sxi iovtoi; is confirmed by Eusebius, Hist. eccl. ii. 12. 1.
In the
connection in which it occurs, however, it is certainly not to be rendered
propter haec (as Credner, Einleitung, p. 330, does), nor even by ad haec nor
post haec (as Keim does in his Aus dem Urchristenthum, p. 19, note), but
hy herum temporibus. On this incorrect use of hn' with the dative instead
170
him
recorded about
James and Simon, the
that he caused
is
sons of Judas of Galilee, to he crucified, ostensibly because
they were entertaining schemes
similar
those
to
of
their
father.^
WaM,
of the genitive, see
narrative of the Acts

to
Clavis librorum V. T. a'pocryph.
in agreement with this
is
when
The
Wt.
s.v.
the famine
it refers
somewhere about the time of Agrippa's death in A.D. 44. In all the
names Judea only as the district affected by the
three passages Josephus
famine (xx.
T'/jw
'TTo'fîv).
5.
tsjj/
'IovB/;
The author
15.
iii.
3:
xupa.v vtûv, xx. 2.
tjjk
of the Acts of the Apostles describes
ing over the whole world
(xi.
28
e^'
6:
as extend-
which
oUw/îvyiu),
rviv
o'hyiv
it
is
generalization quite as unhistorical as that c^bout the census of Quirinius.
Certainly the reign of Claudius had been remarked by assiduae
we
sterilitates
Besides the famine that occurred in Palestine
(Suetonius, Claudius, 18).
are told of the following
his reign (Dio Cassius, Ix. 11
(1)
A famine in Rome
in the beginning of
Coins in Eckhel,
Dodr. Num. vi. 238 sq.) (2) Another famine in Greece in the 8th or
9th year of his reign (Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 152 sq., in the
Armenian and according to Jerome) and (3) yet another famine in
Rome in the 11th year of his reign, according to Tacitus, Annals, xii. 43,
Orosius
(jr according to Eusebius, Chronicon, in the 10th or 9th year
But a famine that
also, vii. 6. 17, giving the 10th year as the date.
extended over the whole world is as improbable in itself as it is unsupported by the statement of any authority.
^ Josephus, Antiq. xx.
5. 2. Tiberius Alexander served at a late
period under Corbulo against the Parthians (Tacitus, Annals, xv. 28),
was then made governor of Egypt (Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 15. 1,
;
Aurel., Victor Caesar, 4
18. 7, iv. 10.
Tacitus, History,
i.
11,
ii.
74,
79
Suetonius, Vespasian,
and was the most distinguished and trusted counsellor of Titus at the
siege of Jerusalem (^Fars of the Jeivs, v. 1. 6, vi. 4. 3).
His full name
" Tiberius
is given in an edict which he issued as governor of Egypt
Julius Alexander" {Corpus Inscr. Graec. n. 4957).
The conjecture of
6),
Bernays, that
is
dedicated,
it is
is
to
him
that the pseudo-Aristotelian treatise
highly improbable, although
it
-Trspl
x6a/ôv
has been accepted as an
by Mommsen, Rmisclie Geschichte, v. 494, 566. According

work is actually a production of Aristotle, and he to whom
established fact
to Zeller, that
it is
dedicated
vol.
i.
p. 63.
is
Alexander the Great.
See the literature given above in

Rudorff, " Das
On Tiberius Alexander compare generally
Edict des Tiberius Julius Alexander " {Rhein Museum, 1828, pp. 64-84,
133-190) ; Franz, Corpus Inscr. Graec. n. 4957
Haakh in Pauly's
;
Renier in the Memoires de

VAcademie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, t. xxvi. 1 (1867), pp. 294-302
Lumbroso, Eecherches sur Ve'conomie politique de VEgypte sous les Lagides
(Turin 1870), p. 216 sq. The family of Tiberius Alexander continued
Ileal- Encyclopaedic,
vi.
2 (1852), p. 1943
f.
19.
THE KOMAN PKOCUEATORS,
Although even the days of those
171
A.D. 44-66.
procurators did not
first
pass without troubles and upheaval, these
came
be regarded
to
as altogether insignificant in comparison with the excitement
Even under
Cumanus popular
and turmoil that followed.

the next procurator
faults
on both
sides,
broke
out
in
the governorship of
tumults, not without
more
far
formidable
proportions.
3.
The
first
rebellion against
A.D.
solence of a
Eoman
preserve
the
man had
This
soldier.
the feast of the Passover,
at
which Ventidius Cumanus,
48-52,^ had to contend was occasioned by the coarse in-
when
peace a detachment
situated in the court of the
the presumption
order and
to maintain
of
was
soldiers
always
temple,^^ to insult the festive
gathering by assuming an indecent
The enraged
posture.
multitude demanded satisfaction from the procurator.
Cumanus, however, attempted
first
of all
to
As
hush up the
also in later times in the service of tlie Romans.

A Julius Alexander,
perhaps a son or grandson of the one of whom we have been speaking,
served as legate under Trajan in the Parthian war (Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 30),
was consul in
A.D. 118-119.
A.D. 117,
and member of the
The Acts
priestly College of the Arvales,
of the Arvales give his full
Julius Alexander Julianus (Corpus Inscr. Lat.
name
as Tiberius
2079
comHenzen, Actafratrum Arvalium, Index, p. 188). One Ttipiog

''lovTîog 'ATî^xulpoi, commander of cohors I Flavia and agoranomos
over the second city district of Alexandria, in the 21st year of Antoninus
Pius, erected a statue to the great goddess Isis {Annali dell' Instituto di
pare
t.
vi.
n. 2078,
also,
corrisp. archeolog. 1875, p. 15).

1" Ventidius, according to Tacitus, Aymals, xii. 54
in Josephus called
only Cumanus. The date of Cumanus' entrance upon office may be discovered, though only approximately, from this, that Josephus at the same
;
time reports the death of Herod of Chalcis in the 8th year of Claudius
= A.D. 48 {Antiq. xx. 5. 2). Without sufficient ground Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 68, 126 f., fixes the date of Cumanus'
entrance upon his
50 whereas, on the other hand

apostolorum ratione, p. 44
Geilach, Die
rmische Statthalter, p. 71
Ewald, History of Israel, vii. 415
Hitzig,
Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. 589
Lewin, Fasti sacri, n. 1719 Grtz,
office as late as A.D.
Anger, De temporum in
actis
Monatsschrift,
pp. 725-728
^1
1877,
pp.
402-408
Rohden, De Palaestina,
Compare Wars
Geschichte
p. 35,
of the Jews, v. 5. 8
der
Juden,
assume the date
Antiq. xx.
8. 11.
4 Aufl.
A.D. 48.
iii.
THE ItOMAX-nEIlODIAX AGE.
172
matter, he too
was
assailed with reproachful speeches, until at
length he called for the intervention of the armed
The excited crowds were

was
utterly routed
and
forces.
their overthrow
so complete that, according to Josephus'
estimate, in the
crush which took place in the streets in consequence of their
20,000
flight,
The
men
(!)
fault in
this
lost their lives/'
case
lay with the Eomans, but in the
next upheaval the occasion was given by the Jewish people
An
themselves.
imperial
on a public
attacked
robbed of
all his
official
road
not
Stephanus
was
from
Jerusalem,
and
far
As
belongings.
called
a punishment for this the
which lay in the neighbourhood of the spot where
villages
the deed was committed were subjected to a general pillage.

It
was through a pure mischance that out
of
further mischief was very nearly occasioned
eyes of
the
before
pillage
this
for a soldier,
amid contumelious and reproachful
all,
speeches tore up a Thorah roll which he
had found.
In
order to obtain revenge and satisfaction for such profanity, a
mass deputation visited Cumanus
it
put to death.^^
Far more bitter and bloody was a third

people under Cumanus, which though
him
demanding the
way, and so sentenced the offender
to be advisable to give
to be
at Caesarea,
This time the procurator saw
punishment of the offender.
his
Jews,
life,
yet led to his loss of
who on
their
way
it
with the
did not indeed cost
office.
to the feast at
collision
Certain Galilean
Jerusalem had to pass
through Samaria, had been murdered in a Samaritan village.
When
Cumanus, who had been bribed by the Samaritans,
took no steps to secure the punishment of the guilty, the
Jewish people took upon themselves the duty
Under the
a
great
leadership of
multitude
of
two
of
revenge.
Zealots, Eleasar and Alexander,
armed men made an attack upon
^2
5.
^*
5.
Wars
Wars
of the Jews,
of the Jews,
ii.
12. 1.
ii.
12. 2.
THE KOMAN PROCURATORS,
19.
173
A.D. 44-G6.
down old men, women, and children, and laid

villages.
But then Cumanus with a portion of his
Samaria, hewed
waste the
military force
were
taken
fell
upon the Zealots
many were
slain, others
Meanwhile ambassadors from the
prisoners.
Samaritans appeared before Ummidius Quadratus, governor of

Syria,
and lodged a complaint with him about the robber raid
At
of the Jews.
also
came
the same time, however, a Jewish embassy
Quadratus, and accused the Samaritans
to
Cumanus, who had accepted bribe from them.

therefore,
went himself
All
vestigation.
Cumanus were
Samaria and made a
to
the
revolutionists
crucified
five
Jews,
taken
and
Quadratus,
in-
strict
by
prisoners
who were proved
have
to
taken a prominent part in the struggle, were beheaded
but
the ringleaders both of the Jews and of the Samaritans were
Cumanus to Eome in order to answer for

The Jews were indebted to the interyounger Agrippa, who happened then to be in
sent along with
their conduct there.
cession of the
Eome,
securing their rights.
for their success in their
decision of Claudius
the Samaritans,
was
who had been
by him to be the
Cumanus was to be
discovered
guilty parties, should be executed, while
deprived of his
i* Joseplius,
office
Antiq. xx.
The
to this effect, that the ringleaders of
and sent into banishment."

6.
1-3
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
12. 3-7.
There
is
a divergence in regard to essential points between this representation of
Josephus and that given by Tacitus, Annals, xii. 54. According to the
Roman historian, Cumanus was only procurator of Galilee, while durin;^'
the same period Felix had the administration of Samaria, and indeed of
jam pridem Judaeae impositus
Judea also (Felix
aemulo ad
deterrima Ventidio Cumano, cui pars provinciae habebatur, ita divisae,
ut huic Galilaeorum natio, Felici Samaritae parerent).
Felix and
Cumanus were equally to blame for the bloody conflicts that took place.
But Quadratus condemned only Cumanus, and even allowed Felix to
.
take part in the trial as judge.
It
is
really impossible to
the contradiction between Tacitus and Josephus
do away with
no
for Josephus leaves
doubt of this, that, according to his understanding of the matter, Cumanua

was the only governor in the territory of the Jews, and that Felix only
went
to Palestine as his successor
Compare
especially the definite state-
174
At
4,
the request of the high priest Jonathan, one of the
Jewish aristocracy
whom
Emperor Claudius
transferred the administration of Palestine
Eome ,"
Quadratus had sent to
the
to one of his favourites, the brother of the influential Pallas,
whose name was Felix

office
This man's term of
probably the turning-point in the drama
constitutes
which had opened with

bloody conflicts of
52 60V*
(a.D.
44 and reached
A.D.
close in the
its
During the days of the
A.D. 70.
first
two
ment that the high priest Jonathan, who was in Rome at the time of the
deposition of Cumanus, had besought the emperor that he should send
Felix (see note 15). But it seems a matter scarcely to be questioned that
the very detailed narrative of Josephus deserves to be preferred to the
indeterminate remarks
made by
Tacitus.
So
also thinks
Wurm,
Tbinger
Heft, pp. 14-21; Anger, De temporum

in actis apostolorznn ratione, pp. 88-90 Wieseler, Chronologie des apostoZeitschrift
fr Theologie, 1833,
67; Winer, Kealicrterbuch, art. "Felix;" Lewin,

Fasti saci-i, n. 1777.
Nipperdey,
In favour essentially of Tacitus
Anmerkungen zu Tacitus Annales, xii. 54
Grtz, Monatsschrift, 1877,
p. 403 fi. = Geschichte der Juden, Bd. iii. 4 Aufl. pp. 725-728; Rohden,
De Palaestina et Arabia, p. 35 ; Kellner, Zeitschrift fr katholischen Theolischen Zeitalters, p.
logie,
1888, p. 639
f.
Josephus, TFars of the Jeivs, ii. 12. 6. Compare Antiq. xx. 8. 5 A/t(7,64voj iKuuou TTctpc, Toi Kxiaxpo; '7rif/,(i:dY}vxt rii; 'lov'^tx.ix^ iwiTpoTrov.
^''
Josephus, Antiq. xx. 7. 1
Wars of the Jews, ii. 12. 8 Suetonius,
^^
Claudius, 28.
That Felix entered upon his
in A.D. 52
is probable
Josephus immediately after making that statement
mentions that Claudius after the completion of his twelfth year (t^j px^f
luliKxrov sTog '<j3>j viTrT^npux.ui), i.e. after the 24th January a.D. 53,
bestowed upon Agrippa II., Batanea and Trachonitis (.djiiig. xx. 7. 1).
This indeed leaves the year 53 open as a possible date, which some
actually adopt.
But in favour of 52 is the fact that Tacitus, Annals,
xii. 54, relates the deposition of Cumanus among the events of this year
no doubt with the assumption that Felix had been already before this,
contemporary with Cumanus, carrying on the government of a portion of
Palestine.
Although, indeed, this assumption can scarcely be regarded as
correct (see note 14), yet the year 52 must be firmly adhered to as the
time of the deposition of Cumanus.
office
for this reason, that
Compare on Felix generally

procuratore,
Jenae 1747
Haakh
C.
W.
F. Walch,
De
Felice,
in Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie,
Judaeae
443 f.
iii.
Winer, Beahcrierbuch, i. 368 f.

Paret in Herzog's Real-Encxjclopaedie,
1 Aufl. iv. 354 f.
K. Schmidt, Herzog, 2 Aufl. iv. 518 f. Kellner in
Wetzer and Weite's Kirchenlexikon, 2 Aufl. iv. 1311
Overbeck in
;
fi'.
Schcnkel's Bibellexikon,
ii.
263
ft".
procurators
19.

had continued
things
relatively
Cumanus, indeed, there were more

people
by
forth
serious
particular occurrences
quiet
under
uprisings of the
only isolated and called
yet even then they were
175
A.D. 44-GG.
under Felix rebellion became
permanent.
He
was, like his brother Pallas, a freedman of the imperial
freedman probably of Antonia the mother
family,^^
Claudius, and having therefore
The conferring
Felix.^^
command upon
of
as
his
of
name, Antonius
full
procuratorship
with military
a freedman was something unheard
of,
and
is
only to be accounted for by the influence which the freedmen
had
at the court of
As
Claudius.^^
^''
Tacitus, Histoiy, v. 9
^*
Antonius Felix, according
procurator of Palestine
Suetonius, Claudius, 28.

to Tacitus, History, v. 9.
This name
and
the circumstance that Pallas, the brother of Felix, was a freedman of

Antonia (Josephus, Antiq. xviii. 6. 6), favours the hypothesis tliat Felix
was a freedman, not of Claudius, but of his mother Antonia (see

Nipperdey on Tacitus, Annals, xi. 29 and xii. 54). That Felix also bore
the name Claudius (so e.g. Winer, Eealwrterhuch, art. " Felix," and
Eohden, De Palaestina et Arabia, p. 35) cannot be proved from the
for in Josephus, Antiq. xx. 7. 1, as well as in Suidas,
original documents
also
Lexicon,
0/0?
s.v.
we should read KAtiThe reading of the manuscript
K'KxCliog, instead of Kxxvliou (i>7!Xixx
(^Yj'htx.ot, (seil.
-TTifiTrsi,
in the Suidas passage
is
resp. iTriuTin'Jsv).
indeed
Kai/3;oj/
but the conjecture
K'Kotvltog is
by Bernhardy, and has been adopted by Bekker into

Compare in general on the name of Felix, Walch, De Felice,
rightly favoured
the text.
pp. 2-7.
1^ Suetonius, Claudius, 28, gives prominence to it as something un" Felicem, quern cohortibus et alis provinciaeque Judaeae praeusual
:
jiosuit."
Compare
in addition, Hirschfeld, Sitzungsberichte der Berliner
Besides the freedman it is well known that in

the latter years of the reign of Claudius, A.D. 49-54, his wife Agrippina
Akademie, 1889,
also exercised
p. 423.
an unwholesome influence.
The
Palestinian coins also of
13th and 14th years of Claudius afford evidence of his powerful

influence, since on them her name (^lov'hiot. h-ypi-Kvivet) appears alongside
of that of her husband (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 498 Mionnet, Descripthe
'
tion de me'dailles, v.
De
554
Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik,
Recherches sur la
Numismatique
66,
i.
ii.
52
Madden,
History of Jeivish Coinage, p. 151 sq.
De Saulcy, Numismatique de la
Terre Sainte, p. 76 sq.
Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, p. 190 sq.
Madden, Coins of the Jeus, p. 184 sq. Sticke], Zeitschrift des deutschen
Saulcj^,
Juda'ique, p. 149
176

"
Felix proved worthy of his descent.

cruelty
a slave
man.
and
;
"
With
all
manner of
lust he exercised royal functions in the spirit of
words Tacitus sums up his estimate of the
in these
20
Felix was three times married.
whom two
are
known
All the three wives, of
The
to us, belonged to royal families.^^
one was a granddaughter of the triumvir Marc Antony and
and
Cleopatra,
by
marriage
this
relationship with the
Emperor
Jewish
princess Drusilla,
sister of
Agrippa
II.
was brought
Felix
Agrippa
the daughter of
Tacitus quoted above.
Drusilla at
the
time
the
estimate
when
Soon
she was married by her brother Agrippa
Azizus, king of Emesa, after the marriage with the
King Antiochus
of
Comniagene,
to
whom
of
Felix
entered upon his office was fourteen years of age.^*

this
and
I.
and the way in which the marriage with
her was brought about serves to confirm
after
into
The other was the
Claudius.^^
II.
to
son of
she had been before
betrothed, had been broken off because he refused to submit

circumcision.^*
to
Palstina-Vereins,
vii.
Soon
after
1884, p. 213).
her marriage Felix saw the
Probably also a town on the east of
namely, one lying between the Mount

This is the reading of
N3''D''"I3Ntlie Mishna, Eosh-Hashana ii. 4, according to the Cambridge manuscript
edited by Lowe.
A Hamburg manuscript and the editio princeps have
Agropi7ia ; the Jerusalem Talmud and the cod. de Eossi, 138
Gripina
the common printed text
Gropina.
The place is named only in that
one passage in the Mishna. The Greek form would be h.yîivTuva.i, after
the Jordan
is
named
after her,
Sartaba and the Hauran
Agrippina,
the pattern of Tispix; from

^
History, v. 9
N''"l3t3-
"per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem jus regium
servili
ingenio exercuit."
him trium reginarum
^^
Suetonius, Claudius, 28, calls
22
Tacitus, History, v. 9: "Drusilla Cleopatrae et Antonii nepte in
Tnaritum.
matrimonium accepta, ut ejusdem Antonii Felix progener, Claudius nepos

esset."
The name Drusilla is introduced through a confusion with the
other wife of Felix.

23
As appears
evidently from
Antiq. xix.
Drusilla, the youngest of the daughters of
at the time of his deatli.

2*
7.
1.
9.
1,
Agrippa
according to which
I.,
was
six years old
THE ROMAN PROCUEATOES,
19.
became inflamed with
beautiful queen,
By
to possess her.
177
A.D. 44-66.
and determined
passion,
the help of a magician of Cyprus called
Simon, he prevailed on her to marry him.
In defiance of the
law, which strictly forbade the marriage of a Jewess with a
pagan, Drusilla gave her hand to the
The public career
As
life.
"
of Felix
Eomau
procurator.^*
was no better than
his private
brother of the powerful and highly favoured Pallas,
he believed that he might commit
^^
with impunity."
all
sorts
of enormities
can be easily understood
It
how under
Eome
such a government as this the bitter feeling against
grew rapidly, and the various stages of
its
development were
plainly carried out to the utmost extent under Felix and
by
his fault."
First of
who
on account of
all,
his
misgovernment the Zealots,
entertained so fanatical a hatred of the Eomans,
more and more sympathy among the ranks
How
far
Josephus had grounds for
may remain
robbers
following
among
the
common
sort
from
robbers of the
undetermined.
people
;
and
of
styling
won
the citizens.
them simply
In any case, as their

shows,
they were
their pillaging
not
was con-
fined
wholly to the property of their political opponents.
Felix,
who was
contrived to
25
not very scrupulous about the means he used,
get
Eleasar,
Since Azizus died in the
7. 2.
the
head of the party, into his
Compare Acts
of the Apostles xxiv. 24.
year of Nero (Antiq. xx.
8. 4), the marriage

with Felix must have taken place in the time of Claudius, in a.D. 53 or 54.
Compare Wieseler, Glironologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, p. 80 f. Drusilla
bore a son to Felix called Agrippa, who, " together with his wife " {auu rri
yvjix,i, it is certainly not Drusilla, but the wife of Agrippa that is
meant), perished in an irruption of Vesuvius {Antiq. xx. 7. 2).
Compare
on Drusilla, besides the articles in Winer, Herzog, and Schenkel, also
Gerlach, Zeitschrift fr hith. Theologie, 1869, p. 68 f.
-'^
" Cuncta malefacta sibi impune ratus tanta
Tacitus, Annals, xii. 54
first
potentia subnixo."
2^
Jews,
This appears most distinctly from the account given in TVars of the
ii. 13. 2-6, which is much more lucid and clear than that given in
the Aritiq. xx.
DIV.
I.
8.
VOL.
5-6.
II.
THE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE
178
hands by means of treachery, and sent him, together with

those of his adherents
"
Eome.
he had already in prison, to
But the number of the robbers

was
be crucified
whom
whom
iucalcuhable,
whom
that
also
as
he caused to
of
the citizens
he arrested and punished as having been in league
with them."
^^
Such preposterous severity and cruelty only gave occasion

In the place of the robbers of
further troubles. ^^
to still
whom
Felix had rid the country,
appearance, a
still
more
the
Sicarii
made
their
who
fanatical faction of the patriots,
deliberately adopted as their special task the removal of their
opponents
political
daggers
(sicae),
by
Bi,a(f)6pov<i, i.e.
especially during the festival seasons,
in the press stabbed their opponents (tou?
the friends of the Eomans), and feigning deep
when the deed was done, succeeded

away suspicion from themselves.
sorrow
ing
short
from which they received their name,^" they
mixed among the crowds

and unobserved
Armed with
assassination.
in thereby draw-
These
political
murders were so frequent that soon no one any longer

safe in
Among
Jerusalem.
who
others
fell
felt
victims to the
daggers of the Sicarii was Jonathan the high priest, who, as
man
of
moderate sentiments, was hated by the
well as by the procurator Felix,

act
whom
more worthily in the administration
(Jonathan)
should
be
of
to appoint
as
his office, lest he
blamed by the people
recommended the emperor
Sicarii
he often exhorted to
for
having
him governor.
Felix
wished to have the troublesome exhorter put out of the way,
and found that
means
be most simply accomplished by
this could
which the
of assassination, to
Sicarii,
although other-
wise the deadly foes of Felix, readily lent themselves.^^

28
2^

Tacitus, Annals, xii. 54
Antiq. xx. 8.
5.
" intempestivis remediis delicta accen-
debat."
""
' Joseplius,
Wars of
8. 10.
the Jews,
ii.
13.
Antig. xx.
8. 5.
Tlie
Sicarii
19.
With
179
A.D. 44-66.
these pohtical fanatics there were associated religious
fanatics "
not so impure in their deeds, but
still
more wicked
Advancing the claim of a divine mission,
in their intentions."
they roused the people to a wild enthusiasm, and led the

multitude in crowds out into the wilderness, in
credulous
order that there they might
shadowing freedom
consisted in casting off the
kingdom
of God, or, to
innovation
and
" the
show them
" (arj/xela i\evdepLa<i)
use the
up the
setting
language of Josephus, in
Since
religious
when they had
are also referred to during the war,
fore-
that freedom which
Eoman yoke and
revolution.
tokens
fanaticism
is
in their possession
See Wars of the Jews, ii. 17. 6, iv. 7. 2, 9. 5, vii.

The author of the Acts of the Aj)ostles was also
8. 1 ff., 10. 1, 11. 1.
aware of their existence as a political party (Acts xxi. 38 rov; rsrpthe fortress of Masada.
)ciax,i'îovg oivlpotg
ruu
a tfCKpiov).
nation for a murderer.

against murderers
Encyclopaedie,
iv.
Encydopaedie,
vi. 1.
is
969,
In Latin sicarius
is
the
common
desig-
Thus, for example, the law passed under Sulla

called " lex Cornelia de Sicariis " (Pauly's Real-
and generally the
1153
f.).
article " Sicarius " in the
It also occurs in the
Mishna in
this
same
same
Bikkurim i. 2, ii. 3 Gittin v. 6 Machshirin i. 6. In

none of these passages is the term Sicarii used to designate a political
In the passage Machshirin i. 6 the story told is tliis, that on one
party.
occasion the inhabitants of Jerusalem hid their fig-cakes in water from
In the other passages a case is supposed in which a
fear of the D''"lp"'D.
robber-murderer has violently appropriated to himself a piece of land.
It is asked what is to be done in this case with reference to the taxes
{Bikkurim i. 2, ii. 3), and whether one would be able by process of law to
buy from the robber-murderer such a piece of land {Gittin v. 6). In
reference to this last point it is said tliat since the war, which here
clearly means the war of Hadrian, it had been decreed that the purchase
would be valid only when the property had been first obtained from the
lawful possessors and then from the robber who had taken it by force,
but not when it had been bought first from the robber and then from
the legal owners. Here we are to understand by the Sicarii rather nonJewish than Jewish robber-murderers.
Compare generally
Grtz,
Geschichte der Juden, iv. 422 f., who wrongly makes the Sicarii a Jewish
political party
Derenbourg, Historie de la Palestine, pp. 280, 475 sqq.
Levy, Neuhebrisches Wrterhuch, iii. 518. The correct form D^"lp''D =
sicarii, is found in Machshirin i. 6 {e.g. in the Cambridge manuscript
edited by Lowe). But it is deserving of remark that in the other
passages the best texts, e.g. the Cambridge manuscript, constantly have
pp''"lp''Dj sicaricon, and that indeed as a mas. sing. = " the murderer."
general sense
180
always the most powerful and the most persistent, Josephus

certainly
is
when he
right
says
that
those
and
fanatics
deceivers contributed no less than the " robbers " to the over-
throw of the
Felix also recognised clearly enough the
city.
dangerous tendency of the
upon
in
celebrated
movement, and invariably broke
such undertakings with the sword.^^
all
enterprise
whom
of this
sort
The
most
was the exploit of that
An
Egyptian
to
who gave
himself out for a prophet, gathered around liim in
Acts
38
xxi.
refers.
Egyptian Jew
the wilderness a great crowd of people, numbering, according

to Acts,
4000, according
to Josephus,
30,000, with
whom
he
wished to ascend the Mount of Olives, because he promised

that at his word the walls of Jerusalem would
give
them
the
Eoman
free entrance into the city.
garrison
into
selves the government.
down and
fall
Then they would get
power and secure
their
to
them-
Felix did not give the prophet time
perform his miracle, but attacked him with his troops,
to
slew and scattered his followers or took them prisoners.
But
Egyptian himself escaped from the slaughter and
the
dis-
appeared.'^
The
result of this unfortunate undertaking
strengthening of the anti-Eoman party.

the political fanatics (ol
for
common
revolt,
y6i]T<;
"
enterprise.
and exhorted them
to
was temporary
The
and
religious
kol Xrjo-rpLKol) united together
They persuaded the Jews

assert
to
their liberty, inflicting
death on those that continued in obedience to the Eoman-
government, and saying that such as willingly chose slavery
ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations
for
they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait

22 Joseplius,
33
Josephus,
Wars of the
Wars of the
Jews,
ii.
13.
Antiq. xx.
8. 6.
Jews,
ii.
13. 5
Antiq. xx.
8.
li
A/yvxr/o,'
Undoubtedly the people

believed in a wonderful deliverance and escape, and hoped for a return,
to which even Acts xxi. 38 contains a reference.
Compare also Eusebius,
avTo;
"htx^pcii
ix,
ty,;
i^xxîi
cKfctum
eyivsTo.
Ifist. eccl. ii. 21.
19.
181
A.D. 44-66.
up and down the country, and plundered the houses

great men,
and slew the men themselves, and
on
and
fire
madness."
this
Judea was
all
till
of the
set the villages
with
filled
their
^^
Thus did the misgovernment
of Felix in the
end bring
about this result, that a large portion of the people from this
time
forth
became thoroughly roused, under the constant
strain of this wild reign of terror, to
and rested not until
wage war against Eome,
end was reached.
at last the
Besides these wild movements of the popular agitators,

internal strifes and rivalries
among
with the other

arrangements
were at feud
priests
and in consequence of the
priests,
w^hich
the priests themselves led
The high
to the increase of confusion.
prevailed
illegal
under Felix'
Palestine
in
government, they could even go the length of sending their

servants
to
the tithes
the threshing-floor, and carrying
which belonged
to the
away by
other priests, so 'that
force
many
of these unfortunate priests actually died for want.^^
In the
ment
last
of the
two years of Felix occurred
Apostle Paul at Caesarea, of wliich an account
given in Acts
is
xxiii.,
We
xxiv.
Eoman
fit
with the
procurator and his wife Drusilla, at which the
both of that which
apostle did not fail to speak to

specially
familiar
are
which the apostle had with
story of the personal interview
the
also the imprison-
that they should hear
" of righteousness
it
was
and
of
temperance, and of judgment to come."^
While Paul lay a prisoner
at
Caesarea, a conflict arose
there between the Jewish and Syrian inhabitants of the city
over the question of equality in citizen rights {la-oiroXLTeia),
The Jews
and
laid claim to the
privileges, since
Herod was the founder
Syrians were naturally
Wars
^*
Josephus,
3^
Josephup, Antiq. xx.
possession of certain advantages
of the Jews,
8. 8.
of the city.
The
unwilling that any such preference

ii.
13.
6; Antiq. xx.
^6 ^^^.^g
yf
^j^g
8. 6.
Apostles, xxiv. 24
f.
182

For a long time both parties
should be given to the Jews.
At
fought with one another in riots on the public streets.

last
on one occasion, when the Jews had obtained an advantstepped
age, Felix
in,
reduced the Jews to order by military
and gave up some
force,
But when,
soldiers.
by the
of their houses to be plundered
nevertheless, the disorders
still
continued,
Felix sent the most prominent of both parties to Eome, in
question of law
the
order that
however, the
Before,
emperor.^'^
Felix, probably in A.D. 60,

^''
2^
On
8.
JFars of the Jews,
13. 7.
ii.
the date of the recall of Felix and of Festus' entrance upon
Wurm,
office,
Tbinger Theologische Zeit-
1883, 1 Heft, pp. 8-25 ; Anger, De temporum in actis apostolorum

88-106 Wieseler, Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters, pp.
schrift,
ratione, pp.
Wieseler in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie,
Wrdigung
Zur
matter had been settled,
was recalled by Nero.^^
Bee the thoroughgoing researches of
66-99
might be decided by the
Aufl. xxi. 553-558
der Evangelien, pp.
Geschichte derneutestamentlichen Schrift (1880), p.
93
322-328 Wieseler,
ff.
an anonymous
;
paper, " St. Paul and Josephus," in the Journal of Sacred Literature,
166-183
series, vol. vi. 1854, pp.
pp. 313-330
heilige Schrift
pp. 13-16;
4 Aufl.
iii.
Lehmann, Studien und
new
Kritiken, 1858,
Lewin, Fasti sacri, p. 72 sqq. J. Chr. K. v. Hofmann, Die

neuen Testaments zusammenhngend untersucht, Thl. v. 1873,
;
Grtz, Monatsschrift, 1877, p. 443 S.

p.
729
ff".
Aberle,
Zur
{Theologische Quartalschrift, 1883, pp.
Wetzer and Weite's Kirchenlexikon, 2
= Geschichte
der Juden,
Chronologie der Gefangenschaft Pauli
553-572; Kellner,
"Felix" in
art.
(1886) Kellner in
Kellner, Zeitschrift fr
Aufl. iv. 1311
flt.
Katholik, 1867, 1 Hlfte, pp. 146-151 ;

Katholisch- Theologie, 1888, pp. 640-646; Schanz, "Das Jahr der Gefangennahme des heiligen Apostels Paulus" {Historisches Jahrbuch der Grres-
the
Gesellschaft, 1887, pp.
Wandel,
p.
169
199-222, with supplement by Kellner, pp. 222-224
Zeitschrift fr kirchlichen IFissenschaft
ff".
und kirchlichen
V. Weber, Kritische Geschichte der Exegese des
Rmerbriefes, 1889, pp. 177-197.
An
9.
Leben, 1888,
Kapitels des
exact and certain determination of
the year in which Felix was recalled
is
Most of
clearly impossible.
recent investigators assume A.D. 60 as the most probable date (so
Wurm,
Anger, Wieseler, the anonymous writer in the Journal of Sacred Literature,

Lewin, Hoff"mann, Aberle, Schanz, Wandel).
Some go a year or two
farther back (Grtz,
Weber,
after the
Rettig,
on
whom
A.r>.
59
Lehmann,
example of some
A.D. 58).
earlier
Only Kellner and V.
scholars (Bengel, Siiskind,
see Wieseler, Chronologie des apostol. Zeitalters, p. 72),
place the recall of Felix in the very beginning of Nero's reign

in
November
A.D.
54 ; Weber in the summer of a.D.
55.
Kellner
The grounds
for
19.
5.
As
tliis last
THE KOMAN PKOCUKATORS,
successor of Felix,
hypothesis are
(1)
183
A.D. 44-G6.
Nero sent Porcius Festus,
A.D.
60-
In the Chronicle of Eusebius, according
to
the
Armenian
last
year of Claudius, a.d. 54 (Euseb. Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 152) ; in

it is placed in the second year of Nero (Euseb.
text, it is said
that the recall of Felix took place in the
the Chronicle of Jerome

Chronicon, ed. Schoene,
accused in
Rome by
ii.
155).
(2)
When
Felix after his recall was
the Jews, Pallas secured his acquittal (Josephus,
Pallas had therefore at this time still great influence

Antiq. xx. 8. 9).
but he had clearly fallen into disfavour in the beginning of Nero s reign,
in A.D. 55 (Tacitus, Annals, xiii. 14). (3) The office of the procurators
came to an end with the death of the emperor unless it were renewed by
In answer to these statements it is to be remarked (1)
his successor.
The statements in the Chronicle of Eusebius are often quite arbitrary, and
Moreover, the Armenian translation of the Chronicle
60 prove nothing.
can hardly contain the original text of Eusebius, since Eusebius himself in
his Ecclesiastical History represents Felix as officiating under Nero (ii. 20.
1, 22. 1).
(2) Josephus puts almost everything that he relates of the
proceedings of Felix under the reign of Nero {Antiq. xx. 8. 1-9
Wars of
Felix must therefore have exercised his office
the Jews, ii. 12. 8-14, 1).
for at least some years under Nero.
If, therefore, Pallas was in favour
with Nero at the time of Felix' deposition, he must then have been
restored to favour.
There is no difficulty in making such an assumption,
since we also know from Tacitus that before the expiry of a.D. 55 he had
been found not guilty of charges that had been brought against him
(Tacitus, Annals, xiii. 23).
(3) The third argument made use of by
Kellner falls to the ground before the statement of Josephus, that Felix
officiated as procurator for a long while under Nero, and must therefore
have been confirmed by him in office. We can only fix with any degree
of certainty upon the terminus ad quern of Felix' recall.
It occurred
at any rate in the summer, since the Apostle Paul, who, not long after the
departure of Felix, was sent by ship to Rome, arrived in Crete about the
time of the Great Day of Atonement in October (Acts xxvii. 9), But this
summer cannot well have been later than that of a.d. 60. Seeing that
;
the second successor of Felix, Albinus, arrived in Palestine late in the

summer of A.D. 62, were we to assume that Felix left early in the summer
of A.D. 61, we should be able to assign only one year to Festus, which in
consideration of the incidents recorded as occurring in his time (Antiq. xx.
8. 9-11) is evidently too short.
Very strange indeed is the argument in
favour of A.D. 61 drawn from Antiq. xx. 8. 11. Because, forsooth, there in
connection with an incident that occurred some time after Festus' entrance
upon
office,
Poppea
is
spoken of as the wife of Nero, who was not married
to her before a.D. 62 (Tacitus, Annals, xiv. 60), it has been maintained
that Festus' entrance upon office cannot be placed earlier than a.D. 61.
But there is nothing to prevent us from setting down that occurrence to a

period more than a year after Festus' entrance upon office. Moreover,
184
62,^^ a
man who, though
disposed to act righteously, found
himself utterly unable to undo the mischief wrought by the
misdeeds
Soon
of his predecessor.
after Testus' entrance
upon
office
the dispute between
the Jewish and Syrian inhabitants of Caesarea was decided in
favour of the Syrians by means of an imperial rescript.
Jewish ambassadors
Eome had
at
because
charges against Felix,
On
brother.
The
not been able to press their
Pallas took the side
the other hand, the
of his
two Syrian ambassadors
succeeded by bribery in winning over to their interests a

certain
man
Greek
his
imperial
Beryllus,
called
correspondence,**^
rescript,
by
who was
and by
which
even
Nero's secretary for
this
that
means obtained an
equality with the
the marriage of Nero with Poppea did not take place
till
somewhere about
the time of Festus' death, perhaps even somewhat later. Although that
event had not occurred during Festus' lifetime, we can quite understand
Josephus proleptically describing Nero's concubine as his wife. Should

we then accept the year 60 as the terminus ad quern, it is, on the other
hand, not advisable to go much further back for two years before tlie
departure of Felix the imprisonment of Paul begins. But at the time of
Paul's apprehension Felix is described as already in possession of his
If we place the apprehension of
office iK. TfoT^Tûu iruv (Acts xxiv. 10).
Paul in the year 58, Felix was then already six years in office. Much
Also the chronology of the life of Paul in
less it could not have been.
other particulars does not require that wê place the apprehension of the
There is at least a possibility of assuming the year 57,
apostle earlier.
and so it is evidently possible to assign the removal of Felix to a.D. 59.
;
most correct to say with Wurm, at the

most probably in a.d. 60.
It is
earliest in A.D. 58, at tlie
latest in A.D. 61,

2^
8.
TFars of the Jews,
ii.
14.
1.
Compare
Winer, Realwi/rterhuch, i. 372 f. Klaiber in Herzog's RcalEncydopaedie, 1 Aufl. iv. 394

Overbeck in Schenkel's Bibellexicon, ii.
275
on Festus
flf.
''
Instead of the
name Beryllus given by
all
the manuscripts of Antiq.
XX. 8. 9, the editions of Josephus since those of
read Burrus.
chronological conclusions,
is
particularly foolish, for this I'eason, that the
description given {TrxtOet'/wyoi
Zs
cLro;
praefecius praetorio, with

8. 2).
whom
viv
rou Nspmvo;, tocîu
tviv sttI rcov
uot suit Burius, the well-known

Josephus is quite well acquainted as such
'E'KT^^viKuu i'TTtoTo'huv TfiTTtariviîvog) AoGS
{Anti^. XX.
Hudson and Havercamp
This conjecture, upon which some have built important
THE EOMAN PKOCURATOS,
8 19.
Syrliins,
with which before they had not been
now taken away from
the Jews, and the
by
this decision
few years
among
later, in
"
Jews
the
of
satisfied,
Hellenes
The embittered
to be the lords of the city.
185
A.D. 44-66.
was
" declared
feelings excited
Caesarea burst forth a
66, in violent revolutionary move-
A.D.
ments, whicli Josephus regards as the beginning of the great

war.
41
Testus, after repeated hearings, caused the Apostle Paul,
whom
Felix had
own demand
prison (Acts xxiv. 27), at the apostle's
left in
as a
Eoman citizen to be judged before the

Eome (Acts xxv., xxvi., xxvii. 1, 2
emperor, to be sent to
compare
also, in addition, pp.
The trouble
in connection with the Sicarii continued
Festus just as great as
government
59, 74 of the present work).
also a
it
had been under Felix.
deceiver, so
at
least
under
Daring his
Josephus designates
him, led the people into the wilderness, promising redemption
and emancipation from
evils
all
to those
who
should follow
Festus proceeded against him with the utmost severity,
him.
but was unable to secure any lasting success.^^

Details in
King Agrippa
will be given
regard
to
conflict
between the priests and
IL, in which Festus took the side of Agrippa,
under the section that treats of the history of
that king.
After he had held
office for
a period of scarcely two years,
*^ Josephus, Antiq. xx. 8. 9

Wars of the Jews, ii. 14. 4. The two
representations of Josephus are inconsistent with one another in certain
;
particulars.
According to Antiq. xx.
Caesarea did not go to
Eome
make
to
8. 9,
the ambassadors of the Jews of
their complaint against Felix until
upon his office. According to TVars of the

however, the ambassadors of both parties had been
eent by Felix himself to Eome, which is probable for this reason, that
even according to Antiq. xx. 8. 9 the ambassadors of the Syrians were also
According to fVars of the Jews, ii. 14. 4, it would seem as if
in Rome.
after the entrance of Festus
Jews,
ii.
13. 7 fin.,
the decision of the emperor had not been given before a.D. GG.
But this
is not possible, since Pallas, who died in a.D. 62 (Tacitus, Annals, xiv.
65),
played an important part in the proceedings.
*2
8.
10
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
14
1.
186
Festus died while administering
men
liis
procuratorship, and two
succeeded him, one after the other, who, like genuine
successors of Felix, contributed, as far as

intensify the
to
final
bitterness of the
it
lay in their power,
conllict,
and hurry on
its
Festus and
the
bloody conclusion.
In the interval
between
the
death
of
anarchy prevailed in
arrival of his successor, in A.D. 62, utter
Jerusalem, which was turned to account by the high priest
Ananus, a son of that elder Ananus or Annas who
known
in connection with
well
is
the history of Christ's death, in
order to secure in a tumultuous gathering the condemnation

of his
enemies, and
government was
have them
to
indeed
not
of
long
duration,
new
Agrippa, even before the arrival of the
deposed him after he had held
office
His arbitrary
stoned.
King
for
procurator, again
only for three months.'*^
James, the brother of Jesus Christ
(6
aSeXô?
Îr)(Tov
rov
Xeyofxevou Xpiarov),
is
said to
have been among those executed
by Ananus.
least the
words run in our present text
Josephus
of
his
in
So at
and the words had been read even by Eusebius
of Josephus
copy
manuscripts.^*
There
is
precisely
as
considerable
they occur
in
our
ground, however, for
suspicion of Christian interpolation, especially as Origen read

in Josephus another passage regarding the death of James, in
which the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple

as a divine
James.
judgment in consequence
of
is
described
the execution
of
This passage occurs in some of our manuscripts of
Josephus, and ought therefore certainly to be regarded as a

Christian interpolation which
common
text.*^
Also in the account given by Hegesippus of
*'
9. 1.
**
Eusebius, Hist.
ii.
Antiq. XX.
has been excluded from our
eccl.
23.
21-24; literally the same as Josephus,
9. 1.
Origen makes reference three times to that passage in Josephus

Comment, in Matth. torn. x. c. 17 (on Matt. xiii. 55) " So high was the
*'
(1)
reputation of this James
among
the people for his righteousness, that
19.
THE ROMAN PROCUKATORS,
the execution of James
it
brought into close connection
is
The year 62 cannot by
with the destruction of Jerusalem.
any means be accepted as the date of his

Joseplius in his Antiquities,
when he
is
destruction of the temple, says, kxtx fi^viv

Ci ret
it;
'ixKuov, to
Tito'Kf/.nfciux.
Aiyei
on xxl
Ss,
(2) Contra Celsum,
zi-TTovdivxt."
T^f ruv' lipaaohvfâu "Tcraiu;
i.
x,xi
death.*
explaining the cause of the
rxinx uvtois
deoi)
Inaov tov y^tyojuivov
iiOi'h(ôu
187
A.D. 41-06.
6 Tia&j
47: 'O
rvi;
txZtx
o'
hofîl^s
yroV
dnryivrnKtuoii,
rov vxov axOxipiasu;
rou 'IxKuo
oidi
^yituv t^v u'iti'xv

.
(^yjiI
VfiiyiKiVXt rot; ^JovOXlOti; KXT* iX,^tKYI7IV ''IxKu'jV roV hlKXtOV, O;

'I>J(70l/
ToD
T'iiyOfiiUCtV
(3) Contra Celsum,
ii.
ÎxKuov
ypx<pi, S/a*
'K.OKnOV,
iTTitOriTrip
12 fin.
T/toc
rot/ "htKXtav,
t^ ui/ruu
X/s/ffToy,
VfJ
txvtx
CC0i7K(pi
OtKXIOTXTOV XUTOU Ol/TX X'îx.TilVUy.
xxOuM
tyiu
'
iipovax'K'/;/^'
u;
[/.iv
^luanvo;
rov oihth<p6v 'Iiôov rou "hiyofîvov 'Kpiarov.
In the same style as Origen, contra Celsus, i. 47, and presumably following
From
him, the passage is quoted in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. ii. 23. 20.
Eusebius are derived the shoil statements in Jerome, De viris illustr. c. 2
and 13 adversus Jovinianum, i. 39 (Opera, ed. Vallarsi, ii. 301). The
Greek translation of Jerome, De viris illustr., is reproduced by Suidas,
Hilgenfeld, Einleitung in das N. T. p. 526, regards
Lexicon, s.v. 'IrnnTrog.
this passage of Josephus as genuine, after the example of some older
;
critics
*^
Eusebius has preserved for us {Hist. eccl. ii. 23. 11-18) a literal
by Hegesippus. According to him, James
was cast down from the pinnacle of the temple, then stoned, and at last
beaten to death by a fuller {yvxttuvi) with a fuller's club. The narrative
concludes with these words: Kxl ivdv^ OviOTixatxvog xo'AtopKu xvroii;.
Clement of Alexandria, in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. ii. 1. 4, and Epiphanias,
The close conHaer. 78. 14, base their statements upon Hegesippus.
transcript of the account given
nection in time between the execution of James and the destruction of
Jerusalem
eccl.
Hi.
is
11.
emphasized by Eusebius in his own exposition {Hist,

^sr r'/iv IxKov y,xprvpav xl rû xi/rtKx yivojiciuriif
also
1)
yâaiu rij; 'IfpovaxT^vifi.
Though much
the narrative of Hegesippus,
it is
that
is
legendary
is
contained in
nevertheless, from a chronological point
of view, at least as deserving of consideration as the passage in Josephus,
9. 1, which is open to the suspicion of interpolation.

It should,
however, be remarked, that the casting down from a height before tlie
stoning, is a regular injunction of the Jewish law (Mislma, Sanhedrin
Compare generally on the year of the death of James, and on the
vi. 4).
genuineness of the statement in Josephus, Antiq. xx. 9. 1 Clericus, Ars
critica, p. iii. sec. 1, c. 14
Credner, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, pp.
580-582 (against the genuineness)
Rothe, Die Anfnge der christliche
Kirche und ihrer Verfassung, pp. 274-276 (similar to Credner) Gieseler,
Antiq. xx.
(Edin. 1846) pp. 95-98 Koessing, Dissertatio

de anno quo mortem obierit Jacobus frater Domini, Heidelb. 1857; Gust.
Ecclesiastical History, vol.
i.
188
6.
The
testimony
of
Josephus
procurator Albinus, A.D. 6 2-64,^^
no
sort of
regard
in
is to
the
to
new
the effect that there was
wickedness that could be mentioned which he had
not a hand
The leading
in.
however, to have been
might obtain
principle of his procedure seems,
To get money from whomsoever he
Public as well as private treasures were
it.
subjected to his plunderings, and the whole people had to

suffer oppression
But he
under his exactions.^^
to his advantage to seek
money
found
also
it
as bribes for his favour from
both political parties in the country, from the friends of the
From
well as from their opponents.
Pioraans, as
priest Ananias, inclined
from his enemies, the
to favour
Sicarii,
the high
the Piomans, as well as
he accepted presents, and then
allowed both of them without restraint to do as they liked.
He
made, indeed, a pretence of opposing the Sicarii
Boettger, Die Zeugnisse des Flavins Josephus von Johannes
dem
but for
Tufer, von
Jesu Christo und von Jakobus, dem Bruder des Herrn, Dresden 1863
Gerlach, Die Weissagungen des Alten Testaments in den Schriften des Flavius
;
Jose])hus, 18G3, p.
117
if.
Ebben, Genuinum
fratre Jesu testimonum, Cleve 1864

Schrift neuen
J.
Flavii Josephi de Jacobo
esse
Chr. K. v. Hofmann, Die heilige
Testaments zusammenhngend untersucht, Tbl.
vii.
3 Abth.
Wiene\ev, Jahrbcher fr deutsche Theologie, 1878, pp. 99-109;

Wandel, Zeitschrift fr
Volkniar, Jesus Nazarenus, 1882, pp. 345-348
1876, p. 4f.
kirchlichen Wissenschaft
und
kirchlichen Leben, 1888, pp.
"Der wahre Todestag [und
142-144
Kellner,
das Todesjahr] Jakobus des Alphiden"
{Katholik, 1888, erste Hlfte, pp. 394-399).

*^
The date
of Albinus' entrance
upon
his office
may
be discovered
from Wars of the Jews, vi. 5. 3. According to the statement given there,
Albinus was already procurator when, at the time of the feast of Tabernacles, four years before the outbreak of the war, and more than seven
years and five months before the destruction of the city, a certain man,
Jesus, son of Ananos, made his appearance, prophesying misfortune.
These two indications of time carry us to the Feast of Tabernacles A.D. 62.
Hence Albinus entered upon his office, at the latest, in the summer of
Our Albinus is very probably identical with Lucceius Albinus,
A.D. 62.
who, under Nei'o, Galba, and Otho, was procurator of Mauritania, and,
during the conflicts between Otho and Vitellius, was, in A.D. 69, put to
death by Vitellius' party (Tacitus, History,

Eeal-Encyclopaedie, iv. 1158
*^
Josephus,
Wais
ii.
58-59).
Rohden, De Palaestina
of the Jews,
ii.
14. 1.
et
Compare Pauly's
Arabia, p. 36.
THE EOMAN PROCURATORS,
19.
189
A.D. 44-G6.
money any one who might be taken prisoner could secure his
" Nobody remained in prison as a malefactor, but he
who gave him nothing." *^ The Sicarii, indeed, found out
release.
another means for securing the liberation of those of their
who had been taken
party
of seizing
prisoners.
upon adherents
They were
in the habit
Then
of the opposite party only.
whom
Eoman
party,
by
Albinus would set free as
many
of the Sicarii as they
at the
wish of the
Once on a time the
of their opponents.
was bribed,
also he
Sicarii
would
seized
the
secretary of the ruler of the temple, Eleasar, a son of Ananias,^**
and in return
for the liberation of the secretary they secured
own
the restoration of ten of their
Under such a
comrades.^^
government the anti-Eoman party gained footing more and

more,
or,
as Josephus puts
" the boldness of those desirous
it,
change became more and more
of
that,
obtrusive.'.' ^^
on the other hand, their opponents also had
utter anarchy soon prevailed in Jerusalem.
against
all
And
all.
Ananias, the high
He
outrageous manner.
priest,
It
seeing
full scope,
was a war
of
behaved in the most
allowed his servants quite openly to
away from the threshing-floors the tithes of the priests,

and those who opposed them were beaten.^^ Two noble
relatives of King Agrippa, called Costobar and Saul, also tried
their hand at the robber business,^* and with them was
associated the man who had committed to him the maintain-
take
ing of law and order, even the procurator Albinus himself.^^
In such times
surprise
was indeed nothing calculated
it
when on one
Damnos, engaged
*^ Joseplius,
^^
in
Wars of
p. 248,
the Jeios,
note
pitched battle in the streets with his
Wars of the Jews, ii. 14. 1,

we should undoubtedly read 'Avoii/tov.
Antiq. xx. 9. 2
Instead of 'Ai/oy
ii.
to excite
occasion a high priest, Jesus, son of
17. 2, 20.
Derenbourg, Histoire de
Compare
la Palestine,
1.
Wars
^^
9. 3.
^^
Josephus,
^'
9. 2.
^^
Josephus, Wars of the Jews,
ii,
14. 1.
of the Jews,
9. 4.
ii.
14. 1.
TUE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
190
successor, Jesus, son of Gamaliel, because
give up to
When
him the sacred
Albinus was recalled, in order to do a pleasure to
make
the
work of
successor as heavy as possible, he left all the
prisons
the inhabitants of the capital, and also to

his
he had no wish to
office.^^
empty, having executed the ordinary malefactors, and set at

"
liberty all the other prisoners.
empty
The
7.
at the
Thus the prisons were
of prisoners, but the country full of robbers."
Gessius Florus,
last procurator,
same time
He
also the worst.
and had through the influence of
A.D.
left
^^
64 6 G,^^ was
belonged to Clazomenae,
his wife Cleopatra,
who was
a friend of the Empress Poppea, obtained the procuratorship

of Judea.
For the utter baseness which characterized his
administration of his
sufficiently
strong
Josephus can scarcely find words
office,
express
to
his
feelings.
In comparison
with him, he thinks that even Albinus was extraordinarily
law honouring (StKaiTaTo^).

that in view of
it
the
So unbounded was his tyranny,
Jews praised Albinus
Whereas Albinus wrought
as a benefactor.
his wickednesses at least in secret,
Florus was impudent enough to parade them openly.
The
robbing of individuals seemed to him quite too small.
He
plundered whole
cities,
and ruined whole communities.
If
only the robbers would share their spoil with him, they would
^^
be allowed to carry on their operations unchecked.
^^
Josephus, Ajitiq. xx.
"''
9. 4.
9. 5.
Seeing tliat Florus, according to Antiq. xx. 11. 1, bad entered upon
the second year of his administration when, in May a.D. 66 {Wars of the
Jews, ii. 14. 4), the war broke out, be must have entered upon his office in
A.D. 64.
The name Gessius Florus is also attested by Tacitus, History,
In the Chronicle of Eusebius it is corrupted into Fsctt/oc ^"Koipo;
V. 10.
(the Greek form as given in Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 637 ; in the Latin
rendering of Jerome [Eusebius, CJironicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 157], Cestius
Florus) in the Armenian translation it is further converted into Cestius
films Flori (Euseb. Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 156, on the 14th year of
^^
Nero).
*9
Josephus, Antiq. xx. 11.
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
14. 2.
By
AGRIPPA
SUPPLEMENT.
19.
such outrages the measure which
endure was at
last
up
filled
to the
the
people could
The combustible
brim.
materials which had been gathering for years had

into a vast heap.
would follow
191
A.D. 50-100.
II.,
now grown
needed only a spark, and an explosion
It
of fearful
and most destructive
Agrippa IL,
Supplement.
force.
50-100.
a.d.
Literature.
Ewald,
History of Israel,
Lewin, Fasti
Winer,
Keim
sacri,
vii.
273, 421, 422, 432,
ad ann. 44-69
Realwrterbuch,
i.
(see in the
and elsewhere;
same work, Index,
viii. 18.
p. 390).
485.
in Schenkel's Bihellexikon,
iii.
56-65.
Derenbourg, Eistoire de la Palestine, pp. 252-254.

Hamburger, Real-Encyclopaedie, Abth. ii. artikel " Agrippa."
De
Saulct, Etude chronologique de

Agrippa
Gerlach,
Agrippa IL 1869
I. et
la vie et des vionnaies des rois juifs
(see vol.
of the work, p. 27).
i.
fr lutherischen Theologie, 1869, pp. 62-68.

Brann, "Biographie Agrippa's II." {Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und,
Zeitschrift
Wissenschaft des Judenthums, xix. 1870,_pp. 433-444, 529-548
xx,
1871, pp. 13-28).
Baerwald, Josephus in
Galila, sein Verhltniss zu den Parteien insbeson-
dere zu Justus von Tiberias
und Agrippa IL, Breslau
Grtz, "Das Lebensende des Knigs Agrippa

1877, p. 337
flf.) ;
"Agrippa
II.
1877.
II." u.s.w. (Monatsschrift,
und der Zustand Juda's nach dem
Untergange Jerusalems" (Monatsschrift, 1881, p. 481 ff.).

The inscriptions referring to Agrippa II. are collected from "Waddington.
in the Zeitschrift fr Wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1873, pp. 248-255.
Ca an
addition to this
Agrippa
coins
and
almost
II.,
the
see vol.
son of Agrippa
inscriptions,
all
list
I.,
i.
of this work, p. 30.
whose
members
iiL
Compare on the
493-496
A.D.
coins of Agrippa generally
Mionnet, Description de
we find
when Claudius
There, at least,
time of his father's death in
at the
like
of the Herodian family, to have been
educated and brought up in Eome.
him
name, as given on
full
was Marcus Julius Agrippa,^ seems
me'dailles,
44,
Eckhel, Doctr.
v.
570-576
Num.
Supplem,
THE EOMAN-IIERODIAN AGE,
192
wished to appoint him as successor
to his father.*
That the
emperor, at the instigation of his counsellors on the plea of

Agrippa's youth, did not
carry out
purpose has heen
this
The youth remained
for a while at
Eome, and found there abundant opportunities
of being useful
already narrated above.
countrymen by making use
to his
of his influence
Notable
tions with the court.
and connec-
instances of his
successful
intervention are those of the dispute about the high priest's
robe
and the
To him
conflict
waged during the time
we
dent
With
this last-mentioned inci-
down
already brought
to A.D.
before this there had been bestowed upon
compensation
Herod
viii.
280
sq.;
52.
But even
him by Claudius,
in
of his father's territories, another
for the loss
kingdom, though, indeed, a smaller one.

his uncle,
Cumanus.*
was mainly due that Cumanus did not escape
also it
the punishment he deserved.

are
of
of Chalcis,
whose
life
After the death of
and history are given
Lenormant, Tresor de Numismatique, pp. 127-130,
pi.
Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik, i. 53 f., 61-64, ii. 38 f. Levy,

Madden, History of Jewish Coinage,
Geschichte der jdischen Mnzen, p. 82
De Saulcy, Etude chronologiqiie, 1869 (see above in the
pp. 113-133
Ix.-lxii.
Reichardt in the Wiener Numismatische ZeitMommsen, Weiner Num. Zeitschr. 1871, p.

449 fF.; Madden, Numismatic Clironicle, 1875, pp. 101-139 ; Madden,
Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 139-169 (containing the most comi^lete list).
The name Marcus on a coin of the time of Nero "BuaiTîo; {sic) Mpôv
In accordance with this,
\\ypfZ7:ov (Madden, Coins of the Jews, p. 146).
general
schrift,
of literature)
list
Bd.
iii.
1871, p. 83
ff.;
probably an inscription at Helbon, not far from Abila, of Lysanias,
be
filled
'
out in the following manner
Ay p ITT TT
Inscri'ptions,
'E-^ri
xat'xio; (/.iya-Mv
(Pi'ho'lx.xiccpog >cul (l:t'hopuf/,oi,iuv {sic), Lie
t. iii.
The name
n. 2552.
north of the Hauran
may
lsl6t,px.o\y
Bas et Waddington,
Julius on an inscription at El-Hit,
'Ex< xai'hiu\_';
'lovJA/oy hyplivJTa,, Le Bas et
Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 2112. The reference of the inscrij^tioa
to Agrippa II. is not indeed certain, but it is highly probable.
See Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1873, p. 250.
Even without this
witness the name Julius might priori be assumed for Agrippa II., since
the whole family had borne it. See above, p. 162.
.
1.
6. 3.
9. 2.
xv. 11.
4.
Compare
Compare above,
above, p. 173.
p. 107.
19.
in detail in
at once,
AGKIPPA
SUPPLEMENT.
Appendix
but only in
L, lie obtained,
A.D.
though not probably just
50, his kingdom in the Lebanon,
same time, what that prince
and, at the
193
IL, A.D. 50-100.
also
had had, the
oversight of the temple and the right to appoint
Of
priests.^
by repeated depositions and nominations

outbreak of the war in
to the
A.D.
of high priests
still
to
Rome, where we meet with him in
reside for a while in

A.D.
down
Probably after this
66.
had been bestowed upon him Agrippa continued
gift
52, and only after this date actually entered upon the
government
He
of his
kingdom.
can only seldom, or perhaps not even once, have revisited
Palestine,
when, in
return for
in
the high
he frequently available himself
this latter right
A.D. 53, in the thirteenth
year of Claudius,
the relinquishment of the small kingdom of
Chalcis, he received a larger territory, namely, the tetrarchy
and Gaulanitis, and
of Philip, including Batauea, Trachonitis,
the tetrarchy of Lysanias, consisting of Abila and the domains

of Varus.
XX.
This territory, after the death of Claudius, was
Josephiis, Antiq. xx.

9.
'''ETTiTTiariVTO
5.
inco
Wars
of the Jeivs,
YLXoLiihiov
Keiiaxpog
ii.
12.
rviv
1.
Compare
iTri/u.i?iiietv
Antiq.
rov hpov.
There is indeed no mention of the conferring of the right of appointing

the higli priests, but only of the practical exercise of that right. Compare
That the gift of the kingdom was not made before a.D.
below, 23. IV.
may be concluded from Wars of the Jews, ii. 14. 4, according to which
Agrippa had reached the seventeenth year of his reign when, in the
month Artemisios (Ijjar) of a.D. 66, the war broke out. His seventeenth
year therefore began, if we count the reign of Agrippa II. as Jewish
king, according to Mishna, Rosh-hashana i. 1, from 1st Nisan to 1st
Nisan, on the 1st Nisan of A.D. 66, and his first year at the earliest on
Lst Nisan A.D. 50, but probably somewhat later.
Compare Wieseler,
50,
Chronological Sijnopsis, p. 48, note 2
Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters,
p. 68.
Wars of the Jews, ii. 12. 8. To the tetrarchy
of Lysanias undoubtedly belongs also Helbon, not far from Abila Ly.sanias, where the inscription referred to in note 1 was found.
Of the
;
ez-oiBxiet
OiiKpov Josephus gives us
the Varus there referred
to,
an explanation in his
the Noarus of
Josephus describes as iKyauo; Sosôy tov

DIV.
L VOL. IL
Wars
Life,
of the Jews,
ii.
c. xi.
18. 6,
for
whom
vipl rov Aixvo Tirpup^covvro:;, is
194
still
further enlarged, through Nero's favour for him,
by the
addition of important parts of Galilee and Perea, namely,
the cities of Tiberias and Tarichea, together with the lands
around belonging to them, and the city Julias, together with

fourteen surrounding villages/
most probably
to be identified
with our Varus.
Then, again, his father
Soenius will be no other than the Soemus who, at the end of a.D. 38,
obtained from Caligula tvjv ruv Îrvptiiuv ruv 'Apxcou (Dio Cassius, lix. 12),
which
territory he governed
till
his death in a.D. 49,
corporated in the province of Syria (Tacitus, Annals,

therefore be assumed that to his son
when
it
xii. 23).
was
It
in-
may
Varus a portion of the territory on
the Lebanon had been left for a time, and that this
the iTrccpx,' Ovxpov

then that Agrippa
obtained the new territory in the thirteenth year of Claudius (that year
including from 24th January a.D. 53 till the same day in a.D. 54), after
he had ruled over Chalcis for four years {IvvaaTivaag rccin-fig 'irn riaaxpoe.),
and seeing that further his fourth year, according to the reckoning we
have accepted above, began on 1st Nisan a.D. 53, the gift must have been
bestowed toward the end of A.D. 53.
JFars of the Jews, ii. 13. 2.
In the latter
which Claudius bestowed upon Agrippa.
is
Seeing
''
spoken of as still in Perea. Compare on this point Div.

At what time this gift was bestowed cannot be with any
II. vol. i. p. 105.
certainty determined.
On the later coins of Agrippa the years of his
leign are reckoned according to an era which begins with a.D. 61.
It is
possible that this era has its distinctive basis in this, that Agrippa had
in that year obtained the enlarged territory from Nero.
This is the
view of Keim in Schenkel's Bibellexikon, iii. 58 but Wieseler opposes it
passage Abila
is
in Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 90-92.

Then the abstraction
of portions of Galilee and Perea spoken of have taken place immediately
the removal of Felix and Festus' entrance upon office.

This
perhaps is the meaning of a passing allusion in Josephus, according to
after
which Tiberias remained under Roman rule ^spcp/ ^/^'hiKog -^pohritfiivov

Yet this /îxP' does not of itself mean "down to
the end of Felix's term of office." The hypothesis is therefore uncertain
that it also marks an era of Agrippa beginning in a.D. 56. We might
also take as the basis for this the enlargement of territory by Nero.
This
TV); ^lovoctixg (Life, ix.).
the opinion of Grtz, Monatsschrift, 1877, pp. 344-349. He assumes as

the basis of this era of a.D. 61 the rebuilding of Caesarea Philippi under
the name of Neronias which, however, is improbable, for this reason,
is
incident might have been the beginning of a new system of

chronology for the city Neronias but not for Agrippa. The era of a.D.
tliat this
CI can be determined with certainty according to certain coins on which
the 26th year of Agrippa
is
made
to synchronize
with the 12th consulship
AGEIPPA
SUPPLEMENT.
19.
Of Agrippa's
private
His
able to report.
life
there
Appendix
not
is
sister Berenice,^
death of Herod of Chalcis in
A.D.
II.,
195
A.D. 50-100.
much
that
favour-
is
who, from the time of the
48, was a widow (see under
lived from that date in the house of her brother,
I.),
and soon had the weak man completely caught in the meshes
of her net, so that regarding her, the mother of
the vilest stories became current.
to
the scandal became
away occasion for

marry Polemon of Cilicia, who,
public, Berenice, in order to

reports, resolved
When
two children,
cut
purpose, was obliged to submit to be circumcised.

not, hovrever, continue long
all evil
this
for
She did
with him, but came back again to
her brother, and seems to have resumed her old relations with
of Domitian,
Dom.
Cos. xii. (in
Madden, Coins
of the Jews, p. 157 sq.),
according to another, on wliich the 25th year of Agrippa
is
also
and
made
to
synchronize with the 12th consulship of Domitian (in Madden, Coins of

the Jews, p. 157). De Saulcy believes indeed that it is not the 25th and 2Cth
years of Agrippa that are there meant, but the 25th and 26th years of an
See tude chronologiquc,
era belonging to the city of Caesarea Philippi.
But the date is given

which can only mean, under King Agripjja in
Seeing then that the 12th consulship of Domitian
belongs to A.D. 86, the 26th year of Agrippa began also in that year, and
consequently the era, according to which he reckons, began in a.D. 61.
An era beginning five years earlier is witnessed to by two coins and an
The two coins bear the date hov; ott rov x.a,i b? (the figuie
inscription.
which represents the number VI.). See Madden, Coins of the Jews, p.
1869, and Numisviatique de la Terre Sainte, p. 315.
thus iTTi st. Ayp.

his 25th year, etc.
:
The eleventh year
146.
era,
IT. x.i,
is
Both of these
era.
of the reign of Agrippa, according to the one
therefore identical nth the sixth year according to the other

eras are
Sanamen on the Hauran
made
tVot/j
use of
A^'
upon an
tow
x.ui
{Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina-Vereins, vii.
X/3'
inscription found at
'Ayys/VTr
xat'Kieos
1884, p. 121
f.
= Archol.-
Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich, viii. 1884, p. 189 f.).

There, too,
the one era begins five years before the other.
Seeing then that we
may there fairly assume that among the various eras of Agrippa the
epigr.
latest was,
in later times, the one most
commonly
used,
that, also according to the coins of a.D. 86, the era usually
that of A.D. 61, the one era
must have begun
in
a d. 56 and
and seeing
employed is
the other in
A.D. 61.
8
Compare on Agrippa and Berenice, Pauly's
2 Aufl.
p.
2352
Hausrath in Schenkel's
Real-Encyclopaedie,
Bibellexikon,
i.
396-399.
i.
2,
196
At
him.
least this
somewhat
came
later
to
be the
common
talk of Home.''
In the matter of public policy Agrippa was obliged to give
up even the
little
measure of independence which his father
sought to secure, and had unconditionally to subordinate himself to the
new
the
Eoman
He
government.
Parthian campaign of
for the
provided auxiliary troops
A.D. 54;^
and when,
in A.D. 60,
procurator Festus arrived in Palestine, he hastened,
along with his sister Berenice, surrounded with great

vroXX^?
(fiera
Caesarea Philippi
capital
honour
father
was
<âvTa(T{,a<;:),
of the
pomp
him a welcome.^^ His

was named by him Neronias in
to
offer
emperor, and the city of Berytus, which his
had adorned with magnificent specimens of pagan

further indebted to his
still
liberality.-^"
His
art,
coins, almost
without exception, bear the names and images of the reigning
emperor
of Nero, Vespasian,
Titus,
and Domitian.
Like
his father, he also caused himself to be styled aat\ev<i fieya<i
(fiikoKaiaap evaer]^ Kai
(f)i,\op(t)fiaLo<;}^
That upon the whole he was attached

than to the Jewish side
is
which, in yet another direction,
to the
Koman
made very evident from an

is
rather
incident
characteristic of his indol-
vi. 156-160 :
adamas notissiraus et Berenices
In digito factus pretiosior hunc dedit olim
Barbarus incestae, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori,
Observant ubi festa mero pede sabbata reges,
Et vetus indulget senibus dementia porcis."

"
7.
Juvenal, Satires,
1"
Tacitus, Annals, xiii.
11
Acts of the Apostles xxv.
7.
13, 23.
The name
of the city Neronias is also on

343 Mionnet, Description de me'dailles,
Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 116, 117 De Saulcy,
V. 315
Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, pp. 316, 318
Madden, Coins of th-e
Jews, pp. 145, 146. That the capital was not Tiberias, therefore, certainly
Xeronias, is quite clear from Josephus, Life, c. ix.
1^ He is so named in an inscription given by Waddington, n. 2365 (see
above, p. 162) also compare n. 2552.
1^
Joseplius, Antiq. xx. 9.
the coins (Eckhel, Doctr.
4.
Num.
iii.
SUPPLEMENT.
I 19.
and
ence
"When he paid a
general feebleness.
he
Jerusalem,
wont
was
occupy
to
house
the
formerly been the palace of the Asmoneans.^*

lofty
even in
its
197
AGPvIPrA IL, A.D. 50-100.
visit
that
to
had
This building,
original form, he caused to be considerably
heightened by the addition of a tower, in order that from
it
he might overlook the citadel and the temple, and to observe

in his idle hours the sacred proceedings in the temple.
This
lazy onlooker was obnoxious to the priests, and they thwarted

his
scheme by building a high wall
Agrippa then applied

tor Festus,
to
shut off his view.
for assistance to his friend, the procura-
and he was very willing
to give
him any help he
But a Jewish deputation, which went on
could.
its
own
Eome, managed by means

the Empress Poppea to obtain permission
authority about the business to
of
the mediation of
to
keep up the wall, so that Agrippa was obliged forthwith to
abandon
his favourite diversion.
Notwithstanding his
Agrippa yet sought
unconditional
also
to
submission
Cilicia,
were required on their marriage with
The rabbinical
his sisters to submit to circumcision.^^
tion tells of questions pertaining to the
by Agrippa's minister
scribe
Eabbi
Elieser.^^
by the king himself
or
Yea on one
conviction
"
Judaism was indeed

with Agrippa as
as
occasion
it
little
tradi-
law which were put
Berenice, a bigot as well as a wanton, a

salem.^^
Eome,
to
keep on good terms with the
His brothers-in-law, Azizus of Emesa
friends of Judaism.
and Polemon of
^^
to the
we
famous
find
ISTazarite
a matter of
had been with
even
in Jeru-
his
heart
father.
This palace
lay, according to Antiq. xx. 8. 11 and JFars of the Jews,

on the so-called Xystiis, an open plain, from which a bridge led
directly to the temple (Wars of the Jews, vi. 6, 2).
ii.
16. 3,
'^
i^
8. 11.
7. 1, 3.
Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 252-254 ; Gratz, Monatsschrift, 1881, pp. 483-493.
Tradition names sometimes Agrippa's minister,
sometimes Agrippa himself as the party in question.
'^
^*
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
15. 1.
198
The

difference
the son with
When
it is
was only
this,
up decidedly the
father took
that as a matter of policy the

side of the
disguise exhibited
less
Pharisees, whereas
his utter
told in the Acts of the Apostles
indifference.
how Agrippa and
Berenice desired out of curiosity to see and hear the Apostle

while the
Paul,
king could make
"
With
little
no other
wouldest thou win me over
and therewith allows the matter
to pass
we can
free
see not only that he
also that he
had no
reply
to
testimony on behalf of Christ
apostle's enthusiastic
interest
was
the
than
to be a Christian,"
away from
from
all
his
mind,
fanaticism, but
whatever in the deeper religious
questions of the time."
His interest in Judaism extended only to external matters,

and, indeed, only to merely trifling and insignificant points.
In order to support the temple when

begun to sink, and to
raise the buildings
he caused, at great expense, wood
war
in the
foundations had
twenty cubits higher,
of imm.ense
quality to be imported from the Lebanon.

to the outbreak of the
its
size
and
fine
But the wood, owing
meantime, was never put
to
that use, and subsequently served for the manufacture of engines
He
of war.^**
made
allowed the psalm-singing Levites,
when they
the request of him, to wear the linen garments which
previously had been a distinctive badge of the priests.
For
such an offence against the law, the war, as Josephus thinks.
^^
On
the meaning of the words of Agrippa in Acts xxvi. 28, see

They were certainly not used
Overbeck on the passage.
especially
but in thorough earnest. "The king confesses that with the

few words that he had spoken Paul had made him feel inclined to become
a Christian." But then his indifference is shown in this, that he does
nothing further in the matter. It should not indeed be left unrecorded
that instead of yivindot.i very good manuscripts (xAB) read -Trotiiacii, and
instead of Trzidet; one manuscript (A) has xs/^?, which would give the
" With little thinkest thou to make me a Christian."
translation
But
-z-sldt] is too weakly supported, and unless we could adopt that reading the
'Ttotiidoe.i would be untranslatable.
ironically,
Josephus, Wars of
the Jens, v. 1. 5
Jitiq. xv. 11. 3.
19.
SUPPLEMENT.
AGRIPPA
199
n., A.D. 50-100.
was a just piinishment.^^
When,
building of the temple of
Herod was completed,
in order to
for the multitudes of builders,
Agrippa had
secure
employment
in the time of Albiniis, the
"
the city paved with white marble.^"
And
thus at least as
costume maker, wood-cutter, pavier, and practical inspector of

the temple, did he render his services to the sinking Jerusalem."^*
When,
the spring of
in
A.D. 66,
the revolution broke out,
Agrippa was in Alexandria, where he had gone

to the governor of
respects
while
his
that
Berenice remained in
sister
power
Open
avert
to
hostilities
brother and
threatening
the
Jerusalem in con-
did
sister
in their
all
But
storm.
in
all
and the king's
parties,
which he had
troops,
When
sent to help, fought on the side of the peace party.
party
latter
buildings, the
vain.
were now begun in Jerusalem between the
war and the peace
this
his
Agrippa then immediately
sequence of a Nazarite vow.^*

hasted back, and both
pay
to
place, Tiberius Alexander,
had
been
palaces of Agrippa and
among
and
defeated,
other
Berenice had fallen
victims to the popular fury,^^ he became the decided choice of

that
war he
Unhesitatingly throughout the whole
party.
Even when
stood on the side of the Eomans.
Cestius Gallus
undertook his unfortunate expedition against Jerusalem, King
Agrippa was
number
found
in
territory.
joined
the
unflinchingly
21
The
Josephns, Antiq. xx.
schrift, 1886, p. 97 f.)

22 Josephus, Antiq.
party
the
to
The
makes in
xx.
2*
2^
Tarichea,
but
Roman
the
Gamala
and
king
cause.^^
of the
part of
remained
After
the
combinations which Grtz {Monatsmore than doubtful.
9. 7.
Keim
in Schenkel's Bibellexikon,
ii.
considerable
this connection are
23
26 Ibid.
Tiberias,
cities
9. 6.
to the
revolutionary
faithful
with
As the further course

Jews he lost a great
of auxiliary troops.^^
revolt proved favourable

his
following
his
ii.
iii.
15. 1.
59,
25
jr^^-^_
jj_
I'j
18. 9, 19. 3.
Further details regarding Agrippa's conduct during the war are given
200
THE IJOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
summer
conquest of Jotapata, in the

tained
manner
ficent
67, he enter-
of A.D.
commander-in-chief Vespasian in the most magni-
tlie
in his capital of
Caesarea Philippi/^ and was
able soon, after he had been slightly
wounded
at the siege of
Gamala,^^ to take possession again of his kingdom
end
67 the whole
year
of the
for at the
of the north of Palestine
was
again subject to the Eomans.
When,
June
death of
after the
A.D. 68, Titus
new emperor
went
to
which occurred on 9th
JSTero,
Eome
to
pay
his respects to the
him
Galba, he took Agrippa with
same purpose.
On
the
way they
murder, which took place on 15th January

Titus
father,
now
also for the
received tidings of Galba's

A.D.
69.
While
returned with as great speed as possible to his
Agrippa continued his journey to Rome, where
time he continued to
on 30th July
But
reside.^"
A.D. 69, elected
after
for a
Vespasian had been,
emperor by
tlie
Egyptian and
Keim, Bihellexikon, iii. 60-63. Agrippa was not present in Palestine

during the interval between the defeat of Cestius Gallus and the advance
of Vesiâsian.
He gave over the administration of his kingdom to a
certain Noarus or Varus, and, when this man began to indulge in tlie
most despotic and high-handed procedure, to a certain Aequus Modius
in
{Wars of tlie Jews, ii. 18. 6

Of the three cities named
and xxxvi., compare also xxiv.).

Gamala was of
special importance as a strong fortress.
It was at first held faithfully for
the king by Philip, an officer of Agrippa {Life, c. xi.). But when Pliilip
was recalled by Agrippa the city went over to the side of the rebels {Life,
xxxv.-xxxvii.
Wars of the Jews, ii. 20. 4, 6, ii. 21. 7). Agrippa then
ordered Aequus Modius to recapture Gamala {Life, xxiv.). But even a
seven months' siege failed to secure this end {Wars of the Jews, iv. 1. 2).
Another oSicer of Agrippa fought against Josephus {Life, Ixxi.-lxxiii.).
Agrippa remained in Berytus till the spring of a.D. 67 {Life, xxxvi., Ixv.,
ed. Bekker, p. 342, 32), then waited in Antioch along with his troops the
ariival of Vespasian's army ( Wars of the Jews, iii. 2. 4), advanced witli
Vespasian to Tyre {Life, Ixxiv.) and Ptoleraais {Life, Ixv., ed. Bekker, p.
340, 19-25, and c. Ixxiv.), and seems now to have taken up his quarters
more generally in Vespasian's camp {Wars of the Jews, iii. 4. 2, 9. 7-8,
;
Life,
c.
xi.
(Tiberias, Tarichea, Gamala),
10. 10, iv. 1. 3).

28
Josephus,
2"
Josephus,
Wars
Wars
of the Jews,
^^ Ihid. iv. 1. 3.
iii. 9. 7.
of the Jews, iv. 9. 2
Tacitus, History,
ii.
1-2.
19.
IL, A.D. 50-100.
201
who had been throughout
a hearty
AGRIPPA
SUPPLEMENT.
Syrian legions, Berenice,
supporter of the Flavian party, urged her brother to return
without delay to Palestine to take the oath of allegiance to

the
new
Trom
emperor.^^
this
found in the company of

entrusted
the
time forward Agrippa
Titus,
whom
to
continued prosecution
of
the
is to
Vespasian had
When
war.^^
and
Titus, after the conquest of Jerusalem, gave magnificent
costly
games
Caesarea
at
Philippi,
undoubtedly present, and as a
Eoman
be
King
Agrippa
was
joined in the rejoicings
over the destruction of his people.^^

After the war had been brought to an end Agrippa, as a
faithful partizan of Vespasian,
was not only confirmed
in the
kingdom which he had previously governed,
possession of the
but had also considerable additions made to his
though we have no more detailed account
territories,
the
of
precise
Josephus mentions only
boundaries of his domains.^'*
inci-
dentally that Arcaia (Area, at the north end of the Lebanon,

north-east of Tripolis) belonged to the
^^
Tacitus, History,
^^
Josephus,
^*
Pliotius in
Wars
liis
81.
ii.
of the Jeios,
of Agrippa.^^
vii. 2. 1.
Bihliotheca, cod. 33, gives the following extract
Agripjia from Justus of Tiberias

Yii/^'/ldyi
kingdom
^^ Ibid. v. 1.
Sf STTi Nipuiio; x.xi
en
-T^-upiTâi //Av t/^v
fic'K'Ko vtt
.pyjrtv
svl
about
K'Ku.voiov,
Oi/saTrxaiUbov^ nTîVT
oe
tTH
rptru Tpocixuov.
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vii. 5. 1. Josephus there tells how that
on the march from Berytus to Antioch, came upon the so-called
Sabbath-river, which flows /nitjo; 'ApKxi'xi rjj? Âypi'vTi-oe. ee.m'Aeixg ku\
25
Titus,
A city therefore is intended which lay north of Berytus,

undoubtedly the same Arcae which according to the old itineraries lay between Tripolis and Antaradus, 16 or 18 Roman miks
north of Tripolis and 32 Roman miles south of Antaradus (18 mil.
pass. : Jtinerariiim Antonini, edd. Parthey et Finder, 1848, p. 68
16
inil. pass. : Itinerarium Burdigalense, edd. Parthey et Pinder, p. 275 =
Itinera Hierosolymitana, edd. Tobler et Molinier, i. 1879, p. 14
they
agree in giving the distance from Antaradus at 32 mil. pass.).
The
name is retained to the present day in that of a village at the north
end of the Lebanon on the spot indicated in the itineraries. In ancient
times the city was very well known.
The Arkites are named in the
'F(pxi/ccioi;.
and
so
list
of peoples in Gen.
x.
17 Ci^nV).
Josephus, Antiq.
i.
6.
2,
calls it:
202
We
THE ROMAN-HEEODIN AGE.

are therefore obliged to conclude that his
'
Aojcriv Tviv
iv
in Antiq. v.
new
possessions
The omission on the part
stretched very far to the north.
of
Quite distinct from this is the Arce mentioned

which lay much farther south. In Antiq. via. 2. 3,
ru Atocvu.
22,
1.
Niese reads, indeed,
'Axij
but
for this Antiq. ix. 14. 2
has
Pliny,
' Apx.n.
and Ptolemy, v. 15. 21, simply mention the name.

Stephen of Byzantium remarks ' hpx.n, vohig (ôivIk^:,
vvu ' hpKett
Jerome explains Gen. x. 17 thus: "Aracaeus, qui Areas
KxXovfiiuYi.
condidit, oppidum contra Tripolim in radicibus Libani situm" {Quaest.
nist. Nat. V. 18. 74,
Hebr. in
Genesin, Opera, ed.
empire, Area was
ii
Vallarsi,
known
specially
Severus (Laraprid. AlexMnder Severus,

c.
was there
It
24).
birthplace of
the
13
1, 5,
Aurel. Victor, Caesar,
also called Caesarea (Lamprid. Aleocander Severus,
"Apud Arcam Caesaream;"
13:
c.
In the days of the

Alexander
321).
iii.
as
duplex. Caesarea et Area,
nomen
Aurel. Victor, Caesar,

est").
On
coins this
early as the time of Marcus Aurelius {Konaxoiav ruu
24:
c.
name
c.
"Cui
occurs as
ru Atat.vu or Kctinot even earlier, it
From the time of Heliogabalus, if

" Col. Caesaria Lib(ani)."
ranked on the coins as a Roman colony
An inscription, found by Renan in the neighbourhood of Botrys, refers to
a dispute about a boundary between the Caesarians and the Gigartenians,
" Fines
Corp. Inscr. Lat. iii. n. 183 = Renan, Mission de PMnicie, p. 149
positi inter Caesarenses ad Libanum et Gigartenos de vico Sidonior[um]
jussu
From this, however, it should not be concluded that their
.).
regular frontiers touched one another.
See Mommsen's remarks in Corp.
Inscr. Lat., and those of Renan in his work referred to.
The situation
of Gigarta may be determined from the order of enumeration in Pliny,
Hist. Nat. V. 78: "Botrys, Gigarta, Trieris, Calamos, Tripolis."
The
plural form 'Apx-at, used by Stephen of Byzantium, is also confirmed by
the itineraries, by Jerome, Socrates {Hist. eccl. vii. 36), and Hierocles
(Synecdemus, ed. Parthey, p. 43).
Compare generally, Belley, M^moires de
aecpsixg Aiotvov).
is
VAcadffmie des inscriptions
belles-lettres,
et
first
pp. 685-694 ; Ritter, Erdkunde, xvii. 1. 808

Researches in Palestine; Forbiger, Handbuch
672
i.
der
1768,
Robinson, Later
alten
Geographie,
2,
ii.
Kuhn, Die
2 Aufl. p. 1423 f.
Verfassung des rmischen Reichs,
Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie,
und
842
xxxii.
vol.
series,
ff.,
ii.
331 f.
86 Baudissin,
art. "Arkiter" in Herzog's Real-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl. i. 645 f.; Knobel,
Die VUcertafel der Genesis, 1850, p. 327 f.
Renan, Mission de Phenicie,
Furrer, Zeitschrifl des deutschen Palstina-Vereins, viii. 1885,
p. 115 sq.
Neubauer, La gôgraphie du, Talmud, p. 299. On the coins
p. 18
Belley, Memoires de VAcadimie, xxxii. (1768)
Eckhel, Doctr. Num.
iii.
360 - 362
Mionnet, Description de m^dailles, v. 356 - 358 Suppl.
viii 255-257
De Saulcy, Annuaire de la Socide francaise de Num. et
d' Archologie, iii. 2, 1869, pp. 270-275
stdtische
brgerliche
Gesenius, Thesaurus,
p.
1073
i.
Terre Sainte, pp. 117-120.
19.
AGRIPPA
SUPPLEMENT.
Josepbus in Wai's of
the Jews,
iii.
203
IL, A.D. 50-100.
3. o, to refer to
these northern
possessions, can be accounted for only
by the hypothesis that
at the time of the composition of that
work
had not yet taken
territory
Josepbus
does
not
refer
to
this extension of
As a matter
place.
them
there,
of fact,
because in
that
passage he does not propose to describe the whole kingdom
Agrippa, but only those districts which were inhabited
of
more
or less
by Jews (compare Div.
II. vol.
i.
Of the
p. 2).
southern possessions certain portions seem at a later period
At
away from Agrippa.

when Josepbus wrote his Antiquities,
to have been taken
time
i.e.
the
least, at
in A.D.
9394,
the Jewish colony of Bathyra in Batanea no longer belonged

to the territory of Agrippa.^*^
In
A.D.
arrived in
75 the brother and
sister,
Agrippa and Berenice,
Kome, and there those intimate
relations
begun in
Palestine between Berenice and Titus were resumed, which
soon became a public scandal.^
The Jewish queen
lived
with Titus on the Palatine, while her brother was raised to

the rank of a praetor.
It
was generally expected that there
would soon be a formal marriage, which
had indeed promised

matter in
Eome was
her.
But the
is
it
said that Titus
dissatisfaction over the
so great that Titus
found himself under
the necessity of sending his beloved one away.^
After the
Josephus, Antiq. xvii. 2. 2. In the Wars of the Jews, iii. 3. 5, Batanea

reckoned as still belonging to the territory of Agrippa.
^^ Even Titns' return to Palestine on receiving intelligence
of Galba's
death was ascribed by his defamers to his longing for the society of
'^
IS
Berenice (Tacitus, History,

^'^
Dio Cassius,
amorem
Berenices
Ixvi.
ii.
15
2).
Suetonius,
Titus,
" Insignem reginae

Berenice had
cui etiam nuptias poilicitus ferebatur."
even already publicly assumed the name of Titus' wife {Trxvr '^l-/i ; x-ctl
-/vuvj ctvrov ovaot, sTroUt, Dio Cassius, Ixvi. 15).
Any suspected of havinc
intercourse with her were rigorously punished by Titus. Aurel. Victor,
" Caecinam consularem adhibitum coenae, visdum triclinio
Epit. 10
egressum, ob suspicionem stupratae Berenices uxoris suae, jugulari jussit."
Compare also Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl. iv.
:
52-55.
204
death of Vespasian, on 23rd June A.D. 79, she returned once
more
to
Eome
but Titus
come
liad
to see that love intrigues
were not compatible with the dignity of an emperor, and so
When
her unnoticed.^^
left
she found herself thus deceived
she returned again to Palestine.
Of her
later
life,
we know
as well as of that of Agrippa,
We
practically nothing.
know indeed only
this,
that Agrippa
corresponded with Josephus about his History of the Jewish
War, praised
a copy of
Numerous
continued
it
for its accuracy
and
reliability,
and purchased
it.*"
to
coins of Agrippa confirm the idea that his reign
end
the
that
of
of
The many
Domitian.
inaccuracies which are found on these coins with reference to
nmch
the imperial title have caused
Yet, in
highly
reality, these
trouble to numismatists.
inaccuracies are
in
various directions
instructive.'*^
3^ Dio Cassius, Ivi. 18; Aurel. Victor, ^p'i. 10: "Ut subiit pondus
regium, Berenicen nuptias suas speranteiu regredi donium
praecepit."
Suetonius, Titus, 7 " Berenicen statini ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitani."
.
Aurelius
Victor and Suetonius speak only of a dismissal of Berenice

enthronement of Titus for even in Suetonius " statini " can be
understood only in this sense. But Dio Cassius clearly makes a distinction between the two occurrences
the involuntary dismissal before his
succession to the throne, and the non-recognition of Berenice after that
event.
On her travels between Palestine and Rome, Berenice seems to
have gained for herself a certain position in Athens which the council
and people of the Athenians have made memorable by the following
after the
inscription {Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 361
556
on the name
'
ij
av'Kvi
ov'hii
'hiot.v
'Aioic
jj
Apsiov
ii,
Tuv X
X.XI
1,
n.
-TToiyov
6 îifcog
x.oi.1
lov-
lonA/of
Ayp/TTTT xat
dvyxTiox Kxl f^tyxKcov
xai'Kiuu siiepytTUv
Asiijf
iii.
HiptviiKYiv xoi'Kiaaxv
/ttyAj)v,
*<*
Corp. Inscr. Atticaruvi,
Julia, see above, p. 162)
iKyovov
rij;
wo-
Josephus, Life, Ixv.

Against Apion, i. 9.
For the literature on the coins, see above,
;
^1
the case are as follows.

regard to
them above,
p. 192.
The
real facts of
Besides the coins of the time of Nero (see in
pp. 193-194) there are coins of
Agrippa (1)
of the
According
AGEIPPA
SUPPLEMENT.
19.
to the
II.,
testimony of Justus of Tiberias,*^ Agrippa
died in the third year of Trajan, in A.D.

reason
100
doubting the correctness of
for
205
A.D. 50-100.
is
no
statement,
as
and there
this
years of his reign, 14, 18, 26, 27, 29, with the inscription, AvTox.px{ropi)
(2) of the years of Agrippa, 14, 18, 19,
with the inscription, AvToxp((x.ri)p) T/rog- Kxiaetp '2ix(i{r6;)
(3) of the years of Agrippa, 14, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 35, with
the name of Domitian, and indeed down to the year 23 inclusive, only
AofiiTiccuo; Kctiixp, in the year 24 with the addition Tip/^ctvtKg, in the
Avrox-pctiropot.) AayAr tod^vav) Vûldot-poi
year 35
Tipi^xui{x.6v).
For the
Ovsa'7ra,ai{a,u^) Kxiaxpi îctiru
20, 26, 27, 29,
fullest exhibition of the evidence, see
pp. 148-159.
The agreement in
Madden, Coins of
the Jews, 1881,
the year numbers on the coins of
all
the
beyond doubt that on all these coins the same era

is employed.
Hence Agrippa in his fourteenth year has had coins stamped
at the same time bearing the name of Vespasian, Titus, Domitian.
But
the era used can only be that of a.D. 61, which is emijloyed on the
bilingual coins of Agrippa of the 25th and 2Gth years of his reign
[ Domitian. Cos. xii., i.e. a.d. 86). Compare what is said above at
From these data the following results may be deduced (1) The
p. 194.
coins of the years 26, 27, and 29 were stamped after the deaths of
"Vespasian and Titus
nevertheless, in the title of both emperors the
term " divus " is wanting, suppressed probably on religious grounds.
(2) The coins of the years 14 and 18 were stamped while Vespasian was
three Flavians puts
it
still
living
incorrect as
nevertheless
it is, it
Titus
is
already called
indicates in a striking
"Ziuar;.
Thus,
manner how Titus had already
gained in the East a supreme position. He was regarded even then as

practically co-regent.
(3) The title given to Domitian is so far correct,
since he
is
called
on the coins of the years 14-19 only
coins of the year 24
(=
Kxtactp,
and on the
A.D. 84) bears the title Tspju.xuiy.6;, which, as
a
matter of fact, he did receive in a.D. 84. On the other hand, it was a
great mistake to omit the title of 'SixaTos, and in some instances also the
title Avrojcpxrap from the coins of the years 23-25, which all belong to
the period of Domitian's reign, a.D. 83-95. The coins therefore show
"that in Galilee they were not altogether en rapport with the mighty
empire of this world " (Mommsen). Only the bilingual coins of the year
26 have the correct Latin title " Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Vesp. f(ilius)
Domitian(us) Au(gustus) Ger(manicus)." Several numismatists, especially
De Saulcy and Madden, partly at least in order to get rid of these results,
have, in the most extremely arbitrary manner, assumed for these coins
from three to four different eras. The correct point of view has in the
most convincing manner been indicated by Mommsen (Wiener Numis:
matische Zeitschrift,
*2
On
68-69.
iii. 1871, pp. 451-457).

Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 33, see vol.
i.
of this present work, pp.
206
Tillemout and
would
it
many modern
appear,
no
left
writers have done.^'
Agrippa,
kingdom
His
children.^*
was
undoubtedly incorporated in the province of Syria.

*^ Tilleniont,
note
xli.
Historie des empereurs,
Jost, Geschichte der Israeliten,
Monatsschrift, fr Geschichte
t.
(Venise 1732) pp. 646-648,

Anhang, p. 103 f, Brann,
i.
Bd.
ii.,
und Wissenschaft
des
Judenthums, 1871, pp.
26-28
Grtz, Monatsschrift fr Gesch. u. Wissensch. des Jtid. 1877, pp.
Brll, Jahrbcher fr jdisch. Geschichte und Literatur, vii.
337-352
;
The reason wliy some would reject altogether the report

1885, pp. 51-53.
of Justus as given by Photius, while others would improve it by an
is simply this, that it had been
assumed that the Autobiography of Josephus was written immediately
In that case then Agrippa must
after his Antiquities, in A.D. 93 or 94.
for when Josejjhus wrote his Autohave died before the year 93
biography, Agrippa was already dead {Life, Ixv.). But that assumption
is altogether untenable, since Josephus, at the end of the Antiquities,
expresses his intention of continuing the work in another way than he
On this question see
afterwards actually did by appending the Life.
The coins of Agrippa of the year 35 of
vol. i. of this work, pp. 90-92.
Compare in
his reign prove that, at least in a.D. 95, he was still alive.
alteration or modification of the text,
regard to the reckoning of the date,

inscription with the date Irov; X^' toS
fix
what
xos<
is
>i/3'
said
in note 41.
oe.ai'kiui 'AyptTT'Troi., if
the latter date at a.D. 61 (compare above at note
7),
The
we
will bring us to
A.D. 92-93.
In the Talmud
Agrippa putting a
question to R. Elieser, which seems to imply that the questioner had two
Founding upon this, many assign to Agrippa two wives, assuming
wives.
So, for
that the steward put the question in the name of the king.
instance, Derenbourg, Historie de la Palestine, pp. 252-254, and Brann,
There is, however, no sufiicient foundation
Monatsschrift, 1871, p. 13 f.
**
{hah.
for
Whether he was married

Succa 27a) the story
such an assumption.
is
or not,
we do not know.
told of the steward of
See Grtz, Monatsschrift, 1881,
p.
483
f.
THE GREAT WAR WITH ROME,
20.
A.D. 66-73.
Sources.
Zonaras,
JoSEPHUS, Wars of the Jews, ii. 14-vii. Life, c. iv.-lxxiv.
Annates, vi. 18-29 (summary from Josephus). On the so-called
;
Hegesippus, see above, vol.
On
i.
pp. 100-102.
the non-extant works of Vespasian, Antonius Julianus, and Justus of

Tiberias, see above, vol.
pp. 63-69.
i.
Rabbinical traditions in Derenbourq, pp. 255-295.
On
the coins which possibly date from the period
war, see
of this
Appendix IV.
Literature.
Ewald, History of Israel, vii. 486-616.

Milman, History of the Jews, books xiv.,
Grtz,
Israel,
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche
Renan, Antichrist.
iii.
ii.
xv., xvi., xvii.
pp. 448-557.
594629.
Fressens^, The Early Years of
Christianity, vol.
i.
iii.
421-477.
London
pp. 399-406.
1879.
Schiller, Geschichte des rmischen Kaiserreiches unter der Regierung
Nero (1872), pp. 205-261.
des
Geschichte der rmischen Kaiserzeit, Bd.
i.
1883, pp. 381-400.
MoMMSEN,
Rmisclie Geschichte, Bd, v. 1885, pp. 529-540.
Lewin, The
With Journal
Siege of Jerusalem by Titus.
Holy
of a recent Visit to
and a general Sketch of the Topography of Jerusalem

from the earliest Times down to the Siege. London 1863. Compare
the
Gott.
gel.
City,
Anzeiger, 1864, p. 721
ff'.
Also, Lewin, Fasti
sacri,
London
1865, pp. 338-362.
Morrison, The Jews under

series.
London
Champagny, Rome
the
Romans.
la Jude'e
au temps
In "History of the Nations"
1890.
et
de la chute de
apres J(5sus- Christ), 2 ^d. Paris 1865,
t.
i.
Neron (ans 66-72
pp. 195-254;
t.
ii.
pp.
55-200.
De
Saulcy, Les derniers jours de Jerusalem.

gel.
Anzeig&r, 1868, p. 899
ff.
207
Paris 1886.
Compare,
Gott.
208
tue koman-herodian age.
The Outbreak and Triumph of the Revolution,
1.
The
a.d. 66.
ostensible occasion for the outbreak of the long threatened
revolt
was given by a deed
which was not
of Florus
in
any worse than many others committed by him, but

people proved more intolerable because
time an outrage upon their religious

before he
had
was
it
visited only the citizens with his
to the
at the
sensibilities.
itself
same
Whereas
plunderings,
he now ventured to lay his liands upon the treasury of the

temple,
and
abstract
to
now
from
was thus
people's patience
rose in a great tumult
upon a plan
talents.
beyond endurance.
The
They
couple of sarcastic wits hit
seventeen
it
tried
throwing contempt upon the greedy pro-
for
curator by sending round baskets and collecting gifts for the
When
poor and unfortunate Florus.

this
the governor heard of
he immediately resolved to take bloody vengeance upon
those
who had
soldiers
thus insulted him.
With
detachment
of
he marched to Jerusalem, and in spite of the weeping

the high
entreaties of
priests
and the principal inhabitants,
he gave over a portion of the city to be plundered by his

soldiers.
eA''en
large
Eoman
random, put in
pleadings of
number
knights
fetters,
of
of citizens, including
Jewish
and then
descent,
of the procurator
and
seized
to be present in
moderating the fury
effect in
his soldiers.^
This outrage was committed on the 16th Artemisios
May)
On
1
at
Even the humble
crucified.
Queen Berenice, who happened
Jerusalem at that time, had no
among them
were
(Ijjar,
of the year 66.^
the day following Floras expressed the wish that the
Josephus, TVars of the Jews,

ii.
14. 6-9, 15. 1.
ii.
15. 2
comp.
ii.
Though Josephus
14. 4; Antiq. xx. 11. 1
uses the Macedonian

months we are really to understand by them the Jewish
months, which only approximately correspond to the months of the
Julian calendar. See further details in Appendix III.
(in the twelfth
names
of the
year of Nero).
20.
209
A.D. CG-73.
should go out to give a formal greeting to the two
citizens
cohorts which were to enter the city from Caesarea, in order
thereby to give a public proof of their submissiveness and of
Although the people were not by
their penitent disposition.
any means inclined
do
to
so,
the high priests persuaded
them
to submit to this indignity lest something worse should befall
In solemn procession the people went out
them.
the two cohorts, and gave
evidently
soldiers,
them a
guided
by
the instructions
to
meet
But the
friendly greeting.
Florus,
of
Then began the people to

reproaches against Florus,
The soldiers
refused to return their greeting.
murmur, and
to utter
then seized their swords, and drove the people back amid
incessant
violent
slaughter
raged,
conflict
the
into
in
Then
city.
which
the
the
in
people
streets
succeeded in
securing possession of the temple mount, and in cutting
the connection between
it
and the
castle of Antonia.
off
Florus
could easily see that he was not strong enough to subdue

the
by
multitude
He
violence.
withdrew
therefore
to
Caesarea, leaving behind only one cohort in Jerusalem, and
announcing that he would hold the chief men
of
the city
responsible for the quiet and order of the people.^
King Agrippa was
at this
time in Alexandria,
When
he
heard of the disturbances he hastened to Jerusalem, summoned

the people to an assembly on the Xystus, an open space in
front of
resided,
the
palace of
and from
the
Asmoneans,
his palace addressed
and impressive speech, in order

hopeless,
utterly
to urge
Joseplius, TJ\irs of the Jews,
Josephus,
Wars
which
Agrippa
them
to
abandon the
and therefore unreasonable and disastrous
struggle on which they were entering.*

^
in
the people in a long
ii.
The people declared
15. 3-6.
1-5
comp. 15. 1. The statistical

Josephus has woven into this
speech of Agrippa, were probably borrowed from an official publication.
*
details about the
of the Jews,
ii.
16.
Koman empire which
Compare Friedlnder, De
fnte quo Josephus B. J.
ii,
16.
4 usus
Ecgimonti (Index kdionum), 1873.

DIV.
I.
VOL.
II.
sit.
210
TUE ROMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
themselves ready to return to their allegiance to the emperor
They began again
up the
build
to
galleries
between
the
temple mount and the Antonia, which they had torn down,
and they collected the outstanding
But when Agrippa
taxes.
insisted that they should again yield obedience to Florus, this
His proposals were
was more than the people could endure.
rejected with contempt and scorn, and he was obliged to with-
draw without accomplishing
Meanwhile the
had succeeded in gaining possession
rebels
At
Masada.
of the fortress of
his purpose in his kingdom.^
of the high priest Ananias,
it
the instigation of Eleasar, son
was now
also resolved to
dis-
continue the daily offering for the emperor, and no longer to
admit
any
of
by those who were not Jews.
offering
emperor was equivalent to
refusal to offer a sacrifice for the
open
an
declaration
of
The
against the Eomans.
revolt
All
attempts of the principal men, among the chief priests as

well as
among the
to the decision to
When
high
all
priests, the
related to
the people to recall
They firmly adhered
were in vain.
which they had
members
the
be expected,
induce
Pharisees, to
this foolhardy resolution
of the
come.*'
peace party, to which, as mi^ht
discerning and judicious
men
belonged,
the
most distinguished of the Pharisees, those
the house of Herod,
perceived that they were
incapable of accomplishing any good, they resolved to have
They accordingly made
recourse to violent measures.

cation for assistance to
3000
of
He
King Agrippa.
cavalry under the
command
appli-
sent a detachment
of Darius
and
Philip,
by
whose help the peace party gained possession of the upper

city,
while the rebels continued to hold the temple mount
and the lower

^
Josephus,
city.
Wars
Wars
bitter strife
of the Jeivs, ii. 17. 1.

of the Jews, ii. 17. 2-4.
now
arose between the
On the fortress of Masada,

end of this section. On the daily sacrifice offered for the
emperor, see the Second Division of the present work, vol. i. pp 302-304.
^
see
Josephus,
below
at tlie
20.
two parties
211
A.D. CC-73.
but the royal troops were not strong enough to
withstand the violent rage of the multitude, and were obliged

the upper
evacuate
to
upon
In order to
city.
their opponents, the rebels
vengeance
take
set fire to the palaces of the
high priest Ananias, of King Agrippa, and Berenice.^
few days after
August,
they
this, in
month
the
succeeded
also
Antonia, and then they began to

palace, that of Herod, in
had taken
the
or
of
lay siege to
is.
the upper
which the troops of the peace party
Here, too,
refuge.
Ab
citadel
Loos, that
storming
in
was impossible
it
besieged to offer any effectual resistance.
the
for
Consequently the
troops of Agrippa were only too glad to submit on the con-
The
being allowed to pass out unhurt.
dition of
lioman
cohorts had betaken themselves to the three strong towers of
the
palace,
Phasael, and
known
respectively
Mariamme, while
on 6th Gorpiaios, that
On
rebels.^
is,
all
by the
names
Hippicus,
the rest of the palace was,
Elul or September, set on
fire
by the
who
the following day the high priest Ananias,
had hitherto kept himself concealed, was apprehended in

hiding-place and put to death.^
which
still
Eoman
to
These, too,
party,
were obliged at
Joseplius, JVars of the Jews,
were vt6 Axpsia
fîv
the Jews,
He was
the peace
his
solitary feeble support
was that
of
the
cohorts besieged in the three towers of the palace of
Herod.
^
remained
The
ii.
17.
ii.
17. 4-6.
aipxTfiyu
last
The
t^
yield to
to
troops sent
by Agrippa
(JVars of
Philip was therefore the commander-in-chief.
iTT'TrecpxVt
fin.).
Be
grandson of the Babylonian Zamaris,
'IxKt'fôv
who
Î'hi'ur'Tru
in the time of
the Great had founded a Jewish colony in Batanea (Antiq. xvii.
Compare on him
also,
XXXV., xxxvi., Ixxiv.
mention
made
JFars of the Jews,
On
of
the
ii.
20.
1,
iv.
1.
10
Herod
2. 3).
Life, xi.,
an inscription communicated by Waddingtou
iTûpyô^ mathius îyccTôv

[/\]piitos
(Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions, iii. n. 2135), who is probably identical with our Deri us.
8 Josephus, Wars of the Jeivs, ii. 17. 7-8
comp. v. 4. 4. The leader of
Agrippa's troops, Philip, was subsequently called to account for hia
^
is
Aoi^yion;
K'/piTCKo,
conduct (Josephus, Life, Ixxiv.).

^ Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii.
17. 9.
212
THE KOMAN-HERODIAX AGE.
Upon
superior power of the people.
laying
down
who were now masters

by general
victory
whole
of the
city,
rebels,
celebrated their
The Roman
slaughter.
arms
their
But the
they were allowed to walk out uninjured.
were
soldiers
when they
scarcely gone, leaving their weapons behind them,
were treacherously fallen upon by the Jews, and were cut
down
to the last man.'"
While thus the triumph

was decided, bloody
down
The influence
many
other
Wherever the Jews were
in
their Gentile fellow-townsmen
and where the Gentiles predominated, they

Jews.
Jerusalem
in
Gentiles dwelt together, especially
within the borders of Palestine.

the majority, they cut
revolution
took place also in
conflicts
where Jews and
cities,
of the
of the revolt
upon the
fell
the mother country
in
spread even as far as Alexandria.'^
At
last, after
long delay and preparation, Cestius Gallus,
governor of
the
quieting of the
legion,
four
entered
2000 chosen men from
aloe
which
Syria,
of
the
upon negotiations
With
disturbances in Judea.
cavalry,
friendly
numerous
auxiliary
Agrippa,
including
had
obliged to place at his disposal, he started from
inarched
through
where he arrived
the
month
Gabao
to
Tlzri
or
Ptolemais,
or October,
pitched his camp.'^

^^
and
finally
troops
been
Antioch,
Lydda,
Antipatris,
Caesarea,
at the time of the Feast
Gibeon,
the
other legions, six cohorts, and
besides
kings,
for
the twelfth
of Tabernacles in
through Beth-horon
50 stadia from Jerusalem, and there
sally
Joseplius, IVars of the Jews,
ii.
made by
the Jews from Jeru-
Compare Megillath Taanith,

Romans withdrew from Judea and
17. 10.
" On the ITtli Elul tlie

14
Jerusalem " (Derenbourg, pp. 443, 445 Hitzig, ii. p. 600).
^^ Joseph us, Wars
Life, vi.
of the Jews, ii. 18. 1-8
12 Josephus, Wars
of the Jews, ii. 18. 9-10, 19. I.Tctau is the
Gibeon often referred to in the Old Testament, identified with El-Jeb
north-west of Jerusalem. See Winer, Eealv:rtcrhuch, art. "Gibeon;"
Robinson, Bihliral Researches in Palestine, vol. li. pp. 136-138
Guerin,
:
Judee,
i.
383-391.
20.
210
A.D. G-73.
salem put the lloman army into a position of great danger,

but was at
last driven back.^^
to the city,
and
laid siege
Four days
from Jerusalem.
taios, that
is,
Cestius then advanced nearer
the so-called Scopus, 7 stadia
to
on the 3 0th Hyperbere-
later,
he took possession unopposed
Tizri or October,
the northern suburb Bezetha, and set
of
all
storming the
of
thereupon desisted
further attempts, and began to
withdraw witliout
accomplishing his
the causes of
Josephus
object.'"
this
failed.
is
unable to explain
Probably Cestius perceived
procedure.
that his forces were insufficient for
any hope of success upon the well

defended
But
fire.^*
He
temple mount his enterprise
from
on
it
when he ventured upon the bolder task
making an attack with

and courageously
fortified
With what determination and with what
city.
dauntless resolution the struggle was carried forward on the

part
of
now
Jews, was
the
governor on
his
Eoman
be proved to the
to
In
retreat.
near
ravine
Beth-horon,
through which he was pursuing his journey, he found him-
surrounded on every side by the Jews, and attacked
self
with such
flight.
force, that his
homeward march was turned
Only by leaving behind him a great part
baggage, including
much
into a
of
his
valuable war material, which sub-
sequently proved of great service to the Jews, did he succeed

reaching Antioch with a fragment of his army.
in
^^
Josephus,
^*
Josephus,
Wars
Wars
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
of the Jews,
19. 2.
ii.
of the Jeius,
ii.
19. 4.
19. 7, v. 2. 3, 3. 2
Scopus
the best manuscripts read] hiyofuvov to
(ptpo/îvov
ii;
TYiu
'Ea>i)7i//xjj*
ps^; is the
Mishna, Pesachim
iii.
yhuTTotv
Aramaic form
8.
'S.x.o'Trif
for
Compare
is
Antiq. xi.
2(pii/ [so
anuxiuii.
Amid
Is
5:
ii;
'voiu,x
tsVov
riucc
rovro îrct-
[so the best manuscripts]
D''Dii>,
also
also referred to in
8.
as the place
is
called iu
Lightfoot, Centuria Matthaeo
c. 42 (Opera, ii. 202).

From this point a beautiful view of the
was obtained (Antiq. xi. 8. 5
Wars of the Jeios, v. 2. 3). The
suburb Bezetha is also referred to in Wars of the Jews, ii. 15. 5, v. 4. 2,
It is the most northerly suburb included by the so-called wall of
5. 8.
Agrippa (Wars of the Jews, v. 4. 2).
praemissa,
city
^'
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jetcs,
ii.
19. 5-7.
214
THE EOMAX-HERODIAN AGE.
great rejoicings the returning conquerors entered Jerusalem
on the 8th Dios, that
Marchesvan or
is,
ISTovember.^^
In presence of the excitement caused by victory which
now
prevailed in Jerusalem all peace counsels were forcibly
such
After
silenced.
decisive
compromise would be listened
no
successes
Even
to.
proposals
those inclined to
oppose were driven along by the course of events.
who were
by
by persuasion (to?
partly
force,
They now
Be TreiOoi)}^
onslaught
of
fiev
ia rov?
about organizing the rebellion in
set
made
a regular methodical fashion, and
expected
Those
Eomans left the city.

own ranks by the rebels,
inalienably attached to the
All the rest were drawn into their

partly
of
preparations for the
Eomans.
the
It
distinctively
is
period of the war that the
men
characteristic
of the
who now had
the power in their hands belonged exclusively
later
The chief
to the higher ranks.
of the Pharisees, were those
the land defences.
An
held in the temple,
made
vinces.
Two men,
priests, the
who
most distinguished
directed the organization of
assembly of the people, which was
commanders
choice of
for the pro-
Joseph, son of Gorion, and the high priest
Ananus, were entrusted with the defence of
To Idumea they sent

Ananias,
of
Nearly
both
the
all
capital.
Jesus, son of Sapphias, and Eleasar, son
belonging
eleven
divided had their
the
to
high
the
toparchies
into
own commanders.
priestly
which
family.
Judea was
Finally, to Galilee
was
sent Josephus, son of Matthias, the future historian.^^
There
no doubt but that the youthful Josephus had
is
Wars of the Jews, ii. 19. 7-9.

Wars of the Jev:s, ii. 20. 1-3.
^8 Josephus, Wars
In the latter
Life, vii.
of the Jeios, ii. 20. 3-4
passage Josephus is impudent enouc^h to declare that the purpose for
which he was sent was to pacify Galilee (compare also. Life, xiv.). As
^
Josephus,
^^
Josephus,
had been already shown, the conduct of the revolt was in the hands of
the people of Jerusalem {to mivou ruu
xxxviii., xlix.,
(to avvsooio
lii., Ix.,
Tuu
'
Ixv., Ixx.).
and
'
Iipouoy^v/xnuv,
Life,
as their representative the
lioî'jV.i/innuv, Life, xii.).
xii.,
xiii.,
Sanhedrim
20.
A.D. 6G-73.
thus one of the most difficult and most responsible positions

assigned to him,
for
was
it
in
just
that the
Galilee
liomans might be expected.
attack of the
first
Great results
could scarcely be looked for in the conducting of warlike
young man only
operations from a
he owed
appointment
his
thirty years of age
certainly
capacities than to his friendship with the
personages.
young man, who
in
most only point

with
it
to hold his
peaceful
we
If
himself at least with zeal to the
For the
problem.
governing
of
ground against the attack of
to believe his
are
an army
inhabitants
veteran legions and circumvent the tactics

generals
send a
addition to his natural ability could at
from among the
and with
Galilee,
to
to his rabbinical learning, to enlist
haste
all
and
most distinguished
was indeed a strange proceeding
It
military
his
to
less
own
account,
solving
he
set
the insoluble
of
he appointed, in
Galilee
of
experienced
of
imitation of the Sanhedrim of Jerusalem, a council of seventy
men, which had
seven
of
to decide
on
difficult points of
law
while for
important disputes he established in every city a council
less
He
men.^^
intended
to prove his
zeal for the
law by destroying the palace of Tiberias, which, contrary

the law, was adorned with animal images
was anticipated by the revolutionary
but in this he
party.^"
The military
part of his task he endeavoured to carry out specially
the
strengthening
more important
cities
Sepphoris, Gischala,
the
of
fortifications
But with
Wars
^^
Josephus,
20
Josephus, TAfe, xii.

21
addition
vol.
ii.
All
by
the
Tabor, also
Gamala
in Gaulanitis,
less in a condition
special pride he boasts of his labours
of the Jeics,
ii.
Jeics,
20. 5
ii.
Life, xiv.
20.
Life, xxxvii.
Compare
in
Erdkunde, xvi. 757-771 Robinson, Biblical Researches,

Among the above-named seven important places Sepphoris
Eitter,
p. 387.
cities.
of Galilee, Jotapata, Tarichea, Tiberias,
Mount
and many smaller towns were put more or

of defence.^^
to
never took the side of the revolution, hut, so long as
it
was without
THE ROMAX-IIERODIAN AGE.
100,000
than
Eoman
He
army.
in organizing the
men, and
sought to bring together no less
them
have
to
drilled
the
after
style.^^
While Josephus thus prepared

violent opposition arose against
war with the Romans, a
for
him
in
his
own
province,
which even went the length of openly drawing the sword
upon him.
The
movement was John of

who was filled with
soul of this hostile
Gischala, a bold, reckless party leader,
glowing hatred toward the Eomans, and had
them
carry on the struggle against
resolved
to
But
to the uttermost.
while he had sworn death and destruction to the tyrants, he
was himself no
was intolerable
over him.
him
Least of
all
own
tyrant within his
less of a
to
to brook the
better than friendship for the
man
withdraw the allegiance

His suspicion
Roman
of
It
others
could he yield obedience to Josephus,
whose tame method of conducting the war seemed

endeavour to get the
circle.
of having
idea
Eomans.
so hateful to
of
to
him no
Hence he used every
him
set aside,
and
to
the people of Galilee from him.'^
Josephus was indeed nut altogether without
assumed a vacillating position, hence even expending

and then, so soon as Roman troops were
available, taking sides with them.
For further details, see Div. IL,
protection,
on
care
vol.
i.
its
p.
Tilierias,
fortifications
136.
Of
the other
si.x;
cities
or fortresses, three, Tarichea,
and Gamala, belonged to the territory of King Agrippa, and in
part also joined the side of the revolution only after internal conflicts.
on Gamala, the
See particularly on Tiberias, Div. IL vol. i. p. 143 f.
present vol. p. 200.
Gischala took up a distinct position of its own, for
there, John, son of Levi, the celebrated revolutionary hero of a later
;
assumed to himself the government.

He was dissatisfied with
attitude of Josephus, and so refused to make over to him
the fortress of the city, but took the command of it himself (TFars of the
Jews, ii. 20. 6
See especially on the attitude of
Life, x., xxxviii.).
period,
the
lukewarm
Gischala,
Wars
XXV., xxxviii.
of the
.Jeivs,
ii.
21. 7.
10;
Life, x., xiii., xvi.-xviii., xx.,
All the seven places here mentioned will be again referred
to in the history of the rearrangement of Galilee
them also in geographical works.

Josephus, Wars of the Jews, ii. 20. 6-8.
Josephus, Wars of the Jeic-o, ii. 21. 1-2
Lif,
by the Romans.
references to
22
^*
xiii.
See
THE GREAT WAK WITH ROME,
20.
foundation.
knew
Joseplius
Eomans
the
He was
too well to enter-
tain the notion that the rebellion could be really

successful.
A.D. 63-73.
and
finally
therefore necessarily only half-hearted in
the business which he had undertaken, and sometimes unwittingly allowed this
to
On
appear.
one occasion certain
youths from the village of Dabaritta had robbed an
official
of
King Agrippa, and taken rich spoil. Josephus caused them

to hand back what they had taken, and intended, if we may
own account
believe his
king on the
first
of the affair, to restore
them
When
favourable opportunity.
to the
the people
perceived that this was his intention, the suspicion which
John
of
Gischala had insinuated against him was increased,
and now broke out
into
open
In Tarichea, where
rebellion.
Josephus had his residence, a great tumult was made.

threatened the
able
life
and degrading self-humiliation and the exercise
cunning could Josephus ward
They
Only by the most miser-
of the traitor.
the
off
of
low
threatened danger.^*
Some time later at Tiberias, he escaped the assassins sent

against him by John of Gischala only by precipitate flight.''^
At last John carried matters so far that he was able to
obtain in Jerusalem a resolution to recall Josephus,
the most distinguished
Galilee,
men were
2500 men,
in order to carry out this decision
But Josephus knew how
of
recalled.
of
accompanied by a detachment of soldiers numbering
necessary.
tion
Four
sent for this purpose to
this
decree,
by
force
if
to frustrate the execu-
and the four ambassadors were again
AVhen they refused compliance with that summons,
he had them apprehended and sent them back to Jerusalem.
The inhabitants of Tiberias who continued
in revolt
were sub-
jugated by force, and thus for the time peace was restored.^^
^*
Josephus, Wars of
^^
Josephus,
^^
Josephus, IVars of the
Wars
xxxviii.-xl., Ix.-lxiv
3-5
Life, xxvi.-xxx.
the Jews,
ii.
21.
of the Jeics,
ii.
21. 6; Life, xvi.-xviii.
Jeius,
ii.
21. 7
Life, xxxviii. Ixiv., especially
THE ROMAX-HERODIAN AGE.
218
When, a few days

rose in
revolt,
Eomans,
indeed, in favour of Agrippa and the
they were overcome once more by
Meanwhile
making preparations
for
meeting the
The walls were strengthened, war material
Eomans.
was
arms.
craft.^'
Jerusalem they were by no means inactive.
in
There, too, they were
sorts
inhabitants of Tiberias again
the
later,
now,
of all
youth were exercised in the use of
collected, the
28
Amid
such preparations the spring of
and with
it
the time
expected, and the
when
A.D.
67 came round,
the attack of the
young republic would have
Eomans was
through
to pass
its fiery ordeal.
The AVae
2.
in Galilee, a.d. G7.
The Emperor Nero had received

defeat of Cestius.^^
in
Achaia the news of
not have been committed to the defeated general,
indeed soon afterwards to have

putting
well
2'
liis
down
Jeics,
ii.
seems
the difficult task of
made over
21.
8-10
the
to
Life, xxxii.-xxxiv.
Joseplius relates that
(Ixviii.-lxix.),
he
During winter Vespasian
proved hands of Vespasian.
Josephus, JFars of the
ov'ATj;
died,^*^
the Jewish rebellion was
autobiography
tlie
Since the continuance of the war could
the
of Tiberias once at a later period sent entreating
In
Trpj.roi
Agrippa
r-/i;
for a
Tiberias, as might be expected from
its mixed population, and

was in its sympathies partly
Roman, partly anti-Roman, so that it is found sometimes in league with
On its
King Agrippa, sometimes in league with John of Gischala.
precise position, however, it is difficult to say anything with confidence,
since the statements in Josephus' autobiography are all made with a
purpose. On the general question, see Div. I. vol. i. 143 ; and on Justus
garrison.
as is expressly declared in the
Life,
of Tiberias, see present work, vol.

^^
29
30
Josephus, TFars of the Jews,

Josephus, Wars of the Jev:s,
pp. 65-69.
i.
ii.
22. 1.
ii.
20. 1,
iii. 1.
1.
" Fato aut taedio occidit," says Tacitus, Hist. v. 10.
of A.D. 66-67, Cestius Gallus

Life,
ix.,
\'iii., xliii.,
was
Ixv., Ixvii., Ixxi.
still
In
in the province.
the winter
See Josephus,
20.
pushed
still
A.D. 66-73.
forward
for
the
While he himself went
to
preparations
the
219
campaign.
Antioch and there marshalled his
army, he sent his son Titus to Alexandria, in order that he
might bring
soon
as
to
him from thence the
fifteenth
Antioch and advanced to Ptolemais, where
ambassadors
from
he
meant
But before Titus reached
await the arrival of Titus.

place,
So
legion.^^
year allowed, he marched from
of the
the season
Galilean
the
that
Sepphoris
of
city
to
appeared before Vespasian and besought him to give them a
Eoraan
^^
Wars
Josephus,
text of
Vespasian hasted to comply with their
garrison.^"'
Wars
of the Jews,
of the Jews,
from Alexandria, to
Titus to Vespasian it
ts
i.s
xi^-Tncv
said,
Ta
s-TTtaYiu-XTcc TO TifiTrrov
common
to tlie
Titus was to have brought two legions

x.otl
Wars
" to Ptolemais'') KTOL'Kciv rov
2-3. According
1.
iii.
1. 3,
iii.
to
But
oii(.ot~ov.
of the Jens,
iii. 4.
rT,o, oval TOi;
x-fioe.
of the return of
:
y.cti
tKu (supply
ui/Toi Txyf/.xcriv, -<y ;
kxI to oskxtov, îvyvvji xxl to
.yi'j
int
avrr,i
This can only mean that to the two legions which he

found with his father, the 5tli and the 10th, he added the 15th, which
was with him. With this also agrees the fact that Titus, according to
Suetonius, Tit. iv., was during the war commander of one legion {legioni
Accoidingly the corrected reading
praepositus), that is, of the 15th.
in Wars of the Jews, iii. 1. 3 will be
to Trsi/rsKxioiKxrov.
So Eenicr,
TsvTsx.xtosKx-oy.
Me'moires de I'Academie des inscript.
note
8.
Mommsen
insists
et
belles-lettres,
{Rmische Geschichte,
v.
t.
xxvi.
1,
p.
298,
533) that the Alex-
andria referred to here is not the celebrated Egyptian city, but the
Alexandria situated on the Gulf of Issus. So, too, Pick in Sallet's
xiii. 1885, p. 200.
Mommsen's chief argument
march from Alexandria on the Nile to Ptolemais
through the revolted district in the beginning of the Jewish war could
not be that intended by Josephus." But of the coast cities only Joppa
was among the insurgents, and even the case of Azotus and Jamnia is
doubtful.
See Div. II. vol. i. pp. 76-79. To march along by such a
course was by no means so dangerous for a Roman army that Josephus
would have been obliged to call attention to this. On the other hand,
the "Alexandria" of the Wars of the Jews, iii. 1. 3, 4. 2, is quite
Any other Alexandria would have been more
evidently the Egyptian.
particularly distinguished by some epithet.
32 Josephus, Wars
Sepphoris had even before
of the Jews, iii. 2. 4.
Zeitschrift fr
is
Numismatik,
" because the land
the arrival of Vespasian possessed a

the Jews,
iii.
2.
drawn, or was
Compare Div.
4).
now
II. vol
Eoman
garrison {Life, Ixxi.
Wars of
"Whether this garrison had meanwhile been withonly relieved or strengthened, is not quite clear.
i.
p. 136.
220
THE EOMAX-IIERODIAN AGE.
request.
detachment of 6000
was sent
of Placidiis
men under
to the
as a garrison
the leadership
Thus were
city.
the Eonians, without drawing a sword, in possession of one of
most important
the
Soon
Galilee.^^
The army now
at the
distinct
legions,
cohorts,
the
of Emesa,
one
and
tenth,
strongest
points
in
and of Malchus
fifteenth,
Commagene,
of
Arabia
of
23 auxiliary
the auxiliary troops of
besides
King Antiochus
of
the
of
arrived with his one legion.
disposal of Vespasian consisted of o
fifth,
of cavalry,
alae
King Agrippa,
and
after this Titus
in
of
Soemus
comprising
all
somewhere about 60,000 men.^*
When
from
arrangements had been made, Vespasian advanced
all
and pitched
Ptolemais
camp on the
camp at
his
Galilee.
Josephus had before
of Garis,
twenty stadia from Sepphoris
borders
this set his
of
the village
{Life, Ixxi.), in order
The
that he might there wait the attack of the Eomans.
warlike qualities of his army were soon shown in a very

doubtful
When
light.
became known that Vespasian
it
was approaching, the majority
of the
Jewish troops became
utterly dispirited, even before they had so

to face
with the
Eomans
they
fled
much
as
come
hither and thither
face
and
Josephus found himself obliged to hasten with the remnant

to Tiberias.^^
Without drawing
a sword, Vespasian
obtained possession of the lowlands of Galilee.

strongholds
now remained
for
him
had thus
Only the
to take.
Josephus soon held communication with Jerusalem, and

they wished the war to be carried on they
insisted that
if
should
send
an
petition
which now indeed came too
^'
Josephus,
who had been
army
able
to
cope with the Eomans, a
''*
Josephus,
The most
of the
Wars of the Jews, iii. 4. 1 ; Life, Ixxi v. On Placidus,

in Galilee previous to the arrival of Vespasian, see also
Life, xliii.
"*
late.^^
Wars
of the Jews,

Josephus, Wars of the Jens,
iii.
4. 2.
iii. 6.
iii.
2-3.
7. 2.
THE GREAT WAR WITH EOME,
20.
army
of
Josephus
Jotapata.^^
21st
(?)
taken refuge in the strong fortress of
liacl
Even he himself entered that stronghold on the
Artemisios, that
defence in his
the
221
A.D. C6-73.
own
is,
or
Ijjar
May,
On
person.^^
so as to conduct
the evening
of the
immediately following day, Vespasian with his army appeared

before the city
and then began the celebrated
siege of the
certainly not unimportant stronghold, described with a self-
An
art
obstinate struggle
What
time doubtful.
and the experience
by the courage
chief.
made
attack
to a
the issue for some
on the one side was accomplished by

of war,
of despair
was accomplished on the other
and the
the commander-in-
skill of
For although Josephus was indeed no general in the
proper sense of the word, he was a past master in
With profound
and stratagem.
how he
tells
first
It was found necessary to have recourse
led to no result.
regular siege.
The
by Josephus.
glorifying amplitude of details
deceived the
of water in the city
satisfaction
Eoman
by making
little tricks
the vain
man
generals as to the scarcity
his soldiers
hang
He
dripping with water over the battlements.
their clothes
also tells
he managed to procure supplies of food by sending his
how
men
out by night clothed in the skins of beasts, so that they might

3^ Jotapata appears in the ]\Ii.shna in the form nQTl'' (Arachin ix. 6
the Cambridge manuscript has nST" with Resh, but the cditio princeps
and the cod. de Rossi, 138 riDTlS JoJaphath, also Aruch nT with Dalcth).
;
It is
there spoken of as an ancient city, which had been, even in Joshua's
Compare also Neubauer, Geographie du,

Talmud, p. 203 sq. Its situation has been again discovered in 1847 by
See E. G.
E. G. Schultz, in the modern Jefat, due north of Sepphoris.
Schultz, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlnd. Gesellschaft, Bd. iii. 1849,
Robinson, Biblical
Eitter, Erdkunde, xvi. 764-768
pp. 49 ff., 59 ff.
The Survey of ^Festem
Guerin, Galilee, i. 476-487
Researches, iii. p. 105
Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 289, 311-313
and also
time, surrounded with walls.
Sheet V. of the Large English Map. On the siege, compare also Parent,
Siege de Jotapata, 1866 ((quoted by Renan Der Antichrist, p. 220).
^* Josephus, Wars
Since, according to Wars of the
Jews, iii. 7. 33 and 8. 9, the siege lasted forty-seven days, and according to
:
Wars
of the Jeivs,
iii.
7.
36, it
Artemisios cannot be correct.
ended on the
1st of
Panemos, the date 21st
222
ROMAX-HERODIAN AGE
THli
by
pass
tlie
llomau
He
sentinels.
how he
further relates
broke the force of the battering-ram npon the wall by throwing out bags filled with chaff;
upon the
soldiers, or boiling
how he had
boiling oil
fenugreek poured on the boards of
them
the scaling ladders, so that those advancing on
and
fell
But neither by such
back.
thrown
was wounded,
the sallies, in one of which Vespasian himself
After the besieged had
could the fate of the city be averted.
endured the utmost extremity of
slipped
by the boldness of
arts nor
suffering, a deserter
betrayed
the secret, that in consequence of fatigue the very sentinels

could no
keep themselves awake
longer
The liomans made
down
the wall, cut
perfect
The
the sleeping watch, and pressed into the
legions followed in his track, and the outwitted
Eomaus only when
garrison were aware of the entrance of the

tliey
With
Titus one morning with a small detachment scaled
stillness,
city.
morning.
the
till
use of this information.
no longer had power
who
exception
fell
them
to drive
All without
back.
Eomans, armed and
unarmed, men and women, were ruthlessly slain or carried

as slaves
It
dust.
Thamuz
the city and
its fortifications
were levelled with the
was on the 1st of the month Panemos, that
or July, A.D. 67,
of Galilee fell into the
when
hands
this
off
most important
is,
fortress
of the Eomans."^^
Josephus with forty companions had taken refuge in a
which discharged
well
itself
a cave.
into
When
he was
discovered there, he was willing to surrender to the Eomans,
but was prevented doing so by his companions.

offered
their
him the
hand
or
by
choice of dying along with them, either

his own.
By some
persuaded them that they should

order determined by the
lot
These only
lot,
fall
extricate himself from their hands,
by
having
upon one another in the
and having by the fortune
been himself reserved to the
2^ Josepluip,
sort of stratagem,
last,
and having made
JFars of the Jews,
of
the
Josephus managed to
iii.
7.
4-3G.
his escape,
20.
When
surrendered himself to the Eoinans.'*"

Vespasian, he assumed
before
the
223
A.D. 6G-73.
he was brought
of a
role
prophet, and
prophesied to the general his future elevation as emperor.
This had for him at least this
that although
kept
was dealt with in a generous manner.*^
prisoner, he
On
result,
the fourth day of Panemos, Vespasian advanced from
Jotapata and marched next past Ptolemais to Caesarea, where
he allowed the troops some

refreshing themselves after
and took part there
<" Joseplius,
JFars of the Jeics,

of the Jews,
Wars
soldiers
were
exertions of the siege, the
the
general paid a visit to the friendly

Philippi,
While the
rest.^^
King Agrippa
at
Caesarea
in extravagant festivities lasting

1-8.
iii. 8.
Dio Cassius, Ixvi. 1 Suetonius,

According to Zonaras, Ammles, xi. 16, Appian also in the
twenty-second book of liis Roman History tells of the saying of the Jewish
Our older scholars have earnestly
oracle with reference to Vespasian.
*^
Josephus,
Vespasian,
iii. 8.
c. 5.
investigated the story of Josephus' prophetic
cinium, 1699
Compare
Olearius,
imperii fastigium advehendis vati-
Strohbach, de Josefho
Vespasiano imperinm praedicente,
There may be some truth in the
Lips. 1748.
gift.
summum
Vespasianis ad
Fl. Josephi de
story.
Probably Josephus
has wittingly construed a couple of general phrases into a formal proIt is noteworthy the rabbinical tradition ascribes this same
phecy.
])rophecy to Rabbi Jochanan ben Saccai.
Upon
this
See Derenbourg,
Holwerda ( Verslagen en Mededeelingen
der koninkl.
p.
282.
Akademie van
Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Tiueede Reeks deel, ii. 1872, p. 137 sq.)
has made the remark that similar oracles were addressed to Titus and
Vespasian by heathen priests. Thus Sostratus, the priest of Aphrodite
at Paphos in Cyprus, revealed the future to Titus in secret conference
M'hen he inquired of the oracle there and sought for favourable omens
(Tacitus, Hist.
ii.
" pelito secreto futura a2:)erit."
Still
more
distinctly,
"aditoque Paphiae Veneris oraculo, dum de

The priest
navigatione consulit, etiam de imperii spe confirmatus est").
Basilides on Carmel declared to Vespasian on the ground of the sacrificial
Suetonius,
signs:
Titus,
"quidquid
c.
5:
est,
VesjDasiane,
quod
paras, seu
prolatare agros sive ampliare servitia, datur tibi

termini,
extruere seu
nmltum hominum " (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 78.

"Apud Judaeam Carmeli dei oraculum consulcntem
c. 5
Vespasian,
confirmavere
magnum,
domum
magna sedes, ingentes

Compare Suetonius,
soi^tes,
ita
nt quidquid cogitaret volveretque animo quamlibet
These heathen oi'aclcs,

id esse proventuium pollicerentur").
however, belong to a later period than the one referred to by Joseplius.
^2 Josephus, ]Vars
224
He
twenty days.
for
Caesarea by
the
then sent the legions by Titus from
and marched against
sea
Eoman
sight of the
accord
opened their gates, and
From
honourable treatment.''^
way onward
liis
Tiberias,
for Agrippa's
this point
By
to Tarichea."
Joseplius, IVars of the Jews,
Txpr/Jcti or Txptxici (both forms of spelling are
9.
sake received
a bold stroke of Titus,
*'
iii.
own
Vespasian pursued
**
name from
where,
army, the people of their
at the
7-8.
met with) had
the curing of fish which was carried on there (Strabo, xvi.
its
2.
mentioned in the time of Cassius, who, during this

first administration of Syria in B.c. 52-51, took the city by force of arms
Wars of the Jews, i. 8. 9), and, during his
(Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 7. 3
He wrote to Cicero in b.c. 43,
second administration, again visited it.
According to
"ex castris Taricheis," Cicero ad Familieres, xii. 11.
Josephus, Life, xxxii., it lay thirty stadia from Tiberias
according
to IVars of the Jews, iii. 10. 1, it was situated upon the lake of Gennezaret
It is first
45, p. 764).
at the foot of a hill (Cz-upsiog)
according to Pliny, Hist. Nat.
lay at the south end of the lake (a meridie Tarichea).
sought on the
site
or in the neighbourhood of the present
the Jordan emerges from the lake.

Palestine,
387
ii.
Thus Robinson,
Ritter, Erdkunde, xv.
Encyclo2?aedie, vi. 2, 1602
if.
344
1.
ff.
Kerak where
Biblical Researches in
Cless in Pauly's Eeal-
Chronological
Caspari,
v. 15. 11, it
It is therefore to be
and Geographical
Conder, Palestine Exploration Fund,

Quarterly i^tatements, 1878, pp. 190-192
Kasteren, Zeitschrift des DPV. xi. 1888, pp. 215 fl*., 241 ff. Many recent
writers are of opinion that the statements of Josephus require us to seek
Introduction
to the
Life of
CJirist, p.
78
Tarichea to the north of Tiberias, somewhere aljout the site of the jiresent
Mejdel.
So Quandt, Juda und die Nachbarschaft, 1873, p. 107 f.
Wilson, Quarterly Statements, 1877, 10-13 Kitchener, Quarterly Statements,
;
1878, p. 79
pp. 145-148
Furrer, Zeitschrift des
DPV.
Grtz, Monatsschrift fr Gesch.
ii.
1879, pp. 55-57, xii. 1889,

Wissensch. des Judenthums,
und
DPV. viii. 1885, pp. 95-99

1886, pp. 103-108 hlmann, Die Fortschritte
der Ortskunde von Palstina, 1 Tl. (Norden 1887, Progr.) pp. 12-14.
But the course of Vespasian's march described by Josephus by no means
1880, pp. 484-487;
Frei, Zeitschrift des
Spiess, Zeitschrift des
DPV.
ix.
proves that Tarichea lay to the north of Tiberias.
Vespasian evidently
went from Scythopolis, therefore from the south, to Tiberias {Wars of the
Jews, iii. 9. 7).
But there is no ground for supposing that he continued
his march from thence still in a northerly direction.
Rather after
occupying Tiberias, he pitched his camp at Emniaus " between Tiberias
and Tarichea," as appears from a comparison of Wars of the Jews, iv. 1. 3
with iii. 10. 1. But seeing that the warm springs of Eramaus to this day
lie
south of Tiberias,
it is
evident that Vespasian, after the occupation of
THE GREAT WAR WITH EOME,
20.
also
city
this
fell
Eomans
the hands of the
into
beginning of the month Gorpiaios, that
225
A.D. 66-73.
the
in
Elul or September.^*
is,
In Galilee there now remained in the hands of the rebels
Mount Tabor
only Gischala and
(Itabyrion),
and
To the
the important and strongly fortified Gamala.''^

Tiberias, again turned toward the south.
in Gaulanitis
last-
It is thus really established
by the statements of Josejahus that Tarichea lay to the south of Tiberias.

Those who place Tarichea to the north of Tiberias must also place
Emmaus north of Tiberias, and then in consistency they must deny the
identity of the Emmaus referred to by Josephus and the modern
Hammam, which must nevertheless be regarded as a certain fact.
*^
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews,
iii.
Titus the conquest of Tarichea and
Suetonius, Titus,
10.
Gamala the
4,
ascribes to
After
Tarichea had been taken by surprise, a portion of the inhabitants
endeavoured to make their escape in a boat out upon the lake. Vespasian caused them to be pursued on rafts, and the fugitives all met their
;
latter incorrectly.
death, either by the sword or in the water.

It has been conjectured that
this is the " Victoria navalis," which was celebrated by coins or medals,
and in the triumphal procession was made noticeable by a

of the Jews,
Dodr.
vii.
Num.
5.
330
vi.
Stange,
TrohT^xl
xxi
Is
De
vvjSi
shi-p
Compare
htcovto).
On
the
1880, p. 417
sq.,
Titi imperat. vita (1870), p. 22.
medals, see Cohen, Me'dailles imperailes,
ed.
2,
t.
i.
{JVars
Ec.khel,
632-639 (Vespasianus), p. 460, n. 386-390 (Titus) p. 522 sq. n. 636-638

(Domitian) Madden, Coins of the Jeivs, p. 223.
*^ Josephus, Wars of the Jeivs, iv. 1. 1.
Gamala (sf^DJ) is mentioned
in the Mishna, Arachin ix. 6, among the cities which are said to have
been surrounded with walls from the days of Joshua. Its existence is
historically demonstrable from the time of Alexander Jannaeus (Josephus,
n.
Antiq.
xiii.
15.
Wars of
east of the
Lake of Gennezaret.
of its site cannot
el-Hosn
is
i. 4. 8).
According to the TFars of
Tarichea in Lower Gaulanitis, therefore
the Jews,
the Jews, iv. 1. 1, it lay opposite
now
But any more particular determination

The conjecture that it is identical with
still less can the notion recently favoured by
was situated farther to the north. Furrer's
be given.
not quite certain,
many
be maintained, that it
conjecture is also improbable, that
it is to be sought in the present Jamli

on the eastern bank of the Nahr er-rukkad, a day's journey east of the
Lake of Gennezaret. Compare Schumaclirfs map of Golan in the Zeit-
schrift des
DPV.
ix.
1886.
If
it
lay at
s'iicli'a
distance from the lake,
Josephus would not have been able to describe
as a
xo'Ti?
TuprîZu
of the Jeivs, iv. 1. 1).

generally: Furrer, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina - Vereins,
Compare
vTiKpv; v-TTtp rviu
pp. 70-72,
"Kt'i^vYiv
xiif4.ivyi
1889, pp. 148-151
it
(Wars
ii.
18'/
9,

Merrill,
East of the Jordan, 1881, pp. 161, 164, 168 ; Gildemeister, Zeitschrift des
DIV. I. VOL. II.
P
xii.
"
226
named
Vespasian next directed his
place
The Eomans succeeded
siege appeared soon to be successful.
in storming the walls
and forcing an entrance into the
But there they encountered such

were forced to
retire
The
attention.
with very heavy
city.
resistance that they
bitter
The repulse was
loss.
influence
and
reputation to restore again the courage of the soldiers.
At
severe
so
last,
that
Vespasian's
all
on the 23rd Hyperberetaios, that
Eomans
the
required
it
way
again forced their
is,
into
Tizri
or October,
the city, and were
making themselves complete masters
this time successful in
of the situation.*^
During the
Tabor (Itabyrion)
was
siege
also
Gamala the Mount
of
by a detachment sent
taken
thither.''^
Vespasian gave over the reducing of Gischala to Titus
1000
with a detachment of
He
cavalry.
himself led the
5th and 15th legions into winter quarters at Caesarea, while

he placed the 10th at
On
Gischala.
of
Titus
Scythopolis."*^
the gates to him,
light
work
the second day after his appearing before
the walls of the city, the citizens of their
night, with his
made
John having
own
accord opened
secretly, during the
previous
Zealot comrades quitted the city and fled to
Jerusalem.^''
I)PV.
120
ix.
viii.
ff.
242
f.,
and with
it,
358-360; Frei,
ix.
DPV.
Kasteren, Zeitschrift des
xi.
el-Hsn
327
Zeitschrift des
The
220-225.
is minutely described; Schumacher,

with plan and map.
Josephus, IVars of the Jercs, iv. 1. 2-10.
Zeitschrift
DPV
position of
des
DPV.
ix.
ff.,
^''
*^
Josephus, IVars of the
Jeirs, iv. 1. 8.
On
the position of Tabor and
iii. 223, 224

391-404 Winer, Realivrterhuch, art. " Thabor
The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by
Conder and Kitchener, i. 358 ff., 388 ff. (with plan, i. 388) together
with Sheet VI. of the large English Map.
its
history, see Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine,
Ritter, Erdkunde, xv.
1.
*^ Joseplius,
^^
Josephus,
Wars
Wars
of the Jews, iv.
2. 1.
of the Jews, iv.
2.
2-5.
Gischala
is
in the
Hebrew
Gush-Chalab, 3^n K^13, and is also mentioned in the Mishna among tlie
cities which from the time of Joshua were surrounded with walls {Arachin
20.
THE GEEAT WAR WITH EOME,
Thus by the end of
A.D.
227
A.D. 6C-73.
67 was the whole
of the north of
Palestine brought again into subjection to the Komans.
From the Subjugation
3.
of Galilee to the Siege of
Jerusalem,
The unfortunate
mined the
a.d.
68-69.
results of the first year of the
war deter-
On
fate of the leaders of the rebellion.
the part
of the fanatical section of the people, and not without cause,
the unfavourable turn that events had taken was attributed

to
the lack of energy in the
The men
hitherto.
with
all their
and
to
might
set aside
would not of
since these
its
war
own hands,
who had been in command. And
their own accord withdraw, a fear-
accompanied by acts of horrid cruelty,
broke out during the winter of
which in
of conducting the
get the reins into their
to
those
fully bloody civil war,
mode
the people therefore set themselves
of
atrocities
67-68
A.D.
in Jerusalem,
can only be compared
to the
first
French revolution.
The head
of
the fanatical popular party,
called themselves, the Zealots,
he had escaped the hands of Titus by

followers, in the beginning of
ix. 6).
Its
name
Wars
flight,
November
signifies " fat or rich clod."
of oil (Josephus, Life,
or,
as
was John of Gischala.
he went with his
a.D. 67, to
In
of the Jews,
they
After
fact, it
Jerusalem,
yielded abundance
Tosefta Menachoth
Neubauer, Geograiohie du Talmud, p. 230 sq.).
In the Jewish traditions of the Middle Ages it was famous for its graves of
Rabbis and its ancient synagogue (Carmoly, Itineraires de la Terre-Sainte,
1847, pp. 133 sq., 156, 184, 262, 380, 452 sq.). It lay in the neigbourhood
of the territory of Tyre ( JFars of the Jeivs, iv. 2. 3 fin.), and is undoubtedly
to be identified with the present Eljisli in Northern Galilee, somewhere
about the same geographical latitude with the southern end of the Merom
lake.
Of the ancient synagogue there are still ruins to be found there.
See generally Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 770 f Renan, Mission de Phenicie,
Gu^rin, GaliUe, ii. 94-100 The Survey of Western Palestine,
pp. 778-780
Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, i. 198, 224-226, and with it Sheet IV.
of the large English Map.
ix.
xiii.
Bab. Menachoth 85b
ii.
21. 2
228
and
souglit to
wiu over the people
aud
to rekindle
determination to continue the war in a
in their breasts
to himself
holder and more resolute
spirit.
gaining over the youth to his side.
He readily succeeded
And since now on
in
all
hands the war-loving rabble from the country poured into

the city, the party of the Zealots was soon in the ascend-
They next proceeded
ency.^^
suspected of
friendship
to
the
for
who were
those
aside
set
Eonians.
Several
the
of
most distinguished men, among them Antipas, who belonged

to the
family of Herod, were
murdered in
a
new high
priest
by
put under
arrest,
lot,
for those
who had
held the
jDriest,
the least degree

priest's office.
was the main
The men
Pharisee
office
Phannias of Aphtha, was not indeed
acquainted
with the
up
The newly-
to this time all belonged to the aristocratic party.
elected high
and were
Their next proceeding was to choose
prison.^^
in
high
duties of the
But he was a man of the people, and that

thing.^^
famous
Gorion, son of Joseph," the
of order,
Simon, son
of
the
Gamaliel,^^
two
high
priests,
Ananus, son of Ananus, and Jesus, son of Gamaliel, sought
on their part
to resist the
Zealots by force.
They exhorted
the people to put a stop to the wild schemes of that faction.^^
discourse which
had indeed
open
delivered with this end in view
^^
this result, that a section of the populace declared
hostilities against the
the
in
Ananus
minority, and
These enthusiasts were
Zealots.
were
obliged
to
retreat
before the
superior force of their opponents, and to take refuge in the
''^
Josephus, TFars of the
^^ Joseplius,
^^
Jeios, iv. 3. 1-3.
TFars of the Jeius, iv. 3. 6-8.
^*
j^d
iy_ 3_
4_5.
Compare DerenLourg,
So Josephus names him here. But he

the Joseph, son of Gorion, mentioned above
p. 269.
probably identical with

So also Derenat p. 214.
is
bourg, p. 270.
^^
Compare on him
Derenbourg,
*<>
f-p.
also
270-272, 474
Josephus, Life, xxxviii., xxxix.,
xliv., Ix.
sq.
Jcivs, iv. 3. 9.
'^^
Ibid. iv. 3. 10.
20.
A.D. 66
229
73.
inner court of the temple, where for a time they were care-
the people would not violently attack the
fully guarded, as
sacred gates.^^
In order
them
Zealots
dominant party in Jerusalem had
knew
but were not admitted, for no one
On
with the Zealots.^^
Under
raged, and the rain fell in
shelter of this storm the
in unobserved."*'
a firm footing in
the
Zealots succeeded
The party
aid.
when they began
The rage
was complete.
of
Zealots
afforded
to
them
withstand
the reign of terror in Jerusalem
of the Zealots
and
of the
Idumeans
away with
as suspected friends of the
dis-
who had
were now made
All those
of the revolution
previously been leaders
all
the work of
was too weak
tinguished, respectable, and well-to-do.
above
letting
with them was directly mainly against the
league
in
of order
The victory
the attack.
and
Scarcely had the Idumeans obtained

city,
murder and robbery, in which the

ready
to
of the
of their alliance
in secretly opening the gates to their confederates
them
of
the night after their arrival a terrible
The storm
hurricane burst forth.

torrents.
sent
away
fallen
The Idumeans appeared before the walls
Romans.
city,
secretly
and besought
loving Idumeans,
would form a confederacy on the pretext
that they
that the
the
support
obtain
to
messengers to the war
Romans.
Conspicuous
the other victims of their murderous zeal were the
high priests Ananus and
In order to lend to their
Jesus.*^^
wild scheme the semblance of legal sanction, the comedy of

a formal process at law was on one occasion enacted.
when
court
the
of justice convened for that
nounced the accused, Zacharias, son
was cut
down by
declaration
*^
Josephus,
60 Ibid. iv. 4.
6=*
"
Wars
of Baruch, innocent, he
couple of Zealots with the
Here hast thou

of the Jeics, iv.
also our voices."

3. 12.
scornful
^^
^^ Ibid. iv. 4.
1-4.
ei Ibid. iv. 5. 1-3.
5-7.
Josephus, liars of the Jews,
But
purpose pro-
iv. 5. 4.
Some
have sought wrongly
to
230
THE ROMAN-HEUOIAN AGE.
When
the Idumeans had heen satiated with murder, and
what had been styled threatened
had, besides, observed that
was only a calumnious charge trumped up against
treason
order-loving citizens, they would have no
more partnership
with the Zealots, and so took their departure. ^^
more unrestrainedly did the Zealots now pursue

Gorion also now
terror.
of the well-doing
under their
fell
All the
their rule of
The party
lash.
and order-loving had been by
this
time so
sadly thinned that there could no longer be any thought
John
resistance.
of
ol
Gischala was supreme potentate in the
city.
At
even
this period, if not
flight of
the
earlier
than
this,
occurred the
community from Jerusalem.
Christian
The
Christians left the city " in consequence of a divine admonition,"
and migrated
which as a
to the city of Pella in Perea,
heathen city was undisturbed by the
war.^'^
Vespasian's generals were of the opinion that they should
now was
take advantage of these circumstances, and that
time to begin the attack upon the
capital.
the
They thought
that in consequence of the internal conflicts within the city the
task before
them would be
He
pasian.
regarded
it
more prudent
to waste their strength in
one another.^
Not
so Ves-
to allow his
enemies
and
consume
easily accomplished.
as
the civil
strife,
to
In order that the inhabitants of the capital
might have time to carry out their work of self-destruction,

he directed his attention meanwhile to Perea.
Even
before
the favourable season had arrived, he marched from Caesarea
identify this Zacharias witli
Luke
53
Joseplius,
65
Eusebius,
mensuris
et
Wars of
Hist.
3)._0n
^^
one mentioned in Matt,
ponderibus, 15.-
iii.
Wars
2-3
5.
xxiii.
ctvoKocTîiiîu: ix-oodiurx
place Kxr
ic.t.'K.
pp. 113-115.
of the Jews, iv. 6. 2-3.
i.
Md.
35 and
iv. 6. 1,
Epiphanius, Haer. 29.
The migration took
Pella, see Div. II. vol.
Josephus,
the Jeios, iv. 5. 5, 6. 1.
eccl.
rot; .vroSi ôx.ifioi; o/

5,
tlie
xi. 51.
de
riva. xpri^y-v
(Euseb. Hist.
eccl. iii.
20.
on the 4th
Dystros, that
Adar
is,
March, of
or
invested Gadara, in order to guard against the
the city hostile to the Eomans,
back again
turned
500
infantry and
command
the
which he
detachment of 30O0
left
behind him under
Placidus, completed the subjugation of all
of
round,^ Vespasian
When
the more suitable season
advanced with the greater part of
army from Caesarea and invested
his
68,
A.D.
elements in
there a garrison, and then
Caesarea.^
to
cavalry,
Perea as far as Macharus.^"
came
left
231
A.D. 66-73.
Lydda
Antipatris, took
and Jamnia, drew up the 5th legion before Emmaus, made a

successful raid through Idumea, then turned again northward
upon Emmaus, pressed through Samaria
to Neapolis
(Shechem),
and thence past Corea, where he arrived on 2 Daisios, that
At Jericho and Adida he
Sivan or June, to Jericho,'"
Eoman
garrisons,
Gerasa
while
by a detachment
destroyed
was
(?)
sent
and
taken
against
it
is
left
then
under Lucius
Annius/^
The country was now

begin
to
the
of
siege
so far
the
subdued that
capital.
it
only remained
Vespasian
therefore
turned back to Caesarea, and was actually busying himself

with preparations for the siege of Jerusalem
when
the news
reached him of the death of Nero, which had taken place on
9th
June
A.D.
By
68.
was suddenly changed.
was
uncertain.
this
event
The future
the
whole
situation
of the empire as a
Vespasian therefore suspended
all
whole
warlike
undertakings, and concluded to wait for the further develop^'^
i.
Josepluis,
Wars of the Jews,
iv,
7,
3. 4.
On Gadara, see Div,
IL
vol.
pp. 100-104.
*^^
Joseph us, Wars of the Jews, iv. 7. 4-6.

Wars of the Jews,
T'/ju .pxriv Tw expo?, Josephus,
6^ vTTo
On
iv. 8. 1,
Josephus, Wa7's of the Jews, iv. 8. 1.

On Corea, see present work,
The other cities are well known.
vol. i. p. 320.
''"
'^
vol.
Josephus,
i.
p.
Decapolis,
Romans.
252.
for
Wars of
Adida, see present work,

cannot be the celebrated Hellenistic city of
certainly continued faithful on the side of the
Gerasa
it
the Jews, iv. 9. 1.
232
ment
of affairs.
When
news
the
throne arrived, which was not

of
A.D.
68-69, he sent
of Galba's elevation to the
till
the middle of the winter
son Titus to
his
Eome
convey his greetings to the new emperor, and
him
his
commands.
in order to
to receive
But Titus had proceeded no
from
farther
than Corinth when he received tidings of the murder of

Galba, which occurred on 15th January A.D. 69, whereupon
he returned to Caesarea
inclined
to his
wait without committing himself
to
things would
decisive action.
him again
soon obliged
Simon Bar-Giora, that
certain
man
the proselyte,'^ a
of like
spirit
John
to
by an equally wild enthusiasm
of
to take
is,
son of
Gischala,
freedom, and
for
any one over him-
just as little able to brook the presence of

self,
see
to
now
how
go.^^
Circumstances, however,
inspired
Vespasian was
father.
had taken advantage of the cessation
of hostilities
to
gather around himself a crowd of supporters, with which he
overran the southern parts of Palestine, robbing and plundering
wherever he went.
and
his horde
had taken was marked by devastation.
other successes he
off
from
managed
abundant
it
Everywhere the course which he
to surprise
spoil.^*
Vespasian therefore found
Judea
of
in
a more thorough
accomplished.
On
interference, he again
of
it
necessary to secure possession
manner than had
the th Daisies, that
of the year 69, after a
districts
Among
Hebron, and to carry
is,
hitherto been
Sivan or June,
whole year had passed without armed

advanced from Caesarea, subdued the
Gophna and Acrabata, the
cities
of Bethel
and
''2
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, iv. 9. 2.
See further details regarding
the journey of Titus in Tacitus, Hist. ii. 1-4.
'''
Josephus always designates him viog Tiupa. The form Bapy/o/sj,
Bargiora, occurs in Dio Cassius, Ixvi. 7, and Tacitus, Hist. v. 12.
Tacitus
erroneously ascribes this cognomen to John.

for
-13,
'*
the proselyte.
See Div.
II. vol.
iv. 9.
ii.
3-8.
p.
Nni>J is the
316
f.
Aramaic form
20.
Ephraim, and arrived in the
233
A.D. 66-73.
neighbourhood of Jerusalem,
while his tribune Cerealis conquered and destroyed the city
With
of Hebron, which had offered opposition.

of
the exception
Jerusalem and the fortresses of Herodium, Masada, and
Machrus,
Even
all
was now subject
Palestine
before
to the Eomans.'^^
Simon found himself prevented by
this expedi-
tion of Vespasian from continuing his robber raids through
Idumea, the gate of the capital had been flung open to receive
Up
him.
to the spring of A.D. 69,
John
of Gischala
had there
Of the ruinous
played the part of the omnipotent tyrant.
confusion and lawlessness that prevailed in Jerusalem under
Josephus has given a thrilling and horrible descrip-
his rule
The
tion.'^^
who had
inhabitants,
long desired to be rid of his
supremacy, looked with favour upon the arrival of Simon BarGiora as a means of freeing them from him
On
the tyrant over them.
who now
He
Matthias, Simon was invited to come into the city.

readily accepted the invitation, and
made
entertained that he would

it
is,
Nisan or
But, although the hope had been
April, of the year 69.
John,
most
his public entrance
Jerusalem in the month Xanthicus, that
into
acted
the suggestion of the high priest
them from the tyranny
free
of
was now found that they rather had two tyrants in
the city
who fought
against one another, both regarding the
resident citizens as their
common
enemies.^'^
Vespasian had scarcely returned back to Caesarea when the
news came that
Vitellius
had been raised to the throne as
The idea then took possession
emperor.
of the
Egypt, Palestine, and Syria that they had as
legions
much
in
right to
nominate the emperor as had their comrades in the West, and

that Vespasian
''^
Div.
p.
JoseiDhus,
II. vol.
236 and
i.
was more worthy
Wars
of the throne than the glutton
On
On Gopluia and Acrabata, see

Bethel and Ephraim, see present Avork, vol. i.
of the Jews, iv. 9. 9.
p. 158.
p. 246.
Wars
^^
Josephus,
"
Ibid. iv. 9. 11-12.
of the Jews, iv. 9. 10.
Compare
v. 13. 1.
234
THE EOMAN-HERODIAN AOE.
Vitellius.
On
69, Vespasian was proclaimed
1st July A.D.
emperor in Egypt.
few days afterwards the Palestinian
and Syrian legions made the same proclamation.

middle of
Before the
was acknowledged as emperor
July, Vespasian
throughout the whole East."^
He had now
something else to engage his attention than
the prosecution of the war against the rebellious Jews.
After
he had received at Berytus the embassies from various Syrian
and other
sent to
cities,
he marched on to Antioch, and from thence
Eome by
went himself
road Mucianus with an
During
to Alexandria.
He
army.'''^
then
his residence there he
obtained the intelligence that his interests had prevailed in
Eome, and that Vitellius had been murdered on 20th December

A.D.
69.
He
himself
beginning of the
"^
still
summer
remained in Alexandria
till
the
of A.D. 70;^ while his son Titus, to
Josephu?, JFars of the Jews, iv. 10. 2-6; Tacitus, Hist. ii. 79-81
6.
That the Egyptian legions were the first to pro;
Suetonius, Vespasian,
by Tacitus and Suetonius according

had the precedence. The proclamawas made in Palestine, according to Tacitus, "quintum
claim Vespasian emperor
is
stated
to Josephus, the Palestinian legions
any case,
Nonas Julias;" according
tion, in
to Suetonius, " F". Idus Jul."

After his
appointment as emperor he gave to Josephus a free pardon in thankful
remembrance of his prophecy ( IFars of the Jews, iv. 10. 7).
''*
Josephus, J-Fars of the Jews,
^^
According to Josephus, Wars of
iv.
10. 6, 11. 1
Tacitus, Hist.
ii.
81-83.
Vespasian wished
to march to Rome >^yi^xi/ros rov x-'t^^vog. According to Tacitus, he waited
in Alexandria till the time of the summer winds, and till he had assurance
the Jews, iv. 11. 5,
make
the voyage by sea {Hist. iv. 81

"statos aestivis
maris opperiebatur "). On the route of his journey,
He did not, however,
see especially Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vii. 2. 1.
reach Rome until after the middle of the year 70. See Schiller, Geschichte
Chambalu, " Wann ist Vespasian im J. 70,
der rm. Kaiserzeit, i. 500
Titus im J. 71 aus dem Orient nacli Rom zurckgekehrt ?" (P/ii/oZof/us,
Bd. xliv. 1885, pp. 502-517). Chambalu holds that Vespasian did not
leave Alexandria before August, and that he arrived in Rome in October
This latter statement must certainly be adopted, since Titus did
A.D. 70.
not obtain Avord of Vespasian's happy arrival in Italy until November,
when he was celebrating his father's birthday (17th November) in Berytus
of being able to
flatibus dies et certa
(Josephus, Wars of the Jews,
vii. 3. 1
compare
4. 1).
20.
whom
had committed the continuing of the Jewish war,
lie
marched
at the
head
In Jerusalem, by
section
the lower
three, for
had broken
in his
city,
under Eleasar, son of Simon.
off
city
All three continued incessantly

the city from day to day
so that
presented the aspect of a battlefield.

of one another they
the
and a great part of
John held the Temple Mount, and Eleasar the
war with one another,
fire
had advanced
from the party of John a
power the upper
inner Court of the Temple.

at
to Palestine.^^
this time, the internal feuds
Simon there were now
Simon had
army
of the
Instead of the two parties of John and
one step further.
new
immense
became
In their mutual hatred
so foolish that they destroyed
store of grain
by
it,
without con-
sidering that thereby they robbed themselves of the
sustaining a siege.^^
Titus
4.
^^
means
While thus Jerusalem was tearing
was carrying on the preparations
its
of
own
for his attack.
The Siege and Conquest of Jerusalem,
The army which

legions.
by
which had been gathered up
in the city, lest their rivals should profit
flesh,
235
A.D. 66-73.
a.d. 70.^^
Titus had at his disposal consisted of four
Besides the three legions of his father, the 5th, 10th,
iv. 11. 5.
On
tlie
legal position of Titus
during the war, see Pick, "Der Iniperatortitel des Titus,'' in Sallet's
Zeitschrift fr Numismatik, Bd. xiii. 1885, pp. 190-238.
Pick deals with
the time preceding Titus' appointment as emperor.
*- Josephus, Wars
Tacitus, Hist. v. 12.
See also
of the Jeus, v. 1. 1-5
;
Rabbinical traditions about the destruction of the collection of grain in

Derenbourg, p. 281.
^3
Compare, in regard to what follows, the monographs on Titus
De Titi imperatoris vita, part i. Breslau 1870; Double, Vie de

Vempereur Titus, Paris 1876 (reviewed in the Revue archeol. n. s. xxxiii.
Steinwenter, Titus Flavius Vespasianus mit hesonderer
1877, pp. 279-282
Bercksichtigung der Zerstrung Jerusalems, Graz 1876 (reviewed in the
Stange,
Zeitschrift fr die oesterreich. Gijmn. xxviii. 1877, p. 70);
mann, De imperatoris
Titi
temporibus
recte
Otto Adalb. Hoff-
definiendis,
Marburg
1883.
Against Hoffmann's view, that the months used as dates in Josephus are
to be taken from the Julian calendar, see Appendix III.
236
and
IStli,
he had also the 12th, which had already been ia
Syria under Cestius, and had so unfortunately begun the war.
In addition to
he had also the numerous auxiliary
these,
troops of the confederate kings.^^

legions were
The commanders
of the
Sextus Cerealis over the 5th legion, Larcius
Lepidus over the 10th, Tittius Trugi over the 15th.
commander
adviser,
call
While a part
As
not named.
is
him Chief
of the
Staff,
principal
Tiberius Alex-
procurator of Judea, accompanied Titus.^^
ander, afterwards
him
12th legion
of the
we would
of the
army received
orders to push on to meet
before Jerusalem, Titus himself advanced with the
body
The
from
of his forces
Caesarea,^*^
main
and a few days before the
Passover, 14th Nisan or April, of A.D. 70, arrived before the
walls of the
^^
^^
see
Holy
City.^^
Josepbus, Wars of the Jevjs, v. 1. 6; Tacitus, Hist. v. 1.

Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vi. 4. 3.
On tlie generals here named,
Leon Renier,
"
Memoire sur
les officiers
qui assisterent au conseil de
guerre tenu par Titus, avant de livrer I'assaut du temple de Jerusalem
"
Memoires de VInstitut de France, Acade'mie des Inscriptions et Belleslettres, t. xxvi. pt. i. 1867, pp. 269-321). The commander of the 15th
legion is called, not Titus Frugi, as our editions of the text of Josephus
See Leon Renier, p. 314. Renier's remarks
give it, but M. Tittius Frugi.
on Cerealis are to be corrected by reference to Mommsen, Ephemeris
epigraph, iv. 499, and Rohden, De Palaestina et Arabia provinciis liomanis,
Renier confounds two of the name of Cerealis with one
1885, p. 37.
Our Cerealis is mentioned also in Inscrip)t. Eegni Neap. n. 4636 =
another.
Corpus Inscript. Lat. t. x. n. 4862. Tiberius Julius Alexander is described
by Josephus as tuv <jTDoczivi/.xTu<j px^v ( Wars of the Jews, v. 1. 6), -ts-oh/tuv
ruu arpxTivjiixTuv stixdx^'v ( Wars of the Jews, vi. 4. 3). In accordance with
this, Mommsen fills up the gajDs in the inscription of Aradus, Corpus
= Hermes, Bd. xix. 1884, p. 644:
Inscript. Grace, t. iii. p. 1178, n. 4536
(in the
*"
Tiiptojv 'lovAiov 'A>.[sâi/0;)ou i7i'\ocpxov rov 'lovoxt{^KOv crpxrou].

Tiberius
Julius Alexander was therefore " chief of the staff of the general." The
position of this officer of equestrian rank, in an
army commanded by
senatorian general, was similar to that of the praefectus praetorio in the
army commanded by
graphica,
Pick in
t.
See Mommsen, Ephemeris epiMommsen, Hermes, Bd. xix. 1884, p. 644 If.;
the emperor himself.
v. p. 578, at n.
1344
Sallet's Zeitschrift fr
Numismatik, Bd.
^^
8^
As
aj) pears
from
v. 3. 1
xiii.
1885, p. 207
f.
v. 1. 6.
compared with
v. 13. 7.
The
elder Pliny
20.
THE GREAT
WAR WITH
ROME,
237
A.D. GG-73.
Titus had hurried ou in advance of the legions with
600
cavalry in order to obtain information about the country by

spies,
and had in
ahead of the main body, that
this got so far
he exposed himself most seriously to the danger of being

fallen
upon by the Jews, and, indeed, owed
to his
own
his safety wholly
The Romans, from the moment
personal bravery.^^
of their arrival, had painful experience of the daring spirit of

their opponents.
While the 10th
from
Jerusalem,
Jericho
to
strengthening of
its
legion,
was
camp on
the
attacked with such violence that
which had advanced
Mount
of
Olives,
it
the
was
had well-nigh suffered an
it
Only by the personal interference
utter defeat.
with
occupied
still
of Titus
was
the yielding legion brought again to a stand, and enabled to
ward
off the attack.^^
The
conflict of
parties within the city, however,
was not
Even when the Eomans
even yet by any means abated.
were lying before the gates, during the Passover
festival,
carnage of one party by the other was going on within the
The
city.
faction of Eleasar
temple court for those
John
had opened the gate of the
who had gone up
in his people with concealed weapons,
and
to
attend the feast.
of Gischala took advantage of this in order to
his
followers
when
least
and
expected.
to fall
smuggle
on Eleasar
Those who were
thus taken by surprise were not strong enough to sustain the

conflict,
and were obliged
court.
From
to
admit John's adherents into the
this time forward there
in Jerusalem, that of
were again two parties
John and that of
Simon.^*^
held a position in the army of Titus, and was indeed dvrs'-irpo'Trog of

Tiberius Julius Alexander, according to Mommsen's skilful rendering of
the inscription of Aradus, Corpus Inscript. Graec. t. iii. p. 1178, n. 4536
*'
With
reference to this, Pliny, in the dedication of his Natural History to

" nobis quidem qualis in castrensi contubernio."
Titus, says
See for
:
further particulars,
^^
s^
Mommsen, Hermes, Bd.
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, v.

2.
1-2.
3. 1
xix. 1884, pp. 644-648.

^^ Ibid. v. 2. 4-5.
Tacitus, Hist. v. 12^1.
238
THE KOMAN-HERODIA.N AGE.
lu order
it is
to
understand the siege operations that followed,
necessary to form for oneself at least a general idea of
the situation of the
Jerusalem lay upon two
city.^
hills,
higher one to the west and a smaller one to the east, which
were separated by a deep ravine running from north
On
the so-called Tyropoeon.
upper
city,
on the smaller eastern
latter
was
also
down
called
the lower
hill
city.
The
Acra, because there in former days
to the times of the
Jerusalem had been
to south,
the larger western hill lay the
Maccabees the
citadel or castle of
North of the Acra lay the
placed.^^
site of
the temple, the area of which had been considerably enlarged
by Herod,
was the
on
all
Attached to the temple
castle of Antonia.
its
four sides
alone formed a
cities
to the
by a strong
little
common
west, stretched in a great curve

cities,
and
corner of the temple
finally
site.
northern side
was surrounded
wall which was attached
site
then ran on to the
it
southward over the upper
ended at
the
south-eastmost
But, further, the upper city must
have been separated from the lower
city
by a wall running
from north to south reaching to the Tyropoeon.

^
itself
The upper and the lower
western wall of the temple
and lower
its
site
and thus even by
wall,
fortress.
were surrounded by a
on
site
The temple
Compare the designation in Joseph us, Wars
For Titus
of the Jews, v.
4.
Of the
almost incalculable literature on the topography of Jerusalem the more

important works are referred to in vol. i. p. 19. The hypotheses of
recent investigators about the old topography are shown in a special map
and still more completely by Zimmermann,

Karten und Plne zur Topographie des Alten Jerusalem, Basel 1876. The
best plans of modern Jerusalem are those of Zimmermann-Socin and
Wilson. See vol. 1. p. 19.
*The situation of the Acra and the lower city is the one point most
disputed in the topography of Jerusalem. By a careful expression and
estimation of the sources, however, it seems to me that the above statement may be accepted with certainty. Com]3are vol. i. p. 206. The
history of the siege by Titus confirms this. For Titus, who pressed on from
the north, came into possession of the lower city only after he had taken
the site of the temple, and so the lower city must have lain south of this.
It reached as far as Siloah ( Wars of the Jews, vi. 7. 2).
in Meuke's Bibelatlas, Sheet V.,
20.
was
THE GREAT "WAR WITH ROME,
obliged, after he
239
A.D. 6G-73.
had gained possession
of the lower city,
to direct an attack against the wall of the upper city.
lofty precipices
tolerably
Thus was there with a northern
second wall which enclosed the older suburb
still
curve a
and then in
wider curve to the north, a third wall, which had been
begun by Agrippa
urgently
needed
was completed only when found
but
I.,
during
enclosed the so-called
As
of
down
only on the north did the ground run
low.
On
upon the edge
the west, south, and east, the walls stood
the
new
This
rebellion.
city or
suburb
wall
third
of Bezetha.'
the very situation of the city demanded, Titus directed
north side, hence
his attack against the
of
first
all
against
the third wall, or to speak from the standpoint of the besiegers,

the
first.
their
work
It
was only now, when the battering-ram began
at three points, the civil
the two factions,
John
those of
war was
make a common
Bar-Giora, banded together to
Then
stilled.
and of Simon
of Gischala
In
attack.
one of these onslaughts they fought with such success that

preservation
the
of
engines of
the
who with
the interference of Titus,
to
down twelve
Artemisios, that
is,
the battering-rams
Eomans
breach in the wall, the
own hand
his
pressed
had made a
and on the 7th
in,
May, were masters
or
Ijjar
cut
After fifteen days' work one
of the enemy.^^
the most powerful of
of
war were wholly due
of the first
wall.''
The attack was now

On
eays iu
Bezetha,
Wars of
compare also
the Jews,
v.
the
directed against
Five days after the taking of the
4.
point, vol.
this
That
this
first
Biêdci,
ii.
second wall.
one also had to

p.
213.
Josephus
f4.idipû-/j'jivy.svov
impossible.
For
'Eax3j
can be
nothing else but j^rT'T ri^3, " Place of Olives." In the statement of Joscphus therefore this much may be correct, that Bezetha was also called
y'Kuanvi Kottvvi "Kiyoir
New
the
-TroT^tg.
is
Bsîdoi
City.
Suetonius, Titus, 5
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, v. 6. 2-5
decini propugnatores totidem sagittarum confecit ictibus."
^*
v. 7. 2.
"duo-
240
Roman
yield before the blow of the
battering-rams.
Titus
pressed iu with a chosen band, but was driven back again by
Four days afterwards, however, he once more
the Jews,
secured his position, and this time succeeded in maintaining

it
permanently.^^
He now
same time
earthworks at one and the
raised
against the upper city and against the Antonia, two against
the one, and two against the other
had
to build
of the
upper
"While
the
city
John
of Gischala that of the Antonia.
works were
in
without success, was made to
The want
be
went out
Whenever any
crucified in
into the heart
members
On
of support
of
them
sight
of
the
of
fell into
many
this
poorer
victuals.
was sent back with
his
mutilated.^^
the 29 th Artemisios, that
is,
May, the four
Ijjar or
Simon and John had only wished

might direct
their completion, in order that they
energies to destroy again the works produced
exertion and wearisome
toil.
were destroyed by John
of
all
their
by incredible
Those over against the Antonia

Gischala in this
way
subterranean passage under them, supported
and then
of
the hands of the Romans, he
besieged, or
ramparts were comj)leted.
in
the
of
search
in
to
the city, in order to strike terror
of
of the
the city to surrender.^^
was already beginning
city
'^'^
Josephus, apparently
progress,
summon
and in consequence
felt,
inhabitants
was
means
of the
each of the four legions
Simon Bar-Giora conducted the defence
one.
it
he dug a
with pillars
set fire to the supports, so that the ramparts fell
and were consumed in the
Bar-Giora destroyed by
fire
fire.
Two
days later Simon
those directed against the upper
city.^ô
Before Titus attempted the building of a

'^
9'
Ibid. V. 9. 2
'J
Ibid. V. 10, 2-5, 11. 1-2,
comp.
11, 4.
7.
3-4,
8.
new
rampart, he
1-2.
9 Ibid. v. 9.
"o
3-4,
jiji^^ y. 11.
4-6.
made
THE GREAT WAE WITH KOME,
20.
He
use of another device.
241
A.D. 66-73.
caused the whole city to be
surrounded with a continuous stone wall (xefô?), in order to

cut off
With
escape and to reduce the city by famine.
all
marvellous smartness this work was finished in three days.
Numerous armed watchmen guarded

pass
In
it.^"^
consequence
terrible height in the city
of
and
famine reached a
the
this
no one could
so that
it
even but the half
if
is
true
which the inventive imagination of Josephus has recorded,
must
certainly have
such
circumstances
been horrible enough.^^^
John
it
That under
Gischala should have applied
of
the sacred oil and the sacred wine to profane uses, can be
regarded only by a Josephus as a reproach to him.^^
Meanwhile Titus caused ramparts again

this
construction,
the
to
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews, v. 12. 1-2
circumvallations are often spoken
by Caesar
Alesia
in their
complete devastation of
all
around, had to be carried a distance of 90
district
i"!
owing
be built, and
to
The wood used
time four against the Antonia.
Gall. vii.
{Bell.
the
stadia
Luke xix. 43. Similar

The most celebrated is that of
of.
69: "fossamque
maceriam sex in
et
pedum praeduxerant ejus munitionis, quae ab Ronianis

instituebatur, circuitus XI milium passuum tenebat."
Also before an
attempt was made to attack it, Masada was surrounded by such a wall
Large remnants of it are to be
(Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vii. 8. 2).
It was erected of unhewn stones without the use of
seen to this day.
altitudinem
See Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs,
mortar.
the literature mentioned in note 133.

Staatsverwaltung, Bd.
'02
ii.
421,
and generally
1876, p. 509.
Wars of
Nathan c. 6
Josephus,
the Jews,
v.
12.
3,
13.
7,
vi
3.
Compare
3.
Well known is the

history of that Mary of Beth-Esob, who was driven by hun<Ter to
Ahoth derabhi
tragical
iii.
Compare also Marquardt, Rmische
(in Derenbourg, p. 285).
devour her own child. See Wars of the Jews, vi. 3. 4 Eusebius, Hist,
eccl. iii. 6
Hieronymus, ad Joelem, i. 9 ff. (Opera, ed. Vallarsi, vi. 178);
and the passages from the Talmud and Midrash in Grtz, Bd. iii. 4 Aufl.
A mother's devouring of her own child belongs
p. 537 (2 Aufl. p. 401).
to the traditional and customary descriptions of the horrors of war,
;
as well in
Ezek.
V.
Baruch
^02
threatenings
10,
ii.
I.
Lev. xxvi. 29, Deut. xxviii. 53, Jer. xix.

:
Kings
vi.
28, 29
Lam.
ii.
20,
3.
Josephus,
DIV.
as in history
VOL.
Wars
II.
of the Jews, v. 13.
6.
iv.
9,
10
242
(four and a half days' journey ).^^
An
they were completed.
made
to destroy
them on
attempt which John of Gischala
Panemos, that
1st
July, was unsuccessful, since

earlier energy, while
the
After twenty-one days' work
it
is,
Thammuz
Eomans had redoubled
thir vigil-
Scarcely had the Jews retired hack again,
ance.^"^
battering-rams began to beat against the walls.
had no considerable
shattered
success.
The
when
At
first
of themselves at the
points where the wall-breakers had been at work.
But even yet
the storming of the city was a work of difficulty, since
had already managed
the
they
were so
walls, however,
by the blows, that soon they sank
of Gischala
or
was not carried out with the
to erect a second
John
behind
it.
After an encouraging speech of Titus on the 3rd Panemos,

that
is,
Thammuz
but
fell in
named
or July, a Syrian soldier
made
with eleven comrades,
Sabinus,
the attempt to scale the walls,
Two
the struggle with three of his companions."
days afterwards, on the 5th Panemos, some twenty or thirty
They mounted
others banded together to renew the attempt.
down
the wall secretly by night and cut
the
sentinels.
first
Titus pressed as quickly as possible after them, and drove the
Jews back
as
the temple
as
far
site.
Thence the Eomans
were indeed beaten back again, but they held the Antonia,
which was soon razed
to the ground."^
In spite of war and famine the daily morning and evening

sacrifices
1
had up
to this
7th Panemos, that
last
discontinued
is,
time been regularly
Thammuz
or July, these
but even then not so
summons
10*
Josephus,
10
lUd. vi. 1. 3-6.

Josephus, Wars of
10^
ir7-s
Div.
II. vol.
i.
^"^
tlie
be at
to
of the
Seeing that
surrender by Josephus proved again
o/ the Jews, v. 12. 4.
T'lDRn ^tpa T^JSna IK'y.

wicrifices,
to
had
much on account
famine, but rather " from the want of men."

a renewed
On
offered.
the Jews, vi. 2. 1
^"^ Ibid. vi. 1.
1-3.
1"' Ildd. vi. 1.
7-8, 2.
Mishna, Taanith
iv.
1.
ni?3L''3
Compare on the daily morning and evening

pp. 273
ff.
and 278
ff.
THE GREAT WAK WITH ROME,
20.
243
A.D. 6G-73.
unsuccessful, and an attack by night of a select detaclnnent
the
of
army on the temple
now made
proved a failure/^^ Titus
preparations for a regular siege so as to take the
temple by storm.
square,
site
The temple
site
formed a pretty reguhu-
was completely surrounded by strong
wliich
along which on the inside ran a series of
corridor.s.
walls,
On
the
inside of this great space the inner court, surrounded on all
by strong
sides
walls,
formed a second position capable of
being defended, which afforded to the besieged even after the

loss of the outer space a place
first
make himself master
of all to
Titus was obliged
of safety.
carry the material from a distance of
Komans met with
now
and the
fire
number
by the withdrawal
corridors into
the
filled
So soon then as
materials.
the top
of
this
But they had been beforehand
Eomans had reached
vaults,
at these, a
of the western
by the Jews with inflammable

the
stadia (five hours'
to be deceived
Jews from the heights
scaling those heights.
obliged to
on the 27th Panemos in
their death
way: they allowed themselves

of the
100
While they were working
journey).^^
Again
of the outer wall.
four ramparts were erected, for which he was
Jews
set
to
fire
tlie
spread with such rapidity that the soldiers
could not escape, but were enveloped in the flames.'"
When the
that is. Ab or
ramparts were completed
make no
caused
fire
impression.
to
the gates, and so opened
temple should be
spared.^'^
Wars of
Ill Ibid.
vi. 3. 1-2.
Ibid. vi. 4. 3.
On
up
the next day,
the gates had been completely burnt down,
Titus held a council of war, at which
"'
Loos,
But on the immense walls they
be placed at
when
'"' Joseplius,
8th
In order to obtain his end Titus
the entrance to the outer temple space.^^^

the 9th Ab,
the
August, the rams were again set to work, and
the siege operations began.
could
on
it
was resolved that the
But when on the day following,
the Jews, vi. 2. 1-6.
^'o Ibid.
vi. 2. 7.
112 /j^^_ ^.j
j.g,
244
the 10 th Ab, the
Jews made two onslaughts rapidly one
after
the other from the inner court, and on the second occasion
were driven back by the soldiers who were occupied with the
quenching of the flames in the corridors, a soldier cast a

brand
blazing
When
proper.^^*
one
into
of
chambers
the
of
the
this
the spot, followed by the generals and the legions.

orders to quench the
fire
raged around the spot his

got ever a firmer hold
fire
temple
was reported to Titus he hasted to

Titus gave
but in the wild conflict that
commands were not

upon the
edifice.
now
heard, and the
Even yet
Titus
hoped to save at least the inner court of the temple, and
renewed
quench the flames
his orders to
their excitement
no longer listened
to his
but the soldiers in
commands.
Instead
quenching the flames, they threw in new firebrands, and
of
the whole noble work became a prey to the flames
redemption.
the
fire
Titus managed
reached
beyond
to inspect the inner court before
it."^
Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vi. 4. 4-5.

Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vi. 4. 6-7. According to the account
Ab,
given above, the burning of the temple took place on the 10th Loos
The
as also Josephus in Wars of the Jews, vi. 4. 5, expressly states.
11*
11*
on the 9th Ab
D^nn 2^n 3X2 nVK'na), and
llabbinical tradition places the destruction of the temple
(Mishna, Taanith
iv.
n^mi^
n2Vi:^K"lB
indeed early on the evening before that day (b. Taanith 29a : ni?K'n 3"iy
nX3, Derenbourg, p. 291) that is, in our way of reckoning, on the 8th
;
day of destruction the day on which

According to Rabbinical
tradition it was Sabbath evening, ri3ti* ^Xi'lJD, when the temple was
destroyed.
See vol. i. p. 41, and Derenbourg, p. 291. According to
Dio Cassius, Jerusalem was destroyed > vt rf, rov Kouov iijuip.
According to the representation of Josephus, which we have followed,
Titus had expressed a wish to spare the temple proper ( Wais of the Jews,
vi. 4. 3).
Divergent from this is the narrative of Sulpicius Severus,
" Fertur Titus adhibito consilio prius deliberasse, an
Chronicon, ii. 30
templum tanti operis everteret. Etenim nonnuUis videbatur, aedem
sacratam ultra omnia mortalia illustrem non oportere deleri, quae servata
modestiae Romanae testimonium, diruta perennem crudelitatis notam
At contra alii et Titus ipse evertendum in primis templum
praeberet.
censebant, quo plenius Judaeorum et Christianorum religio tolleretur
Ab.
It therefore regards as the
Titus caused
fire
to
be laid to the gates.
THE GREAT WAE WITH ROME,
20.
While the Eomans slaughtered

into their hands, children
indiscriniinately all that fell
and old men,
and intentionally fanned the
245
A.D. 66-73.
terrible
and people,
priests
conflagration,
nothing escaped the flames, John of
Gischala
so that
succeeded,
along with his Zealot following, to escape into the upper
Even
before the temple had been
planted their standards in
burnt down, the legions
temple
the
city.
court,
and greeted
their general as Imperator."
quippe
lias religiones, licet
proi'ectas
contrarias sibi, isdem
Christianos ex Judaeis extitisse
perituram."
Orosius,
vii.
tamen ab auctoribus
radice sublata stirpem facile
from a somewhat different point of
5-6,
9.
view, ascribes the destruction to Titus.
Seeing that Sulpicius Severus, as

Bernays has proved, elsewhere bases his statements on Tacitus, Bernays
has concluded that on this point also his statement rests on the history of
Tacitus, which for this period is no longer extant, and served as model
for Josephus, who wishes to free Titus from the nota crudclitatis (Bernays,
Ueber die Clironik des Sulpicius Severus, 1861, pp. 48-61, in his Gesammelte
Werke, ii. 159-181).
The following also agree with Bernays Stange,
:
De
Titi imperatoris vita, P. 1, 1870, pp.
rm. Kaiserzeit,
i.
399
39-43
Schiller, Geschichte der
Thiaucourt, Revue des etudes juives,
t.
xix.
1889,
The following vacillate Renan, Der Antichrist, pp. 405-410

and Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, v. 538 f. Against Bernays Grtz,
p.
65 sqq.
4 Aufl. iii. p. 538 f., and Hausrath, Zeitgeschichte,

Only general assertion without reference to original
sources is given by Illhardt, Titus und der jdische Tempel (Philologus,
Bd. xl. 1881, pp. 189-196). Titus, he says, had intendeil to preserve the
temple for a time until he had seen it and plundered it, and then to
destroy.
It is in fact probable that Sulpicius Severus drew upon Tacitus
but that does not prove that it was the model according to which Josephus constructed his account. This remains a mere possibility. Even
the former supposition is rendered suspicious by its being based upon an
alleged resolution impossible in the mouth of Titus.
2 Aufl.
iii.
474.
"''
Josephus,
Imperator
Ixvi. 7
Wars
Wars of
Orosius,
vii.
especially Suetonius,
of the Jews,
tlie
9.
I.e.
Jews, vi.
6.
On
vi. 5.
6. 1
1-2.
The
greeting of Titus as
Suetonius, Titus, 5
Dio Cassius,
the significance of this procedure, see
Titus was suspected of having fallen
away from
Vespasian, and of having wished to set up as an independent ruler of the
Further
by Teuffel in Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie, vi. 2.

Numismat. Zeitschrift,
Bd. iii. 1871, pp. 458-478) F. J. Hoffmann, Quomodo quando Titus
imperator factus sit, Bonnae 1883
Chambalu, Der Verfassungsstreit
zwischen Titus und Vespasian (Pliilologus, Bd. xliv. 1885, pp. 123-131)
East.
2490
details
Mommsen,
Imperatortitel des Titus {Wiener

;
246
THE ROMAN-HERODIAJJ AGB.
The work
of
conqueror, however, was by no means
the
The upper
completed with the overthrow of the temple.
the besieged, had yet to be taken.
the last refuge of
city,
Simon and John
Titus once again called upon
But the besieged wished
to stipulate for liberty to go forth
By
touched, which would not be granted them."^

the
Titus
Eomans
parts
the
of
Ophla,
the
city
of
the
Siloah
while at the same
work
then
that
of
time
was
there
to resort to the erection
structed
city
partly
archives,
were
the
set
tyrants in the upper
the
no
hope
it
securing
of
the
was necessary once
They were con-
of ramparts.
north-western
the
at
of the
murder and plunder."^
voluntary surrender of the besieged,
more
un-
order of
possession
to
on
Seeing
in the
depository
the
house, the
city continued their
now
lower city down
council
fire,
surrender.
to
corner of
the
upper
near the palace of Herod, partly at the north-eastern
corner,
in
the neighbourhood of the so-called Xystus.
Oa
the 20th Loos (Ab, August) the buildings were begun; on
7th
the
The
Gorpiaeus
(Elul,
battering-rams
soon
September) they
were
made
in
through which the soldiers with
breach
a
little
finished.
the
difficulty forced
walls,
their
way, because the besieged in their despondent condition could
no longer
offer a vigorous
portion of
them made the attempt
besiegers' lines
rounded them
and
to
and determined opposition."'
force
to break
away through the
through the cordon which sur-
at Siloah; but they
were driven back, and rushed
Meanwhile the
again into their subterranean hiding-places.
whole of the upper city was taken possession
of
by the Romans.
The military standards were planted and the song

Pick, "
Bd.
Der Imperatortitel des
xiii.
bericht,
1885, pp. 109-238.
Bd.
lii.
pp. 17-25
Sallet's Zeitschrift
Titus," in Sallefs Zeitschrifl fr
Add
to these
of victory
Numismatik,
Schiller in Bursian's Jahres-
Mommsen, "Zu den Mnzen
des Tit\is," in
fr Numismatik, Bd. xiv. 1887, pp. 31-35.
Wars
1'^
Jo3ephu8,
"8
Ibid. vi. 6. 3, 7. 2-3.
One
of the Jeivs, vi.
6.
2-3.
" lUd.
vi. 8.
1-5.
20.
The
was sung.
247
A.D. 66-73.
through the city murdering,
soldiers passed
After a five months' siege, after
burning, and plundering.
having been obliged laboriously to press on step by

gaining one position
8th Gorpiaeus (Elul, September),

conquerors.
Those
whole city at
after another, the
step,
last,
on
fell
^^^
who had
inhabitants
the
of
not
already
now put
victims to the famine or the sword were
fallen
to death, or
sent to labour in the mines, or reserved for the gladiatorial
The handsomest and most powerful
combats.
were spared
Among
to grace the triumph.
of the
the fugitives
men
who
were driven by hunger to go forth out of their subterranean

hiding-places was
John
mercy he was granted
not,
palace of
portion
of
the
Hippicus, Phasael, and
were
wall
of the
left
as a protection for the garrison that
won by hard
fighting,
was celebrated by Titus
and
the former as
the city, the latter
was
and at the
city
of the
Mariamme
standing;
strength of
original
The
Only the three gates
to the ground.
Herod
monuments
victory,
however, until a con-
Simon Bar Giora was apprehended.
reserved as a victim for the triumph.^^^
was then razed

a
was
It
siderably later period that
he begged for
but was sentenced to life-long
life,
confinement in prison.
He was
When
of Gischala.
his
left in charge.
cost of
many
The
victims,
in an address of thanks to the army,
the distribution of rewards
those
to
who had
distinguished
themselves in battle, the presenting sacrifices of thanksgiving,
and a
festive banquet.
-^'^
^20 Joseph us, Wars of the Jews,

"1 lUd. vi. 9. 2, 4, vii. 2. 1-2.
vi. 8. 5,
10. 1.
^-2 Josephus, Wars

Of the three gates of the
of the Jews, vii. 1. 1-3.
palace of Herod, only one is preserved to the present day under the name
of " David's Tower," commonly identified with Hippicus, but by Schick
with Phasael.
A minute description
deutschen Palstina- Vereins,
Iliehm's Handivrterhuch,
ralstina, Bd.
i.
p. 9.
1.
i.
226
given by Schick in Zeitschrift des

may be seen in
"Burg," and in Ebers and Guthe,
is
ff.
210, in art.
Illustrations of it
248
THE ROMAN-HE RODI AN AGE.
5.
The Conclusion of the War,
a.d.
71-73.
Leaving behind him the tenth legion as a garrison in

Jerusalem, Titus
proceeded with the rest of his army to
Caesarea-on-the-Sea, where the spoil was deposited, and the

prisoners consigned to safe keeping.^"^
Thence Titus marched
Caesarea Philippi, where a portion of the prisoners were
to
forced
to
engage in combat with wild animals, and to take
At Caesarea-on-the-Sea,
part in the gladiatorial shows.''*
which he returned, he celebrated the birthday of
to
his brother
Domitian, 24th October, with games on a magnificent
scale.
^23 Jose]ihus, Wars

The tenth legion in tlie
of the Jews, vii. 1. 2-3.
time of Dio Cassius, in the beginning of the third century after Christ,
ptill remained in Judea, Dio Cassius, Iv. 23.
Not until the time of
Eusebius is it spoken of as the garrison at Aela on the Red Sea (Eusebius,
(
hiomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 210).
Inscriptions, in
which
it is
referred
to,
been found recently in considerable numbers in Jerusalem. (1)

A short and fragmentary one is described in full detail by Clerraont(janneau, Comptes rendus de VAcademie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres de
lannee, 1872, pp. 163-170. The same is also given in Palestine Exploration
liave
Fund
Quarterly Statement, 1871, 103

Ephemeris epigraphica, ii. p. 292, n.
The Survey of Western Palestine, Jerusalem, p. 427. (2) Another,
somewhat more complete, is particularly treated by Zangemeister, Zeit-
345
schrift des deutschen Palstina-Vereins, x.
The same
138.
(3)
is
1887, pp. 49-53,
xi.
1888, p.
also given in Merrill, Quarterly Statements, 1886, 73.
Also seals with the impression upon them, Leg. X.Fretensis, have been
lirought to light from
under the heaps of rubbish.
See Clermont-
(Janneau, Comptes rendus de VAcademie des Inscriptions

1872, pp. 158-163
et
Belles-Lettres,
Ephemeris epigraphica, ii. p. 293, n. 346, v. p. 618, n.

1441
Guthe, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstina- Vereins, 1882, Taf. x.
hg. A
Merrill, Quarterly Statements, 1885, 133.
In modern tonibs
" numerous relics of the tenth legion " have been found (Merrill, Quarterly
Statements, 1886, 72).
The richest contribution has been made by a large,
catacomb-like series of tombs on the Mount of Olives, in which numerous
.';eals have been found with the impression LXF or LXFre, which were
used as a covering for particular graves. See Schick, Zeitschrift des deut;
schen Palstina- Vereins,
L.X.
nouv.
F.,
xii.
which was found
Serie,
t.
1829, pp. 198, 199.

(4) On a medal of the
De Saulcy, Revue archMogique,
in Jerusalem, see
xx. 1869, pp. 251-260
Numismatique
p. 83, sq. pi. V. n. 3.

^^*
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jeics, vii. 2.
1.
de la Terre Sainte,
THE GREAT WAR AVITH ROME,
20.
At Berytus
day
his
of
249
A.D. 66-73.
he celebrated in a similar manner the birth-
also
17th November.
father Vespasian, on
proceeded to Antioch,
Berytus,'"^ Titus
lengthened stay in
After a
giving public entertainments in the cities through which he

passed, at which the Jewish prisoners were set to slay one
another
gladiatorial
in
After
contests.
Zeugma on
Antioch, he passed on to
to Antioch,
from thence he returned again
Of the prisoners there were 700

their
handsome appearance
rebel
leaders
in
John
and
now
Titus
triumph.^^"
short
stay
these,
were
Simon,
sailed
in
and
legions.
specially distinguished
and
and from thence
At Alexandria he disbanded the
proceeded to Egypt.
his father
the Euphrates
together
by
with the
reserved
for
the
Eome,^^ was received by
for
and by the people with joyful demonstrations, and
common with
his father
and brother celebrated, in
A.D.
71,
one triumph, though the Senate had assigned one separately
During the triumph Simon Bar Giora,
to each of them.^^^
*"*
Josephus,
JVars of the Jews,
vii.
3.
ôf-j/^yTep
tTroiiiaxTo
r-/]u
tTidnfiixv.
126
Josephus,
^-'^
The
Wars
of the Jews,
arrival of Titus in
middle of June
A.D.
is set
by Chambalu,
71'"'
1-3.
vii. 5.
Rome
down "somewhere about
the
Philologus, xliv. 1885, pp. 507-517.
128 Josephus, Wars

Dio Cassius, Ixvi. 7. The
of the Jews, vii. 5. 3-7
Jewish spoils which were borne along in the triumplial procession are
to be seen to the present day on the relief work on the Arch of Titus.
Compare Reland, Be spoliis templi Hierosoiymitani in arcu Titiano liomae
;
New edition by Schulze 1775. Also in Ugolini,

engraving and a description of the Arch of Titus,
which was not erected divo Tito until after the death of Titus, is given
by many among others, by Reber, Die Ruinen Roms und der Campagna,
On the relief, see Philippi, " lieber die rmischen
1863, pp. 397-400.
conspicuis, Ultraj. 1716.
The.saurus,
t.
ix.
An
Triumphalreliefe und ihre Stellung in der Kunstgeschichte " {Abhandlungen

der philol.-hist. Classe der schs. Gesellsch. der Wissensch. Bd. vi. 1874, pp. 245306 ; with illustrations Tafel ii.-iii.). In the inscription on the Arch of
:
t. vi. n. 945) no mention is made

But another Arch of Titus, destroyed in the fourteenth
or fifteenth century, which had stood in tlie Circus Maximus, bore the
following pompous and, so far as it deals with the earlier history of
Jerusalem, untrue inscription, bearing date a.d. 81, preserved in a manu-
Titus {Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum,

of the Jewish war.
250
THE ROMAN-IIEEODIAN AGE,
the rebel leader, was ia accordance with an old custom carried
away from the
procession
festal
to
and
prison
executed
there.'^
The conquest of the
had certainly given
capital
to Titus
The whole
the right to the celebration of the triumph.
Palestine, however, was not yet by any means subdued.
strongholds of Herodium, Machrus, and
The reduction
the hands of the rebels.
Masada were
of
The
still
of these fortresses
in
was
the work of the governor of Palestine at that time, Lucilius
In regard
Bassus.
Herodium,
the
to
been accomplished by him without
Machrus occupied a longer
this
seems
Yet even
tirae/^^
to
The
difficulty.'^"
have
siege of
strong-
this
" Senatus populusque Romanus imp. Tito Caesari

quod praeceptis patri(is) conVespasiano Aiigusto
siliisque et auspiciis gentem Judaeorum domuit et urbem Hieriisolymani
omnibus ante se ducibus regibus gentibus aut frustra petitam aut omnino
intemptatam delevit" (Piper, Jahrbb. fr deutsche Theol. 1876, pp. 52-54
script at Einsiedeln
divi Vespasiani
f.
Corp. Inscr. Lot.
1880,
35
p.
sq.
vi.
on
944
n.
its
Darmesteter, Revue des etudes juives,
genuineness
Wissensch. phol.-hist.
der
Gesellsch.
t.
Mommsen,
CI.
1850, p.
i.
der schs.
Berichte
303).
t.
The
coins of
and Domitian with the superscription

lovlettx;
ictXajcvi;, Judaea evicta, Judaea cajjta, and such like, are given most
Compare also
fully in Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 207-229.
De Saulcy, Becherches sur la Numismatique Judai'que, p. 155 sq. Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, p. 79 sq. Msiddeii, Numismatic Chronicle, 1876,
Vespasian,
Titus,
pp. 45-55
^-3
History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 183-197.

Wars of the Jews, vii. 5. 6 Dio Cassius, Ixvi.
Josephus,
was dragged to the place over against the Forxim {JVars of

5.
camp
ii;
Tov Ivl Tvig oiyop,; lavpsTd tottou).
correctly remarks
minere."
The
indeed in
its
"
seil,
Upon
7.
Simon
the Jews, vii.
this statement
Haver-
carcerem, quern Livius dicit Foro im-
There, and
career Mamertirms lay near the ForuTn.
lower part, the Tallianum, were, e.g., Jugurtha and the
It was the common practice to

Catilinian conspirators put to death.
put prisoners of war to death there by strangling. Trebellius Pollio,
Tyranni triginta, c. 22 (in " Scriptores Historiae Augustae, ed. Peter)
" strangulatus in carcere captivorum veterum more." On the Career, see
also Pauly's Eeal-Encyclopaedie, art. " TuUianura," and Gsell-Fels, Bom.
(1 Aufl.) ii. 200 fF.
:
'3"
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews, vii.
6.
1.
On
Herodium, see vol. i. of this work, p. 435.

131 Machrus in Greek
'Mot.xottpoui (so Josephus,
;
the situation of the

Strabo, xvi. 2. 40, p.
THE GKEAT WAR WITH ROME,
20.
before
h:ld,
it
was taken by storm, yielded by a voluntary
The
surrender.
251
A.D. 66-7.i
decision to surrender was finally taken in
consequence of the apprehension of a youth called Eleasar,
threatened to crucify
him
view of the
in
prevent this the Jews gave over the
To
Lucilius Bassus died.
to
In the meantime
In that fortress the
Sicarii,
under
in the Semitic languages Mechawar, inajD

In the Mishna, Tamid iii. 8, the editio j)rinceps, the Cambridge
Stephaniis Byzant. sak)
and in order
city,
fortress.^^"
his successor, Flavins Silva, fell the
task of taking Masada.'^^

763
who
Bassus
had particularly distinguished himself in the defence.
or X3D-
is
Manuscript, and cod. de Eossi, 138, have -|113D Aruch has n33Q. Both
forms also occur elsewhere, but "iiDD is more common. The pointing of
the word "IIIDO, Mechawar, as in cod. de Rossi, 138, is confirmed by the
;
reading "illXDD, which a Munich Manuscript, Joyria 39a, has. See Levy,
Lightfoot, Opera, ii.
Neuhebrisches TVrterbuch, iii. Ill f. Also generally
:
Besides this Semitic form,
582.
(Parthey, Hieroclis Synecdemus
we have
the following
Moi.xipî
Notitiae graecae episcopatuum, 1866, p.

Machaveron, as an accusative form, Tobler and Molinier, Itinera
93) and
Hierosolymitana, 1879, p. 328.
Machrus had been

.Jannus.
the Jews,
et
According
fortified
Wars
to
early as
as
of the Jews, vii.
the days of
in
6.
2,
Alexander
Gabinius demolished the fortress {Antiq. xiv. 5. 4 Wars of

8. 5).
Herod the Great fortified it anew (Wars of the Jews,
;
i.
On its importance, see Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 16. 72 " Machaerus

It lay on the
secunda quondam arx Judaeae ab Hierosolymis."
eouthern border of Peraea (Wars of the Jews, iii. 3. 3), and in the time of
Herod Antipas is said to have belonged to the king of Arabia (Antiq.
vii. 6. 2).
xviii. 5. 1).
undoubtedly
See Seetzen, Reisen durch
it is
the
lîyrien, ii.
modern Mkaur,
330
ff.,
iv.
378
east of the
ff.
Dead
Sea.
Ritter, Erdkunde,
Raumer, Palstina, p. 264 Keim, Jesus of Nazara, ii.

577 f.
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl. i. 329 f.
Parent, Machaerous, Paris 1868
Tristram, The Land of Moab, 2nd ed.
Due de Luynes, Voyage d^ Exploration La mer morte,
1874, p. 253 sqq.
XV.
335
1.
ff.
Petra
et
sur la rive gauche du Jourdain, Paris,
s. a.
[1874], Atlas, Sheets
36-39 Baedeker-Socin, Palstina, p. 317.

^^^ Joseph i;r. Wars
of the Jews, vii. 6. 1, 4.
^^^ On Masada, i.e.
mvo mountain stronghold, in Strabo, xvi.
;
2.
44,
p. 764, corrupted into MoctTxlx, see especially the comprehensive monograph of Tuch, Masada, die herodianische Felsenfeste, nach Fl. Josephus und
neueren Beobachtungen, Leipzig 1863, p. 4.
It had indeed been fortified
even by the high priest Jonathan ( Wars of the Jews, vii. 8. 3), and was
spoken of as an important stronghold as far back as the time of Hyrcanus
II. about B.c. 42 (Antiq. xiv. 11. 7
Wars of the Jews, i. 12. 1), and during
;
252
the leadership of Eleasar, the son of Jairi, and a descendant
Judas of Galilee,'^ had established themselves
of
mencement
The
position.
tlie
of the war,
siege
and had continued
proved a very
difficult
and steep that
was almost impossible
it
Only
engines of destruction near.

tliere
only by means of
operations,
was
it
difficult
possible to
But by the time that
ram.
wall another bulwark of

elasticity,
bring the
at one point,
and even
and ingenious preparatory
secure a place for a battering-
this
machine had made a breach
wood and
owing
to its
could not be destroyed by the battering-ram.
The
enemy, however, by the use

obstacle
all sides
to
had already erected behind that
wall, the besieged
the
com-
business, since
rock upon which the fortress was built rose on
so high
in
at the
to maintain their
also
of
When
aside.
earth, which,
succeeded in setting this
fire
Eleasar saw that there was no
longer any hope of resisting the attack, he held a council

the invasion of Palestine by the Parthians served as a safe retreat for the
members
of
tlie
family of Herod (Antiq. xiv.
13.
f.,
14. 6, 15. 1
f.
IFars
Herod the Great fortified it anew

Wars of the Jeivs, vii. 8. 3). According to Wars of the Jews, vii. 8. 3, it
(
lay near to the western bank of the Dead Sea according to Wars of the
Jews, iv. 7. 2, it was not far from Engedi. So, too, Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 1 7.
73 " Inde {seil. from Engedi ') Ma.sada castellum in rupe et ipsum haut
piocul Asphaltite." According to this, and according to the description
which Josephus, Wars of the Jews, vii. 8. 3, gives of the locality, there can
be no doubt that it is to be identified with the modern Sebbeh on the
western bank of the Dead Sea south of Engedi, as Smith and Robinson
were the first to recognise. The siege works of the Romans of A.D. 73 are
of the Jews,
i.
13. 7
f.,
15. 1, 15.
f.).
'
to be distinctly seen in that place.
See generally Robinson, Biblical

Wolcott and Tip])ing in the Bihliotheca
sacra. New York 1843
Ritter, Erdkunde, xv. 1, p. 655 ff.
De Saulcy,
Voyage autour de la mer morte, Paris 1853, Bd. i. p. 199 fF., with atlas, pi.
xi.-xiii.
Rey, Voyage dans le Haouran et aux hords de la mer morte execute'
'pendant les annês, 1857 et 1858, Paris
atlas, pi. xxv.-xxvi.
Tuch,
Masada; Sepp, Jerusalem und das heilige Land, 2 AuH. Bd. i. 1873, p.
821 ff., with plans and illustrations
Baedeker-Socin, Palstina, pp.
298-300, with plan The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder
and Kitchener, iii. 418-421, with two plans and an illustration and therewith Sheet xxvi. of the large English Map.
still
Researches in Palestine,
iii.
241
ff.
13*
Josephus,
Wars
of the Jews,
ii.
17. 9, vii. 8. 1
THE GREAT WAE WITU KOME,
20.
253
A.D. 6-73.
with the garrison, in which he urged that they should

of all slay the
members
of their
one another to death.
Eomans
was
them
of the rebellion
After the
Thus was the very
to do.
stronghold
last
Masada disturbances were made by the
of
in Alexandria
the
more work
A.D. 73.^^^
conquered in April
fall
When
was done.
This, therefore,
first
and then put
families,
entered, they beheld with horror that no
left for
Jews
own
and
which in the former place
in Cyrene,
resulted in the closing of the temple of Onias at Leontopolis.'^^
But these
after -vibrations
the
of
mother country are scarcely worthy
sealed
by the overthrow
of
revolution in
of being
The
movement.
side of the original
great
Masada.
the
mentioned along-
fate
of
Palestine was
Vespasian retained the
country as a private possession, and the taxes levied went

into his
own
purse.^^''
grants of land at
i^*
Josephus,
TJ-ârs
Only
800 veterans
to
Emmaus
did he distribute
near Jerusalem.^^"^
of the Jeios, vii.
8.
1-7, 9. 1-2.
The former
According
to vii.
the self-slaughter of the garrison of Masada took place on the 15th

Xanthicus (Nisan, April). The year is not mentioned. But since in an
9. 1,
7. 1, the fourtli year of Vespasian is mentioned, which

July a.D. 72 (comp. Tacitus, Hist. ii. 79), the conquest of
Masada must have occurred in the spring of A.D. 73. Compare Ewald,
earlier passage, vii.
began on
1st
History of Israel, vii. 614.

^^^ Josephus, Wars
of the
^^^
Tou
Josephus,
lovdociuv'
oil
Wars
Geschichte, v.
10-11
vii. 6.
ycip KocruKiaiu iK-i
Mommsen, Rmische
contradiction.
Jeics, vii.
of the Jeics,
Life, Ixxvi.
kssvuv v.aa.v vijf
a,7:oo6(76ctt
ui/ru r7}v xi^pxu
(fv'ccrTC!/.
Ta'Aii/, tot'ocv
539
f.
note, discovers in those
But such there would be only
if
we were
words a
to take d'rroliadui
in the sense of " to
sell."
It means, however, also " to farm out."
The
country immediately surrounding Jerusalem had been given over to the
tenth legion (Josephus, Life, Ixxvi.).

^^8 Josephus, Wars
of the Jews, vii.
arpetTiAs lixWeifisvoi; )Cupiov 'ilumu
xTTix^' o rut)
6.
cKToacoaioig li fôuoi; ccvro
s/f x.ccToix.nuiu, o
x.u'Kihut fîv
-rii;
Ai^fûov;,
reading here
'
IspoaoTivfiuv aruOiov; r iockovtu,. The

between Tpixnovrx and k^yiKovTx. Since the two best manuscripts
have TpixKovTx, and since s^vjkoi/tx is evidently an emendation in accordance
with Luke xxiv. 13, tlie former is to be regarded as the correct reading.
Accordingly our Emmaus cannot be the same as that Emmaus otherwise
known, situated somewhere about 20 or 21 miles from Jerusalem, whicli,
from the time of Julius Africanus, in the beginning of the third century
vacillates
254
THE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE,
temple -tax of two drachmas M'as henceforth exacted
of
all
was called Nicopolis.

On it see Div. II. vol. i. p. 159
Henderson, Handbook on Palestine, pp. 165-167 Gelzer, Julius Afiicanus,
Sozomen distinctly declares that the latter
i. 5-7.
^t r^v Xutiv
ItooaoT^vfcuM xxi rrjv y,xrec tuv Joviocia y/x, had the name of Nicopolis
and the coins of Emmaus-Nicopolis are supposed to
(Hist. eccl. V. 21)
have an era from about a.D. 70. See, with reference to this point, Belley
in the Memoires de I' Acad, des inscr. et belles-lettres, alte eerie, Bd. xxx.
Eckhel, Doctr. iVwm. iii. 454 Mionnet, Description de
1764, pp. 294-306
vie'dailles ant. v. 550 sq., Suppl. viii. 376
Terre Satnfe, pp. 172-1 75, 406, pi. vi. 3-5 De Saulcy in Annuaire de la Society
De Saulcy in
franâise de Num. et d'Archôl. t. iii. 2, 1869, pp. 275-278
Melanges de Numismatique, t, ii. 1877, p. 147 sq. For this reason, in spite
of the indication of distance in Josephus, the military colony of Vespasian
So e.g. Kuhn, Die
is
by many identified with Emmaus-Nicopolis.
Marquardt,
Stadt, und brgerl. Verfassung des rm. Reichs, ii. 356 f.
Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd. i. 2 Aufl. 1881, p. 428 Gelzer, Julius
Africanus, i. 5-7 with hesitation Grotefend in FakuWs Real-Encyclopaedic,
But the assertion of Sozomen, who only casually throws out
iii. 115.
this suggestion, and probably hastily draws this conclusion only from the
name Nicopolis, is confronted by the definite and positive statement of
Eusebius and other chroniclers, according to which Nicopolis had not
been founded earlier than the time of Julius Africanus, and only then
received this name. According to Eusebius, Chronicon. ad ann. Abr. 2237,
ed. Schoene, ii. l~8sq^. = Chronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf, i. 499, in the time
according to Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 676, in the time of
of Helesgabalus
Alexander Severus. Compare also generally Jerome, De vdris illustriis,
c. 62 = Opera, ed. Vallarsi, ii. 903, and an anonymous writing, probably from
the Church history of Philip of Side, dating about a.D. 430, which De Boor
after Christ,
'
'
has edited according to a Codex Baroccianus
und Untersuchungeri zur

by Gebhardt and Harnack, v.
[Tejcte
Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, edited
1888, pp. 169, 174 f.]. Yet another is given in Reland, Palaestina, p. 759.
chief passage in Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 178 sq., runs as
" In Palestina antiqua Emraaus restaurata est
follows in the Armenian
2,
The
Nicopolisque vocata cura [praefectura] et interpellatione Julii African!

chronographi ad regem ;" according to Jerome " In Palaestina Nicopolis
quae prius Emmaus vocabatur urbs condita est, legationis industriam pro
:
ea suscipiente Julio Africano scribtore
Chronicon
z-oX/j,
Paschale
TTBiazVovTo;
TLuXuiaTivr,;
v-rrip
uvria
x.xl
temporum
'Hix.oTroy.t;
i\
irpc'iarcif/.isiov
"
according to the
^poTipcv 'Efcfcxoii: iKria/i

'lovhiov
'
A(Pptx.a.vov tou roi
That this is correct, and that the statement of

Sozomen is false, is further proved by this, that writers before Heliogabulus
are acquainted only with the name Emmaus.
So Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 14.
70 Ptolemy, v. 16. 7. In the Itinerarium Antonini it is not met with at
Also Josephus, who frequently mentions this Emmaus, never makes
all.
XpovtKcc ovy/px-il'ctfiii/ov.
5 20.
Jews
one gathering point which

remark that
it is
omit such notices.
now
The
terribly reduced.
tracy, of the kind formerly possessed,
tlie
The inhabitants
became impoverished, and by the seven
numbers had been
war
years'
Jewish magis-
no longer existed.
remained
still
255
A.D. 66-73.
for the temple, Jupiter Capitolinus.^^
of Palestine
their
TUE GREAT WAR WITH EOME,
The
for the people
called Nicopolis, whereas elsewhere
was
he does not
existence of coins of the Palestinian Nicopolis
before Heliogabulus, and with an era from about a.D. 70, is, however,
very questionable indeed. See the critical remarks by De Saulcy in
Numismatique
epigrapkica,
de la Terre Sainte, pp. 172-175,

v.
t.
The
1884, p. 619.
and Mommsen, Ephemeris

by De Saulcy in the
coin described
Appendix, p. 406, is very uncertain as to reading. In the Melanges de

Numismatique, ii. 147 sq., De Saulcy reports that he had received from
Jerusalem a copy of the coin described by Belley of the year 72 aer. Nico2).,
which was minted after the death of Faustina, who died a.D. 141. But
the place of its discovery being Jerusalem, does not prove that the coin
belonged to the Palestinian Nicopolis. It may, e.g., have belonged to the
Egyptian city of that name. It may even be matter of question whether
we
should not read
PO = 170,
instead of
BO = 72,
according to the era of
We
have therefore no dependable testimony of the founding

of an Emmaus-Nicopolis about a.D. 70.
Against the identification of the
military colony of Vespasian with this Emmaus-Nicopolis, it may be
alleged, besides Josephus' account of its distance, that the military colony
of Vespasian is not called Nicopolis by Josephus, and that, on the other
hand, every characteristic feature of a colony is wanting in Emmaus-NicoOur Emmaus {JFars of the Jews, vii. 6. 6) is most probably rather to
pcilis.
be identified with the New Testament Emmaus, Luke xxiv. 13, although
tlie distance in the two cases, respectively 30 and 60 furlongs, are only
approximately correct.
It has been shrewdly conjectured that our
Emmaus, in which Vespasian founded a Roman colony, is identical with
the modern Culonie near Jerusalem. So Sepp, Jerusalem, 2 Aufl. i. 54-73;
Ewald, ifis<orj/ of Israel, vii. 553, 612 Hitzig, Geschichte, ii. 623 Caspari,
Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of Christ, p. 242
Keim, Jesus ofNazara, vi. 306 Fuirer in Schenkel's Bibellexicon, ii. 107
Fr. W. Schultz in Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie, 2 Aufl. xi. 771.
In an
inscription found at Emmaus-Nicopolis mention indeed is made of a
mil{es) [leg. V.] Mac, Ephemeris epigraphica, t. v. p. 620, n. 1446.
But
Augustus.
fi".
the designation as miles, instead of as veteranus,

that
it
can refer to one of
fortified
camp
tlie
is
against the conjecture
veterans settled by Vespasian.
of the fifth legion was placed at
long time, probably until a.D. 70 (JVars of the Jews, iv.

1^' Josephus, JVars
Dio Ca^sius,
of the Jews, vii. 6. 6
;
Div. II, vol.
i.
p. 251.
In a.D. 68 a
Emmaus, and remained a

8. 1, v. 1. 6.).
iv. 8. 1.
Compare
TUE ROMAN-HEKODIAN AGE.
256
the law.
Around
this
they gathered
now with anxious and
scrupulous faithfulness, and with the indomitable hope that
some day, under an established
among the
nations of the world,
civil
it
government, and even
would come again
a recognised place and practical authority.
to
have
21.
FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM TO THE

OVERTHROW OF BAR-COCHBA.
The State of Affairs
1.
in Palestine
fkom Vespasian to
Hadrian.
The
separation of Judea from the province
had been resolved upon

thither (see above,
at the
vol,
after the
conclusion of the war.
that very
name
legio
formed from
Since
province.^
had
it
Judea
p.
at the
p.
56), the
rank.
It
commander
same time governor of the province.
appears that, as a rule, the position

praetorian
indeed under
an independent
248), alongside of which were
only auxiliary troops (see above,
was
and
this time forth
a garrison only one legion, the
as
X. Frdensis (see above,
that legion
which
369), continued in force also
p.
i.
of Syria,
time when Vespasian was sent
was only
at
It
was held by men
of
a later period that the
province came to be administered by
men
of consular rank,
probably after the time of Hadrian, since even then the
The name Judaea
of
legio
on the military diploma of a.D. 86

Dipl. xiv.), on the inscription
of Julius Severus {Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 2830), on tlie coin
which celebrates Hadrian's visit to Judea {adventui Aug. Judaeae, in
Madden, Coins of the Jexvs, 1881, p. 231), on the inscription of an other^
{Corpus Inscr.
wise
unknown
Lat.
t.
occurs,
iii.
p.
e.g.,
857,
" proc(urator) Aug(usti) provincia(e)
a(gens) l(egati)" in Corpus Inscr. Lat.
iii.
n.
5776,
Jud(aeae) v(ices)
and elsewhere.
At
a later date, somewhere after Hadrian, the prevailing designation is Syria

Palaestina, which occurs even as early as in Herodotus (see Division II,
vol. ii. p. 193.
Yet even then the name Judea had not altogether passed
out of use. The geographer Ptolemy sets both alongside of each other
(Ptolemy, v. 16. 1). Compare Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd,
i.
2 Aufl. 1881, p. 421, note 2
Romanis quaestiones
DIV. I. VOL. IL
vrovinciis
P.
von Rohden, Be Palaestina
selectae,
et
1885, pp. 1-3,
Arabia
"
258
THE ROMAN-HERODIi^N AGE.
VI. Fcrrata was stationed in Judea, and the governor was not
commander
of an order superior to the
From the
known to us.''
referred to
The
first
war of
during the
of these
who
commanded
who
is,
it,
of the Jews,
vii.
His
full
Lucilius Bassus,
tlie
(Wars of
Wars
given in an inscription
4862).
Herodium
He
the Jev)s, vii. 6. 16).
the Jcivs, vii. 8. 1).
(not
the Jews, vii. 6. 6), is also

:
the garrison
the strongholds of
under him, L. Laberius
Arval priesthood
is
x. n.
t.
and Machrus (Josephus, Wars of

died as governor
of
remained
to Lucilius Bassus
name
who took
He
236).
and of the detachments
and gave them over

6. 1).
p.
commander
of the tenth legion
{Corpus Inscriptionum Laiinorum,
serving
briefly
at the siege of Jerusalem
the fifth legion (see above,
joined with
{Wars of
now
are
70-73 have already been
A.D.
after the departure of Titus as
troops, that
2.
names
exercised their functions
Sex. Vettulenus Cerialis,
1.
of a legion.^
series of governors only certain
The procurator
AiepoL<i)
Maximus
mentioned in the Acts of
Corpus Inscriptiomtm Latinorum,
vi.
t.
^ Proofs of wliat is said above are given by von Roliden, De Palaestina

Arabia provinciis Eomanis, p. 30 sq. On an inscription found recently
in Jerusalem, dating from the time of Caracalla, one M. Junius Maximus
"leg(atus) Augg. (i.e. duorum Augustorum) leg(ionis) X. Fr(etensis)" is
mentioned. Seeing that he is designated as leg. Augg.., Zangemeister had
assumed on his first examination of the inscription (Zeitschrift des deutschen
Palstina-Vereins, x. 1887, pj). 49-53) that this commander of the legion
was also governor. But he has himself rightly, in his appendix to that
et
observed that in that case the

not have been wanting. The person
referred to was therefore only commander of the legion.
^ Compare the collection of passages in
Kuhn, Die stdtische und
brgerliche Verfassung des Rom. Reichs, ii. 184 f.; Marquardt, Rmische
article
(Zeitschrift, xi.
138),
correctly
designation pro praetore would
Staatsvervxiltung, Bd. i. 2 Aufl. p. 419 f.

von Rohden, De Palaestina et
Arabia provinciis Romanis, 1885, pp. 36-42 Liebenarn, Forschungen zur
;
Verwaltungsgeschichte des rm. Kaiserreichs, Bd. i. 1888, pp. 239-244.

Grtz, " Die rmischen Legaten in Juda unter Domitian und Trajan und
ihre
Beziehung zu Juden und Christen" (Monatsschr. fr
Gesch.
und
Wissensch. des Judenth. 1885, pp. 17-34), gives only rabbinical legends.
(l)
21.
PALESTINE FKOM VESPASIAN TO IIADFJAN.
2059, and in the military diploma of
n.
cpigraphica, v. p.
612
According
sq.).
A.D.
259
83 {Ephcmcru
to the latter authority,
he was the governor of Egypt.
/3/ L. Flavius
Silva, the
Wars of the Jews, vii.

name is given as
conqueror of Masada (Josephus,
8-9).
He was
Nonius Bassus in the
Acta Arvaliura, Corpus Inscriptiormm Latinorum,
Compare Henzen, Acta Arvalium Index,

4.
M.
about
Salvidenus,
80,
A.D.
is
t.
vi. n.
is
Madden, Coins of
certainly identical with the
witnessed to hj a
5.
of
v. p.
of A.D. 8 6 the veterans of

.
In a military diploma
two alac and four cohorts
sunt in Judaea sub Cn. Pompeio
" {Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum,
We
xiv.).
He
2).
are referred to "qui
Longino
EUI M.
218.
Salvidenus, who, according
Cn. Pompeius Longinus, A.D. 86.
Domitian
the Jews, p.
was proconsul of Bithynia (Mionnet,
to a coin of Domitian,
Supplement,
M.
2059.
186.
p.
Palestinian coin of Titus, with the superscription
XAAOTIAHN{OT),
His
consul in A.D. 81.
L. Flavius Silva
full
have no
governors of Judea.
otlier
From some
Henzen thought himself
iii.
p.
857, Dipl.
information with reference to these
justified
statements of the diploma

in
drawing the conclusion,
that at that time warlike operations were being carried on in
Judea.
The premises, however, do not by any means sustain
such a conclusion.*
*
xiii.
Henzen, Jahrbcher
1848, pp. 34-37.
des Vereins
He
is
von Alterthumsfreunden im Rhcinlande,

Darmesteter, Revue des etudes
followed by
1880, pp. 37-41; Schiller, Geschichte der rmischen Kaiserzeit, i. 532.

Against this view Rohden, De Palaestina et Arabia, p. 38 (in accordance
juives,
i.
with a coninmnication from Moramsen). Henzen's rea.sons are (1) The

cohors I. Angustana Lusitanorum, mentioned on the diploma, was shortly
before stationed in Pannonia.
It must therefore have been sent for from
:
thence in order to strengthen the garrison of Judea. (2) The veterans,

according to the diploma, received indeed the rank of citizens, but not a
full discharge {honesta missio).
It was therefore thought that they might
be needed. The latter argument is not decisive, and the cohors J.

Lusitanorum mentioned on the inscription, is demonstrably
dilh-rent from the cohors I. Lusitanorum settled in Pannonia in A.D. 8.').
still
Aufjrista

2 GO
In two fragments of Hege-
^. Atticns, about A.D. 107.

sippus,
which are quoted by Eusebius,
Simeon, said
to be the
Jerusalem, died a martyr's death "
and the governor Atticus
it
bishop
second
In
this
event
is
cccl.
82. 8:
iii.
Chronicon Paschale,
Chronicle of Eusebius
the
Schoene,
ed.
ed.
Dindorf,
Candidus and Quadratus,
i.
p.
ii.
162
sq.)
107
in the
471, in the consulship of

Neither of these state-
105.
A.D.
6:
32.
iii.
placed in the tenth year of Trajan, A.D.
(Eusebius, Chronicon,
of
under the Emperor Trajan
eVt Tpalavov Kai(Tapo<i kol virariKov ÂrriKov]

eVt 'Attikov rov virariKov).
Church
the
(Eusebius, Hist.
"
reported thut
is
of
ments, indeed, has the value of traditional testimonies, least of

the statement in the Chronicon Paschale, which has only
all
the authority of Eusebius.

identical with the similarly
The designation of
Our Atticus
named father
viraTiKo^
supposed to be
is
of
Herod
Atticus.
remarkable, since other gover-
is
nors of Judea had held this office before their consulship.
Compare generally
p.
Waddington, Pastes
192 sq.; Dittenberger, Hermes,

7.
Pompeius Falco, about
des provinces asiatiques,
1878, pp. 67-89.

J
107 and onwards. The
xiii.
a.d.
inscription in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum,
gives the cursus lionorum of this man,

letters of the
was
younger Pliny.
also " leg(atus) Aug(usti)
who
is
known from
pr(o)
pr(aetore)
the
provinc(iae)
The supplied word
the tenth legion was attached to the governorship.
107
6321,
warranted here by the fact that the command of
to Pliny, Epist.
A.D.
x. n.
According to this document he
[Judaeae] et ]eg(ionis) X. Fret(ensis)."
Judaeae
is
t.
vii.
to A.D.
According
22, this governorship dates probably from
110, for in the
letter
written
about that
time Pliny commends a friend to Ealco for the place of a

tribune.
But
this,
according to the other date of the cursus
honorum, could only have happened during the period of his

governorship of Judea.
The
epistles addressed
Pompeius Ealco are
Pliny,
Epist.
i.
23,
iv,
by Pliny
27,
vii.
to
22,
Compare generally: Mommsen, Hermes,
15.
ix.
PALESTINE FROM VESPASIAN TO HADRIAN.
(l)
21.
2G1
1869,
iii.
422 (Index by Mommsen);

Waddington, Fastes des provinces asiatiques, pp. 202-204;
Kohden, p. 39; Liebenam, Forschungen, i. 94 f. Petersen
p.
51
Pliny, Epist. ed. Keil,
p.
and Luschan, Eeisen in Lykien (1889),

Tiberianus, about A.D. 114.
8.
Dindorf,
p.
123.
p.
In Joannes Malalas,
273, the express language of a writing
is
ed.
quoted,
which Tiberianus, the governor of Falaestina prima, addressed

to Trajan
during his stay in
114
Antioch, a.D.
(eV
BiaTpieiv TOP avrov Tpalavhv atrikea iv 'Avrio-êia
ovXevo/xevov ra irepl rov vroXefiov

rjye/jiiv
Tov
irpcTov
avTtv
ifjbtjvvaev
IlaXaiarivwv
tt}?
Xvpia<i
Tt,piav6<i,
In
ravTo).
e6vov<i,
he
tJ
it
Tiberianus calls the attention of the emperor to the fact that
the Christians in a foolish manner deliver themselves up to
martyrdom, and desires directions as
to
how he
In reply Trajan commanded him and
all
should proceed.
other
magistrates
throughout the whole empire to suspend the persecutions.

This same story
is
told in a
of Antioch (in Mller,
The statement
Fragmcnta
s.v.
Both
all essential
contents highly suspicious.
38
f.
Keim,
of
Fom
it:
Caesaren, 1878, p.
of Antioch in this
that
is
n.
111).
by Suidas
which are in
in
partition
respect of
of Palestine
place before
Against the historicity of the
Gieseler, Kircheng eschichtc,
Zeitschrift
favour
way by John
580,
prima and secunda did not take
Overbeck, Studien zur
In
stories,
points, are
Even the
the end of the fourth century.
Grres,
hist, grace, iv,
Tpalav6<i.
thorough agreement on
narrative, see
different
of the latter is literally reproduced
in his Lexicon,
into Falaestina
somewhat
Geschichte
i.
Aufl. p.
der alten Kirche,
i.
129;
122
;
fr wissenschaftl. Theologie, 1878,

und das Ghristcnthum, 1881, p. 526
Wieseler,
126
ff.
Die
The
Christcnverfolgungen
stories of
p.
f.
der
Malalas and John
and in many other instances have so much
common, that evidently the one must have borrowed
from the other.
Since both probably wrote about the beginning
262
of the seventh century,
The
belongs.
now
in favour of the view

older, for
a question to
it is
whom
the priority
style of the particular passage before us speaks
Malalas was the
prevalent, that
Malalas communicates the letter of Tiberianus in
John
the very words of the writer, whereas
of
Antioch only
describes its contents.^^
Lusius Quietus, about
9.
general, after
eccl.
This distinguished
appointed governor of Judea (Eusebius,
Mesopotamia, was
Hist.
117.
A.D.
he had put down the outbreak of the Jews in
2.
iv.
'IovBaia<i
^ye/xoov
rov avTOKpdropo<;
inro
Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene,
dveSel'Ôr].
in Syucellus, ed. Dindorf,
i.
ii.
164; in Greek,
657, at the 18th year of Trajan
riyefxtov t?}? 'IovSala<; Bi tovjo KaOiaraTat).

[2131 Abr.]
Dio Cassius merely says that he administered the government
of Palestine after his consulship of A.D. 115 (Dio Cassius,
:
Ixviii
32
virarevcrai
That
UaXaiarivT)^ apâi).
re
t?}?
Trajan sent to Palestine a consular legate, not merely one of

praetorian rank, was occasioned
condition of affairs at that time.
was recalled (Spartian.

.
Dio
i.
exarmavit
"),
Compare
Barcochba
132.
Rufus, A.D.
broke
(Eusebius, Hist.
out,
eccl. iv. 6.
"
Lusium Quietum
to death {Hid.
When
Eufus
one
difficult
Hadrian, Lusius Quietus

c.
generally
sq.
10. Tineius
c.
Borghesi, Oeuvres,
the
revolution of
was governor of Judea
'PovcjiO'; iirdp-ôjv 7779 'IovBaia<;).
Compare C. Mller, Fragmenta Hist. Graec. iv. 536, in favour of the

John of Antioch. Gutschmid, Grenzboten, 22 Jahrg. 1863,
Semester, 1 Bd. p. 345 f., in favour of the priority of Malalas.
Momni*^
priority of
1
By
Hadriana,
and soon thereafter put
Cassius, Ixix. 2).
500
vita
by the peculiarly
323-383 Nicolai, Griech. Literaturgeschichte, iii.

56 f., 96 f.; Stokes in Smith and Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography,
iii. 787 sq.; Gelzer, Julius Africanus, i. 74, 228 fF., ii. 129, in favour of the
priority of Malalas Sotiriadis, " Zur Kritik des Johannes von Antiocha," in
sen, Hermes, vi. 1872, pp.
Jahrbcher fr class. PhiloL, 16 Supplementbd. 1888, pp. 1-126, especially

pp. 68-83, going back again to the idea that John of Antioch is the
older.
Eusebius he
In the Chronicle of
(Eusebius,
2148
Trj<i
'IovSaia<i Tivpio^ 'Pov(f)oq
166
provinciam Tinnio Eufo
in Latin, in
Tineius Eufus
called
is
ii.
in Greek, in Syncellus, ed. Dindorf,
ad, ann. Abr.
sq.
660
i.
In Jerome on Daniel
").
695: Timo Eufo; on Zechariah
ed. Vallarsi, vi.
852
T.
Annio Eufo
the reading Turannio Eufo
under Commodus,
may have been

192
n.
1978.
s.
16
viii.
fin.
sqq.
the earlier editions
(so
is
is
Tineius Eufus, as
is
referred to
on several
proved
is
and
viii.
189
sq.;
Eenan,
See Borghesi,
chrienne,
L'^glise
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum,
also
He
inscriptions.
son or grandson of one Eufus.
6264,
sq.;
9,
c.
Eor one Q. Tineius Eufus, who was consul
by Borghesi.
p.
he
" tenente
only a conjecture of Vallarsi).
Undoubtedly the correct form
iii.
r]r^/uTo
Jerome
ed. Vallarsi, v,
Oeuvres,
263
PALESTINE FKOil VESPASIAN TO HADRIAN.
(l)
21.
vi.
t.
In order to suppress the rebellion, Publicius Marcellus,
who up
had been governor of
to that time
was
Syria,
1885,
KivTjaiv
p.
TT]v
118
r^viKa
TIov\KLO<i
^lovhatK-qv jxeTaei'^Kev
Statement also
is
MdpKeXko^
iro
Xvpia<i
found in Corpus Tnscript. Graec.
Bta
avTO)
to
by Eusebius
avfji,/xa)(^La<;
inro
{Hist.
iv.
eccl.
aaL\co<;
Chronicon ad. ann. Abr. 2148).
135.
11. Julius Severus, A.D.
6.
4034).
n.
is
also
arpaTtcoriicrj<i
ire^cÔelarj^;.
The
ti]v
the same
This strengthening of the fighting forces in Judea

referred
aus Oesterreich-Ungarn Jahrg.
Arcliolog.-epigr. Mittheilungen
ix.
also
4033
sent into Judea {Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum,n.
Compare
suppression of the
Jewish revolution was thoroughly completed only by Julius

Severus,
who was
sent to Judea from
Britain,
been up to that time governor (Dio Cassius,

cursus
honorum
of this
man
Inscriptionum Zatinorum,
offices are
t.
is
where he had
Ixix. 13).
The
given in the inscription. Corpus
iii.
n.
2830, where the higher
enumerated in the following order
" leg(ato) pr(o)
pr(aetore) imp(eratoris) Traiani Hadriani Aug(usti) provinciae
2G4
THE KOMAX-HERODIAN AGE.
Daciae, cos. leg. pr. pr. provinciae Moesiae inferiorls,

provinciae Brittaniae,
pr.
pr. pr.
ment
On
leg.
provinciae Curiae."
of
pr.
pr.
leg. pr.
provinciae Judeae, leg.
This therefore confirms the state-
Dio Cassius that he came from Britain
to Judea.
the other hand, the statement of Dio Cassius, or rather
that of his
unskilful
epitomizer Xiphilinus, that after the
Jewish revolt he was made governor of
conclusion of the
fBithynia (Dio Cassius, Ixix. 14),
is
between him and another Severus.
was consul
{Corpus
Lett.
iii.
was
of
Grace,
4033 and 4034),
Bithynia
874,
p.
governor
n.
Our Julius Severus, who
127, was called Sextus Julius Severus
in A.D.
Inscript.
the result of a confusion
Ti.
or,
Dipl.
xxxi.),
epigr.
{Corpus Inscript.
Xôvripoî
Mittheilung en aus Oesterreich-Ungarn,

Grace, n.
Staatsverwaltung,
i.
ix.
{rcliolog.-
11^
= Corpus
Compare, Marquardt, Romische
4033).
Bd.
the
according to a more recent
copy of one of these inscriptions, U. Xeovripo<i
Inscript.
but
Aufl.
1881,
p.
353;
Ilohden,
42.*
p.
*
In the
list
of governors of Judea
we
also find one Cl(audius) Pater{nus)
Clement{ianus), who, according to an inscription {Corpus Inscr. Lat. t.

iii. n. 5776), was " proc(uratoi') Aug(usti) provincia(e) Jud(aeae) v(ices)
a(gens) l(egati)," therefore procurator or administrator in place of the
altogether
unknown.
The
date of this inscription, however,
is
For from the circumstance that the province
ia
deceased or recalled governor.
named, not Syria Palstina, but Judea,
it cannot with certainty be concluded that the inscription is earlier than the time of Hadrian, as Eohden,
Just as little explanation is obtained
p. 41, thinks he may conclude.
from the rabbinical legends about a Roman v^yif/.uv, who is said to have
proposed captious questions to Jochanan ben Saccai, at the end of the
first century after Christ.
For the corrupt condition of the text makes
it impossible even to determine his name with certainty.
He is called,
jer. Sanhedrin 196 (Cracow edition), D1tD3iKj Agnitos {Egnatius?), 19 c.
Antoninus, and at 19a, Antigonus.
In ether places we also find other
forms. The Hegemon Agnitos (jiojn D1t3''3JK) who, according to Sifre on
Deut. 351, is said to have put a similar question to Gamaliel II. in
the beginning of the second century after Christ, is certainly the same
See generally Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, p. 316 sq.
Agnitos.
Levy, Neuhehraisches JVrterhuch, i. 104&, 108a ("art." D1DJ3S and
MonatsD'13"'J13S) ; Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten, i. 1884, p. 39 i.
:
21.
PALESTINE FKOM VESPASIAN TO HADRIAN.
(l)
The residence
of the imperial governor, as in earlier times
had
that of the procurators
was formed by Vespasian
the
official
name
was not Jerusalem, but
also been,
town
Caesarea, the important coast

It
2G5
by Herod the
built
Eoman
into a
prima Fl{avia) Aug(usta)
col(onia)
Great.^
colony, and bore

Caesarensis
Jerusalem had been so completely razed to the

or Caesarea/
ground " that there was left nothing to make those that came
thither believe
only a
all
had ever been inhabited."
it
Eoman camp,
in which,
first
of
not the whole of the
if
tenth legion, yet at least the chief portion of

quarters, together with its bagr;age
was
It
and
it,
had
head-
its
followers.^
In regard to the other changes made upon the organization

of the Palestinian
notices.
communities we have only scattered
city
To what extent Vespasian held the country
as a
private possession cannot be very clearly understood from the

indefinite statements
of Josephus (see above, p. 253).
private possessions
seem
town domains
Jerusalem, but to
of
being understood in
to
have extended not merely
Judea
that
The only new town which
Vespasian here founded was the military colony of

(see
above, p.
In
253).
founding belongs to the time
schrift
its
name and by the
of Vespasian
For that
is
its
proved not
reference in Pliny, but also by
fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft der Judenthums, 1882,
Gratz, Monatsschrift, 1885, p. 17
Emmaus
Samaria, Flavia Neapolis, which
rapidly grew and flourished, was then founded.
only by
the
term
proper and more restricted sense
its
rwv 'lovBaiwv).
(iraaav jrjv
all
His
to
p.
159
f.
fF.
After Flaviu3 Silva had conquered Masada he went back again to

Tacitus also describes Caesarea
Caesarea (Wars of the Jews, vii. 10. 1).

as Judaeae caput (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 78).
'
For further
Josephus,
-TTioio'Kou
particulars, see Div. II. vol.
Wars
ovru;
of the Jews,
iûfA.'h.iaoe.u
oi
vii. 1. 1
p. 84.
i.
rov
3'
Koe.rxax..'TrrovTi;
ahTô bcttxvtcc rij; v'Kiu;
furios
TrTror
otK/jdî/xi
TTiariv 1/ iTi 7rupot(Tx,i^v roig TrpoaiXdovffi.

^
Compare the details

und hist.
philosoph.-philol.
as given
Classe der
by Gregorovius,
Sitzungsberichte
Mnchener Akademie, 1883,
p.
477
der
ff.
266
the era of the
city,
the
reckoned about
a.d.
72.^
starting
point of which
upon the
It lay
site
is
to
be
of a place
which was previously called Mabortha or Mamortha, in the

immediate vicinity of Shechem, so that
with Shechem.^^
identified
In the
was one of the most important
it
soon came to be
it
days of the empire
later
of Palestine.^'
cities
inhabitants were wholly or predominantly pagan,
modes
of worship witnessed to
The
"Troy.iu:
12.
So, too,
et
name
full
Ss;
rii;
in Justin Martyr's Apology,
Similarly
Ivoi'u; UuXsnuriuv;;.
on the
On
coins.
c.
i.
ir
their
not a
<P>.*oviu;
Eusebius, Hist.
the coins and on the era, see Xoris,
eccl. iv.
Annus
2 (ed. Lips. pp. 537-552) Eckhel, Dodr.

Mionnet, Description de viedailles, v. 499-511, Supplcm.
epochae Syroraacedonum, v.
Num. iii. 433-438

viii. 344-355
De
as
Upon
by coins prove.
The
5.
Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, pp. 244-274.
pi. xii.-xiv.
'^
Josephus, TVars of the Jews,
iv. 8. 1
tzhox.
-yv X:x(i>.<>
Koe.'Kc,vuz-jr,v,
Mstopdcc vTrd ruu i-jrr/yjpiuu. Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 13. 69 Neapolis

quod antea Mamortha dicehatur. Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p.
290 '2vîu, 7] x.otl ItKiuce, ij kxi "^ctKr.f/.' -Tzoyî; 'IctKotS vi/v ipnuo;' OiiKi/vToc/
:
ttto;
OS
i'j
xsiuiun 'Ivyju.
iu his text
"^rpoctariioi;
a.'izo
more
Niae?
correctly
in
Ihid. p.
-zo} iu;.
8 anuiiov Nsaec
xoXsâj
274,
S.V.
instead of which
Aov^sic,'
itoLpet-
Jerome gives
Neapoleos ; Epiphanius, Huer.
tertio lapide
So, too, Haer. 80. 1.

Jerome,
" Peregr. Paulae," in Tobler, Palaestinae descriptiones, p. 23 (= Jerome, 0pp.
" Sichern, non ut plerique errantes legunt Sichar,
ed. Vallarsi, L 703)
72.
23
'S.ix.if^.oi;
Tovrsirri iv rr, N7r&/;.
quae nunc Neapolis appellatur." Compare generally Reland, Palaestina,

pp. 1004-1010; Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, iii. 95-136
"Williams in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, ii. 411,
412 Ritter, Erdkunde, -^xi. 637-658 Kuhn, Die stdtische und hiirgerSepp, Jerusalem,
liche Verfassung des rm. Reichs, ii. 56, 355, 356, 364
Baedeker - Socin,
Gaerin, Samarie, i. 390-424
2 Aufl. ii. 37-66
The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by
Palstina, p. 342 ff.
Conder and Kitchener, ii. 203-210, and Sheet xi. of the large English
Map. The articles on Shechem in the Bible dictionaries of Smith, Kitto,
and Fairbairn and "Sichern" in those of Winer, Schenkel, and Riehm.
^^ By Septimius Severus it was deprived oi the jus civitatis {Spartian.
vita Severi, c. 9), but the same empercr at a later period again restored to
:
" Palaestinis poenam remisit

c. 14
Nigri meruerant ").
Under Philip the Arabian, according to the evidence of the coins, it was made into a Roman colony.
Ammianus Marcellimis designates it as one of the greatest of the cities of
it
that privilege {Spartian. vita Severi,
quam ob causam
Palestine (Arnrnian. xiv. 8. 11).
(l)
21.
few
is
than the time of Hadrian, Gerizim
of these coins, later
was dedicated,
represented, and on its top a temple which
according
games
267
Damascius,
to
Zev^
to
The
v-ylnaTo^}-^
festive
Neapolis during the second century, and certainly
of
even at a later date, were regarded as amongst the most

important in
Palestine.-^^^
The
founding of
Capitolias
Decapolis belongs to the time of Xerva or Trajan
97
begins in A.D.
^2a
On
or 98.'^
its
in
era
Hadrian founded Aelia on the
down to the middle

meet with Serapis, Apollo, the Ephesian Diana,
In regard to the temple on Gerizim, see " Damascius
the numerous extant coins, from Domitian
of the third century, vre
and other
''
deities.
in Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 242, ed. Bekker, p. 3456
Z Ai6;
Cxpi'orou
Eenan, Ueglise chre'tienne, p. 222. On the earlier and

worship on Gerizim, see Eckhel, Z)ocn Num. iii. 434.
The flourishing condition of Hellenistic culture and religion in Xeapolis
is also proved by a marble basis of a tripod recently found there.
On the
relief of this marble are represented the battles of the gods and the heroes,
especially of Theseus and Hercules.
According to an inscription discoA-ered there, the tripod, probably also the marble basis, had been
brought by the founder from Athens.
See Zeitschrift des deutschen
Palstina-Vereins, vi. 230 f., vii. 136 f.
^"^
See the inscription of the time of Marcus Aurelius in Le Bas and
"Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. 2, n. 16206, communicated literally and
in full in Div. II. vol i. p. 24.
^^ Eckhel, Doer. Xum. iii. 328 sq.
For the literature on Capitolias,
which possibly may be identical with Raphana, see Div. II. vol. i. p. 106.
Capitolias is mentioned in Ptolemy, v. 15. 22
Itinerarium Antonini, ed.
Wesseling, pp. 196 sq., 198
Tabula Peuting. Eieroclis Synecdem. ed.
Wesseling, p. 720
Geogr. Ravennas, ed. Pinder et Parthey, p. 84
Acts of
ti.yiaTTov hc6v.
later history of the
Councils in Le Quien, Oriens christianus,

n.
941 = Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. vi.

331 (D II.),
t. iv. p.
epigraphica,
Aurelius
down
to Macrinus.
n.
t.
Many
iii.
210;
v.
715
ibid.
t.
sq.
x. n.
pp. 211-398
{e.g.
Orelli,
Kuhn, Die
532
Insa\ Lat.
Ephemeris
coins from
Marcus
stdtische U7id hihgrr-
ii. 372) erroneously refer to our Capitolias the notice of

Paulus in Digest. 1. 15. 8. 7 similes his Capitulenses esse
videntur, i.e. like Caesarea, which, as a colony, had not the full jus
liehe Verfassung,
the
jurist
Capitolias was, according to the coins, ctvzovofioi, and therefore

not a Eoraan colony. Paulus means Aelia Capitolina, that is, Jerusalem,
" In
as the parallel passage in Ulpian (Ingest, 1. 15. 1. 6) proves
Palestina duae fuerunt coloniae, Caesariensis et Aelia Capitolina, sed
neutra jus Italicum habet." The correct view is given in Xoris, Annus et
Deyling, Ohservatlones
epochae Syromacedonum, iii. 9. 4, ed. Lips. 326
Italicxim,
208
TUE KOMAN-HERODIAN AGE.
site of
Jerusalem, the history of which
cities
new name from

p.
we
belong to a period later than that of which
such as that of Diocaesarea
i.
given below in the
is
Other new foundings of Palestinian
account of the war.
treat,
(known under
its
the time of Antonius Pius, see Div. II. vol,
=Lydda,
136), Diospolis
Septimius
= Sepphoris
Eleutheropolis
Mcopolis
Severus),^*
= Emmaus
(both
(under
under
Helio-
gabulus).
The destruction
brought
Jerusalem
of
revolution in the inner
life
about a violent
a Sanhedrim and no longer a sacrificial service,

those two great institutions
was of
has
first
of all
to
be established that the
Not only the
Eome
of
and
who undoubtedly wrote
Diognetus,
Jerusalem, speak as
worship was
still
Jewish
same
sacrificial
And
effect.
the loss of
produce
But
life.
it
sacrificial service
uncertain, but also
is
the
of
after the
in their time the
if
maintained.^
liimself quite to the
the
author
the
longer
Epistle to the Hebrews,
the date of the composition of which
Clement
itself sufficient to
a profound change in the conditions of Jewish
actually did cease.^*
No
of the Jewish people.
Epistle
to
destruction of
Jewish
sacrificial
Josephus also expresses
Not only where he
describes
worship in accordance with the Old
Testament," but also where he apparently
speaks
of
the
customs and practices of his own time, he employs the present
sacrae, v.
475
but Deyling erroneously names Noris as maintaining the
contrary opinion.
^*
und die philistische Kste, p. 553.

Compare the careful demonstration in Friedmann and
Stark, Gaza
^^
Grtz,
"Die
angebliche Fortdauer des jdischen Opfercultus nach der Zerstrung des
zweiten Tempels" {Theol. Jahrbcher, 1848, pp. 338-371). Against them

Friedenthal in Frst's Literaturblatt des Orients, 1849, col. 328-322.
Against him again Friedmann in Literaturblatt, 401, 433, 465, 534, 548.
:
In
re])ly
Friedenthal, Literaturblatt, 492, 524, 573, 702.
Historie de la Palestine, pp. 480-483.

16
Clemens Romanus,
1'
Josepbus, Antiq.
c.
iii.
41
9-10.
Epist.
ad Diognetum,
c. 3.
Derenbourg,
21.
tense.'*
(l)
It
is
when speaking of the

and for the Eoman emperor
indeed the fact
sacrifices for the
Eoman
269
that
people
he makes use of this mode of expression, although this was

purely a later custom, and was not a prescription of the Old
Besides
Testament.'^
rabbinical
the
in
continuance of the
have
In
worship.
service after A.D.
many on
the Mishna,^^
to present
II. vol.
be no wall around the court
p.
i.
Jerusalem
for its
own
tithe,
even
if
It_ is
In an
thing.
Joshua
testifies
even
sacrifice
if
" I
there
sanctified
is
236], even though there
that one
may
a lower degree [see on this Division
and the second
the
the sacrificial
that one should eat that which
[on this see Division
70.^"
the basis of such material
was quite a possible
itself this
have heard that one ought
in
indicate
to
maintained the continuance of
interesting passage in
be no temple
scattered allusions
also
which seem
sacrificial
not to be wondered at that

should
we have
this,
literature,
eat
what
II. vol.
holy
is
p.
i.
240]
there should be no wall around
for the first consecration has
sanctified, not
time, but for all future time."
fore in utter opposition to the
It
only
was not there-
views of the Eabbis that
men
should continue after the destruction of the temple to offer

sacrifices
in holy places.
not done.
Israel
^*
it is
But
as a matter of fact this
was
In the enumeration of the unfortunate days of

distinctly said that
Josephus, Treatise against Apion,
on 17th
ii.
Thammuz
the daily
23.
6, s. fin. : " facinius autem pro

non solum quotidianis diebus ex im2)ensa
communi omnium Judaeorum talia celebramus, verum .... solis
imperatoribus hunc honorem praecipuum pariter exhibenius.''
-" The most deserving of attention is Pesachim vii.
2, where the question is discussed whether one should roast the jjaschal lamb on a
" R. Zadok said Once Rabban Gamaliel spoke to his slave
gridiron.
Tabi Go and roast us the paschal lamb on the gridiron." Since a slave
Tabi is elsewhere named as servant of Gamaliel the second, about
A.D. 90-110 {Berachoth ii. 7
Succa ii. 1), it would seem that this later
^^
eia
Josephus, Treatise against Apion,
continua
sacrificia
ii.
et
Gamaliel is the one intended in this place.

'^^
Edujoth viii. G.
270
eoman-herodian age.
Tin-:
was abolished O'P^l'
sacrifice
any reference made
''^?),^^
while there
nowhere
is
In the description of
to its restoration.
the Passover in the Mishna, the enumeration of the dishes that

liad to
"
be
upon the table
set
concluded with the remark
is
During the time that the temple was standing the Passover
offering
was
also
This
served.'''^
destruction of the temple
it
implies
was no longer
that
said
had seen the new moon were allowed

by going
of the sacrifice
destruction
and E. Ishmael,
of
the
had
He
"
Saccai,
decade after
first
whole
the
Justin
Finally,
ceased.'^
the
i.e.
temple, that
witness on behalf of this view.

:
new
which assume
Eabban Jochanan ben
of
II.
Kabban Gamaliel
Trypho
sake
of those passages of the
that were possible,
if
even in regard to the times
worship
festival of the
confirmed by others in the Babylonian Talmud of a
is
character yet more direct,
the
on the
The harmonious testimony
^*
Mishna
Sabbath
violate the
to
to Jerusalem, in order to testify thereto, for the
of the observance
moon."
it
So long as the temple remained standing those who
"
the
In speak-
new moon
ing of the legal enactments for detern)ining the

is
after
offered.
sacrificial
appears as
also
says to his opponent
God never appointed the Passover to be offered

name was to be called upon,
except in the place where His
knowing that
after the passion of Christ the
days would come,
when even Jerusalem would be given over

and
all
should cease."
sacrifices
Trypho himself says

whether
commands
"*
-''
^*
in
answer
was not then
it
of
Moses
Taanith iv. G.
Pesachim x. 3.
Rosh Imshana
"
still
By no
Compare what
TO
Justin, Dialogus
TTccdstv
rov
means, for we
is
Pesachim
349
Xo/CTroi/,
t$ IUI
vitpoioudyjiiT! Koci vxvaoi/TXi
c.
know
all
the
well that
it
Sebachim
hashana
60'',
in
i.
4.
Friedmann and
ff.
40
6 ToVof
awxaxi
question as to
said above, p. 242.
72^,
cum Trypho,
another passage
Justin's
to
our enemies,
to
in
possible to observe
^* liosh
31'',
Griltz, Theol. Jahrbcher, 1848, p.

-''
And
liou; ti I'hivaovTxi Yifitpai furei
riig
'
XipovacthvifA
roig
ix^poig i/fû
T>i<uf 'Trpooôoot-i ytuofttuxi.
is
PALESTINE EROM VESPASIAN TO HADRIAN.
(l)
21.
271
not allowable to slay the paschal lamb nor the goats for
Day
the
Atouemeut, nor generally
of
other offerings
any other
in
writers
and Josephus, even long
temple,
still
view
is
was no longer actually
^^
of the
sacrifices in the present
what
is still
allowable, but a
Precisely the
exercised.
presented in the Mishna from the
last, for all institutions
any of the
then, Christian
If,
after the destruction
speak of the presenting of
tense, they only describe thereby
right that
to present
place."
first
page
same
to the
that are legally correct are described
as existing customs, even although their observance
owing
to
the circumstances of the time was impossible.^*
Two
the highest importance and most
facts, therefore, of
widely influential are well established
and
Sanhedrim
the
cessation
the
of
the abolition of the

worship.^^
sacrificial
In the Sanhedrim there had been embodied the last remnant

of the political
also the last
The influence
of
independence
remnant
of the
of the
Judaism, and consequently
of
power
Sadducean nobles.
of the
Sadducean nobility even since the times
Alexandra had been waning before the advancing strength
They
the Pharisees.
of
managed, however,
still
very considerable
influence so long
tinued to
exist.
For the jurisdiction
senate of
Judea was down
pretty extensive, and at
2'
(ivTi
Justin, Dialofjus
TrpoxTov
Tov
cum
'TTcu.d'/^x
x-Oîvadiuroti 7rprj<7(Piptadt
to
exert a
of
that
con-
aristocratic
the time of the procurators
head stood the Sadducean high
its
Tryjiho,
c.
oi'K'ha.yJjai
jiî^tsapot/c
to
as the Sanliedrim
46
6vttv
Oi/'
yvuplôyîv ya.p on, ; i<Pn;,
ovvoirov
oCn tov;
iri
VYiaTiict
ovTt raj cchTû; 7^t\us aTresjatj Trpoaôp;.
2^ In the statement about Gamaliel and liis slave Tabi it is indeed

Gamaliel I. that is intended, and the name of Tabi has crept in by
mistake.
It may, however, be conjectured that Tabi as a youth had
served the grandfather and as an old man the grandson (so Derenbourg),
or that the name Tabi had come to be hereditary in the family of the
slave just as Gamaliel in the family of the master (so Friedmann and
Grtz).
23
On
the suppression of the Sanhedrim, see also Sota
literally in Div. II. vol.
i.
p. 173.
ix. 11,
quoted
272
With
priest.
council
the
destruction
provincial constitution
Jerusalem
this
Jewish
the
Eoman
in a stricter form.
With
of
was immediately brought
an end
to
was enforced
the disappearance of the Sanhedrim, Sadduceanism also dis-
appears from history.

led
also
the
to
The
suppression
overthrow of the
the
of
city,
sacrificial
however,
worship, and
therewith the gradual recession of the priesthood from public

This was only carried out by degrees.
life.
It could not
for a long time be believed that the disastrous
circumstances
I
!
in
which the people were placed were
to be only a question of the time
to continue.
when
able again to resume their services.
It
seemed
the priests should be
Naturally,
all
exacted after as well as before the catastrophe.
dues were
Only the
taxes which had been contributed directly for the maintenance

of the temple
the
to
Eabbins
and
to
of
be
the public sacrifices were declared by
The contribution devoted
suspended.
the personal support of the priests continued after as well
duty according to the law, and where there were
as before a
priests,
standing
perform
But notwith-
were given over directly to them.^

all
the priesthood,
this,
now
that
service, lost its importance.
its
it
It
could no longer
was a memorial
^ Shekalim viii. 8
" The Shekalim or tax of two drachmas and tlie
Bikkurira or first-fruits of the produce of the fields were presented only
while the temple stood, but the tithe of the grain and the tithe of the
:
cattle
and the
first-born
These
were presented
all
the same, whether the temple
by way of
most important. There remained in force, e.g. also the
Teruma (Biklcurim ii. 3) and the tax of the three pieces of the slaughtered
victims, namely, the right fore-leg, the cheeks, and the stomach {hullin
X. 1).
Turtlier details on all these imposts are given in Div. II. vol. i.
Tlie priest's due of the right shoulder is witnessed to as a
pp. 230-236.
custom of his time by the Emperor Julian in Cyrill. adv. Julian, p. 306 A
x.oi\ rou diîov ufôv ^lOoctaiv dTTxpxxg roi; iipivaiv, where it is not to be translated as by Neumann (Kaiser Julians Bcher gegen die Christen, 1880, p. 39)
" the right shoulder," but " the right fore-leg," for it rests not upon
Lev. vii. 32, but upon Deut. xviii. 3.
Compare also Friedraann and
Gratz, Theol. Jahrhiicher, 1848, p. 359
stood or not."
example
three imposts are here mentioned only
as the
ft'.
21.
which indeed,
of a past age,
more
(l)
as time
went
on, sank
more and
and decay.
into obscurity
The Pharisees and the Eabbis now entered

and
of the Sadducees
273
into the heritage
They had an admirable
priests.
paration for entering upon this heritage.
pre-
During two centuries
had been making steady progress toward dominant
they
And now
power.
time they entered upon the enjoyment
for a
The overthrow
of absolute sovereignty.
nothing more or
and
Pharisaism
of
Jerusalem means
than the passing over of the people to
less
the
Eabbis
the
for
factors
which had
had now sunk into utter
hitherto stood in opposition to these

insignificance.
After the overthrow of Jerusalem, Jamnia (Jahne) seems in

a special
way
to
have become a centre of literary
There, during the

temple, wrought
end
of the first
activity.
decade after the destruction of the
first
Eabban Jochanan ben
and beginning
Saccai, and, at the
second century, Eabban
of the
Gamaliel IL, gatheriug around them a whole band of scholars.
The most celebrated
of the contemporaries of Gamaliel were
E. Josua ben Chananja and E. Elieser ben Hyrcanus, the

latter of
whom
E.
had his residence at Lydda.
and
temporaries
Akiba, and
and
scholars
pupils
E.
Tarphon.
their
Younger con-
men were
these
of
E.
See in regard to
contemporaries,
Div.
11.
Ishmael,
all
vol.
these
i.
pp.
366-379.
By
these
men and by
their
scholars, the interpretation of the
greater zeal than ever.
It
was
numerous colleagues and

law was carried on with
as though, after the political
overthrow, the whole strength of the nation had concentrated

itself
upon the
law as
Everything pertaining to
task.
law,
care of the
and the manifold
dealt with
drilled into
DIV.
I.
its
it,
own
highest and proper
the criminal and the civil
and ordinances, were

by these scholars with painful particularity, and
the memories of the scholars by their teachers,
VOL. n.
religious statutes
274

whether the circumstances of
It did not matter in the least
the time allowed these ordinances to be put in practice or not.
All the minutiae of the temple service, the entire ritual of the
sacrificial
as
worship, were discussed as diligently and as earnestly
Sabbath commandment, and
the laws of purifying, the
other
religious
possible.
is
observance
the
duties,
There
nothing so
which was
of
to
fitted
still
produce before us a
lively picture of the faith of the people in their future as the
which
with
conscientiousness
the
prescriptions
about the
temple service and the
sacrificial
worship were treated by the
guardians of the law.
The time
of desolation
for
might continue
a longer or shorter period, but once again
restoration
by the
And
would surely dawn.
day
the
of
hence, in the cataloguing
scribes in the second century of the
Jewish law in the
corpus juris or Mishna, there are included a topography of the
temple in the tract Middoth and a description of the distribution of the priests in the daily service in the tract
Their descendants, to
whom was
to
Tamid.
be granted the privilege
of a restored worship, were to be told
how
it
had previously
been conducted in the days of the fathers.
The
scholars
who
interests of Israel
after this fashion cared for the highest
now even more
formed
exclusively
and
unrestrictedly than before the rank of the highest authorities
among
most
influential
duties,
The
the people.
in
priests,
the direction
were now relegated
previously been the
and practice
now
tinguished teachers had laid
to be restricted to the
doing
only
recognised
temporal things, but in
all
There was no
"Whatever the most
down was regarded by
without any further question as obligatory.
were not
as
religious
All
which the Eabbins prescribed to them.
need of any external compulsion.
of
of inactivity.
to a condition
the energies of the pious had

of that
who had
lawgivers
matters
in
the pious
Indeed, they
spiritual
of dispute
appealed to as judges, even in questions of
dis-
and
they were
meum and
tuum.
During
see,
e.g.,
275
PALESTINE FROM VESPASIAN TO HADKIAN.
(l)
21.
was indeed no uncommon occurrence
this period it
E. Akiba, purely
condemning a man
by means
pay 400 denarii compensation, because
to
he had on the street uncovered his head
The court of law
first
woman.^^
and in the beginning of the second
century after Christ, a college

scarcely have had
to a
Jamnia enjoyed the highest reputation
at
toward the end of the
to
of his spiritual authority,
of learned
men, which can
any formal recognition from the Eoman
authorities, but yet actually stepped into the place of the old
Sanhedrim
Saccai in
to
Jerusalem, as the supreme court of law for
of
The enactments passed by Rabban Jochanan ben
Israel.
Jamnia
after the destruction of the temple, in order
legal requirements to
adapt certain
stance
of the times,
Gamaliel
II.
and
the altered circum-
were regarded as binding,^
his court of justice
watched over the correct
reckoning of the contents of the calendar.

the elder E. Josua submitted, even
As a
be erroneous.^
issuing from
was not the
Even
tion to the rule.**
To
its
decisions
he considered them to
of
law
as constituting the autho-
Indeed, the succession of Jamnia to the
privileges of Jerusalem
this
if
rule the decisions on points
Jamnia were treated
ritative standard.**
where
Eabban
was
so generally acquiesced in, that
case, it
was pointed
in regard to the
to as an excep-
number
of members,
they seem to have copied the pattern of the Sanhedrim of
At
Jerusalem.
the effect that

*^
Baba kamma
32
Sukl-a
least there occurs in
one place a statement to
the seventy-two elders " appointed as presi-
"
viii. 6.
Bosh hashana iv. 1, 3, 4 Menachoth x. 5. Derenp. 304 sq.

33 Bosh hashana ii. 8-9. According
to Edujoth vii. 7, once in Gamaliel's absence the year was declared to be an intercalary year, on the condition that he would confirm this opinion when he returned.
iii.
12
bourg, Histoire de la Palestine,
3* Kelim v. 4
Para vii. 6.
Compare also Bechoroth iv. 5, vi. 8
;
(how they were wont to do in Jamnia in making inspection of tha
first-born).
35
Sanhedrin
xi.
Bosh hashana
iv. 2.
THE KOMA.N-HERODIAN AGE.
276
dent E. Eleasar ben Asariah.^'*
We
may assume
that this
Jamnia was voluntarily accepted by the
court of justice at
Jewish people as authoritative, not only in the domain

law, but
ceremonial
also
domain of the
the
in
In reference to the
criminal law.
law
civil
of the
civil
may
it
and
indeed
have received actual authorization, in accordance with the
For the Eoman
general procedure in legislation.

so far as
we can understand
legislation,
recognised the authority of
it,
the Jewish communities in the Dispersion to administer the law
among
in civil suits
their countrymen,
wherever the contend-
ing parties chose to bring their disputes
communal
But
court.^
before their
own
in criminal matters this jurisdiction
bore the character of a usurped authority, rather than of one
Origen very vividly, and at the
conferred by the emperor.
same time authentically, describes

and Daniel, he endeavours
quite well have had their
prove that the Jews might
to
own
in Palestine in his
own
days, of
to the state of
designates him)
from a king
is
(&)?
so great, that
/xrjSev
matters
which he knew from his own
The power of the Jewish Ethnarch
observation.
Baby-
judicatories during the
In proof of this he refers
lonian exile.
"
to us the state of matters
In vindicating the story of Susanna
which then prevailed.
he
Ziacêpetv
is
in
(so
Origen
no respect different
acnXevovro^ rod Wvov^).
There are also secret legal proceedings in accordance with
the law, and

general
many
are
authority having
condemned
to
death without any
been obtained for the exercise of
such functions, and without any attempt to conceal

^^'^
Sebachim
i.
Jadajim
iii. 5,
iv. 2.
Compare Div.
II.
vol.
such
ii.
pp.
370, 372.
^^
Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10. 17; Codex Theodosianus,
ii. 1.
10: ex consensu
partium in civili duntaxat negotio.

Compare Div. II. vol. ii. pp. 263,
269. According to Edujoth vii. 7, Gamaliel II. once made a journey to
tlie governor (Hegemon) of Syria (it should be " of Judea ") " in order
to obtain a permission from liim " (x'TiD3 jloJllO TW~\ h'Wj?)It is possible it had to do with an investiture, or extension, or execution of
Icuislative functions.
(l)
21.
doings from the governor."
during the
third
destruction
of
go so
to
This was the state of matters
In the
century.
first
Jerusalem, they would
Yet
far.
were tending.
^^
To
2 77
decades
after the
have
ventured
not
this
was the direction in which things
this
Jewish central court
whose president subsequently received the
Palestine,
in
title of Patriarch,
were also paid the contributions of the Jews of the Disperso
sion,
as
far
these
continued to
destruction of the temple.
collected
the
after
least for the period of the
days of the empire this can be proved to demonstration.
later
In
At
be
this
matter also the Eabbis take the place of the
priests.
For previously the contributions were cast into the central

treasury of the priests at Jerusalem.
was now a rabbinical
It
board which made the collection by means of their
and superintended
ii.
its
proper distribution.
apostoli,
See Div.
II. vol.
pp. 269, 288.
All zeal for the law of their fathers in this later time, at 1
among
least
power
the great majority of the pious, had
its
motive
Such
in the belief in a glorious future for the nation.
was the case even before the great catastrophe
and
so
it
continued in a yet more exaggerated degree after that terrible

event.
If
now, more zealously than ever, the people occupied
themselves with the scrupulous fulfilment of the command-
ments
of
God, certainly the most powerful motive working in
direction
this
was the wish
to
render themselves
worthy of the future glory in which

believed.
In regard to
this
religious
they so confidently
movement during
decades after the overthrow of the holy
first
thereby
city,
the
the Apoca-
lypses of Baruch and Ezra, which had their origin in that
very period, afford us a lively as well as an authentic picture.
On
these Apocalypses
see
The immediate consequence

^^
vol.
Div.
of
II.
Origen, Epistola ad Africanum, 14,

i.
p. 173.
vol.
iii.
the terrible
pp.
83114.
slaughter
was
given literally in Div. II.
278
THE ROMAN-HERODIN AGE.
indeed
How
profound and paralyzing
God permit
could
people
But
righteous generally
righteous
possible
How
is
the misfortune of
and the good fortune of the un-
Through the
feelings.
His own chosen
mystery was only a particular
instance of the universal mystery
the
the
to
this disaster to befall
grand
this
shock
darkness
of
this
latter
problem the pious consciousness of Israel had long ago sucSo
cessfully struggled.
now
which God has
It is a chastisement
soon found.
upon His people
because
When
appointed time.
answer was
also a satisfactory
their
of
the people by means of
it
inflicted
its
own
shall
have
has
It
sin.
learned righteousness, the promised day of redemption will
soon
dawn
them.
for
This
is
the fundamental idea of both of
these apocalypses, and their purpose
zeal
is
to comfort the people
them with courage and with holy
in their distress, to inspire
by visions of the redemption that
The confident
surely and soon.
belief in
therefore only intensified, confirmed,

sufferings
come
will
this
them
to
future
Out
and sad disasters of the time.
of the grief for
the overthrow of the sanctuary, the Messianic hope drew
nourishment,
new
This was
strength.
also,
from a
point of view, important, and productive of

quences.
For
of religious
this Messianic
and
was
and inflamed by the sore
new
political
serious
conse-
hope was a wonderful blending
The
political ideals.
political aspirations
of
the nation had never been abandoned, and the element of danger
just lay in the combination of
The
political
for,
was now represented
freedom
The more firmly
this
of
them with
religious motives.
the nation, which the people longed

as the
end of the ways of God.
was believed, the more readily did the
people set out of view the cool calculations of what

possible, the bolder
possible.
It
was
had broken out
became
is
humanly
their resolve to dare even the im-
this feeling
which even in the time of Nero
in rebellion.
elements that yet would lead to
In
it
there also
new and
still
lay hidden
frightful catastrophes.
(l)
21.
Under the emperors

down
Flavian dynasty (Vespasian,
of the
Titus, Domitian,
279
96) there does not seem to
to A.D.
have been any more serious development of these tendencies.
was presented
Sufficient occasion, however,
what had been the temple-tax
Eome
(see above, p. 255),
sensibilities
of the tax,
was an outrage upon the
feeling of resentment.
was levied with great
this tax
generally this emperor posed as a decided
and conversion
to
religious
on the levying
year,
must afresh have roused the
Under Domitian
to contribute
to the Capitoline Jupiter at
which every
of the Jews,
for giving expres-
For the command
sion to those already present.
strictness, as
enemy
of the Jews,
Judaism was punished by the imposition
of severe penalties.^^
Eusebius speaks of an actual persecution of the Jews after

the destruction of Jerusalem, even during Vespasian's reign,
referring to Hegesippus as his authority.
as
Domitian and Trajan,
for
and executed
all
is
Jews
Vespasian, as well
by Hegesippus
said
to
have hunted
David with great
of the house of
rigour, in order that the royal family,
on which the Jews rested
their hopes, should be rooted out.^^
This order led to a great
We
persecution of the Jews under Vespasian.'*"
any means
can
of determining
scarcely
how
have no longer
far this story is historical.
Messiah descending from the house of David was expected
beyond
dispute.
The
3^
as a source of political
This " persecution," however, cannot have been of
Enforcement of the
tax,
Suetonius, Domitian, 12
conversions to Judaism, Dio Cassius, Ixvii. 14.

in full in Div. II. vol. ii. p. 267.
2^
tian)
Eusebius, Hist.
;
ibid.
is
existence, therefore, of descendants of
David might actually be looked upon

danger.
It
be altogether without foundation, for that a
iii.
32.
eccl.
iii,
12 (Vespasian)
3-4 (Trajan)
prohibition of
Both passages are quoted

;
in.
19-20 (Domi-
made
in all cases to
ibid.
reference being
Hegesippus.
^'*
Eusebius, Hist.
eccl.
iii.
'huatu TTocuT; rov; eexo y'lvov;
Te 'lovoui'ois avdtg
iK,
12: Ovia-Trxaiccvov f/,srx

Axt^
oLvx^yitui^xi
.
tyiv
ruv
'
lipoao'hvfiuv
Trpoarci^xi,
TXVTYi; iiayfiov iirxpT/idyûxi
rvi;
/aiyiaToy
xhixi.
THE EOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.
280
great dimensions and importance, since

of by any other writer.
in
under Domitian
Judea
From
Whether
certain hints
it
not taken notice
is
political uprisings occurred
certainly very
is
questionable.
military diploma of A.D. 86, some
in a
have supposed that such disturbances must have taken place.
Meanwhile, these conclusions have not by any means been

See above,
proved.
satisfactorily
hand, the outbursts which occurred,
and afterwards
in
Judea
itself,
On
the
other
outside
of
Judea
259,
p.
first
under Trajan and Hadrian,
spread widely, and led to scenes of terrible violence.
2.
The
War
under Trajan,
a.d.
115-117.
Sources.
Dio Cassius,
Ixviii. 32.
EusEBius, Hist.
Orosius,
eccl. iv.
vii. 12,
Chronicon,
eel.
Schoene,
ii.
164
sc.
ahnost wholly according to Jerome's Latin reproduction
of the Chronicle of Eusebius.
Literature.
Munter, Der jdische Krieg
unter den Kaisern Trajan
und Hadrian
(1821),
pp. 10-29.
Cassel in Ersch and Gruber's Encydopaedie,

p. 12
Grtz,
f.
(in art.
sec.
ii.
Bd. xxvii. 1850,
"Juden").
Geschichte der Juden, Bd. iv. p. 123
ff.
Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 402-412.

Neubrger, Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft Judenthums,
1873, pp. 386-397.
Ewald, History
of Israel, viii. pp. 271-276.
Morrison,
Jews under
TJie
the
Roman Empire,
pp. 189-194.
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2 Aufl. iv. 181-189.

Eenan, Les Evangiles (1877), pp. 503-512.
VOLKMAR, "Zur Chronologie des Trajauischen Partherkrieges mit Ecksicht auf die Ignatiustradition und eine neue Quelle " {Rhein. Museum,
Neue Folge, Bd. xii. 1857, pp. 481-511).
VoLKMAR, "Der parthische und jdische Kreig Trajans nach den
Quellen" {Zeitschrift fr die Alterthumsicissenschaft. XV. Jahrg. 1857,
Nr. 61-65).
21.
VoLKMAR, Handbuch
(2)
THE WAR UNDER TRAJAN.
281
der Einleitimg in die Apokryphen, 1 Tbl. Abth.
1,
Judith. 1860.
DiERAUER
in
Bdinger's
1868, p. 182
De LA Berge,
Untersuchungen zur rm. Kaisergeschichte,
Essai sur
le
regne de Trajan (1877), pp. 182-184.
Schiller, Geschichte der rmischen
MoMMSEN, Rmische
p.
397
i.
f.
Kaiserzeit,
Bd.
Geschichte,
2 (1883), p. 561
i.
f.
Compare
(1885) pp. 542-544.
v.
fr.
Trajan, during the
years of
last
liis
114-117,
A.D.
life,
was incessantly occupied in bold expeditions of conquest in

the farthest eastern parts of the empire.'*^
A.D.
Egypt and Cyrene, taking advantage
in
While he was, in
115, engaged in the conquest of Mesopotamia, the Jews
absence, " as if
against the non-Jewish
riots
The
emperor's
inhabitants of
rebellion reached such dimensions in the
following year, A.D. 116, that
it
assumed the character
The Eoman governor
formal war.^^
the
driven along by the wild spirit of revolution,
began to make
the land."^^
of
of a
M. Eutilius
of Egypt,
*^ On Trajan's wars in the East, compare, besides the above-named

works of Volkmar, H. Francke, Zr Geschichte Trajan's (2 Ausg. 1840),
pp. 249-300 Dierauer, " Beitrge zu einer kritischen Geschichte Trajan's,"
pp. 152-186 (in Bdinger's Untersuchungen zur rmischen Kaisergeschichte,
;
Bd.
i.
1868)
149-190
pp. 555-563
De
pp.
und
Eusebius, Hist.
AlyvTrra
x,eti
Trpoairi
Geschichte,
v.
397
ff.
1.
2 (1883)
Gutschmid,
Nachbarlnder (1888), pp. 140-146.

iv. 2
"Ev t= yctp AMâu'^psiix. y,xt
xxtx Kvp'/;vYiu uaTnp V'Tiro 'TruiviA.oirog Osiuoii
seiner
eccl.
OTxaiuoovg dvxppmrtaSiuTi;
With
regne de Trajan (Paris 1877),
le
Geschichte der rmischen Kaiserzeit,
Mommsen, Rmische
Geschichte Irans
^2
la Berge, Essai sur
Schiller,
'
upfiYii/ro
"Trpo; roii;
rfi
Mti^n
riuog nett
avvoix-ovg" E.'K'hyi'jot,; arxdiuKuv.
war in Egypt, the oldest witness, though very

brief, is Appian, Civ. ii. 90.
Appian there relates how that Caesar had
dedicated a sanctuary at Alexandria to the memory of Ponipey and then
proceeds
Vsp Itt' g^tD xt VufActluu etiiTOKpacTOp Tpxioci/ov, iô'KKvvTot
reference to the
TO iv AiyvTrru
xxrYipuOd-/}.
of
lovociuv yii/oc, vtto
Undoubtedly the
tuv 'lov^xiau
reference
is
eg roig
rou
rro'Kiuov xpiict;
to this period in a fragment
Appian in which he tells how he had been obliged to flee from Egypt
war with the Jews {Revue arche'ologiqîe, Nouve Seiie,
at the time of the

t.
xix. 1869, pp.

*3
101-110
The chronology
is
Midler, Fragmcnta
not quite certain.
hist, grace, (v. 1, p. Ixv.).
Dierauer and Schiller assume
282
Lupus, seems not to have been aware of the strength of the
In an engagement the rebel Jews conquered
Jews.
"
them
Greeks," and compelled
to fly to Alexandria.
the
There,
Jewish revolt only the one year a.d. 117 Mommsen, the years
116-117 Clinton {Fasti Bomani, t. i.), de la Berge, and others, the years
115-117 (the first beginning in 115, and extending more widely in 116).
The latter view is the correct one. For Eusebius, not only in his Chronfor the
icle,
whose dates are often quite arbitrarily given {Chronicon, ed. Schoent,
Church History, definitely
164, ad ann. Abr. 2131), but also in his
ii.
when
characterizes tlie eighteenth year of Trajan as the time
began (Eusebius, Hist.
iv.
eccl.
^'S
yoi/u
OKruKccioiKXTOu i'AxvuVTog, ctSti' lovhxiuv
rov avrotpxTopog
Kii/Yiai;
the revolt
it;
IvtxvTo
But
l'xoe.vciaTia x.t.A.).
the eighteenth year of Trajan reaches from the end of January 115
down to the end of January 116. (On the day of Nerva's death, see
Dierauer, p. 27
In the following year, that
f.)
116, and, indeed,
is,
while Lupus was governor of Egypt, the rebellion assumed larger proportions (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 2
i-f'/jaosi/rsj
d; lîv tviu arctaiv
TU
i'TTtdvri
\w-7vw
evixvTU
TJj? a.ira.an;
ov
TTo'Kefiou
Alyv-Tnov).
(jfîx.pou
avu7jt^v,
The correctness
ijyovf/Ji/ov
tyiuixccvtoc
of this statement
is
con-
firmed by the chronology of the governors of Egypt, which for these years
can be determined with tolerable accuracy (comp. Franz in Corpus Inscr.
Graec.
(1)
t. iii.
On
p. 312).
the inscription of a temple in the oasis of Thebes, M. Rutiliu.s
Egypt during the nineteenth year of

116 (Letronne, Eecueil des inscriptions grecques et latines de
stti Mxpnov VovtiTî'ov
I'ilgypte, i. 120 sq. Corpus Inscr. Graec. n. 4948
L id' eti/TOKpuropos Kcctaxpo; 'Nspovx Tpxixuou
h-WT^w iTTxpxov AiyvTiTTOv
irxyûv x'
the date corresponds to the 24th May a.d. 116.
(2) In order to quell the rebellion in Cyrene and Egypt, Trajan sent
That this man is to be
Marcius Turbo (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 2).
regarded as governor of Egypt, is proved from the circumstance that the
Turbo, therefore, can have fought
governor of Cyrene had no army
against the rebels in those quarters only as governor of Egypt. From
Spartian's Vita Hadriani, however, we know positively that Hadrian
subsequently assigned Dacia to him titulo Aegyptiacae praefecturae, i.e.
with permission to retain the honorary rank of governor of Egypt
compare Letronne, i. 164). Turbo was there(Spartian, Hadrian, c. 7
fore the successor of Lupus, and that during the time of Trajan, a.D. 117.
(3) Eight months and a half after Trajan's death, i.e. in April a.D. 118,
Rammius Martial is is described on an inscription as governor of Egypt
(Letronne, Recueil des inscriptions, i. 153, n. xvi. = Corpus Inscr. Ch'aec.
n. 4713 f.: 'mrl Fufi/aiv Mxprixhi Trxpxv AiyvTrrov
(^ xvroxpxropo;
Lupus
is
Trajan,
referred to as governor of
i.e.
A.D.
Kxiiapo; Tpx'ixvcv Âlpixvov
23rd April a.d. 118).
(fxpuovdl
Marcius Turbo
x-n'
the date corresponds to
had therefore been recalled
at the
21.
THE WAK UNDEK TRAJAN.
(2)
in the capital, the Greeks
had decidedly the upper hand, and
the Jews residing there were seized and

Still
upon
is
more furiously did the Jews

Of the
selves.
cruelties
283
in
slain.'**
Gyrene conduct them-
which the Jews there perpetrated
non- Jewish fellow-inhabitants a dreadful picture
their
They
presented by Dio Gassius.
ate their flesh, besmeared
themselves with their blood, sawed them through from above
downward, or gave them
number
murdered
of the
Though
220,000.'*'
the wild beasts.
for food to
is
The
have been as many as
said to
here, certainly, the
pen has been directed
by the most extravagant fancy, the extent and importance of

beginning of A.D. 118 (compare also Spartian, Hadrian, 5
Marcio Turbone Judaeis compressis ad deprimendum turaultum MaureBut since he had quelled the rebellion voT^'koii; /îxxxi;
taniae destinato").
latest in fhe
"
iv
ovK oKtyu T xpcivu (Eusebius, Hist.
up the year
eccl. iv. 2),
his period of office
must
This is also confirmation of the view that

the decided victory of the rebels over Lupus is to be put down to the year
116, and the first beginning of the revolt to the year 115.
4* Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 2
Ghronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 164 sq. (at
Orosius, vii. 12
"In Alexthe eighteenth year of Trajan, 2131 Abr.)
have
filled
117.
Compare also
andria autem commisso proelio victi et adriti sunt."
Derenbourg, Histoire,
Buxtorf, Lexicon Chald. col. 99, s.v. X''"njDDPX
Wnsche, Der jerusalemische Talmud (1880), p. 125 f. In
pp. 410-412
;
remarked on the first year of Hadrian that

emperor restored Alexandria that had been destroyed by the Jews
the Chronicle of Eusebius

this
(or
it is
Romans ?). See Eusebius, Ghronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 164 sq., according
" Adrianus Alexandriam a Judaeis subversam reArmenian
to the
"Hadrianus Alexandriam a Romanis

subversam publicis instauravit expensis." The city must therefore
have suffered severely, even though it might not have been, strictly
speaking, "destroyed." See, on the other side. Munter, pp. 19-23.
The
conjecture of Moramsen, that the statement did not originally stand in
the text of Eusebius, and was only introduced by a misunderstanding of
the Armenian and Latin translators (Rmische Geschichte, v. 543) in presence of the agreement of the two, is not tenable.
^^ Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 32.
" Incredibili
Compare Orosius, vii. 12
deinde motu sub uno tempore Judaei, quasi rabie eff"erati, per diversas
terrarum partes exarserunt. Nam et per totam Libyam adversus incolas
quae adeo tunc interfectis cultoribus desolata
atrocissima bella gesserunt
est, ut nisi postea Hadrianus Imperator collectas illuc aliunde colonias
deduxisset, vacua penitus terra, abraso habitatore, mansisset.
Aegyptum
vero totam et Cyrenen et Thebaidam cruentis seditionibus turbaverunt."
stauravit;" according to Jerome
[sic]
284:
the revolt are beyond
population of Cyrene,
called
The leader
all dispute.
whom
of the
Jewish
they proclaimed as their king,
is
by Eusebius, Lukuas, by Dio Cassius, Andrew.^^
To suppress
this revolt Trajan sent
By means
Marcius Turbo/^
one of his best generals,
of long-continued
and persistent
fighting (TToWat? yu-a^ât? gv ovk oXiya re )(^pv(p) he brought
many thousands of the Jews, not

who had attached
the war to an end, and slew
only of Cyrene, but also those of Egypt,
themselves to their " king
The outbreak had

Under the leadership
"
Lukuas.^^
spread to the island of Cyprus.
also
Jews there
certain Artemio, the
of a
imitated the example of their co-religionists of Cyrene, and
murdered
24,000
The very
capital,
non- Jewish inhabitants of the
regard to the suppression of the revolt

tion.
by
Salamis, was laid waste
The consequence
of
island/^
them.^*^
In
we have no informa-
was that henceforth no Jew was
it
Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 2 Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 32.

According to an inscription at Sarmizegethusa in Dacia, liis full name
was Q. Marcius Turbo Fronto Publicius Severus (Orelli, Inscr. Lat. n. 831
= Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 1462). The same, but incomplete, occurs
*''
^^
in
Corpus Inscr. Lat.
t.
4243.
xiv. n.
After
the suppression of the
Jewish revolt by Hadrian, Marcius Turbo became successively governor

of Mauretania, Pannonia, Dacia (Spartian, Hadrian, c. 5 fin. 6 fin. 7),
was appointed praefcctus praetorio (Spartian, Hadrian, c. 9 Dio Cassius,
Ixix. 18
Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 1462), and is described as one of
Frontonis
the most active men of Hadrian's time (Dio Cassius, Ixix. 18
epistulae, ed. Naber, p. 165), but who, as many of his like had done, fell
under the suspicion and awakened the dislike of Hadrian (Spartian,
Hadrian, c. 15).
^^ Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 2.
According to Eusebius, Chronicon, ed.
Schoene, ii. 164 sq. Orosius, vii. 12, the revolt had also extended into the
Thebaid.
49 Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 32.
^0 Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 164 sq. (on the nineteentli year
of Trajan, 2132 Abr.).
According to the Armenian "Salaminam Cipri
insulae urbem Judaei adorti sunt et Graecos, quos ibi nacti sunt, trucidarunt, urbemque a fundamentis subverterunt." According to the Greek
in Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 657
Toi>i iv 'S.xXafihi rr,c Kim-pov "Eh'Kyivug
;
'lovxhi
vi'h'JTSi
Tviv
minam, urbem Cypri,
-TToKiv
y.uikaKa.i\/a.v.
interfectis
Orosius,
omnibus
vii.
12
accolis deleverunt."
"Sane
Sala-
21.
THE WAR UNDER TRAJAN.
(2)
allowed to appear upon the island
Jew
weather any
and
285
througli stress of
if
should happen to be cast upon
coasts,
its
he was put to death/^

Finally,
when Trajan had
pressed on as far as Ctesiphon,
the capital of the Parthian empire, the

in his rear
had become disturbed.
upon the very
gave orders
Trajan
affair.
who was
Quietus,
of the province {eKKadapat ry^;
avTov'i).
With barbarous
mission.
Thousands of Jews were put
order
cruelty Quietus executed his com-
was appointed governor of

revolt
was
to
7rapîa<i
Thus was
to death.
and Quietus, in recognition of his
restored,
The Jewish
was a most serious
Moorish prince Lusius
the
same time a Eoman general,
the
at
sweep the rebels out
to
Mesopotamia
of
Such a disturbance there
of the empire
frontier
Jews
services,
Palestine.^^
not, it
would seem,
finally suppressed
until the beginning of Hadrian's reign in A.D. 117.
At
least
Eusebius speaks of disturbances in Alexandria which Hadrian
had
to quell
^^
;
and the biographer of Hadrian
Palestine also had taken

case,
the
its
states that
share in the rebellion.^*
In any
however, perfect quiet seems to have been restored in
first
year of Hadrian.
*^
Dio Cassius,
^2
Eusebius, Hist.
Ixviii. 32.
eccl.
iv.
CJironicon, ed. Schoene,
the eighteenth year of Trajan, 2131 Abr.)
164
ii.
Orosins, vii. 12
sq.
(on
Dio Cassius,
32 (who also gives many personal details about Quietus). On Lusius

Quietus compare also what is said above at p. 262. His name seems at an
early date to have been corrupted in the text of the Chronicle of Eusebius,
for Jerome has Lysias Quietus, and Syncellus (ed. Dindorf, i. 657), Avaicc;
Ixviii.
The
KvvTos.
correct form
is
given in Eusebius, Hist.
chon, Dio Cassius, ed. Dindorf, and Spartian, Hadrian,

^^
eccl.
ed.
Heini-
c. 5.
Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 164
sq. (on the 1st year of Hadrian,

According to the Armenian " Adrianus Judaeos subegit ter[tertio] contra Romanos rebellantes."
According to Jerome " Hadrianus
Judaeos capit secundo contra Romanos rebellantes." According to Syn-
2133 Abr.).
cellus
^*
'
:
Apicci/og
lovOcciovc
Spartan, Hadrian,
efferebant.
c.
x.a.-za.
:
A'hsôe.i/'^piuv
arocaixôuTcti skoaxss'j,
" Lycia denique ac Palaestina rebelles animos
286
It is very doubtful
any share
indeed whether Palestine generally had

This
in the rebellion.
and Grtz in the
maintained by Volkmar
is
interest of their conception of the
Judith, which they place in this period
contested by Lipsius and others.^*
but
is
nothing to oblige us
war
other than the well-known
In Megillath, Taanith
"
day of Trajan," Dimi
dv,^^
of
DiDîp
b^ DioîS;^^
understand by this any
to
of Quietus in Mesopotamia.
29, the 12th Adar
Book
has been rightly
Eabbiuical tradition makes
mention distinctly of a "war of Quietus,"

but there
it
designated the
is
and the commentary upon
this
passage remarks that this day was celebrated in commemoration
Two
^^
of the following incident
brothers, Julianus
and Pappus,
5S
Volkmar, Theolog. Jahrbcher, 1857, pp. 441-498, and especially, Das

Grtz, Geschichte der
(1860), pp. 56 ff., 64 flf., 83 if., 90 if.
Juden, iv. 439 ff. On the other side, see Lipsius, Zeitschrift fr wissen-
Buch Judith
schaftliche Tlieologie, 1859, pp.

feld, Zeitschrift, 1858, p.
p.
405
270
81-111.
ff.,
On
and 1861,
p.
the subject generally, Hilgen-
338
Fritzsche in Schenkel's Bibellexicon,
iii.
ff.
448
ff.
Eenan, Les evan;
509 Gregorovius, Hadrian, (3 Aufl. 1884), pp. 27, 35-38.

^^
Mishna, Sota ix. 14, and Seder Olam. suh fin. In both passages, instead
of the common reading of the text, DID'^D ?k^ DIDPIS, we should read DID^Q
giles, p.
Volkmar, Judith, pp.

83-90 Lipsius, Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftliche Theologie, 1859, pp, 97-104
Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 404 f. Salzer, Magazin fr die Wissenschaft des
Judenthums, iv. 1877, pp. 141-144. In the Mishna passages Dt3"'p is the
reading in (1) a manuscript of the Eoyal Library at Berlin (MSS. Or. fol.
it is the same to which Grtz had
567, previously in private hands
referred).
(2) The Cambridge Manuscript, edited by Lowe in 1883 {UniIn the passage from the Seder 0/am, this same
versit]/ Additional, 470. 1).
reading is found in an old manuscript collated by Azariah de Rossi. See
Grtz in the work above quoted. In the latter passage this reading is also
Dtîp pty.
See Grtz, Geschichte der Juden,
iv.
439
ft'.
required by the context
for there are, according to
it,
fifty-two years to
Ije
reckoned between the war of Vespasian and the war of the D'lt3''p, and
from that to the war of Ben-Cosiba (Bar-Cochba), 16 years.
Also in the
Mishna passage the war of the Dt3''p follows upon the war of Vespasian,
and then after tliat " the last war," i.e. that of Bar-Cochba.
On the forms of
Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 408.
^8 See Derenbourg, Histoire,
Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, iv. p.
p. 406 f.
445 ff. Volkmar, Judith, pp. 90-100 ; Lipsius, Zeitschrift fr wissenschaftl.
^^
the
Derenbourg, Histoire de
name
DiyiltO,
P''"l"'t3,
etc.,
la Palestine, pp. 443, 446.
see
Theologie, 1859, pp. 104-110.
THE GREAT EEBELLION UNDER HADRIAN.
(3)
21.
287
were arrested by Trajan at Laodicea, when the emperor called

out to them in mockery
Let your
God now
save you as he
The two brothers
saved Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah.
replied that neither he nor they were worthy of having such
a miracle wrought, but that
him
blood of
place,
it
officer, is
cipal evidence regarding the
now
war or
forsooth offered as the prin-
war of Trajan in Palestine
should be observed that even in
it
there
is
Spartian above referred
to,
The
this statement, indeed, it
is
one
the statement of
a quiet condition.
animos
rehelles
would seem
But
gone the length of an actual war.

authorities
But
according to which, in the begin-
ning of Hadrian's reign, Palestine
altogether in
no mention either
but expressly of Laodicea.^^
of Judea,
thing that seems to favour Volkmar's view
of
that
proceeds on the assumption that Trajan was
only a subordinate
Prom
left
This fable, which deserves no attention
to death.
whatever, as
of a
require their
But before Trajan
an order came from Eome, in consequence of which he
was put
it
God would indeed
he slew them.
if
it
to
efferebat.
have been not
can hardly have
Otherwise our original
would have given a more circumstantial account
it.
The Great Eebellion under Hadrian,
3.
a.d.
132-135.
Sources.
Dig Cassius,
Ixix. 12-14.
EusEBius, Hist.
On
eccl. iv.
Aristo of Pella, see vol.
Chronicon, ed Schoene,
i.
ii.
166-169.
of this work, pp. 69-72.
Eabbinical traditions in Derenbourg, pp. 412-438.
collection of the
rabbinical texts which refer to the history of Beth-ther
Lebrecht, Bether, pp. 43-50
On
comp, also
p.
20
is
given in
f.
the coins, see Appendix IV,
^^ At the basis of the legend there may lie probably an obscure reminiscence of the fact that Lusius Quietus, the oppressor of the Jews, was
recalled
5 and
7).
by Hadrian, and subsequently executed
(Spartian,
Hadrian.
288
Literature.
Basnage,
t.
Histoire des Juifs,
xi.),
(according to another arrangement,
vii.
t.
1716, pp. 328-378.
TiLLEMOKT, Histoire
des evipereurs,
Munter, Der jdische Krieg
t. ii.
(Venice 1732), pp. 285-296.
unter den Kaisern Trajan
und Hadrian, 1821
a most comprehensive monograph.
Cassel in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopaedie,

IS
(in article
sec.
ii.
Bd. 27, 1850, pp. IS-
"Juden").
Herzfeld, Zur Geschichte des Barkochba (Monatsschrift fr
Geschichte
und
Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1856, pp. 101-111).
Grtz,
Geschichte der Juden, Bd, iv, 2 Aufl. pp. 138-183.
und
JosT, Geschichte des Judenthums
seiner Sekten,
ii.
75-83.
Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, pp. 412-438.

Neubrger, Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft
des
Judenthums,
1873, pp. 433-445, 529-536.
Williams, The Holy
X "Morrison,
"
City,
vol
The Jews under the
i.
pp. 209-213.
Roman Empire,
pp. 198-206.
The Jewish Wars under Hadrian and Trajan" (Journal

ture, vol. vii. 1851,
^ Ewald, History
of Sacred Litera-
pp. 439-444).
of Israel,
viii.
271-311
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgesch. 2 Aufl. iv. 327-342.

Eenan, L'e'glise, chrdienne (1879), pp. 186-228, 541-553. Eevue
t. ii.
historique,
1876, pp. 112-120.
Salzer, " Der Aufstand des Bar-Cochha " (Magazin fr die Wissenschaft
des Judenthums, iii. 1876, pp. 121-139, 173-190 iv. 1877, pp. 17-38),
;
Hamburger, Real-Encydopaedie fr
Bibel
und Talmud, Abth.
ii.,
articles
Akib, Barkochba, Bethar, Hadrian, Hadrianische Verfolgungsedikte.
Derenbourg,
publics
"
par
Quelques Notes sur
de Bar Kozeba" (Melanges
la guerre
Vecole des hautes etudes, Paris 1878, pp. 157-173).
Darmesteter, " Notes ^pigraphiques,"
etc.
{Revue des etudes juives, t
i.
1880, pp. 42-55),
Schiller, Geschichte der rmische Kaiserzeit,
MoMMSEN, Rmische
i.
2,
Geschichte, v. pp.
544-546,
Gregorovius, Der Kaiser Hadrian
(3 Aufl.
1883, pp. 612-615.
18S4), pp. 38
f.,
147-153,
188-216,
Gregorovius, " Die Grndung der rmischen Colonie Aelia Capitolina "
(Sitzungsberichte der philos.-philol. und hist. Classe der Mnchener Akademie, 1883, pp. 477-508).
Schwarz, Der Bar-Kochbaische Aufstand, Brunn 1885 (worthless

Bursian's Jahresber. der
class.
Alierthumsxdssensch. pp. 48, 282
f.).
see
21.
late
THE GREAT EEBELLION UNDER HADKIAN.
(3)
Jewish legend
Chananiah, that
ment had granted authority
in the days of
Joshua ben
pagan govern-
to proceed with the
building of
But the Samaritans had made representations
the temple.
the
against
how
tells
in the time of Hadrian, the
is,
289
enterprise.
And
in
consequence of these the
emperor had not indeed withdrawn the permission, but issued

a decree that the
on the
new
site of the
building should not be erected precisely
an actual prohibition.
as
came to the same thing

Then the Jews gathered together
of Beth-Kimmon.
But E. Joshua,
old temple, which
in factions in the valley
in order to quiet them, told
the stork
them the
as the stork ouglit
head uninjured out of the jaws

to be glad
and
of the lion, so also
its
ought they
they were allowed to live in peace under a heathen
if
The
government.^"
nil,
story of the lion
be glad to have got
to
and yet
historical value of this legend is
simply
forms the chief ground for the view insisted
it
upon by many modern
Hadrian had given per-
scholars, that
mission for the rebuilding of the temple, and that the with-
drawal of this permission was the real cause of the great
Jewish
made
are
rebellion.^^
In confirmation of
this
view reference
statements by Christian writers.
to
little
is
But even these
calculated to support such a theory.
Chrysostom,
Cedrenus, and Nicephorus Callistus only say that the Jews
Hadrian had rebelled and made an attempt
in the time of
to
rebuild the temple, and that Hadrian put a stop to that under-
The Chronicon Paschale speaks
taking.
of a destruction
by
^^ Bereshith rdbha c. 64.

See the passage in the original text, and in a
French translation in Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine, p. 416 sq. Text
and Latin translation in Volkmar, Judith, pp. 108-111.
German in
"Wnsche, Der Midrasch Bereschit Eabba (1881), p. 307 f.
^1 So Volkmar, Judith,
Grtz, Geschichte der Juden,
pp. 108 ff., 131 ff.
;
138
442
Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine,
Neup. 412 sq.

Judenthums, 1873,
Hausrath, Zeitgeschichte, iv. 328 f.
Salzer, Magazin, iii. 127 ff.
p. 433 ff.
Hamburger, Real-Encyclopaedie, art. " Hadrian."
iv.
ff.,
fF.
brger, Monatsschrift fr Geschichte

;
DIV.
I.
tmd Wissenschaft
des
VOL.
II.
290
Hadrian of the temple that had actually been

permission to build the temple that had
Hadrian and afterwards withdrawn, there
The attempt
ever.
no mention what-
An
apparent support for this
be found only in one passage in the Epistle of
is to
Barnabas, of which, however, the explanation
Barnabas seeks
Sabbath
to
show that
is
not the true one.
"
uncertain.
is
not according to God's will
it is
Jews should continue
that the
rebuild the temple was really itself
to
one of the acts of the rebellion.

theory
is
Of
built.'^
been given by
first
to observe the
And
law.
Their
almost like the heathens
have they honoured God in a temple."
In order to prove the
heathenish character of the Jewish temple, Barnabas, in chap,

xvi.,
quotes the prophecy of Isa. xlix. 17 (LXX.)
"Behold,
they who have cast down this temple, even they shall build
up again
it
happened.
by
"
and then proceeds, in chap.
For through their going
enemies
their
of their
avTOVi KaO^peOrj viro tcov

VTTijperai
now the Jews and

common the Jewish
selves
the
"It has so
was destroyed
yap to
avTov).
Only
By
becomes
striking out the
this
The
is,
for
heathenish
also the latter reading
the
/cat
the
purposes.
deserves the
Barnabas seems therefore to allude to Hadrian's
passages are collected in Munter, p. 64
pp. 131-134.
if
the heathens them-
intention to erect a building for heathen worship.^

''^
iroXe^.elv
vvv Kol auTol [kuI^ ol TOiV
the expectation there set forth
temple, that
But on external grounds

preference.
is
temple.
of the sentence
build
the heathens together were to build
that
meaning
(yiverai- Bia
it "
e')(6piV
vocKoSofjbrjfyovcriv
bracketed Kai be retained,
in
it
and now they [together with] the servants
enemies shall rebuild
i')(6p(v
xvi.
war
to
Compare
also
under note
f.,
Of
the
and Volkmar, Judith,
93.
The x.u.i is given only in the Sinaiticus ; in all other texts it is wantThe explanation given above, that the building was for heathen
worship, is supported, for example, by Lipsius in Schenkel's Bibellexion,
The words have been understood of the aid given to the Jewish
i. 371 f.
building by the lieathenp, especially by Volkmar, and that indeed even before
^^
ing.
21.
(s)
THE GREAT KEBELLION UNDER HADRIAN.

given by Hadrian
alleged permission
rebuilding of
we do not meet with any
the Jewish temple, therefore,
when we
the
for
291
investigate the causes of the rebellion.^*
Such per-
mission, at least in the form of active encouragement,
improbable on internal grounds.

patronized the
Greek-Eoman
contempt upon
all
For
wliile
religious
is
Hadrian zealously
rites,
he looked with
of the causes of the great rebellion are
worthy of consideration.
Spartian
says
^^
:
"
moveruut
tempestate et Judaei bellum, quod vetabaatur mutilare
"
Dio Cassius, on the contrary, gives
When
own
also
foreign superstitions.''^
Only two accounts
talia."
trace
ea
Têni-
his account thus:*'^
Hadrian had founded at Jerusalem a city of his

the one destroyed, which he called Aelia
in place of
Capitolina,
and on the
the temple of their
site of
God
erected
another temple to Jupiter, the great and long-continued war
broke
out.
For the Jews regarded
it
as a horrible outrage
that foreigners should settle in their city, and that temples

for strange gods
should be built in
it."
Since Spartian men-
the discovery of the Sinaiticus, resting upon the common reading without
the Kxi {Theolog. Jahrbcher, 1856, pp. 351-361, and elsewhere). He was
followed by J. G. Mller, Erklrung des Barnabasbriefes (1869), pp. 3o4-340
;
Harnack, Patrum apostolorum, Opera, i. 2, ed. 2 (1878), pp. Ixx.-lxxii., and

I myself adopted this view in the first edition of this work.
Others explain the words metaphorically of the building of the spiritual temple by the
Gentile Christians.
1870, pp. 116-121
So,
;
e.g.,
Hilgenfeld, Zeitschrift fr wissensch. Theologie,
Barnabae
epistula, ed. 2, 1877, pp.
119-123
Wieseler,
Jahrbcher fr deutsche Theologie, 1870, pp. 612-614 ; Riggenbach, Der

sogenannte Brief des Barnabas (1873), pp. 41-45.
But according- to the
language of the passage it evidently treats of the rebuilding of the actual
temple.
Barnabas wishes to say
this temple was not better than a
heathen temple, as even then it actually was rebuilt by the heathen.
:
Special emphasis should be laid on the ocvt!/ at the close.

Against
Weizscker's reference to the building of Zerubbabel (Zur Kritik des
Barnabasbriefes, 1863, p. 21 ff.), the vvv and the future are decisive.
^*
Compare Renan,
L'eglise chretienne, p. 24
Schiller, Geschichte der rm.
Gregorovius, Hadrian, 3 Aufl. p. 38 f.
s Spartian,
vita Hadriani, c. 22 (in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, ed.
Peter): sacra Roniana diligentissime curavit. peregrina contempsit.
6 Spartian. Hadrian.
6"
14.
DiJ Catsius, Ixix. 12.
Kaiserzeit,
i.
613
292
tions
TUE ROMAN-HEKODIAaV AGE.

only the one and Dio Cassius only the
doubtful whether without more ado

bine the two.
fact,
it
is
are entitled to com-
Gregorovius rejects the statement of Spartian,
and regards that of Dio Cassius

In
we
other,
as alone
worthy of credence.
a prohibition of circumcision, without any special
occasion, seems little in accordance with the mild character of
Hadrian, although
purpose
of
it
might quite conceivably be used
securing
the extinction of
suppression of the revolt.^*
Spartian
is
Jews
the
for the
after the
Nevertheless, the statement of
to be defended.
For, according
to
all
we
that
know, the prohibition of circumcision was not limited to the

Jews,
and
was
not
immediately
When, under Antoninus

circumcise
their
Pius, the
children,
the
against the non-Jewish peoples.
general order.^**
^^
Compare
The
directed
them.
against
Jews were again allowed
prohibition
still
stood
to
good
was therefore originally a
It
special feature of this legislation
Gregorovi;is, Sitzungsbericlile der philos.-philol.
und
was
hist. Classe
Mnchener Akademie, 1883, p. 499 ff. Der Kaiser Hadrian, p. 188 ff.
In favour of Gregorovius' view one might refer to the state of the original
documents. Dio Cassius, as well as Spartian, founds partly on the autobiography of Hadrian (see Dio Cassius, Ixix. 11, u; Aopiavo; -/pipii
Spartian, 1. 1, " in libris vitae suae Hadrianus ipse commemorat " 7. 2,
" ut ipse vita sua dicit;" comp, also 3. 3, and 3. 5).
In Dio Cassius,
however, the history of the Jewish war follows immediately upon the
quotation from the autobiography, and may probably have been derived
from it. So thinks Doit, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian, 1881, p. 14.
On the other hand, it seems probable that Spartian derives his short notice
of the Jewish war from some other source (Drr, Reisen, p. 82).
68a Modestinus,
" Circumcidere Judaeis filios
Digest, xlviii. 8. 11, pr.
suos tantum rescripto divi Pii permittitur
in non ejusdem religionis qui
hoc fecerit, castrantis poena irrogatur."
This statement of fact is also
corroborated by other witnesses. In the Syrian Dialogue on Fate, which is
der
'
ascribed to Bardesanes, as a historical instance of the fact that ofttimes kings
when they conquer foreign countries liave abolished the native laws and
own without the stars putting any hindrance in the way,
introduced their
advanced as pre-eminently applicable, that only shortly before the

after the conquest of Arabia, had abolished the laws of that
country, especially the law regarding circumcision (Cureton, Spicilegium
Syriacum, 1855, p. 30 in the somewhat abbreviated text in Eusebius,
this is
Komans,
(a)
21.
not that
it
THE GREAT REBELLION UNDER HADRIAN,
aimed
at the rooting out of
293
Judaism, but that
punished
its
The prohibition was
practice accordingly.^^''
therefore, first of all directed against Judaism, but
it
is
deadly wound.
that Hadrian
upon the ruins

was not
In addition to this
of Jerusalem.
Hadrian devoted the energies of
new heathen
city
The rearing
his
of magnificent
was the work

life.
But
this
to
which
proposal
have been regarded as a blow in the face to

So long as Jerusalem lay in ruins, the Jews could
cherish the hope of

city,
In this also the ruling motive
Judaism.
buildings and the founding of cities
Judaism.
it
was now made known
designed the erection of a
hostility to
also
it
not,
at the
same time quite evident that Judaism would receive from
must
it
circumcision on the same level with castration, and
placed
The founding
its restoration.
of a heathen
the erection of a heathen temple on the holy place, put
an end to these hopes
in terrible
manner.
It
was an outrage
Praeparatio evangel,
vi. 10. 41, ed. Gaisford, the prohibition of circumnot mentioned).

But the same author speaks immediately
after of circumcision as an existing institution among the Jews.
He
cision
is
witnesses, therefore, precisely to the condition of matters as determined

by Antoninus Pius.
further witness for this is Origen, who distinctly
says that only the Jews were allowed to practise circumcision, but that
it was forbidden to all others on the pain of death (Contra Gels. ii.
13).
The
jurist Paulus, a contemporary of Origen, say.s, Sent. v. 22. S-4 (in

Huschke's Jurisprudentiae antejustimanae quae supersxmt, ed. 5, Lips.
" Gives Eomani, qui se Judaico ritu vel servos suos circumcidi
1886)
patiuntur bonis ademptis in insulam perpetuo relegantur
medici capite
puniuntur. Judaei si alienae nationis comparatos servos circumciderunt
:
'
The prohibition, therefore, by

no means applied especially to the Jew.s, but they rather were by
Hadrian's immediate successor expressly excluded from its application.
Compare also Nldeke, Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenland Gesellschaft,
Bd. 39, 1885, p. 343 (who has also paid attention to the above passage in
the Dialogue on Fate). Gieseler, Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. p. 119.
^8 Compare Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte,
v. 549.
Hadrian strictly
forbade castration; it was to be punished under the lex Cornelia de sicariis,
i.e. it was treated as murder (Digest, xlviii. 8. 4. 2).
That circumcision
was treated in the same category as castration, is seen from the passa^'e
aut deportantur aut capite puniuntur."
quoted above from Modestinus.
294
THE ROMA.N-HEODIAN AGE.
great as
as
that which Antiochiis
Epiphanes had formerly
committed, and was answered, as that had been, by a general

uprising of the excited people.
Both
A
not in themselves improbable.

a suggestion
which has much
reasons, therefore, are
combination of the two
commend
to
enactments of Hadrian were not too
it,
if
far separated in
is
two
the
time from
one another.
In regard to the date at which the building of the Aelia

Capitolina was begun, various statements are given in the
original
authorities.
Epiphanias
had
been
informed
that
Hadrian, forty-seven years after the destruction of Jerusalem,
when he
arrived there on his second journey, gave orders to
rebuild the city (not the temple),
the
see
to
A.D.
work
done."^
This
and commissioned Aquila
indication of date gives us
117, immediately after Hadrian's accession
He was
refers
to the throne.
then certainly in the East, but Epiphanius expressly
to
his later journey taken
statement regarding the time
is
from Rome, and thus his
deprived of
all its value.^"
The
Ckronicon Paschale places the founding of Aelia Capitolina in

A.D.
119; but
it
does so only because
great Jewish rebellion
in
that
which Aelia was founded.^'

Jewish
rebellion,
which
is
year,
it
With the
demonstrably
fixed for the founding of Aelia.^^
has also placed the
after
the quelling
date
false, falls
also
correct,
This
inasmuch as only thereafter was the plan carried
But, according to Dio Cassius,
out.
that
Eusebius also regards the
founding of the city as a consequence of the rebellion.^*

is
of
fixed for the
it
is
not to be doubted
Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, 14.

It has been turned to account as serviceable by Drr, Reisen des
Kaisers Hadrian, p. 16. Against it : Gregorovius, Sitzungsberichte, 1883,
*^
'"
p. 489.
''^
Ckronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf, i. 474.

See also Gregorovius, Sitzungsberichte, 1883, p. 493 f. Kenan's assertion, that the founding took place about a.D. 122 {L'^glise chretienne, p.
26), has no support from the original authorities.
'2
^^
Eusebius, Hist.
eccl. iv. 6.
21.
(.i)
THE GKEAT REBELLION UNDER HADRIAN.
295
that the building had already been begun before the outbreak
of the rebellion,
who were
that the Jews,
quiet
and indeed not very long
so long as
that they broke
irritated
about the building, remained
Hadrian stayed
in
Egypt and
out so soon as he had
In accordance with
this, it
before, for he says
left
Syria,
those
but
regions.''*
must be assumed that the founding
of the city took place during the period of Hadrian's visit to

Syria,
which occurred in
Hadrian
in the East
to Egypt,
at that time
130.
a.D.
it
was during
his last great journey
arrived in Syria from Greece, and thence went
and then back again
to Syria.^^
It is
made
from inscriptions and coins that he was in Syria in
Egypt
in
A.D.
131.^'
November
in
certain
a.D.
130,
130, and so again in Syria in
A.D.
Generally, wherever he went he furthered the
'*
Dio
This route is particularly described in Dio Cassius, Ixix. 11-12.

That Hadrian's visit to Egypt occurred in a.D. 130, upon which
^^
all
vi.
Cassiiis, Ixix. 12.
the other dates turn, has been proved by Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum,
489-491.
He is followed by Haakh in Pauly's Eeal-Ennjdojpaedie,
:
1035, article " Hadrianus
Clinton, Fasti Romani,
t. i. 188.5, ad ami.
129-131, p. Chr.; Letronne, Eecueil des inscriptions grecques et latines de
I'Egijpte, t. ii. 1848, pp. 364-367
Drr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian,
For a further list of the literature, see Drr, pp. 7, 8.
1881, pp. 62-65.
iii.
;"
(1) An inscription at Palmyra of the year

130-131, assumes a previous visit of Hadrian to
Palmyra (De Vogue, Syrie Centrale, Inscrijytions de Palmyre, n. 16 Le Ba.s
The
principal proofs are
[4]42 aer. Seleuc.
= A.D.
and Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 2585). (2) The coins of Gaza of the
time of Hadrian have an era beginning with a.D. 129 or 130, the occasion
of which was certainly Hadrian's residence in Gaza, and the benefits that
had been thereby conferred upon the city. On this see the literature
mentioned in Div. II. vol. i. p. 72. The year 1 of the new era is the
year 190-191 of the old era of Gaza
and as this earlier era began in
B.c. 60 or 61, is equivalent to A.D. 129 or 130.
But even if one should
assume a.D. 129 with Stark, Gaza, p. 5i;0, Hadrian's visit may still be put
;
down
as a.D. 130, since the commencement of the era may not be exactly
synchronous with Hadrian's visit. (3) In Alexandria coins of Hadrian
were minted in the fifteenth year of the emperor, that is, according to the
reckoning commonly used in Egypt, a.D. 130-131.
According to all
analogies, it must be assumed that this must have occurred at the celebration of Hadrian's visit (Eckhel, Doctr. Num. vi. 489 sq.).
(4) The most
296
interests of culture: artistic
games were celebrated

In the
vinces/^
Tiberias had obtained an 'ASpulveiov
a vavrj'yvpL'i 'Ahpiavi']
traces
Gaza,
remembrance
of the
name of 'Ahpiavr)
Judea was commemorated by coins
emperor, took
the
of
Petra, in grateful
His residence
IleTpaJ^
the pro-
all
we come upon
cities of Palestine also
of his presence.
benefactions
and useful buildings were erected:
he was a restitutor in
in
the
bearing the inscription, adventui Awjûsti) JiidaeaeP
The founding
period
of
precise information
at Thebes,
of Aelia also, without doubt, belongs to the
emperor's
the
is
from which
Pliny
activity.
Jerusalem
calls
supplied by an inscription on the Memnon statue

it appears that Hadrian was there in the fifteenth
This date corresponds to NovemEckhel and Clinton

more correctly given in Letronne, ii. 365, and Drr, p. 123 also in
Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 4727.
An exact facsimile is given by Lepsius,
Denkmler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Bd. xii. bl. 78; Inscrip. Graec.
n. 91. On the reckoning of the years of the emperor's prevailing in Egypt,
especially the years of Hadrian, see Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie,
1. 117 ff.
"^
Compare generally Drr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian, p. 4 f.
Gregorovius, Der Kaiser Hadrian, 3 Aufl. p. 4G8 ff.
On numerous inscriptions Hadrian is called outvio, oIx.igtvi;, ivspytT/n, Kriarri;.
See the texts
in Drr, p. 104
On coins of Hadrian are found the following inscripyear of his reign, in the month Athyr.
ber A.D. 130.
For the words of the
inscription, see
ft'.
tions
restitutori Achaiae, restitutori Africae, restitutori Arabiae, restitu-
tori Asiae, restitutori
Bithyniae, restitutori Galliae, restitutori Hispaniae,
restitutori Italiae, restitutori Libyae, restitutori Macedoniae,
restitutori
Nicomediae, restitutori orbis terrarum, restitutori Phrygiae, restitutori

Siciliae."
See Eckhel, Doctr. Num. vi. 486-500 ; Cohen, M^dailles imperiales, ed. 2, t. ii. 1882, pp. 209-214.
On
''^
-TTohit
Tiberias, see Epiphanius, Haer. 30. 12
TrpoO'Tsriipx.i'
Clironicon, ed. Dindorf,

vvv
Troc.ti7jyvpig
ii
superscription
587-589
ix.iivn
i.
viii.
474
x.ct\
"KiyiToti
'ASo/aeyjij
Suppl.
'Aopicivstou
oJfieit,
rot,-j(,oc,
tx-u
larîv
klpiccv/^.
j/adj
rovro
jra.v/iyvptv
The
ftiyiaro;
Ss
eKuXovv.
.
On
.
x.a.1
iv
rri
Gaza,
'ia;
rav
coins of Petra with the
TLiTpx, in Mionnet, Description de Me'dailles, v.
387
sq.
De
Saulcy,
Numismatique
de
la
Terre
Sainte, pp. 351-353.
Num. vi. 495 sq. Madden, Coins of the Jews (1881),

Cohen, Me'dailles imperiales, ed. 2, t. ii. p. 110 sq. The coins
were minted in Eome (S. C). There were similar coins for almost all the
provinces.
See Eckhel, vi. 486-501 Cohen, ii. 107-112.
'3
p.
Eckhel, Doctr.
231
longe clarissima
urhium
now
celebrated city
What
camp.
non Jvdaeae modo.^
oricntis,
was
lay in ruins, or
merely a
still
This
Eoman
then could be more attractive to the emperor
than the restoring of such a city to

It was,
297
THE GREAT REBELLION UNDER HADRIAN.
(a)
21.
its
former magnificence
however, manifestly intended that this new magnificence
should be of a heathen character.

Jupiter was to
temple of the Capitoline
be erected on the spot where formerly the
temple of the God of the Jews had stood.

proposal.
The Jews
had been
This was the fatal
roused
to
most violent
degree by means of the order, issued probably not long before,
And now
against the practice of circumcision.
added a new outrage.
By means
to
that was
of this proposed profanation
of their city matters were brought to a crisis.
The people
remained quiet so long as the emperor remained in Egypt,
and during
his second visit to
out into revolt
and
its
an uprising
our records,
it
is
only
If
of
the revolt
is
it
Barcosiba or Bencosiba.^^
80
Pliny, Eist. Nat. v. 14. 70.
^1
From Dio
and violence,
does not bulk so largely in

the meagreness of
have come down to
called in the
writers Cochba or Bar-Cochba, and

ties
132, they broke
in a.D.
at least as serious as that
because of
original sources of information that
The leader
is,
that, in its extent
unhappy consequences, was
of the time of Vespasian.
But when he was no
Syria.
longer in the neighbourhood, that
works of Christian
by the rabbinical
The one
the
us.^
autliori-
as well as the other
Cassius, Ixix. 12, it appears that the founding of Aelia
occurred in the time of Hadrian's
first visit to Syria, A.D. 130, but the

outbreak of the rebellion after his second visit in a.D. 131, and so probably
in A.D. 132.
In fact, the Chronicle of Eusebius places the beginning of
the rebellion in the sixteenth year of Hadrian, i.e. a.D. 132-133 (Eusebius,
ii. 166 sq.).

Xoxi? and Chochebas are the forms of the name in the Chronicle
of Eusebius, and in Jerome, ad ann. Abr. 2149 (ed. Schoene, ii. 168 sq.
the Greek form in Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 660) so too in Orosius,
vii. 13 (ed. Zangemeister).
Bapâx^x; in Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 31
(ed. Otto), and Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 6 (ed. Heinichen); the passage from
Justin also in Eusebirs, Hist. eccl. iv. 8, Barcochabas in Jerome, Adv.
82
298
THE ROMAN-HERODIA.N AGE.
onlj a designation
is
the former distinguishes him as the
Num.
star, or the son of the star, with reference to
which passage
R Akiba
applied to him;^ the latter
derived either from his father
home
his
man
(the
late period,
The designation Cochba

on account of
to
its
it
name
and not until a comparatively
of Cosiba),
was
(the son of Cosiba) or from
and only by a few individual
his miserable collapse,
xxiv. 18,
is
writers, in
mean
taken to
or Bar-Cochba
view of
liar or deceiver.^*
was apparently chosen
similarity in sound to Barcosiba, but seems
have become pretty generally current, since the Christian
authorities
are
with
acquainted
alone.
it
The coins have
In the rabbinical sources, on

Rufin. iii. 31 {Opjp. ed. Vallarsi, ii. 559).
(Derenbourg, Histoire de
the other hand, we have N3''I"|3 12 or ^<2''TO
la Palestine, p.
423
Lebrecht, Bether,
p. 13).
Compare
in regard to
him
3n); Derenbourg, Histoire,

Salzer, Magazin fr die Wissenschaft des Judenthums, iii.
p. 423 sqq.
184 fF.
Lebrecht, Bether (1877), pp. 12-20 Hamburger, Real-Encyclopaedie, article " Barkochba ;" Levy, Neuhebrisches Wrterbuch, ii. 312.
^^ Jer. Taanith iv. fol. 68*^ (Cracow ed.)
" R. Simon ben Jochai said
Akiba my teacher expounded the passage: There shall go a star (3313)
out of Jacob" (Num. xxiv. 17), as follows: 'There goes j^^n^ out from
Jacob.'
When R. Akiba saw Barcosiba he said. This is the king Messiali.
Then said to him R. Jochanan ben Torta Akiba, the grass will grow out
See the
of thy jaw-bone, and yet the Son of David will not have come."
text in Lebrecht, Bether, p. 44
German in Wnsche, Der Jerusalemische
Talmud, 1880, p. 157. The correct explanation of Cochba as meaning a
star {dartjp) is also given in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 6, and Syncellus,
i. 660.
According to Eusebius, Barcoshba also gave himself out for a
generally Buxtorf,
:
Z/ea;icon
Ohald. col. 1028
{s.v.
t| ovpxvov.
(pum'/jp
**
Since Barcosiba or Bencosiba
mouths of such
as esteemed
disrespectful meaning.
him
Cosiba
is
the prevailing form, even in the
highly, like Akiba,

is
either the
name
it
cannot have had a
of his father (so in
Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 423, note 3) or of his home, N3D

Chron. iv. 22 = 3'>n, Gen. xxxviii. 5 = 3^T3X, in the tribe of Judah, Josh.
XV. 44 Micah i. 14 (hardly to be identified with Q^TDS in the tribe of
A.sher = Ekdippa, between Tyre and Ptolemais, as conjectured by Derenbourg, Melanges puhli<fs par Ve'cole des hautes dudes, 1878, p. 157 sq.). The
rendering of it 3n3i " Liar," makes its appearance first in the Midrash,
Echa rabhathi, see Levy, Netihebrishches Wrterbuch, ii. 312; the text is
given in Lebrecht, Bether, p. 46 in (Jerman in Wnsche, Der Midrasch
earlier days,
1
Echa
rabbati, 1881, p. 100.
(a)
21.
preserved for us the proper

fact
name
two men.
of
admitting of question
scarcely
some of which
stamped during the period

the leader of this outbreak,
Prince of Israel,"
N''E''3
name
of this outbreak,
who was
"
pycK'
Simon
coins there are also coins of the
at the
head
the
On some
first
Besides the Simon-
year with the inscription,
There thus seem to have
After the second year there are
Modein, who
of
is
also
known from
sources, is described as the uncle of Barcosiba,^^
man
ventured to conjecture that this
named
" Eleasar
nothing anywhere
the
to
the figure
Since in late rabbinical documents
Eleasar-coins.^''
E. Eleasar
were issued by
of the rebellion, besides the Prince
Simon, the Priest Eleasar.
no more
were
those minted in the second
" pyoB'.
" Eleasar the Priest," }n3n iry^x.
men
certainly Bar-Cochba.
of a star appears over that of a temple.
been two
it is
year have the inscription, " Simon,
first
bxiti'''
year have only the
For
Simon- coins,
and others most probably,
certainly,
Those minted in the
the
that
299
Priest " on
is
other
some have
the same as the one
the coins.^
indicate that Eleasar of
But there
Modein was
is
priest.
The
application of the designation of the " Star," which
should come out of Jacob, to Barcosiba, shows that he was

regarded as the Messiah.
doctor
of the
announced
him
colleagues of
**
Akiba, the
E.
law in his time,

as
such.^
is
And
said
to
most
celebrated
have distinctly
though, indeed,
all
the
Akiba did not recognise him, he had the mass
See on the coins generally, Appendix IV. The coins with the star
e.g., in Madden, Coins of the Jews (1881), pp. 239, 244.
are given,
Midrash on Echa ii. 2

Gittin 57 (in Derenbourg, Histoire, pp.
See on Eleasar of Modein Bacher, Die Agada der Tannaiten
(1884), pp. 194-219.
lympn ITybs 'l is frequently referred to in tha
Mechilta. See above, vol. i. p. 209 f.
^''
Ewald, History of Israel, viii. 291 De Saulcy, Revue Num. 186-5, p. 44.
88 See the passage quoted in note 83
also Bacher, Die Agada der
Tannaiten, p. 291 f.
On Akiba generally Div. 11. vol. i. p. 375 f.,
and the literature there referred to.
8^
424, 433.
300

on his
of the people
liad
As
side.
also at this time there
in the days of Vespasian, so
was a widespread idea that the day
come when the old prophecy

and
fulfilled,
Israel
would cast
The Christian legends
the prophets would be
of
that Barcosiba bewitched
the people by deceitful
miracles.*''^*
Messianic character of the movement

for Christians to take part in
own Messiah
revolution
yoke of the Gentiles.
off the
also declare
Just by reason
They could not deny
it.
by recognising the leader of

sucIl
as
Hence
of the
was quite impossible
it
were
they
peculiar violence by the new Messiah,
their
political
tlie
persecuted
with
as Justin Martyr and
Eusebius testify.^
The
subterranean passages afforded
strongholds, castles, caverns,
hiding
Wherever
rebellion spread rapidly over all Palestine.
there
places,
were those who struggled for native
customs and freedom gathered together.

they avoided
An
open
conflict
but from their dens in the mountains they
made devastating raids upon the country, and fought with all
who did not attach themselves to their party . Jerusalem
also
was certainly beset by the
rebels.
many, on the other hand, have raised
is
The doubt which
mainly supported by
*''*
Jerome, adv. Rufin. iii. 21 {Off. ed. Vallarsi, ii. 559). Jerome says
there to his opponent Rufinus that he spits fire " ut ille Barchochabas,
nuctnr seditionis Judaicae, stipulani in ore succeusam anhelitu ventilabat,

lit
flammas evomere putaretiu-."

Justin Martyr, Afol. i. 31
"^
TToyîfia Beppi&xs/B;,
Ka<
ot^j lov^xt'uv
'
yoip iv
ru vvv yiyevnyJuu^ IovZxTk
yrooTciaiCiii ccpx.yjyiTYi':, 'Kpiariocvci/i fôvov;
iig TtfA.upice.g ^stvctg, ii f^vi clpvotvro 'Irjaovv
to Xp/ffTow >ci hata^pyifiohi', iKi'Kiviv
Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schoene, ii. 168 sq. ad. ann. Abr. 2149.
" Qui dux rebellionis Judaeorum erat
According to the Armenian
d.7i;.yto6ctt.
(Jhochebas, multos e Christianis diversis suppliciis afFecit, quia nolebant
cum illo ad pugnam contra Romanos." So, too, the Latin reproduction of Jerome in Schoene, and Syncellus, ed. Dindorf, i. 6G0. Compare
jirocedere
also Orosius, vii. 13.

^
Dio Cassius,
Ixix. 12.
Compare Jerome,
(Eusebius, Chronicon,ed. Schoene,
depopulati
Chronicon, ad ann. Abr. 2148
167): "Judaei in
The Armenian
arma versi Palestiuaiu
Eusebius
Palestinensium terram invasenmt."
sunt."
rebellarunt et
ii.
text
of
has
"
Judae
21.
this, that
(3)
the more trustworthy sources (Dio Cassius and
in
Eusebius' Church History) there
Jerusalem.
generally
the rebels,
strongly fortified
conjecture
by the
name
tion,
city,
down
Simon,
of
TW'Vb,
\\)i]2^,
and on the other
the date " First Year of
first
But
this
first
greatest con-
on the one side
side the superscrip"
the
coins.
period
also
freedom
of
But there are among the

examples which, besides
the freeing of
Israel " or "
the freedom of Israel," bear only the
Second
name Jeru-
These, therefore, have been minted by the city
D^'j'i"!'.
in its
itself
at
In the
camp.
Jeruschalem,
leckeruth
coins belonging to this
salem,
Eoman
to this period, bear
memorated by Simon on the
of
war
Therefore, the freeing of Jerusalem was com-
Jerusalem."
Year
of a
Jerusalem, which was not then a
The coins that with the
coins.^^
obc'l")''
of
but only a
confirmed by twofold testimony.
is
fidence can be set
the
no mention
is
But how unspeakably meagre are these sources

Even upon internal grounds it is probable that
who were at the beginning victorious, should have
made themselves masters
place
301
THE GUEAT REBELLION UNDER HADRIAN.
own name, and hence we
see that this city in the
year as well as in the second was in the hands of the
rebels.
In addition to this witness from the
the contemporary Appian, by
whom,
on, the fact of the reconquest of
declared as a
fact.^"
Whether
as will
coins,
we have
be told farther
Jerusalem by the Eomans
is
during these troubled years of
Appendix IV.
*2 The besieging of Jerusalem by the rebels has been contested, without
any sufficient ground, by Cassel in his article "Juden" in Ersch and
Gruber's Encyclopaedie, sec. ii. Bd. 27, p. 14, and by Jost, Geschichte des
Judenthums, ii. 79, note. Also Eenan declares that it is very improbable,
in the treatise " Jeru.salem a-t-elle ete assiegee et detruite une troisieme fois
sous Adrien?" in Eevue historique, t. ii. 1876, pp. 112-120 = L'e'glise
chre'tienne, 1879, pp. 541-553.
His final judgment is " que I'occupation de
Jerusalem ait ete un Episode court de ladite guerre, cela est strictement
^^
In regard to
tliese see
possible; c'estpeu probable cependant;" see Bevue,
ii.
119 =L'eyiise chre'tienne
Gregorovius, founding upon the coins, holds it as probable that

the rebels gained at least a temporary possession of Jerusalem, but denies
p. 551.
that
it
had been the scene of any regular fighting (Der Kaiser Hadrian,
302
war the rebuilding

that this
was
so,
and the intention
actually have
Late Christians declare
undecided.
left
may
Jewish temple
of the
been begun must be
to carry
on
this
work was
certainly entertained.^'
In regard
When it
When he was
of the
war we know almost
broke out Tineius Eufus was governor of
nothing.
Judea.^
the
rebels,
the progress
to
unable with his troops to crush the

only
not
revolt
importance throughout
increased
dimension
in
and
Palestine, but also spread itself far
all
Unstable and
out beyond the limits of that country.
restless
elements indeed of another sort attached themselves to the
Jewish
was
rebellion, so that at last " the
The
in commotion."
whole world, so to speak,
severest measures were necessary
3 Aufl. pp. 194, 200 f.; Sitzungsberichte der Mnchener Akademie, 1883, pp.
Similarly Selzer, Magazin fiir die Wissenschaft des Judenthuvis^
502-505).
iv. 22 f.
Upon the whole the besieging of Jerusalem by the rebels is
admitted by most, e.g. Deyling, Observationes sacrae, t. v. Lips. 1748, pp.

455-460 (in the dissertation: "Aeliae Capitolinae origines et historia");
Munter, Der jdische Krieg, pp. 56 ff., 69 ff. also Schiller, Geschichte der
rm. Kaiserzeit, i. 612, note Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, v. 545.
32 Chrysstom, Orat. adv. Judaeos, v. 10, speaks of an attempt at the
He endeavours there to
rebuilding of the temple in the time of Hadrian.
;
show that the destruction of the temple had been brouglit about by the
If the Jews had not made the attempt to build again the
will of God.
If we had chosen we might have built it
temple, then they might say
:
again.
Nfî
i'xixiipiioocvTa.i
Julian.
ruu
X.OCT
uvtov;
3s
^n'lcvvfii,
oti
wy, x^,
Georgius Cedrenus, ed. Bekker,
'lofa/iij/
ctvTcJv
oi/oe
aXKa.
5if,
xoti
Kut potyivTec;, namely, under Hadrian, Constantine,
Kxl rov
(!<i:ohpix.
teal
'
IspoaoT^v/noig vocov
yiuouivov
TToTiifôv
437, relates
i.
oix.odou.'?,aciii
f/.iTocîi
rpl;
and
i^' tv arctaiccafjrau
ovT^ridivTuu opyttfiTat
oevu>.iv
ocvtuv
fc|
tu ^fîpct
In the details of his statement this Cedrenus agrees

so exactly with the statement of Chrysostom that it is apparent that he
must have drawn his information either directly from Chrysostom, or else
from the sources which Chrysostom had used. Nicephorus Callistus also,
fii y.vpici.ox: un'
in his Eccles. Hist.
report.
iii.
24 (Migne, Patrol. Grace,
The Chronicon Paschale
Aelia, after the suppression of the revolt,

(ed. Dindorf,
i.
474
Koe.di'huv
t.
cxlv.),
reproduces this
Hadrian at the building of

destroyed the Jewish temple
asserts that
tov uetov ruv
'
lovhctiuv liv tv
'
lepoao'KvfACi;).
Much weight cannot be laid upon any of these witnesses.

'* On the correct form of his name see above, p. 263.
" Dio Cassius, Ixix. 13 'tto-zi; ; ilinlv Kivovjuivm Wl rovr^
:
t^? olxovûivm.
21.
(a)
in order to put an
end
to the uproar.
from other provinces were called in
The
garrison.
^ On.
eccl.
6.
Ixix. 13
By
Large bodies of troops
to strengthen the resident
best generals were commissioned for Palestine.^
the increasing of the strength of the troops
iv.
:
1;
303
Chronicon, ad ann. Abr.
2148.
Eusebius, Hist,
Generals:
Tov; xpotriarovs ruv arpxTyiyuv 6 Aopiocvi;
g^r'
Dio Cassius,
oivrovg tTrt/n^psv.
inscriptions it can be proved tliat the following troops took part in
the war (see Darmesteter, Revue des dvdes juives,

Schiller, Geschichte der rm.
Kaiserzeit,
i.
t.
614, note
1880, pp. 42-49 ;

the facts are very
i.
;
by Gregorovius, Der Kaiser Hadrian, p. 199 (1) The

which from the time of Augustus to that of
Trajan had remained in Egypt, and since the time of Trajan had
incorrectly stated
leg.
III.
Cyrenaica,
formed the garrison of the new province of Arabia (Pfitzner, Geschichte der
rmischen Kaiserlegionen, 1881, p. 227 f ).
A tribune belonging to the
legion was presented "donis militaribus a divo Hadriano ob Judaicam
expeditionem " (Orelli-Henzen, Inscr. Lat. n. 6501 = Corpus Inscr. Lat.
xiv. n. 3610); a centurion of this same legion received "ab imp.
Hadriano corona aurea torquibus armillis phaleris ob bellum Judaicum "
(Orelli, n. 832 = Inscr. Regni Neap. n. 3542 = Corpus Inscr. Lat. t.
X. n. 3733).
(2) The leg. III. Gallica, which probably from the time of
Augustus belonged to the garrison of Syria (see above, p. 50 Marquardt,
Rmische Staatsverwaltung, Bd. ii. 1876, p. 432 ff.; Pfitzner, p. 228 ff.). An
emeritus of this legion was presented " ex voluntate imp. Hadriani Aug.
torquibus et armillis aureis," undoubtedly in connection with the Jewish
war (Orelli, n. 3571). (3) It is also self-evident that the leg. X. Fretensis,
as the resident garrison troops of Judea, would take part in the war.
A
centurion of that legion was presented "ab divo Hadriano ob bellum
Judaicum corona aurea torquibus armillis phaleris " (Bulletin de correspondance helle'nique, 1888, p. 424 sqq. = Revue des dudes juives, t. xvii. 1888, p.
299 sq.). (4) Presumably also the legio VI. Ferrata took part in the war,
for it had previously formed part of the garrison of Syria, and formed from
the time of Hadrian, along with the%. X. Fretensis, the garrison of Judea
t.
257 f ). On the other hand, the co-operation of the

IV. Scythica in this war is highly improbable, although insisted upon
by Darmesteter. See on this point the next note. (5) Of auxiliary
cohorts, of which undoubtedly a great number took part in the war the
inscriptions refer to the coh. IV. Lingonum, the commander of which was
presented " vexillo mil(itari) a divo Hadriano in expeditione Judaica
(Orelli-Henzen, n. 5480 = Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. vi. n. 1523). (6) A
detachment, which took part in the Jewish war, is also mentioned in
Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. vi. n. 3505 " Sex. Attius Senecio praef alae I. Fl.
Gaetulorum, trib. leg. X. Geminae, missus a Divo Hadriano in expeditione
Judaica ad vexilla(tiones deducendas ?)."
It would appear as if this
detachment had been taken from the leg. X. Gernina, which was stationed
(see above, pp. 50,
leg.
304
Even the governor

the aid
of
Syria, Publicius
of
Rufus for the most
rabbinical authorities also, "
enemy
appears the chief
in Pannonia.
(7)
seems that
it
speaks
was accomplished by Rufus.^^
Rufus the Tyrant,"
Jews
the
of
Also the Syrian
command
Roman commander, and
as if the suppression of the revolt
In
But
time retained the supreme
of the
Eusebius names no other
for
Marcellus, hasted to
endangered colleague.^
his
Lad been
fleet
DiD"n djiid,
But
at that time.^
called to give assistance
commander was presented "donis militaribus a

divo Hadriano ob bellum Judaicum " (Orelli-Henzen, n. 6924 = Renier,
{classis Syriaca), for its
Inscriptions
That the
de
fleet
I'Algerie,
3518
n.
Corpus Inscr. Lat.
t.
did actually engage in a bellum Judaeicum
a fragmentary inscription, Corpus Inscr. Lat.

the reference clearly
t.
vi.
the war of Hadrian (so
is to
n.
viii.
is
n. 8934).
also stated in
1565.
Here too
Mommsen, Ephemeris
iii. p. 331).
On an inscription in honour of a certain
Gamala at Ostia, near Rome, mention is made of a helium
which Ostia had contributed a large contingent. Since this
epigraphica,
P. Lucilius
navale, to
Lucilius Gamala, according to another inscription, lived in the times of
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius, it might indeed have been
the Jewish war of Hadrian that he was engaged in. But it is probably the
Marcomanian war of Marcus Aurelius that is intended. See the two inscriptions in the Annali dell' Institiito, 1857, p. 323 sqq. and for their explanation, especially Mommsen, Ephemeris epigraphica, t. iii. 1877, pp. 319-332.
;
^^
Corpus Inscr.
Grace,
4033 and 4034 (the former = Archolog.In both inscrip-
n.
epigraph. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich- Ungarn, ix. 118).
which are almost literal copies of each other, it is told that Ti. (or
Severus was commander of the leg. IV. Scythica, and administered Syria
as commissary when Publicius Marcellus had left Syria on account of the
outbreak of the Jewish revolt(2eov>jj5o .
TiysfiovaTêysZi/oiK 'Sxvdtx.iî noti
tions,
P. ?)
^lOKTirjccvrec
rx
lu '2vpioc. irp.yy.ar, v\vix, TLov'AiKto; M.upx.tX'Kog didrviv Kiuyiaiu
rr,u' louoxtK'/jv /nirxi'/iKii cctto
of the Syrian garrison,
Publicius Marcellus led a portion
'S.vpiot,;).
which consisted
of three legions (Pfitzner, p. 187),
against Judea, while Severus undertook as commissaiy the administration

of Syria, presumably
leg.
still
command
retaining the
The
of his legion.
IV. Scythica therefore probably remained in Syria.
^*
Eusebius, Hist.
eccl.
iv.
6.
ôh^fiov -n
vi)^(^
tj
xupot.i
otvruif
iôcv'hpuTro'htîfîyo:.
^^
Bab.
Taanith 29 in
Schoettgen, Horae hebraicae,

col.
916
D13TI
schrift
347
ff.
(s.v.
pto)
Bacher, Die
fr Geschichte
The
Generally
Derenbourg, Historie, p. 422.
Buxtorf, Lexicon Chaldaicum,
ii. 953-957
Levy,
JVeuhebra'isches
Wrterbuch,
ii.
Agada der Tannaiten, 1884, pp. 294-300

und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1883,
form DIDTI DlillD
is
149,
s.v.
= Monats-
pp. 303 ff.

indeed only a corruption of Tineiua
21.
Dio
from
THE GREAT KEBELLION UNDER HADRIAN".
(s)
whose
Cassius,
on
statements
point
are
we know
that
this
corroborated by the testimony of inscriptions,
305
during the last period of the war Julius Severus, one of the
most distinguished
of
command, and
it
rebellion
conduct
that
in bringing the
He was summoned
from Britain to
an end.
to
and took a considerable time in crushing
this war,
In an open engagement no decisive result was
the revolt.
The
gained.
Hadrian's generals, had the supreme
was he who succeeded
rebels
by one
places one
had
be hunted out of their hiding-
to
and, where they kept concealed in mountain
caverns, they were exhausted
Only
by having their supplies cut
after long continued conflicts
there was great expenditure of
life,
off.
with individuals, in which

did he at last succeed in
harrying, exterminating, and rooting
them out
of the whole
country (^KaraTpl-ât koI ixTpv^waat nal iKKo-ylrai)}^
Where Hadrian was
determined with certainty.
Probably during the
he was himself personally present
had
left
tidings
Syria
seem
to
before
the
presence at the seat of war
ticulars derived
from
is
at the
rebellion
have led hira
rabbinical legends,^" but
the war cannot be
residing during
is
also
to
critical
seat of war.
broke out.
The
return to Judea;
year
He
evil
for his
not only presupposed in the
made probable by some
inscriptions.^"^
There
is
par-
no reference to
Rufus.
In the Jerusalem Talmud the older editions {e.g. that of Cracow)
have in several places, Berachoth ix. fol. 14b from below, Sota v. fol.
20 from below, DISnDlilO, Tunustrufus, where the t between the s and
r seems to have been introduced as a modification in pronunciation, as in
Istrahel, Esdras, and such like forms.
i*^"
Dio Cassius, Ixix. 13. That Julius Severus was recalled from Britain
is shown by an
inscription, C'oiyus Inscr. Led. t. iii. n. 2830, which
gives his entire cursus honorum (see above, p. 263 f.).
^"^ Gittin 57a, in Derenbourg, Histoire,
p. 433 sq.
^"2 Hadrian's presence at the seat of war was
denied, e.g. by Grcgorovius,
Der Kaiser Hadrian^ 3 Aufl. p. 197 but is, on the contrary, maintained
without any detailed proof by Drr, Die lleisen des Kaisers Hadrian,
Monmisen, Km. Geschichte, v. 545 and, on the ground of
1881, p. 65
the rabbinical documents, is assumed by Lebrecht, Bether, p. 37, and
DIV.
I.
VOL.
II.
TUE EOMAN-HEEODIAN AGE.
306
his presence in
Eome
again
till
May
He would
of A.D. 134.'^
return so soon as he had been assured of a successful issue to

the war, without waiting for the completion of the operations.
Dio Cassius
as well as Eusebius is silent regarding the fate
of Jerusalem.
the conflict, as
fications
form the middle point of
It certainly did not
had done in the Vespasian war.
it
Its forti-
Even although the
were quite unimportant.
rebels
had succeeded in driving out the Eoman garrison, the recapture of the city
would have been no very serious undertaking
for a sufficiently strong
Eoman
had been actually taken

stated
by Appian, a contemporary
inasmuch as violent seizure
work
the thoroughgoing
others.
Danuesteter, Revue
is
undoubtedly
after all, as following
was
of Titus, the object arrived at

des
dudes
it
plainly
not conceivable without
is
But
destruction to a certain extent.
is
When Appian
witness.^"*
speaks of a destruction (Karaa-KairTeLv), he

right,
But that
military force.
a violent assault
after
juives,
i.
49-53, and Schiller,
it from
Both seek support for their view from the following
data
(1) One Q. Lollius was " legatus imp. Hadriani in expeditions
Judaica, qua donatus est hasta pura corona aurea " (Orelli-Henzen, n.
6500 = Renier, Inscriptions de I'Algerie, n. 2319 = Corj^. laser. Lat. t. viii.
The expression "legatus imp.," without any particularizing
n. 6706).
Geschiclde der rmischen Kaiserzeit,
i.
613, note, attempt to jirove
the inscriptions.
:
addition, can only be understood as designating a personal adjutant,
who
occupied the position of an immediate attendant upon the emperor. (2)

On an inscription, certainly in a very fragmentary condition, but undoubtedly belonging to the later period of Hadrian's reign, very probably to
A.D.
134 or 135,
it is
said that he " (lab)oribus niax(imis
ho)ste liberaverit" (Orelli-Henzen, n.
5457
rempublicam ab
Corp. Inscr. Lat.
t.
vi. n.
Since the only event occurring in this later period is the Jewish
war, the inscription would seem to refer to Hadrian's active participation
in it.
See Henzen's remarks. According to Schiller, Hadrian's presence
974).
war is made certain from the fact that to Juliue Severus

were awarded only " ornamenta triumphalia," not " supjjlicationes " {Corp.
Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 2830), "he was not therefore commander-in-chief."
1"^ Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 5906.
Drr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian,
at the seat of
p. 33.
"**
Appian, Syr. 50
rv^v f/.eyioT^v irohiv
fêtloi 6 -TrpuTOi A/yt/TTToy xai'hiv;
adshctv xxTiaKoctps, kxI
'
Xipw'/Kvi^cf-
x.ecdi]p>]>cii, Kent
Aopixi/o-, vdii
iv
tfiou.
yiv Boj
xi
TIt'jKi-
OviOTrxaixvo; ccvdi;
oIkI'
21.
(s)
THE GREAT REBELLION UNDER
And, on the other hand, the liomans
comparatively limited.
once they had made themselves masters of the
after
would not go further in the work
of destruction.
necessary in view of their purposed
new
Many Church
cvangelica}^^
maintain
others)
that Hadrian
made an
vi. 18. 10, ed.
and
In the Mishna
Gaisford
the other half of the city,
i.e.
Ab by
it
the
the prophecy
was
fulfilled
of the inliabitants,
out, to 7ôt-ov t^j Troy.sa; /nspog
oivoig iî>.uvuiTi, s s|
'TTo'h.topx.Yidii)
the
standing after
Vif/.iGV tvis ttoTîco; iu a.lxfôc'ûoief.,
was besieged in Hadrian's time and driven

'ijiîav
left
was run over on the 9th
Eusebius, Demonstratio evangel,
of Zech. xiv. 2, llgXei/asT/ to
in the time of Vespasian
destroyed
they really only mean
this
city in its place.'"*
related that Jerusalem

^^^
By
still
utter end of the old Jewish city,
new heathen
erected a
in his Demonstratio
completely
remnants of the old city which were

the destruction by Titus.
This was
Fathers (Chrysostom, Jerome, and
Hadrian
that
city,
building of Aelia.
assumed by Eusebius
siege of the city is
is
307
FIADRIAN.
tKiluov
x.ect
iig
'hti/po
'^.(A.'Trat.v
Eusebius therefore does not speak of

the destruction of the city, but only of the driving forth of the Jewish
population after a siege had been conducted against the city.
106 Chrysostom, Adv. Judaeos, v. 11
rd "hili^xvoi. .(pxviaxg itctv-za..Cedren. ed. Bekker, i. 437
x.a.\ tx fciv t^xT^xix 'AHtpxyx Tjjf nrij'hiui kxI
ix.j3oi.Tov
xvTolg yiviaSxi to tottov.
7CU vxov
hist. iii.
x.UTif'ii'Truaag
24
ipifTTuaut
oax ys
vixv
xri^'.t
f<.v}u
'
lipovaxK'î^.
Kicephorus,
Tri ivoKiL Trspiiii(pdri rijg Ix,
'nruvTuvxatv
Callist.
Ecd.
izcchxi oikoOo^^; "hiiiLxv
Hieronynius,
Comrii. in Jes. i. 5
Vespasianuni et ultiniani
eversionem Jerusalem sub Aelio Hadriano usque ad praesens tempus
nullum remedium est." Id^m, in Jer. xxxi. 15 (Vallarsi, iv. 1065) "sub
Hadriano, quando et urbs Jerusalem subversa est." Idem, in Ezek. c. 5
" post quinquaginta annos sub Aelio Hadriano usque
(Vallarsi, v. 49)
ad solum incensa civitas atque deleta est ita ut pristinum quoque noinen
amiserit."
Idem, in Ezek. c. 24 (Vallarsi, v. 277): "post quinquaginta
annos sub Hadriano civitas aeterno igne consumta est." Idem, in Dan.
Idem, in Joel. i. 4 (Vallarsi, vi. 171) " Aelii
c. 9 fin. (Vallarsi, v. 696).
quoque Hadriani contra Judaeos expeditionem legimus, qui ita Jerusalem
kolI
(Opp. ed. Vallarsi,
iv.
15)
.(^vlaxi.
:
" post
Titum
et
murosque
subvertit, ut de urbis reliquiis ac favillis sui
nominis Aeliam
" usque
14 (Vallarsi, vi. 622)
ad extremas ruinas Hadriani eos perduxit obsidio."
Idem, in Zech.
viii. 19 (Vallarsi, vi. 852).
Idem, in Zech. xi. 4, 5 (Vallarsi, vi. 885).
Passages from other writers on Church history are given in Munter
pp. 69-71.
conderet civitatem."
Idem, in Hab.
ii.
308
By
plough.
is
In the Babylonian Talmud and by Jerome
meant.
deed
is
the context shows, the time of Hadrian
Ulis, as
ascribed to Rufus
ploughing of the
city,
short statement in the
What
but of the
Mishna
ceremony would
this
the destruction, but the
tliivS
only they both speak, not of a
is
site of
The
the temple.'"'
specially deserving of notice.
signify,
new founding
however, would
;
and the incident must
The
therefore be placed before the outbreak of the revolt/"^

story of
tlie
conquest of Jerusalem by Hadrian as told in the
Samaritan chronicle
107
Mislma,
not
be,
Taanith
is
iv.
wholly fabulous.
6,
enumerates
'"'*
five
unfortunate
events
as
liappening on 17th Tliaramuz, and five unfortunate events as happening
on 9tli Ab. In reference to tlie latter it is said " On 9th Ab sentence

was pronounced upon our forefathers that they should enter into the
country, and the temple was on the first occasion and on the second
occasion destroyed, and Beth-ther was conquered and Jerusalem levelled
down with the plough " ("Tiyn nti'inj)- The Babylonian Talmud, bab.
Taanith 29a (Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 422), relates more particularly that
it was the " turannus Ilufus " (dISI"! DJII) who caused the plough to
:
pass over the site of the temple
whole passage
is
(it is
there called p^Tin, not
T'i'H).
The
to be found quoted almost literally in Jerome,
who
expressly refers for authority to the Jewish tradition ("cogimur igitur
ad Habraeos recurrere"), ad Zechar. viii. 19, 0pp. ed. Vallarsi, vi. 852:
" In quinto mense, qui apud Latinos appcllatur Augustus, quum propter
exploratores terrae sauctae seditio orta esset in populo,
non
jiissi
sunt
montem
ascendere, sed per quadraginta annos longis ad terram sanctam
exceptis duobus, Caleb et Josue, onmes iu

In hoc mense et a Nabuchodonosor et multa post
saecula a Tito et Vespasiano templum Jerosolymis incensum est atque
destructum
capta urbs Bethel [1. Bcthfr], ad quam multa millia
aratum templum in ignoiinniam gentis opconfugerant Judaeorum
pressae a T. Annio [1. Tinnio] Eufo."
1*"*
That the plough should have been driven over Jerusalem as a sign
of devastation and utter ruin is not probable, since, indeed, the building
of a new city was contemplated. But this act may indeed have been
performed at the beginning of the founding of the new city as a ceremony
of initiation.
The ceremonial act would be in either case the same see
Servius on Virgil. Aeneid, iv. 212 "cum conderetur nova civitas, aratrum
adhibitum, ut eodem ritu quo condita subvertatur." An exact description
of the ceremony is given in a passage from Varro quoted by Servius on
circuire
dispcndiis,
ut
solitudine cadurcnt.
Virgil. Aeneid, v. 755.

^''''
Chronicon Samaritanum, Arabice conscriptum, cui titulus
est
Liber
21.
The
(s)
THE GREAT REBELLION UNDER HADRLVN.
last hiding-place of
strong mountain
the
309
Bar-Cocliba and his followers was
fastness
of
Beth-ther,'^**
according to
Eusebius not very far from Jerusalem, probably on the
modern
of the
site
hours south-west of Jerusalem.^^^
Bettir, three
Josuae, ed. Juynboll (Lugd. Bat. 1848), p. 47.
The
hopes which Miinter
entertained from the publication of this chronicle have not been realized.
The name
given by Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 6, as Bidnp

some manuscripts, BiSdnp, B-/)ddnp i)i
Rufinus, Bethar.
In the Jerusalem Talmud, Tcumith iv. fob 68 '^-69'^,
where the name occurs frequently, it is almost constantly -inri*3, only
very rarely -in''3.
In the Mishna, Taanith iv. G, the Cambridge and
Hamburg manuscripts have inn''3 the editio princeps and cod. de Rossi,
ii<^
of the city
is
(accus. Bt^dripx), or according to
a Berlin manuscript, ina. The correct form is undoubtedly

On tlie ground of the common printed text of the
"inn^3, Beth-ther.
Mishna it is generally assumed that our Beth-ther is also referred to in
138,
-\T]^2
Challa
iv.
But, according to the context, the place there intended
10.
beyond the borders of the land of Israel, and the correct reading
there is ~nn''"'a, Be-jittur.
In other passages also, where it has been
thought that our place was referred to, this is found to be extremely
questionable.
Thus in Josephus, JFars of the Jens, iv. 8. 1, where a
A'illage, Bvjroipt;, is mentioned as "in the midst of Idumea."
We may
also compare Bmid-zip, which, according to some manuscripts of the Septuagint text of Josh. xv. 59, is named among the cities of Judah in the
neighbourhood of Bethlehem {cod. Vaticamis has Qidvip, but Alexandrinus,
so also read Jerome, Gomm. in Micham, v. 2, 0pp. ed. Vallarsi,
Becidvip
Also Boiiddiip, which the text of the cod. Alex. 1 Chron. vi. 59
vi. 490).
(vi. 44), names besides Beth-shemesh.
In the passage in the Song of
Songs ii. 17, "inzi is not Nomen proprium but appeUatimtm. On Bethar,
lies
south of Caesarea, see the next note.

^'*
In determining the
astray by adopting a
site
many have
wrong point
of view.
allowed themselves to be led

In the Itinerarium Antonini,
and by the Pilgrim of Bordeaux, a Bethar is spoken about south of

Caesarea on the road to Lydda
and the rabbinical legends tell how
;
that the blood of those slain in Beth-ther rolled

of rock until
it
flowed into the sea
{jer.
away
Taanith
iv.
witli it great
fol.
masses
69" from above,
text in Lebrecht, Bether, p. 45

French in Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 434
German in Wnsche, Der jerusalemische Talmud, 1880, p. 159). On the
;
many have assumed that it lay in the neigh boui'and was identical with that Bethar. But whoever will
follow the rabbinical legend must follow it out fully. Now it expressly
states that the blood flowed from Beth-ther into the sea, although Bethther was forty mil. pass, from the coast. See Derenbourg's and Wnsche's
iiunslatious of the jer. Taanith iv. fol. 69^*
Only by later writers, who
found the statement too absurd, has the distance been reduced to four or
l)asis
of these statements
liood of the coast,
After a long and stubborn defence this stronghold was also
conquered in the eighteenth year of Hadrian
= A.D.
134-135/'"'
according to rabbinical calculation on the 9th Ab.^^^
In the
Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 434, note 4). That Betliar of

cannot therefore be identified with our Beth-ther, because
it lay in a predominantly heathen district, and on the plain, and was
therefore certainly not an important military post in the Jewish war.
The only certain point of view for determining the site is that offered by
the statement of Eusebius, that it was not far from Jerusalem (Hist,
one
inil. j^nss. (see
tlie Itineraries
eccl.
iv.
6: ruw' lipoaoXviauv
It is accordingly
ov a(p6ooot, -Tioppu oisdTuoct).
modern Bettir, some

three hours south-west of Jerusalem. A steeji ridge, which only in the
south joins the mountain range, there breaks into the valley. The place
is therefore admirably fitted for a stronghold, and indeed traces of an
scarcely to be doubted that
early fortress are
the distance
Talmud
is
still
it
to be
identical with the
is
Finally, from this to the sea
found there.
just about forty mil. pass., as mentioned in the Jerusalem
as the
crow
flies,
The
thirty-one.
identity of this locality with
Ritter, Erdkunde.
Beth-ther has therefore been rightly accepted by
Tobler, Dritte
Williams, The Holy City, i. 209 - 213
xvi. 428 f.
Guerin, Jude'e,
Wanderung nach Palstina (1859), pp. 101 - 105
:
647-650
Renan, Les ^vangiles,

202 sq.
Derenbourg,
The
Me'langes publies par Ve'cole des hautes etudes, 1878, pp. 160-165
Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs by Conder and Kitchener, iii. 20, and
with it Sheet xvii. of the large English Map. The identity with Bethar
ii.
387-395
1877,
Sepp, Jerusalem, 2 Aufl.
26-29
pp.
L'^glise
i.
chretienne,
1879, p.
maintained by
Cassel in Ersch and Gruber'.s
Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, iv. 156
Encyclopaedie, sec. ii. Bd. 27, p. 14
Ewald, History of Israel, viii. 290 Gttingen gel. Anzeiger, 1868, p. 2030 ff.
Herzfeld in
Yet otlierwise
Gregorovius, Hadrian, pp. 191, 202 f.
Frank el's Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums,
Robinson, Biblical Researches
1856, pp. 105-107 (= Betaris in Idumea)
in Palestine, iii. 270 (identifies it with Bethel) Neubauer, Gtfographie du
Talmud, pp. 103-114 (= Beth-shemesh, but as he identifies this with the
south of Caesarea
is
modern Bettir he is so
im hadrianisch-jiidischen
far correct)
Lebrecht, Bether, die fragliche Stadt
= Vetera ! !, by which title

Hamhave been designated
!)
burger, Pieal - Encyclopaedie, article "Bethar" (in general correct but
" on the mountains of Judea ").
Material on Beth-ther is also
indefinite
Lightfoot, Centuria
to be found in Buxtorf, Lexicon Chaldaicum, s.v. ~iri3
Matthaeo praemissa, c. 52 (Opp. ii. 208 sq.).
Kriege, 1877 (Bether
the old castle of Sepphoris
is
said to
^12
Eusebius, Hist.
eccl. iv. 6.
Mishna, Taanith iv. 6, and Jerome, Comm. in Zech. viii. 19, Opp. ed.
Vallarsi, vi. 852 (see the passage quoted in note 107). If we could give
any credence still to this tradition it might be understood of Ab of the
1^3
(s)
21.
311
Back of the city they found Bar-Cochba, " the originator of all
the
mad
We
fanaticism which had called
down
have absolutely no information
conquest.
The rabbinical legends
about this struggle
tell
the punishment."^^*
about
all
the
siege
manner
but these productions of the wildest
fancy do not deserve even once to be mentioned.

point alone
fall of
may
and
of stories
This one
perhaps deserve to be repeated, that before the
the city E. Eleasar, the uncle of Bar-Cochba,
is
said to
have been slain by his nephew because he falsely suspected
him
With the
after
come
of having
fall of
to
an understanding with the Eomans.-^^^
Beth-ther the war was brought to a close,
having continued for somewhere about three years and
a half, A.D. 132-135.^^^
During the course
of
it
also
many
year 135 for the war was probably carried on into that year. The years
of Hadrian's reign ran from 11th August to 11th August (Spartiau,
;
Hadrian,
^'^
c. 4).
The 9th Ab would correspond
Eusebius, Hist.
to the
end of July.
eccl. iv. 6.
The legends about the fall of Beth-ther are found principally inêr,
iv. fol. GS'' -69* (German in Wnsche, Der jerusalemische Talmud,
1880, pp. 157-160), and Midrash, Echa rabbathi c. ii. (German in
Wnsche, Der Midrasch Echa rabbathi 1881, pp. 100-102). The texts are
1'^
Taanith
by Lebrecht,
collected
see Lebrecht, p. 20
Bether, p.
The
44
fF.
On
their relation to one another,
story of the death of Eleasar
is given also in
Derenbonrg, Histoire, p. 433 sq.
In the description of the fearful
massacre which the Romans perpetrated, the rabbinical legends use the
same hyperbole which the author of the Book of Revelation also
employs that the blood reached up on the horses as far as the nostrils
(Apoc. xiv. 20
up to the horses' bridles, xP' '^^^ xoLKtvliv rav
'iTT-TTuv).
Even Lightibot and Wetstein have called attention, in their
notes on Rev. xiv. 20, to the parallel between that passage and jer.
Taanith 69* and Midrash, Echa rabbathi, c. ii.
^'^ That "the government of Barcosiba" lasted three and
a half years
is stated in Seder Olam (in Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 413
S3"'T13 p nisbÔ
f.
the reading three and a half is certainly the correct

nvriDI U^'Û vh'^
one ; see Salzer, Magazin fr die Wissenschaft des Jxidenthums, iv. 1877,
;
Jerome also mentions it as the opinion of some Hebraei

week year of Daniel (Dan. ix. 27) covers the period of
Vespasian and of Hadrian (Comm. in Daniel 9 fin. = 0pp. ed. Vallarsi,
" tres autem anni et sex menses sub Hadriano supputantur,
v. 696
quando Jerusalem omnino subversa est et Judaeorum gens catervatim
caesa "). In the Jerusalem Talmud the three and a half years are mentioned
pp. 141-144).
that the last
312
THE KOMAX-IIERODIAN AGE.
Kabbis
glorified
died
martyr's
death.
The
later
have
legends
by poetic amplification and exaggeration especially
the death of ten such martyrs,
among them
as the period of the siege of Beth-ther(jer. Taanith
Wnsche,
that of R. Akiba.^^"
iv. fol. 08"*
in Lehreclit,
158) in the Midrash, Echa rabbathi, three and

a half years are assigned to Vespasian's siege of Jerusalem and three and a
Befher, p.
44
p.
half years to Hadrian's siege of Beth-ther (Derenbourg, Histoire, p. 431).

Although these witnesses do not carry any great weight, they are correct
war lasted about three and a lialf years. Later documents confound the continuance of the siege of Beth-ther with the continuance of the war. That the beginning is to be placed in a.D. 132 has
been shown above in p. 297.
The end is to be placed, according to
Eusebius, Hist. eccl. iv. 6, in the eighteentb year of Hadrian = a.D.
134-135, and, indeed, in 135 rather than 134.
For on inscriptions of
the year 134 Hadrian does not yet bear the title {Imp)erator II.,
Avhich was given him in consequence of the Jewish war.
The war was
therefore then not yet ended (comp, note 118).
It is singularly perverse
on the part of Jewish scholars like Cassel (Ersch and Gruber's Encyuopaedie, art. "Juden," p. 14 f.), Herzfeld {Monatsschrift, 1856, pp. 107-111),
and Bodek {M. Aurelius Antoninus, 1868, pp. 50-54), in opposition to all
certain data, to set the fall of Beth-ther some ten years earlier
Cassel
and Herzfeld in A.D. 122, and Bodek in A.D. 125. In this they follow tlie
Jerusalem Talmud, which places the conquest of Beth-ther fifty-two years
after the destruction of Jerusalem {jer. Taanith iv. fol. 69^^
"lOix ''DV 'l
tripDH nn pin -inxb inn'-n n:^'y n:::^ n^wyî D''L'>on on nti'j;="to spend,
continue in existence," as in Eccles. vi. 12, see Salzer, Magazin, iii. 175 f.).
This statement has arisen out of a confusion between the war of Hadrian
and that of Vespasian (see above, note 56). The error here is improved in
the course of being repeated by Jerome in epist. ad Dardanum, c. 7
(Vallarsi, i. 974): "deinde civitatis usque ad Hadrianum principem per
quinquaginta annos raansere reliquiae." Idem, Comm. in Jes. c. 6 s. fin.
" quando post annos ferme quinquaginta Hadrianus
(Vallarsi, iv. 100)
in saying that the
Judaeam penitus fuerit depraedatus." Idem, Comm. in

Idem, Comm. in Ezech. c. 24 (Vallarsi, v. 277)
Ezech. c. 5 (Vallarsi, v. 49).
The authority also
the last two passages are quoted above in note 106.
of the Chronicon Faschale, which places the war of Hadrian in the year
venerit et terrain
119
(ed.
Dindorf,
i.
474), is not of such a
override all other witnesses.

Seder Clam, that the
war of Quietus.
On
war
kind that
Essentially correct
is
its
statement can
the statement of the
of Bencosiba occurred sixteen years after the
the correct reading see Salzer, Magazin fr die
Wissenschaft des Judenthums, iv. 141-144.
"' According to the bab. Berachoth 6P, R. Akiba was put to a martyr's
death by torture, his flesh being torn from his body with iron combs.
But during his sufferings he prayed the Shema, and while he, proceeding
21.
(s)
In honour of
the victory Hadrian was
second time as Imperator}^^
ornamenta trium'jjhalia
Julius
greeted for the
Severus received the
and men were given the
to officers
313
with the repetition of it, lingered long over the word Echad (Deut. vi. 4),
he breathed out his spirit.
Then there sounded forth a Bath Kol,
a voice from heaven, saying: "Blessed art thou, R. Akiba, that thy soul
departed with 'Echad.'" Elsewhere also in the older Midrash literature,
and in the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmud, casual reference is made
The gathering together of
to the martyr death of this and that rabbi.
ten martyrs, on the other hand, makes its appearance first in the MidJellinek, Midrasch Ele EsJcera,
rashira of the post - Talmudic period.
edited for the first time, according to a manuscript of the Hamburg City
Library, with dissertations, 1853, and in Bet ha-Midrasch, Bd. ii. 64-72
Compare further Zunz, Die gottesand vi. 19-35, gives some texts.
dienstlichen Vortrge der Juden, p. 142
Grtz in tlie Monatsschrift fr
Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1851 - 1852, pp. 307-322
Mobius, Midrasch Ele Eskera, die Sage
Geschichte der Juden, iv. 175
von den zehn Mrtyrern, metrisch bersetzt, 1854
Hambuiger, lieal-Encyclojjaedie fr Bibel und Tahmid, Supplep. 436
mentalband, i. (1886) pp. 155-158, art. "Zehn Mrtyrer" (this last the
Bibliographical hints are also given in
relatively best statement).
fi".
Steinschneider, Catalog,
librorum hebr. in
Biblioth.
Bodl.
col.
585,
n.
3730-3733.
^^8
In this designation of Hadrian the
title Im'p{erator) II. is
wanting
in two military diplomas which are dated 2nd April and 15th September
A.D.
134 {Corp.
the latter
also,
t. iii. pp. 877 and 878, Dij)l. xxxiv.

Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. x. n. 7855).
Also, it is
Inscr. Lat.
other inscriptions of A.D.
Regni Neapol.
decisive
is
n.
5771
134 {Corp.
Inscr.
Corp. Inscr. Lat.
t.
Lat.
ix.
t,
vi.
n. 4359).
and xxxv.
wanting on
;
973,
n.
Inscr.
Particularly
the witness of the military diplomas, which in the designatory
Even
from A.D. 135 {Hadr. trib. pot.

had not been proved.
But
perhaps certain inscription- fragments, on which the number xix. and the
letters teru are found, should be expanded into Hadr. trib. pot. xix,
imp. iterum (so Hbner, Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. ii. n. 478). The title Imp.
clauses are usually
xix.)
up
most
precise.
to a very recent period the title
demonstralde for a.D. 136 {Hadr. trib. pot. xx.) see Orelli,
Inscr. Lat. n. 813 and 2286 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. vi. n. 975 and 976
also on an inscription which bears this date {Hadr. trib. put. xx.), but
belongs probably to the very beginning of that year, namely, December
II. is certainly
t. xiv. n. 3577 = 4235 (the tribunicial year

began then in December).
Hadrian therefore received the title Imp.
II. in A.D. 135, undoubtedly in consequence of the successful ending of
the Jewish war.
Compare Darmesteter, Eevue des etudes juives, i. 53 ;
A.D. 135, Corp. Inscr. Lat.
Schiller, Geschichte der rm. Kaiserzeit,
i.
614, note
4.
314
The victory was won indeed
customary rewards.^*^
heavy
So great were the
cost.
letter to the
army were
well."
than this direct loss of
men was
and populous province.
" All
985
llfty fortresses,
villages
in battle, while the
wounds
their
to
Hadrian in his
losses that
Senate omitted the usual introductory formula,
that " he and the
(?) fell
at a very
and
more grievous
Still
the desolation of the fruitful
Judea was well-nigh a
desert."
were destroyed, 580,000 Jews
number
to
^^^
famine
who succumbed
of those
was never
reckoned.^'^
Innumerable was the multitude of those who were sold

away as slaves. At the annual market at the Terebinth of
Hebron they were offered for sale in such numbers that a
Jewish slave was of no more value than a horse.
What
could not be disposed of there was brought to Gaza and there
way
sold or sent to Egypt, on the
to
which many died of
hunger or by shipwreck.^^'
^^^
On
Julius Severus, see Corp. Inscr. Lat.
iii.
t.
n.
2830
" Huic
senatus auctore imperatore Trajano Hadriano Au;^'usto ornamenta
probably the
Em.
last
Staatsrecht,
upon
i.
notes 96 and 102.
378.
whom
On
The
this
triuiii-
Julius Severus was
phalia decrevit ob res in Judea prospere gestas."
honour was bestowed.
See Mominsen,
the rewards of officers and men, see above,
coin with the inscription exercitus Judaicus
is
memorial coin,
by which it was intended to recognise the services rendered by the army
in the war.
For there are many similar coins in provinces in which
during the time of Hadrian no war had been carried on (Eckhel, Doctr.
Num. vi. 486 sqq.
Cohen, M^dailles imperiales, ed. 2, t. ii. 1882,
It is given by
Besides, its very existence is questionable.
p. 153 sqq.).
Eckhel after older authorities, but is now no longer demonstrable (Eenan,
not
as, e.g.,
Gratz, Geschichte der Juden,
iv.
64, supposes, a
Cohen therefore has not reckoned it.

Dio Cassius, Ixix. 14. Comp. Fronto, De hello Parthico, s. init. (ed.
Mai, 1823, p. 200 = Frontonis epistulae, ed. Naber, 1867, p. 217 sq.):
" Quid 1 avo vestro Hadriano imperium optinente quantum militum a
Judaeis, quantum ab Britannis caesura ?"
^^^ Dio Cassius, liix. 14.
^-2 Jerome, ad Zechar. xi. 5 (Vallarsi, vi.
ad Jerem. xxxi. 15
885)
LVglise chretienne, p. 209, note).
^-
(Vallarsi, iv.
1065)
Chronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf,
passage in Munter, pp. 85

Wars of the Jews, iv. 9. 7.
f.,
113.
On
the terebinth at
i.
474.
Hebron
See the
Josephus,
With
315
THE GREAT IlEBELLION UNUER HADRIAN.
(s)
21.
now
respect to the capital Jerusalem, that was
pro-
ceeded with which had been projected before the war
was converted into a Eoman

In
Capitolina.^^^
order
were
driven
and
out,
territory of the city
he was put to
founded
city
Cap(itolina)
'2^
heathen
their
in
settled
thereafter
enter
to
designate
Compare on the founding
name
official
on the
given
writers
The
death.'"^
is
colonists
allowed
purely
the
residing there
still
the
any one should be discovered there
if
permanent
Jews
the
city,
No Jew was
stead.'^*
make
to
heathen character of the
it
name Aelia
colony with the
coins
of the newly-
Ael(ia)
Col{onia)
as
in their works, as a rule,
it
of Aelia
generally: Deyling, "Aeliae
Capitolinae origines et historia" {Observationes sacrae P. V., Lips. 1748, pp.

Munter, l)er jdische Krieg, p. 87 ff. Smith, Dictionary of
433-490)
;
Greek and
Eoman
Geography,
Verfassung des rm. Reichs,
223-226
30,
Capitolina
"
ii.
ii.
27
357
Kuhn, Die
ff.
Renan,
stdtische
und
brgerliche
L'e'glise chretienne,
pp. 21-
Gregorovius, " Die
Grndung der rmischen Colonie Aelia

der philos. - philol. und hist. Classe der
(Sitzungsberichte
Mnchener Akademie, 1883, pp. 477-508) Der Kaiser Hadrian, 3 Aufl.

1884 pp. 209-216.
^2* Die Cassius, Ixix. 12
Eusebiup, Hist. eccl. iv. 6 Demonstratio
The latter passage is quoted above
evangelica, vi. 18. 10, ed. Gaisford.
;
in note 105.
^^^ Justin,
etvrri
Malalas, ed. Dindorf, p. 279.

Apologia,
yivriTXi, Kt
uptoroit,
i.
dxi/aro;
47
dxpiuc (TTiaTxads.
in Eusebius, Hist.
Uô; (comp, on
eccl.
Dialog,
iv.
Aristo, vol.
" de longinquo
cam
i.
(pv'Aotaairxi
Ss
ort
Kurd too
C<p'
via,uv oVojj firion; if
)curx7^c<.iaoe.!/of<,ipov
c.
; uv
Trijpho,
fiino'
pp. 69-72).
c.
16
'lovlxiov ihiovro;
92.
s^ xtotttov
Aristo of Pella
6s'j>poiiv
ro 'ttxtdôv
Tertullian, Adv. Judaeos,
c.
tantum videre permissum est," seems

to be a conscious modification of the words of Aristo for the purpose of
harmonizing them with Isa. xxxiii. 17. See Grsihe, Spicilegium patr. ii.
13
init. :
oculis
Routh, Reliquiae sacrae, i. 104 sq.

131 sq.
conceditur;" Eusebius, Demonstratio evangel,
:
Eusebius, Chronicon, %&. Schoene,
ii.
168,
atZ.
" saltim vestigio salutare

vi.
18.
10,
ann. Abr. 2151
ed.
;
Gaisford;
according to
Armenian: "ex hoc inde tempore etiam ascendere Hierosolyniam

omnino prohibit! sunt primum Dei voluntate, deinde Romanoruin
inandato;" Jerome, Comm. in Is. vi. 11 sqq., ed. Vallarsi, iv. 100; in
Jerem. xviii, 15, ed, Vallarsi, iv. 971: "nullus Judaeorum terrani
Quondam et urbem sanctam ingredi lege permittitur " in Dan. ix. fin.,
the
ed.
Vallarsi, v.
696
passages are given
" ut Judaeae
by Renan,
quoque finibus pelk-rentur."
L'eglise chretienne, p. 221, note
1.
Other
only
Ac'lia.''*
but
it
was that of a Roman colony,
Its constitution
had
not
supposed that
it
the jus Italicum}'^''
to
SwSe/cuTrvXov
KBpav}'^^
to
Dio Cassius,
Ixix.
v. 16.
8 and
viii. 20. 18,
cases Ai'Aia. KctTttru'Kicig.
Hadrian
It
tlie
the
been
Num.
iii.
441-443
Kai
rrjv
The
and Tabula
Aelia Capitolina. In
1.
6,
text has in both
after the family
Capitolina after the Capitoline Jupiter.
in Eckhel, Dodr.
to
to
engraved.-^^^
15.
1.
name in full,
common printed
was called Aelia
kuI
Kai
toward Bethlehem
city
Ulpian, Digest.
Peuting. (Helya Capitolina) gives
Ptolemy,
avaad/xol
of the
said to have
is
12
buildings.
Srjfia-ia
rerpauv/Kpov
to
6vo[xai^[xevov
irpXv
At the south gate
the figure of a swine

^26
Kai
rpiKcifiapov
ra hvo
Le
readily
want beautiful and useful
did not
The Chronicon Paschale mentions

Oearpov Kai
may
It
The
name
of
coins are given
Mionnet, Description de MMailles
antiques, v. 516-522, Supplem. viii. 360, 363
De
Saulcy, Becherches sur la
Numismatique judai'que', pp. 171-187 Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik, ii.

68-73 Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp. 211-231 Reichardt in
the Wiener Numismat. Zeitschrift, Jahrg. i. 1869, pp. 79-88
Kenner,
Die Mnzsammlung des Stifles St. Florian in Uber-Oesterreich, 1871 De
Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, 1874, pp. 83-109
Madden,
Numismatic Chronicle, 1876, pp. 55-68 Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881,
pp. 247-275, where the material is given most fully.
^-' Ulpian,
Digest. 1. 15. 1. 6: "In Palestina duae fuerunt coloniae,
;
Caesariensis et Aelia Capitolina, sed neutra jus Italicum habet."
Digest
1.
15. 8. 7
similes his (namely, like the Caesariens
Paulus,
who had
not
memorial inscription
which the courts of the colony set up in honour of Antoninus Pius is
given by De Saulcy, Voyage atojir de la mer morte, ii. 204, with atlas, pi.
xxiv. n. 6 = Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions, iii. 2, n. 1895 = Corpus
" Tito Ael(io) Hadriano Antonino Aug. Pio P.
Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 116
P. pontif(ici) Augur(i) d(ecreto) d'ecurionum).
Compare also Marquardt,
Jimische Staatsverwaltung, i. 2 Au. 1881, p. 428.
The coins of the colony
extend down to Valerian (a.D. 253-260). According to the Chronicon
Paschale, ed. Dindorf, i. 474, the city was divided into seven districts
x,]
the h\\\ jus Italicum) Capitulenses
esse videntur.
ifiipiaiv Tviv
'Tzohtv il;
ivrci if^^hot, kxI iarnaiv vdpvovs Ihiovg ^(faopxoci
xcci tKcc7T'f> df.c(ôop)(,ti ocTrivfifiiv ,u(podou.

'^'^
Chronicon Paschale, ed. Dindorf, i. 474.

Jerome, Chronicon, ad. ann. Abr. 2152 (Eusebius, Chronicon, ed.
Schoene, ii. 169) "Aelia ab Aelio Hadriano condita, et in fronte ejus
^-^
portae qua Bethleem
egredimur sus scalptus in marmore significans

Romanae potestati subjacere Judaeos." The figure of the swine was found
also upon a coin of the leg. X. Pratensis discovered in Jerusalem, which
De Saulcy has published {Eevue archeologiquc, nouv. serie, t. xx. 1869, pj).
chief religious worship in the city
whom
Jupiter, to
former Jewisli
was that of the Capitoline
was erected on the
a temple
would
It
temple.^^*'
On
site
of the
seem that
also
in
it
which Christian writers
there was the statue of Hadrian of

speak.^^^
317
(s)
21.
the coins, as deities of the city, besides Jupiter
are mentioned
Bacchus, Serapis, Astarte, the Dioscuri.
sanctuary of Aphrodite (Astarte) stood on the place where,

according to the Christian tradition, the sepulchre of Christ
had been
^^^
;
Jupiter on
Venus on
according to another version, a sanctuary of
or,
the
site
the
of
sepulchre,
and a sanctuary of
the site of the cross of Christ.^^^
251-260, and
De
Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, p. 83
sq., pi.
Compare generally on figures of animals on the coins of

the legions Domaszewski, Die Fahnen im rmischen Heere, 1885, pp.
n.
V.
3).
54-56.
13"
Die Cassias,
Ixix.
12.
The
figure of Jupiter often occurs
on the
coins of Aelia.
li
Jerome, Comm. in
templum
Jes.
ii.
9 (Vallarsi,
iv.
Hadiiana statua
37)
" ubi
quondam
erat
idolum collocatum
" potest autem
Idem, Comm. in Matt. xxiv. 15 (Vallars-i, vii. 194)
est."
simpliciter aut de Antichristo accipi aut de imagine Caesaris, quam
Pilatus posuit in templo, aut de Hadriana equestri statua quae in ipso
sancto sanctorum loco usque in praesontem diem stetit." Since, according
to this, the statue of Hadrian stood on the site of the Jewish temple,
where, according to Dio Cassius, the temple to Jupiter was erected, and
since it is mentioned by Jerome in the former passage along with the
figure of Jupiter, it must have stood in the temple of Jupiter.
Compare
et religio dei, ibi
et Jovis
also,
Chrysostom, Orat. adv. Judaeos, v. 11 Cedrenus, ed. Bekker, i. 438

TO sxvTou ii'ou'Kov iv ru va.u)
Nicephorus Callistus, Feel. Hist. iii.
The Pilgrim of Bordeaux speaks of two statues of Hadrian {Palucdinae
;
{aT-/,(Tu;
24.
descriptiones, ed. Tobler, p.

132
"sunt
Eusebius, vita Constantini,
iii.
caused a church to be built on that
ibi et statuae
26.
duae Hadiiani").
Constantine,
it is
well
known
According to the later legend

which to Eusebius was still unknown, the cross of Christ was found upon
the excavation of the sepulchre in its neighbourhood (Socrates, Hist. eccl.
Sozomenus, Hist. eccl. ii. 1, and others. Compare Holder, Inventio
i. 17
sanctae crucis, 1889
Nestle, De sancta cruce, 1889).
^'^^
Jerome, Epist. 58 ad Paulinum, c. 3 (Vallarsi, i. 321) "Ab Hadriani
teniporibus usque ad Imperium Constantini per annos circiter centum
octoginta in loco resurrectionis simulacrum Jovis, in crucis rupe statua
site.
ex marmore Veneris a gentibus posita colebatur."
The
difference of
318
The complete ethnicizing

accomplishment
of
which previously Antiochus
Epiphanes had in vain attempted.

enactments of
the
Hadrian
In another respect also
were similar
The prohibition
former attempt.
was the actual
of Jerusalem
scheme
those of
to
of circumcision,
the
which had
been issued probably even before the war, and was directed
not specially against the Jews (see above,
doubt
without
continued
in
292), was
was
It
force.
p.
only
now
under
Antoninus Pius that the Jews were again allowed to circumcise their children (see above, p.
which certainly
refers
to
The Jewish
292).
prohibition, affirms
this
tradition,
that even
the observance of the Sabbath and the study of the law had
been forbidden.^^*
Whether
this
statement be reliable or
not, the prohibition of circumcision was, according to
Jewish
notions, equivalent to a prohibition of the Jewish religion
generally.
So long as
this prohibition
was maintained and
acted on, there was no use speaking of a pacification of the
Jewish people.
In fact we hear again, even in the time of
Antoninus Pius,
of
put down
there
an attempted rebellion which had to be
by strong measures.^^^
was here only the choice
To the Ptoman
authorities
either to tolerate the religious
ceremonies, or to completely exterminate the people.
may
We
indeed assume that the knowledge which the emperor
Antoninus had
of this alternative, led
him
to allow again
and
grant toleration to the practice of circumcision.

statement between Jerome and Eusebius has its origin evidently in the
legend of the finding of the cross. Socrates and Sozonien still speak,
like
.'itory
On account of the
Eusebius, only of a sanctuary of Aphrodite.
of the finding of the cross, however, they assumed that this was the
Jerome, on the other

of the sepulchre as well as of the crucifixion.
hand, endows each of the two holy places with an idol of its own.
site
12*
Derenbourg, Histoire de la Palestine,
p.
430
Hamburger, Real(art. " Hadri
Encyclopaedie fr Bibel und Talmud, 2 Abth. pp. 328-332

anische Verfolgungsedikte ").
12^ Gapitolin.
ed. Peter)
Antonimis Pius, c. 5 (in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae,

" Judaeos rebellantes contudit per praesides ac legates."
(s)
21.
Under Hadrian's
successor, therefore, essentially the
state of matters is seen still to exist as
He
time of Vespasian.
But
same
had existed since the
did not by any
of the Jews.
ideals
political
319
means answer the

regard
in
to
religious
The extinction
matters they could be satisfied with him.
of
their political existence just led to this, that those tendencies
obtained the supremacy which represented undiluted Judaism
Pharisaism and Eabbinism.
The development now proceeded
upon those
forth
lines
which became prominent in consequence of the great revolution of sentiment that followed the destruction of Jerusalem.
Without a
by the
home, grouped together into a unity only
political
ideal
power
common
of the
law, the
Jews continued
the more persistently to hold by and cherish this birth-
all
which they
right in
all
between them and the

sharply
While,
defined.
Hellenistic
Judaism
In
shared.
rest of the
this
during
the
flourished, the
Jewish and Graeco-Eoman view
all
their
common
brotherhood
also
world,
in
which
to
now gave
deepen the
attention
cleft
even
Jewish Hellenism, which proclaimed the

of
man, disappeared, and
Judaism, which sharply repudiated

Gentile
period
world threatened to
of the
combined strength
more and more,
the separation
boundaries between the
melt away, the Jews and their opponents

with
way
world was more and more
won
universal
communion with the

But paganism
acceptance.
had become more intolerant
the worship of the Jewish
all
Pharisaic
the rush of the masses to
God had
ceased, partly because of
other powerful spiritual forces, pre-eminently that of Chris

tianity,
which exercised a more potent
because of the
civil legislation
influence, but partly also
which, without abrogatin<^ the
guaranteed toleration of the Jewish religion, imposed leâl

limitations to the further encroachments of Judaism,
And
thus the Jews became more and more what they
properly and essentially were
strangers in the pagan world.
THE ROMAN-HERO DIAN AGE.
320
The
commonwealth
of a Jewish
restoration
the
in
Holy
Land was, and continued even to be, a subject of religious

by with unconquerable tenacity. The
hope, which they held

difference
between the ideal and the actual, however, was
and even
first,
after
Even
them only once
had passed, so marked and
centuries
even their own capital only as
severe, that they could enter
strangers.
century
fourth
the
in
at
was permitted
it
9th Ab,
in the year to enter the city on the
the day of the destruction of Jerusalem, in order that they
might be
able,
on the
Jews
to
on that day were

forth
utter
their
purchase from the
wont
grievous
to
permission to linger longer
"
^^^
:
the
Usque ad praesentem diem

servorum
ad extremum
et
dei excepto plauctu prohibentur ingredi Jerusalem, et ut
ruinam suae
eis flere
liceat
fletus
est a
quidem
Eomanis
eis gratuitus
coruscante
mulierculas
radiante
ac
et
vaardaei
quoque crucis fulgente
populum miserum
genis
et
et
populum lugubrem,
pannis annisque
senes
Domini demon-
quum
non
de
ejus,
esse
oliveti
ruinas
adhuc
brachia et sparsi crines, et miles

flere
illis
plus
liceat.
Et dubitat
haec videat, de die tribulationis et angustiae,
de die nebulae et turbinis, de die tubae et clangoris

et in luctu tubas, et juxta
'3^
monte
templi sui
miserabilem
de die calamitatis et miseriae, de die tenebrarum et
enim
Domini
et patibulo
vexillo, plangere
tarnen
livida
merceden postulat, ut
aliquis,
sit.
et
quo capta
Videas in die,
Congregatur turba miserorum
strantes.
in
emant lacrymas suas
corporibus et in habitu suo iram
obsitos, in
tletus
Christi
et diruta Jerusalem, venire
decrepitas
confluere
pretio redimunt, ut qui
civitatis
quondam emerant sanguinem

ne
and by gold
complaints,
perfidi coloni post interfectionem

filii
how
mournful companies,
to gather in
Roman watch
place of mourning
in the
the temple, to pour forth their
site of
In graphic terms Jerome describes
lamentations.
Jerome, ad Zqihan.
i.
caliginis,
Haben t
prophetiam vox sollennitatis
15 sq. (Vallarsi,
vi. 692).
21.
(3)
versa est in planctum.
321
Ululaut super cineres sanctuarii
et
super altare destructuni et super civitates quondam munitas
de quibus quondam Jacobum
et super excelsos angulos templi,
fratrem Domini praecipitaverunt."^^'^

'^^'^
152
Compare
sq.)
also Origen, in
Josuam
homil. xvii. 1 (ed.
Lommatzsch,
invenies earn subveisam et in cineres ac favillas redactam, noli flere
nunc
facitis
require
tanquam pueri sensibus
siciit
noli lamentari, sed pro terrena
coelestem."
Itinerarium BurcUgalense (Palestinae descriptiones,
" est non longe de statuis [Hadriani] lapis pertusus, ad
ed. Tobler, p. 4)
quem veniunt Judaei
singulis annis, et
gemitu, et vestimenta sua scinduntet

are given
DIV,
xi.
" Si ergo veniens ad Jerusalem civitatem terrenam, o Judaee,
by Renan,
I.
VOL.
II.
unguent eum
sic
recedunt."
et
lamentant
se
cum
Some other passages
L'eglise chretieune, p. 221, note 3.
APPENDICES
823
I.-VIII.
APPENDIX
I.
HISTORY OF CH ALOIS, ITUREA, AND ABILENE.

Literature.
NoRls, Annus
et
epochae Syromiacedonum,
(History of the City of
Bellet, "Observations sur
Lips. pp. 316-322
3, ed.
iii. 9.
Clialcis).
medailles
les
de VAcademie des Inscriptions
et
du tetrarque Zenodore" {M^moires
Belles-Lettres, first series, vol. xxviii.
1761, pp. 545-556).
Munter, De rebus Ituraeorum, Hafniae 1824 (a comprehensive monograpli).

Winer, Biblisches Eealwrterb. articles "Abilene" (i. 7 f.) and " Iturea"
(i.
622).
Schenkel,
Bibellexicon, articles
Riehm's Handwrterbuch
"Abilene" and "

biblischen
des
Iturea."
Altertums,
"Abilene,"
articles
" Iturea," and " Lysanias."
Herzog, Real-Encyclopaedie,
Wieseler) and
Cless,
art.
261
vii.
f.
2 Aufl.
1.
87-89
(article " Itura "
(article
by
"Abilene" by
Riietschi).
"Itura" in Pauly's Eeal-Encyclopaedie der
class.
Alterthums-
wissenschaft, iv. 337-340.
Ritter, Erdkunde,
Kuhn, Die
(1865), pp.
14-16 (on the Itureans).
xvii. 1, pp.
stdtische
und
brgerliche Verfassung des rmischen Eeichs,
169-174 (on the dynasties of Chalcis, Abilene, and
Marquardt, Rmische
Staatsverwaltung, 2 Aufl.
i.
ii.
Iturea).
1881, pp. 400-403 (on
the dynasties of Chalcis and Abilene).
Wieseler, Beitrge zur
richtigen
Wrdigung
der Evangelien (1869), pp.
169-204 (Lysanias of Abilene).
De
Saulct, " Recherches sur

la
les
monnaies des tetrarques her^ditaires de
Chalcidene et de l'Abilene" {Wiener numismatische Monatshefte
von Egger, 5 Bd. 1 Abth. (1869) pp. 1-34).
Reichardt, Numismat.
Zeitschrift,
edited
by Huber and Karabacek,
1870, pp. 247-250 (Review of the treatise of
Renan, "Memoire sur
la dynastie des
V Academic des Inscripitions
Lysanias
et Belles-Lettres, t.
3'25
De
ii.
Saulcy).
d' Abilene"
xxvi.
2,
(Me'moires de
1870, pp. 49-84).
326
APPENDIX
Among
the sons of Islimael there
Testament one
It is
later
mentioned in the Old
is
15;
(Gen. xxv.
"^"i^]
without doubt the same tribe that
name
history under the
earliest
mention of
Chron.
31,
i.
v. 19).
referred to in the
is
The
îTovpaloi or îTvpaloi.
know,
this people, so far as I
is to
be found
Eupolemus
in the writings of the Jewish Hellenist
the
(in
middle of the second century before Christ), who mentions
among
the Itureans
the
tribes
fought
Then we know from Josephus and
by David.^
against
and
his authorities, Strabo
Timagenes, that the Jewish king Aristobulus
I.,
b.c.
105104,
fought against the Itureans and took from them a portion of

(Antiq.
their territory
onward
11.
xiii.
And
3).
from
sometimes as Syrians, sometimes as Arabians.^
names
of
Iturean soldiers, which
inscriptions, are Syrian.^
they were
celebrated
still
ix.
time
The proper
mentioned on Latin
robber
Eomau
tribe,^
conquest
but greatly
Even Caesar made

The triumvir
bowmen.
in the African war.^
30
Maxirag
>ccil
are
the time of the
as
skill
bowmen
Eusebius, Praep. evang.

'A,c4,4i//tj
At
uncivilised
their
for
use of Iturean
Kctl
an
this
They were designated
they are frequently mentioned.
iTpuTivaxi
x.ul
B'
cclrov xxi Ixi 'lôvfixiov;
'iTOvpeti'ov;
Kctl
'Nuarctiov;
'Nxhcct'ov;.
kui
^ Appian, Civ. v. 7
Vibiiis
rviv 'Iravpaiav x,xl oaet ciXKix, -/ivn "Supav.
Sequester, ed. Hessel, p. 155: " Ithyrei vel Itharei Syrii." Also Pliny,
Hist. Nat. V. 23. 81, names the Ituraeorum gentes among the tribes of
:
Syria.
Dio Cassius,
12:
lix.
p. 735, joins 'Irovpaht rs
x.etl
tv;v
"
ruv 'itovpxiav rZv 'Aoccuv.

Strabo,
So, too, at p. 756.
Epiphanius,
Apxs;.
Compare
oLtco tjjs
'Nctxnx.i^s x^'P'^s ^*' Îrovpocix;.
Haer. xix. 1
Enpolem.us in Eusebius, Praep. evang. ix. 30.
3 We have, e.g. Bargathes, Baramna, Beliabus, Bricbelus (all four on one
inscription. Munter, de rebus Ituraeorum, p. 40 sq., more correctly in Corp.
Inscr. Lat. t. iii. n. 4371), Monimus, Jerombal (Munter, p. 42 = Corp. Inscr.
:
Bbenan. ed. Brambach,
n. 1234),
Hanel, Jamlicus (Munter,
Brambach, n. 1233=Wilmanns, Exampla

besides, Munter, pp. 8-10.
*
Strabo, pp. 755, 756
^ Bell.
Africanum, 20
Inscr. Lat. n. 1530).
p.
42 sq.=
Compare
Cicero, Philipp, ii. 112.

" sagittariisque ex omnibus navibus Ityreis Syria
et cuj usque generis ductis
in castra compluribus frequentabat sua scopias."
327
HISTORY OF CIIALCIS, ITUREA, AND ABILENE.
Marc Antony had some of them as

them he terrorized the Senate to the
his bodyguard,
Poets and historians speak of
Itureau
tlie
and with
great scandal of Cicero.
bowmen down
to
the later days of the empire.'^
The
by them may not always have been
districts inhabited
But during the period
the same.
which we have
of
fullest
and most accurate information about them, they are never

spoken of as resident
elsewhere
Mount Lebanon.
than in
Christian theologians indeed endeavour to place

possible
on account'
Trachonitis
to
Luke
of
as near as
it
Even
1.
iii.
Eusebius has for this reason identified Trachonitis and Iturea.^
But
all historical authorities
point most distinctly to Lebanon.
So pre-eminently Strabo, who repeatedly designates the Itureans mountaineers and inhabitants of that particular mountain
which
rises
upon the plain
Cicero, Philipp,
ii.
19
Ituraeis circiimsederi."
maxime barbaros
18
Massyas
of
Marsyas
or
" confiteare
hunc ordinem hoc ipso tempore ab

112 " cur homines omnium gentium
sagittis deducis in forum 1
Philipp, xiii.
Philipp,
cum
Ituraeos
Massy as, and says that they had
of
The plain
Chalcis as their capital.^
ii.
" haec subsellia ab Ituraeis occupabantur."

" Ituraeos taxi torquentur in arcus."
Virgil, Georg, ii. 448
Lucan,
Ibid. vii. 514:
230: "Ituraeis cursus fuit inde sagittis."
"tunc et Ituraei Medique Arabesque soluto arcu turba minax."
A
" cohors I.
military diploma of A.D. 110 (Corp. Inscr. Led. t. iii. p. 868
Augusta Ituraeorum sagittariorum. Arrian, Alan. 18 o/ ^-sôJ To|or/, oi
''
Pharsal.
vii.
Tuv N0|44Say
Kvprivoitav xxt
Kctl
vita Aureliani,
c.
Bo(T7ropxi/ui/
re
xctl
Irovpciiuv.
11 (in the Scriptores historiae Augustae)
tarios Ityraeos trecentos."
Vibius Sequester,
ed. Hessel, p.
Vopisc.
"habes
155
sagit-
" Ithyiei
vel Itharei Syrii usu sagittae periti."

^
Eusebius, Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, p. 268
Ibid. p.
^
298
Tpax^vlng
Strabo, xvi.
2. 10, p.
x'''P''^
h "*"'
cv
753
TU rov
piiv'/]v.
'ix,^yj
Tivx
Ibid. xvi. 2. 18, p.

x,x\
opuvx,
xvTOv A.xooi/,iix
ij
iu oi;
'Trpog
-Trppai
VTTo TLroT^Bfiuiu Tcj Îsuuxt'oii
tj
755
/u,irci
Xx'Kki: uarrsp
Aixvu.
ovo'
S'
'Mot.aai'ee.u
:
IrovpyJoe,
rx
Ss
'
Hhiov'Tro'Ai;
tou
Mxx.pxu
xx.poTro'hi;
fcsv
Ibid. xvi.
Irovpxtot Ti KXt 'Apxs;.
'Apxav f<,ipn Kxl Tuv 'Irovpxi'au dvx,ui^
note
16).
Christian
Tpux^fhi;.
2.
ov v
tov
korlu
also
opeiux
sôvji
756:
iTrsirx
20, p.
explain
ij
l-rovpxluu
'Mxtruvx;
MxaavoV
Spn ^tvaxrx (in
lexicograj^hers
xxl Xu'ax.!;
x-xrixours xxl t'^v
'
Bee
x.xl
vi
iTovpatx.
dp'/,'h
'
"Trxurx
^rpo;
rx
regard to this
"Iturca"
by
328
APPENDIX
I.
the plain between the Lebanon and the Anti-Lebanon/^
is
beginning in the
stretching
named
are often
north at Laodicea
south as far
as
the
of
Lebanon and
Since the
Chalcis.^^
Itureans
together with the Arabians,^^ they are to be
looked for in the mountain range that bounds the Massyas

plain on the east, that
is,
They appear
in the Anti-Lebanon.
also in
later accounts as inhabitants of
Cassius
(xlix.
32) plainly names
the Lebanon.
Dio
Lysanias
king
older
tlie
But he was son and successor
of the Itureans.
of
Ptolemy
Mennus, whose kingdom just embraced the Lebanon and the

plain of Massyas with the capital Chalcis (see below, p.
On
329
f.).
the well-known inscription of the time of Quirinius his sub-
ordinate general Q. Aemilius Secundus says of himself: " missu
Quirini adversus Ituraeos in Libano monte castellum eorura

cepi."
his
During the time
^^
Life,
Xoejxov Tov
of the Vespasian war, Josephus in
mentions a Ovapo<; aacXcKou yevov?, Kjovo<i
xi.,
Toy Aiavov TTpapôvvTo<i.
"jrepl
Soemus was
probably the same
as
is
But
Cassius and Tacitus the ruler of the Itureans.^*
this
by Dio
designated
We
never
anywhere any indication that the Itureans had dwelt in
find
any other region than

stein, that
in the Lebanon.
The opinion
of
Wetz-
they are to be looked for on the eastern borders of
the Hauran,^^
is
therefore just as erroneous as the older
view
that the valley of Dschedur, south of Damascus, had received
"mountain land" (montenae,
ipuv/i).
See Onomasticon, ed.
its
Lagarde,
Apuleius, Florida, i. 6, styles the Itureans frugum

pp. 64, 176, 193
paiqyeres, whicli precisely represents the condition of dwellers in moun;
tainous regions.
io
Polybius, v. 45. 8
^^
This
f.
may
be inferred from the passages quoted from Strabo.

position of both cities, see below, notes 17 and 18.
12
Strabo, xvi.
1'
Ephemeris epigraphica,
2. 18. p.
the inscription, see vol.
i.
755.
Dio Cassius,
Wetzstein, Reisebericht Hier
90 92
On
the genuineness of
of present work, p. 357.

Tacitus, Annales, xii. 23.
'*
12
the
also above, note 2.
vol. iv. 1881, p. 538.
15
lix.
Compare
On
Hauran und
die
Trachoiien,
18G0,
j'p.
329
HISTORY OF CHALCIS, ITUKEA, AND ABILENE.
name from them.
The
theory
latter
now found on
is
philological grounds to be impossible.^^
In the
recognised as
fj,ato<i
decades before
last
belonged
Itureans
its
an
the
passage quoted from Strabo (xvi.

" the
"
mountain lands
Massyas
^6 It
"
of
the
with the capital
Mennaus (UroXe-
of
10,
2.
would seem that Wetzstein's view
is
the
to
first
753), embraced
p.
and
Itureans "
The
Chalcis.^''
which
confederacy,
kingdom, according
for his
Pompey, the
of
arrival
important
head Ptolemy the son
Mevvalov)
to
the
plain of
plain of
favoured only by
Massyas
tlie
third
Strabo (xvi. 2. 20, p. 756), where Strabo mentions the

Trachones in connection with Damascus and " those inaccessible moun-
passage of
of the Arabians
tains in the territories
and Itureans."
Tlie order of
succession in the enumeration seems to point to the Hauran.
must be intended
In
at least that this district should be included.
fact, it
But how
is to be understood is seen by a comparison of the words of

Strabo that follow with Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 1-3.
Strabo proceeds
to say that in these mountains there are enormous caverns, which robbers
used as hiding-places. But the robber bands led by Zenodorus were now
destroyed by the Eomans. This undoubtedly is the same state of matters
From this particular and
as is described by Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 1-3.
detailed report we see that the proper domain of Zenodorus was the
district of Panias (Antiq. xv. 10. 3), but that he made common cause with
the matter
robbers haunting Trachonitis and Auranitis (xv. 10.
The
1).
territory of
Zenodorus (on the southern spaces of this Lebanon) is now, as our sketch
will show, a portion of the once important Iturean kingdom. When,
therefore, Strabo says that this mountain range, full of caverns, lay " in
the territories of the Arabians and Itureans" (-^pos rx Apxcjv iîpri x.oe.1
ruu Îrovpoticov), he means by the /aipyi 'Irovpaluv evidently the country of
Zenodorus. It cannot therefore from his words be concluded that the
Itureans themselves dwelt in the Hauran.
^''
Josephus also names Chalcis on the Lebanon as the capital of
Ptolemy (Antiq. xiv. 7. 4 ZwxvTsvav Xa'hKtoo; ri): Ctto ru Atdiuu Spsi
'
Wars
of the Jews,
i.
9.
S; ex,pxTsi
i^g Ctto
on the route of Pompey's march, Antiq.
Compare
also
searches, p.
500
des deutschen
tu>
Atoivu XxXxioo;).
xiv. 3. 2, south of Heliopolis.
Robinson, Bihliotheca Sacra, v. 90

Ritter, Erdkunde, xvii. 1, p. 186 ff.
Palstina- Vereins,
It lay
1885, p. 35.
Later Biblical Re-
Furrer, Zeitschrift
There
is one other
Chalcis not to be confounded with this one, from which the province of
Chalcidice has its name.
Tliis Chalcis lay much farther north, according
to the Itinerarium Antonini only 18 mil. pass, south of Beroa (Vetera
Romanorum
viii.
itineraria, ed. Wesseling, p.
193
sq.).
Pliny, Hist. Nat.
v. 23.
330
APPENDIX
I.
But
runs north as far as Laodicea of Lebanon.^^
would seem
it
from the other passages that Ptolemy, like Alexander Jannus,
pushed his conquests beyond
him
what
applies
His territory
this limit.
Strabo, xvi.
18,
2.
(for to
755, says of the
p.
inhabitants of the Lebanon) extended westward to the sea.
Botrys and Theuprosopon (&eov irpoacoiruv) belonged to him.
Byblus and Berytus were threatened by him.

the Damascenes suffered at his hands.^^
district
of
of
Panias,
as
may
be
In the east
In the south the
from
inferred
the
history
Zenodorus (Josephus, Antiq. xv. 10. 13, compare with
this
passage also below,
p.
333), belonged to him.
in the time of the Jewish king Aristobulus
I.,
Indeed
kingdom of
the
the Itureans seems to have embraced even Galilee (see vol.
i.
In any case the Itureans
of present work, pp. 293, 294).
were in that direction immediate neighbours of the Jews.
We
have therefore before us a State constructed precisely in
the same fashion as was the Jewish State of that time, only
that Ptolemy, son of Mennaus, was in point of civilisation a
good way in advance of Alexander Jannus.

Ptolemy, son of Mennaus, reigned from about
B.c.
About
40.
B.c.
85
B.c.
to
about
85, from fear of him, the Damascenes
called in the aid of Aretas, king of the Arabians {Antiq.
15. 2
so)i of
Wars
of the Jews,
with the object of protecting

16. 3
Wars
81, calls
it.
of the Jews,
Annus
cpochae, p.
et
i.
it
5.
against
78, Aristobulus,
Damascus, avowedly
Ptolemy {Antiq.
When Pompey
3).
Compare
xiii.
arrived,
also v. 26.
8.9.
Ou
both cities, Noris,

Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung,
Eitter, Erdkunde, xvii. 2, 1592
316 sqq.
B.c.
to
CJialcidem cognominatam ad Belum.
Generally
i.
About
4. 8).
i.
Queen Alexandra, made a journey
xiii.
ff.
400.
^^ Strabo, xvi.
Laodicea on the Lebanon (not to be con2, 18, p. 755.
founded with Laodicea by the sea) lay, according to the Itinerarium
Antonini (ed. Wesseling, p. 198), 18 mil. pass, south of Emesa. Compare
Pauly's Real - Enajclopaedie, iv. 763 f.; Furrer, Zeitschrift des DPV.
viii.
^^
31.
Josephus, Antiq.
xiii. 16.
S; oipv:
tjv r},
ttoAs/ yitTUv.
HISTORY OF CHALCIS, ITUEEA, AND ABILENE.
331
Ptolemy purchased immunity from him by the payment

thousand talents (Antiq.
xiv. 3. 2).
the fortified places in the Lebanon (Strabo, xvi. 2. 18.
and undoubtedly
way
also curtailed the territory of
similar to that in
In
ritory.2
B.c.
of a
Pompey, however, destroyed

p.
755),
Ptolemy in a
which he dealt with the Jewish
ter-
49, Ptolemy took under his personal care the
sons and daughters of the Jewish king Aristobulus IL,
who
had been deposed and quite recently murdered by the party

of
Pompey (Antiq. xiv. 7. 4 Wars of the Jews,

9, 2).
In
42, when Cassius had left Syria, Ptolemy supported Antii.
B.c.
gonus, the son of Aristobulus, in his endeavour to secure to
himself the government of Judea (Antiq. xiv. 12.

died during the progress of the Parthian war,
xiv. 13.
3;
Wa7's of the Jevjs,
designated "king" (Josephus,

it is
possible that the coins,
i.
13.
for the
40
As he
1).
-^w^tg'. xiv. 7.
which
Ptolemy
1).
B.c.
(Antiq.
is
never
4: hwaarevaiv),
most part have the
incomplete superscription IlToXejxaiov rerpcip-ôv
p-^(Lepi(<i),
belong to him.^^
Ptolemy was succeeded
by his son Lysanias (Josephus,

Wars of the Jews, i. 13. 1), who therefore
obtained the kingdom with the same extent of territory as
Antiq. xiv. 13. 3
had been
left to his father
him "King
20
Reference
of
is
by Pompey.
the Itureans "
made
Dio Cassius
(Dio Cassius,
xlix. 32).
styles
His
Ptolemy in the accounts given

by Pompey in Appian, Mithridat. 106
to the subjugation of
of the subjugation of the Itureans
14 ; Orosius, vi. 6.
21 Eckhel, Dodr. Num. iii. 263 sq.
Mionnet, Description de m^dailles,
Munter, Be rebus Ituraeorum, p. 37
V. 145, Suppl. viii. 119
Lenormant, Tresor de numismatique, p. 116, pi. Ivi. n. 14 Renan, Memoir es de
De Saulcy, Wiener numismat. MonatsV Academic des Inscr. xxvi. 2, p. 62
Melanges de Numismatique, t. iii. 1882, p. 198 sq.
hefte, V. 1, pp. 26-28
T^s/nen
(on the coins there given is to be read
irpot.px,o ccpx')ImhoofEutropius,
vi.
Blumer, Portrtkpfe auf antiken Mnzen, 1885, p. 44, contends that tlie
word XA;6/B is to be found on the coins. All the more then, in consequence of our defective knowledge of these matters, it still remains a possibility that the coins belong to some unknown Ptolemy.
Head, Historia
Numorum
(1887), p. 655.
APPENDIX
332
I.
who
reign falls in the time of Antony,
under a heavy
tribute (Appiau, Civ.
Antony caused Lysanias
of Cleopatra,
36 (on the reckoning
also laid the Itureans
At
v. 7).
executed in
to be
of the date, see vol.
the instigation
b.c.
402), on the
p.
i.
pretence that he had been conspiring with the Parthians, and

gifted a large portion of his territory to Cleopatra (Josephus,
Antiq. XV.
4. 1
Wars
22. 3
i.
Dio
doubtful whether
the
bearing
coins
the
AvaavLov rerppôv koX ap^tepecof belong
to him, for there
time writers were accustomed to apply the
way even
kingdom
of
At
title of
the same
aaiXevq
to tetrarchs.
The farther history

But
more detail.
in
it
superscription
were one or more younger princes of this name.^^
in a loose
Cassius, xlix.
him "king,"
Since Dio Cassius and Porphyry call
32).^^
is
of the Jews,
of the country cannot be followed out
the once important
that
certain
it is
Ptolemy and Lysanias was gradually cut up more
and more
into
distinguish
four
We
smaller districts.
different
districts,
all
can quite definitely
which
of
originally
belonged to the one kingdom of Chalcis.

1.
About the year 23
see vol.
i.
409) Josephus
p.
had taken on
Lysanias
to
AuaavLov
22
ed.
To
B.c.
tells of
{Antiq. xv.
Wars of
10.
the Jev:s,
i.
170
To
S'
TTxpiluKi
Autiuio; 6 ot,iiTOx,pdi-up rviv

TYi
YSKioârpx..
o tov
rov
olicov
Avaaviov
rov
jxepLia-
Porphyry in Eusebius, Chronicon,

"year of Cleopatra ") vo,uadyi t
rjjj e Ivplcc XA/Soj aaiXiUi
Avaif^xov
'
Mo>coj
ifMe/jbiaOcoro
20. 4
kx.x,xidUoirov (seil,
Keil -TirpuTOv, iTTiioi) ri'KiVT'iidotyTOg
23
1
i.
who
a certain Zenodorus
that previously belonged
lease the possessions
this also refers the statement of
Schoene,
that
(with regard to the chronology,
'Kcchx.lbct
Instead of Ayff/^;ôy
Kotl roii; Tnpl
it is
now
ccvt'/I'j
rovov;
generally admitted
we should
read Avaaviov.
See the coins in Mionnet, Suppl.
viii.
119
f.
Munter, De rebus
Ituraeorum, p. 38 Lenormant, Tresor de numisviatique, p. 116 sq. pi. Ivi.

Renan, Me'moires de I'Academie des Inscr. xxvi. 2, p. 62 sq.
n. 15, 16
;
29; Imhoof-Blumer,
Head, Historia Numorum,, p. 655. In
Pcrtrtkpfe, p. 44, table vi. 18
settling the question as to whether our Lysanias bore the title of Tetrarch
the inscription given in note 26 has to be taken into account.
De Saulcy, Wiener numismat.
Monatshefte, v.
;
1, p.
333
HISTORY OF CHALCIS, ITREA, AND ABILENE.
This Zenodorus took part in the robberies
oIkov).
d(oi.tevo<;
was sepa-
in Trachonitis, on account of which Trachonitis
from
rated
under the sway
dominions
the
and was conferred upon Herod (Antiq.

of the Jews,
i.
Three years
20. 4).^*
of Zenodorus,
xv. 10.
later, in
1-2
B.c.
Wars
20, Zeno-
dorus died, and then Augustus conferred upon Herod also

the territories over which he had ruled, namely, Ulatha and
Panias
{Antiq.
ovaav
pare
xv.
3:
10.
tovtov
r^y
OuXdOav koI TIavidSa koX
Wars
of the Jews,
i.
Bciopov Tivo'i rerpap-y^tav)}^
Zenodorus
mentioned
is
20. 4
Dio
oIko<;
Avaaviov, whereas mention
his
own
country, Dio
may
most decidedly,
The
by Herod.
We
to the
Ztjvo-
made
of
his
tetrarchy,
difficulty
might be
of
But
territories.
at least in his first reference to him,
would
territory, if that territory
the one which he had farmed out.
different from
are therefore
That the
be alleged the circumstance that Josephus
have designated him by his own
had been
liv.
here inasmuch as
afterwards
is
speaking
Cassius
explained by regarding the two as different

against this
'^Mpav; com-
only as lessee or farmer of
first
the
which was obtained
Cassius,
A difficulty arises
at
ovk oXtytju
fxolpav
rrjv irepi^
constrained to regard the two as identical.
district of
Ulatha and Panias had formerly belonged
dominion of Lysanias,
to the Iturean
i.e.
kingdom,
is
highly probable, since the latter extended as far as the borders

of the Jewish country (see above, p. 330).
It
seems therefore
that Zenodorus, after the death of Lysanias, had received on
rent a portion of his territory from Cleopatra, and that after
was continued
2*
^^
is
Compare
Ulatha
now
"
death this
Cleopatra's
is
to
rented
him with the
Strabo, xvi.
2. 20, p.
the district on the
called Beer-el-Huloh,
and
is
domain, subject to tribute,
"
title of tetrarch.
756
x.o!.To>.'hv6suTaju
Merom
vvh ruu
or Semechonitis
clearly identical with the
-xiol Zrivo-
Lake which
t^nhm
NIC'''
mentioned in the rabbinical literature (Neubauer, Xa geographie du Talmud^

18C8, pp. 24, 27
sq.).
334
APPENDIX
On
monument
of the inscription
mention
^^
the dynasty of Lysanias at Heliopolis,
on which we have indeed only fragments,
made
The
is
Lysanias."
to
I.
of
"
son
Zenodorus,
reference
almost
has
of
the
tetrarch
universally
been
supposed to apply to our Zenodorus, and he has therefore
been regarded as a son of the Lysanias executed by Antony.
Although
this also is uncertain, because Lysanias is designated
as tetrarch (see above, p. 332), yet there is proved from the
inscriptions a genealogical connection

in
may
families,
It
be taken as certain that the coins with the superscription
ZrjvoScopov T6Tpdp-ôv ap-^tepe(o<i
belong to our Zenodorus.^'^
They have the year numbers UX,

282, 287 aera
fit
between the two
which the same name may have been often repeated.
Seleuc. or B.c. 32, 30,
BUX, Zn[X\
and 25, which
i.e.
280,
precisely
our hypothesis.28
After the death of Herod the Great, a portion of the former
'^ See the inscription in Corpus In^cr. Graec. n. 4523, in De Saulcy,

Voyage autour de la vier morte, atlas (1853), pi. liii. n. 5 Le Bas and "Wadmost correctly in
dington, Inscriptions grecques et latines, t. iii. n. 1880
Renan, Mission dePhenicie, pp. 317-319, and with a complete commentary
in the Me'moires de V Academie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, xxvi. 2, pp.
70-79.
The legible portions run, with Kenan's filling up of lacunae, as
;
follows
^^
v/ryio Z/ivoOapu Avrj\_uvi'ov zlirppyjjv
\_Kul TOi'\; viol;
fi[û-/!f^yi]; ;i(;p;i/
kciI
i\.va\_'X,>jicc\
\iv(!iui\ d'AOriKiu.
See the coins in Belley, M^moires de I'Academie des Inscr.

t. xxviii. 1761, pp. 545-556 ; Eckhel, Doctr.
Lettr^s, first series,
et Belles-
Num.
iii.
496 sq.; Mionnet, Description de me'dailles, v. 576, Suppl. viii. 381

Munter, De rebus Ituraeorum, p. 38 sq. Renan, Me'moires de V Academic
xxvi. 2, p. 63 ; De Saulcy, Wiener numismat. Montashefte, v. 1 [1869], pp.
29-32; An7iuaire de la Socid^ franâise de Numismat ique et d'ArchMogie,
t. V. ( = second series, t. 1), fasc. 3, 1879, p. 182 sq. [coins with the date
zn] Madden, Coiiis of the Jews (1881), p. 124 ; Imhoof-Blumer, Portrt;
kpfe
rum
*^
auf antiken Mnzen, 1885,
p. 44, table vi.
19
Head, Historia Numo-
(1887), p. 663.
n2 = 280,
The year number
plete (Mionnet, v. 576
strange indeed
if
aera Seleuc. or B.c. 32,

,
is
indeed incomIt would be
"cette date ne paroit pas entiere").
Zenodorus should have received the
long as Cleopatra continued to rule.
title of
Tetrarch so
HISTORY OF CHLCIS, ITUREA, AND ABILENE.
335
tetrarchy of Zenodorus went to Herod's son, Philip (Antiq. xvii.

11. 4
to
JVars of the Jews,
ii.
by the evangelist Luke (Luke
was governor
This
6. 3).-^
iii.
1),
the portion referred
is
when he says that Philip

The tetrarchy of
of Iturea (t^9 'iTovpaia^).
Philip was subsequently obtained by Agrippa
Another tetrarchy was
2.
L and Agrippa IL
from the
sliced off
earlier Itu-
rean empire in the East between Chalcis and Damascus to
form the
district
according
to
of Abila
in
city to
Heliopolis, consequently
village
of
on the
Suk on the Barada, where
This Abila,
Peutinger
site
are
of the
still
present
be seen
to
In the neighbourhood on the wall
the ruins of an old city.

is
Lebanon,
from Damascus on the road from that
tables, lay 1 8 mil. pass,
of rock
the
Itinerarium Antonii^ and the
the
engraved an inscription, on which
it
is
said that
the Emperors Marcus Aurelius and L. Yerus viam fluminis vi
ahruptam
interciso
monte
restituerunt
Abile-
imjJeiuliis
In the same neighbourhood,
norum.^^
too,
they point out
the so-called grave of Abel {Nebi AMI), evidently a legendary

creation,
The
which had
its
origin in the
name
identity of Abila and Suk, therefore,
Much more
doubt.^^
uncertain
Vetera
Eomanorum
iiineraria, ed.
place Abel.
placed beyond
instead of 'Ictuyuav
3,
Wessehng,
p. 198.
See the inscription, e.g. in De Saulcy, Voyage autour de

Eobinson, Later Biblical Researches,
atlas (1853), pi. Ii.
la
p.
199
mer morte,
480
De
;
Le Bas and "Waddington,
et latines, t. iii. n. 1874

Corpus Inscr. Lat. t. iii.
Facsimile in Lepsius, Denkmler aus egypten und Aethiopien,
Inscriptions grecques
n.
we
10. 3.
3^
Saulcy, Numismaiique de la Terre Sainte, p. 20
all
identification with our
is this
29 In the passage, Wars

of the Jews, ii. 6.
should read Ylxvux'êc, according to Antiq. xv.
of the
is
Bd. xii. Blatt 101

Inscr. Lat. n. 64.
The inscription, from its reference to the two emperors in its formula, belongs to a.D. 163-165. See
;
n. 1874, and Mommsen in the Corpus Inscr. Lat.

Eeland, Palaestina, p. 527 sqq.
See on Abila generally
Ritter,
Porter, Five Years in Damascus (1855),
Erdkunde, xvii. 2, p. 1278 ff.
i. 261 If. ; Robinson, Later Biblical Researches, pp. 479-484
Sepp, JeruBaedeker-Socin, Palstina, 1 4ufl. p. 511
salem, 2 Aufl. ii. 393 ff
Ebers and Guthe, Palstina, i. 456-460 Furrer, Zeitschrift des lieutschen
Waddington on
32
Palsti7ia- Vereins, viii. 1885, p. 40.
336
APPENDIX
Abila of a city Leucas,
reference
is
made
to
[AevKâSioov KXavlSiecov],
coin
on which, besides the words
is
to be read
and
called Chrysorrhoas,
is also
met with
Gerasenes, Div.
of
extant.
it
also the
had upon
name
this,
of the
II. vol.
elsewhere,
118
p.
i.
e.g.
banks, besides
on the inscription of the
and
its
But the name Chrysor-
Damascus, no other city than Abila.

rhoas
In support of
still
In ancient times, certainly, the Barada
river Xpuaopoa<i.
was
by many numismatists,
urged
which several coins are
1.
should be particularly
it
observed that on the coin in question the designation of the

city is restored only
Our Abila was

which
a tetrarchy
by means
up the
of filling
lacunae.^^
before the time of Caligula the capital of
Caligula ascended the throne in A.D. 37, Agrippa
the
tetrarchy
Philip,
of
Lysanias " (Antiq.
By
this is
came
xviii.
received
6.
10:
meant the tetrarchy
to the throne in a.D. 41,
domain
of
ing thereto
I.,
besides
tetrarchy
of
Avaaviov TeTpap'^tav).
of Abila.
For when Claudius
he confirmed and increased the
Herod
ÂiXav
vpet (Antiq. xix. 5. 1
as his hereditary possession,
rrjv
;
Avcravlov Kal oiroaa ev
compare
JVa^^s
Avaaviov KaXovjxevqv)^^
aaikeiav
t)]v
Agrippa
in A.D. 44, his territor}'-
But
procurators.
Agrippa
" the
Agrippa by handing over to hira the whole empire
of his grandfather
I.,
also
Ttjv
When
by Josephus.
often spoken of
is
II.
and add-
ru>
of the Jews,
ii.
AidvM
11.
After the death of
was administered by Eoman
in A.D. 53, in the thirteenth year of Claudius,
obtained what had been the tetrarchy of Philip,
together with Abila, the tetrarchy of Lysanias {Antiq. xx.

^^
Memoir es
7.
See on tlie coins Belley,

de VAcaddmie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettrcs, first series, t. xxxii. 1768, pp. 695-706; Eckhel, Dodr.
Num. iii. 337 sq. Mionnet, Description de medailles, v. 308-310, Suppl.
viii. 214-216
De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, pp. 20-29.
The identification of Leucas and Abila was first suggested by Belley, and
has been specially favoured by De Saulcy. Eckhel expresses himself in a
hesitating manner ("quae aliud non sunt quam conjecturae probabiles ").
"'
There is no word here in reference to Abila about a new donation,
but only about a confirmation of the donation of Caligula.
:
HISTORY OF CHALCIS, ITUKEA, AND ABILENE.
avv 'AiXa, Avaavia he
avrrj
337
Compare
ijeyoveL rerpap'îa.
Wars of the Jews, ii. 12. 8 ttjv re Avaaviov aaiXelav).

From these passages we see that the tetrarchy of Abila had
And
belonged previously to A.D. 37 to a certain Lysanias.^^
seeing that Josephus nowhere previously makes any mention
:
of another Lysanias, except the
Cleopatra,
b.c.
4036,
various ways to
other,
contemporary of Antony and
theological criticism has endeavoured in
show that there had not afterwards been any
and that the tetrarchy
But
that older Lysanias.
Abilene had
of
name from
L had
its
Lysanias
this is impossible.
possessed the Iturean kingdom with the same boundaries as his

father Ptolemy.
The
kingdom was Chalcis (com-
capital of his
pare also especially the passage quoted from Porphyry on p. 832).
The domain
of Abila did indeed belong to that territory
for
the empire of Ptolemy bordered on the territory of Damascus.
But
it
certainly formed only a small portion of that important
kingdom which embraced almost

impossible
therefore
that
been characterized as
be
therefore
assumed
all
of the Lebanon.
the district of Abila
certain
that
at
have
could
" the tetrarchy of Lysanias."
as
It is
It
must
later date the
district
of
Abilene had been severed frum the kingdom
of
Chalcis,
and had been governed by a younger Lysanias
as
tetrarch.
The existence
of a younger Lysanias is also witnessed to
the following inscription found at Abila
by
^^
Tirep T^9 TOiv Kvplav "Xelâarwv]

cr(x)Tripia<i Ko).
tov avjJi[7ravT0^^
avToov oiKov, iVf/x.0ato9
....
Avaaviov rerpap-ôv 7re\e\y6epo^^

TTjv
S5
The designation
oSov
Krccra<; k.t.X.
ocatT^n'ct,
in JFars of the Jexvs,
11. 5
ii.
and
12. 8, is
evidently inexact.
2
Corpus Inscr. Graec. n. 4521 (compare Addenda,
Me'moires de VAcad^mie des Inscriptions
DIV.
I.
VOL.
II.
et
Belles-Lettres,
p.
t.
1174
xxvi.
Renan,
2, p. 67.

338
APPENDIX L
Since the correctness of the filling up of the word
cannot be doubted, the
Tcov]
the time
than
earlier
in the plural
of
For the
Tiberius.
The
was never before given.
took the
title
is
I., it is,
his
would have
said
on
built a street
the inscription.
there had been several

evangelist
iii.
the
expressed wish
In the time
indeed, hardly conceivable that a freedman
and erected a temple, as
Undoubtedly Nyraphus was the
tion from Heliopolis, quoted on p, 334,
(Luke
contemporary
years after the death
freedman of the younger tetrarch Lysanias.
The
Augusti
who from
of Augusta?'^
of Tiberius, therefore, at least fifteen

of Lysanias
title
first
Livia,
death of Augustus, in consequence of the last

of her husband,
Se[aa-
cannot be placed
inscription
Xeaaroi were Tiberius and his mother
of
;;
Luke
is
Also the inscrip-
makes
it
probable that
princes of the name of Lysanias.

thoroughly correct when he assumes
1) that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius there was a
Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene.^
The tetrarchy
Agrippa IL down
of
Lysanias
remained in possession of
to his death in A.D.
3''
Tacitus, Annates,
i.
but the name of
Also in Ptolemaeus,
Lysanias long clung to the place.
gustura adsumebatur."
100
" Livia in familiara
v.
Juliam nomenque Aunamed on a
Tiberius and Livia (Julia) are
Num. iii. 497) ; its reading,

doubtful (Madden, Coins of the Jews, p. 180). For further
criticism see also Corpus Inscr. Graec. t. iii. p. 1174 {Addenda ton. 4521)
Renan, M^moires, p. 63 sq. (with reference to Renier and Waddington)
Palestinian coin as 2/3(tto/ (Eckliel, Dodr.
however,
is
Wieseler, Beitrge zur richtigen
Wrdigung
der Evangelien, p. 191, under-
stands the two "Sixoroi to be Augustus and Tiberius, the latter having
only in the last years of Augustus received the title of Sj/Sa-rro'^. But
this is in contradiction to everything else that
we know,
and, owing to
the uncertain date of the coin to which Wieseler himself refers, is incapable of proof.
Comi)are against Wieseler's hypothesis, Momrasen,
ii. 2 (1 Aufl. 1875), pp. 731-733, 772 f., 1064 ff.
the existence of this younger Lysanias, and generally on Luke
see the pro and contra in the following treatises, in addition to the
Birmisches Staatsrecht,
3^
On
iii. 1,
mentioned on p. 325
Frid. Gott. Sskind, " Symbolae ad
evangeliorum loca" (in Sylloge commcntt., ed. Pott,
vol via. 1807, pp. 90-99 ; Schneckenburger, Ueber Luc. iii. 1 {Tlieol.
literature
illustr.
quaedam
HISTORY OF CHALCIS, ITUHEA, AND ABILENE.

15. 22, Abila
is
called
339
"AcXa iinKXiqOeiaa Avaavlov,
as
may
he supposed because Lysanias was not only a previous posbut the
sessor,
new founder
of
the city (compare Caesarea
Philippi).
The domains
o.
of Zenodorus and Lysanias
circumference of the earlier Iturean kingdom.
on the
lay
In the time
of Quirinius, his subordinate general, Q. Aemilius
Secundus,
undertook a warlike expedition against the Itureans proper,

as
told
is
an inscription
us on
("
missu Quirini adversus
Ituraeos in Libano monte castellum eorum cepi").^^

just at that time a breaking
At any
place.
of Chalcis
In
A,D,
ment
rate, in the
up
of the Iturean
Perhaps
kingdom took
time of Claudius we find a kingdom
and a kingdom of Iturea alongside of one another.
38, Caligula deprived a certain Soemus of the govern-
of the Itureans (Dio
îTvpaicov roiv 'Apdcov
Cassius, lix. 12:

.
ôalfiw
iâpLcraTo)}'^
Tr]v
rcbv
Soemus
This
died in A.D. 49, and then his territories were incorporated
with
"
province
the
of
Syria.
Annales, xii. 23
Sohaemo atque Agrippa
the same time a Herod
Tacitus,
Ituraeique et Judaei def unctis regibus
But
provinciae Suriae additi."
now
reigned in Chalcis, so that
at
the one kingdom of Ptolemy
und Krit. 1833, p. 1056 ff.) Sskind (son

Bemerkungen zu den Worten u. s. \v. Luc. iii.
Stud,
of above-named), "Einige
1
(Thcol. Stud, und Krit.
1836, pp. 431-448); Strauss, Lehen Jesu, i. (4 Aufl. 1840) p. 341 ff.;
Hug, Gutachten ber das Leben Jesu von Strauss, 1840, pp. 119-123;
''
Wieseler, Chronolorjical Synopsis of the Four Gospels, pp. 159-167

Ebrard,
" Lysanias of Abilene
Gospel History, Edin. 1869, 30, pp. 143-146
;
Lichtenstein, Lebensgeschichte des Herrn Jesu Christi (1856), pp. 130-136

Winer, Realwrterb. art. "Abilene;" Kneucker in Sclienkel's Bibellexicon,
i.
26-28, art. "Abilene ;" Sevin, Chronologie des Lebens Jesu (2 Aufl. 1874),
Keim, Jesus of Nazara, ii. 381-384 ; Aus dem Urchristen;
pp. 106-112
thum
by
(1868), pp.
9-13
Bleek, Synoptische Erklrung der drei ersten EvanCommentaries on the New Testament
See
1862, pp. 154-157.
Meyer and others on Luke iii.
gelien,
^^
i.
Ephemeris epigraphica,
1.
vol. iv. 1881, p. 538.
*" The name Soemus is found also in the

dynasty of Emesa.
An
Iturean Soemus of the time of Herod the Great is spoken of in Antiq.
XV.
6. 5, 7.
1-4.
340
APPENDIX
and Lysanias was partitioned
The kingdom
northern
of
Soemus
from
part,
I.
at
into,
least,
four divisions.
supposed to have embraced the
is
about
Heliopolis
to
Laodicea
the
in
Lebanon.*^
When, upon
the death of Soemus, his territory was confis-
would seem that
cated, it
called in
Wars of
his son
the Jcivs,
Varus
18. 6)
ii.
(or Noarus, as
was portioned
he
off
is
with
a small part of his ancestral domains, and even this he held
only
In that year
53.
A.D.
till
Claudius bestowed upon
Agrippa, in addition to the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias,

Tr)v
Ovdpov
eTrap-îav
jevofJbivTjv
in regard to
{Wars of
the date, Antiq. xx.
according to Josephus, Life,
Soemus who died

Kyovo<i Xoefjbov
in
rov
A.D.
ire pi
xi.,
49
7.
1).
the Jews,
12. 8
ii.
This Varus
probably the son
of
{Ovpo<i aaCktKov
was,
that
yivovi,
rov Aiavov TeTpap')(ovvTO<i)}'^
After the Iturean territories liad been amalgamated with

the province of Syria, regular
We
there.
decades of the
of the
*^
Eoman
The
enlisted
from the
last
century in this farthest distant province
first
empire.'*^
it
cannot have belonged to this kingdom of

was from the time of Augustus a Roman colony (Mar-
quardt, limische Staatsvenvaltimg,
The
troops were
cohories
city of Heliopolis
Soeraus, since
*2
Eoman
meet with Iturean alae and
identity of the
Soemus
i.
1881, p. 428).
referred to in the latter passage with the
one who died in A.D. 49 is not, indeed, quite certain, since there was
during the time of Nero and Vespasian a Soemus of Emesa (Josephus,
Antiq. XX. 8. 4
TFars of the Jews, ii. 18. 9, iii. 4. 2, vii. 7. 1
Tacitus,
Hist. ii. 81, V. 1).
The present nrpxpzovuTO!; might be used with reference
to the latter.
But this grammatical argument is not decisive (comp.
WinCim's Grammar, 45. 7) ; and Josephus would scarcely have designated
;
the ruler of
Emesa
as ro
'Tnpl
rov Aiavov rirpctpxo'iJvTX, especially
if,
as
from Tacitus, Annates, xiii. 7, we must as.sume to have been the case, he
ruled over Sophene that lay far off across the Euphrates to the north of
Edessa.
*^
The
inscriptions in regard
data (compare the

p.
194)
list
of
to this matter afford us the following
Mommsen, Ephemeris
epigraphica, vol. v. 1884,
The ala
I.
Augusta Ituraeorum was stationed during A.r>. 98 in Pannonia
HISTORY OF CHALCIS, ITUEEA, AND ABILENE.
The
4.
kingdom,
history of Chalcis, the centre of the former Iturean
unknown
is
from the death of Cleopatra down
to us
The Emperor Claudius,
to the date of Claudius' accession.
on his coming
to the throne in A.D. 41, gifted it to a
Herod the Great, who was
of
{Corp. Inscr. Lat.

Inscr. Lat.
iii.
bach, n. 2003.
An
110 in Dacia {Corp.
a.d.
Compare
3446, 3677, 4367, 4368, 4371
n. 1382,
in A.D. 167 again in Pannonia {Corp.
Dipl. xlvi.).
p. 888,
iii.
t.
xix.), in
p. 862, Dipl.
t. iii.
grandson
He was
Herod.**
also called
p. 868, Dipl, xxv.),
t. iii.
Inscr. Lat.
341
also Corp. Inscr. Lat.
t.
BramJupiter by a
Corp. Inscr. Rhenan., ed.
inscription of Heliopolis dedicated to
Ituraeorum, therefore by a detacliment of this ala under a

separate command, has been found at Rome {Corp. Inscr. Lat. t. vi.
vexillatio alae
n. 421).
The
cohors I.
{Corp. Inscr.
Pannonia
{Corp.
iii.
t.
Lat.
t.
I.
p. 862, Dipl. xix.), in a.d.
110 in Dacia
a.D. 80, stationed in
in a.D. 98
xi.),
xxv.).
Compare
also Corp. Inscr.
n. 1099.
Inscr. Lat.
Corp. Inscr. Rhenan., ed.
The
t. iii.
Ituraeorum., distinct
110 in Dacia {Corp.
tatum
Pannonia
was still in
p. 888, Dipl.
iii.
Brambach,
cohors
it
854, Dipl.
p.
{Corp. Inscr. Lat.
Inscr.
lihenan., ed.
The
Augusta Ituraeorum was, in
Lat.
from the above, was stationed in
A.D.
Compare
also
t. iii.
Brambach,
p. 868, Dipl.
n. 1233,
xxv.).
Notitia digni-
1234, 1289.
Occidentis, xxvi. 16 (ed. Seeck, p. 178).
Upper Egypt
Greek inscriptions in the
temples at Talmis, Pselchis, and Hiera-Sycaminus (all on the borders of
Upper Egypt and Ethiopia) tell, with reference to the time of Hadrian
and Antoninus Pius, that these soldiers of this cohort had offered their
devotions {Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 5050, 5081, 5110).
Subsequently it was
cohors II. Ituraeorum
{Ephemeris
epigr.
was
stationed, in a.D. 83, in
1884, p. 612
vol. v.
sq.).
stationed in
Lower Egypt
{Notitia dignitatum orientis, xxviii.
44,
ed.
Seeck, p. 60).
The
cohors III. Ituraeorum
{Ephemeris
t.
v. p.
vol.
2394, 2395,
viii. n.
epigr.
ix. n.
t.
was stationed, in A.D. 83, in Upper Egypt

612 sq.). Compare also Corp. Inscr. Lat.
1619.
cohors VII. Ituraeorum is supposed to be referred to in
on the
Memnon
statue at Thebes {Corp. Inscr. Lat.
t.
iii.
an inscription
n. 59).
But
it
has been conjectured that there instead of VII. we should read III.
Reference perhaps is made to the sending of Iturean troops to
Moesia in the fragmentary inscription in Le Bas and Waddington,
Hauran)
**
et
latines,
t.
iii.
n.
2120
(ed. el-Hit,
i|(Xa';y TO? f/f MoKTi'x
Tovpoiiuv Kul arpctTYi
5. 1
Wars
...
of the Jews,
ii.
11. 5.
north of the
342
APPENDIX
brother of Agiippa
Herod the
Herod
amme,
so a son of AristoLulus, the
son of
Great.^^
of
Chalcis had the
He was
rank.*^
aud
I.,
I.
twice
aaiXev^, and praetorian
title
His
married.
first
Herod the Great.

who married Salome,
wife was Mari-
By
a granddaughter of
^"^
a son, Aristobulus,
widow
Herodias, and
her he had
daughter of
the
of the tetrarch Philip, and obtained from
The second wife
Xero the government of Lesser Armenia.'*^
Herod was Berenice, the daughter
of his brother Agrippa,
of
who
gave her to him in marriage after the death of Marcus, son of

Alexander, the alabarcb of Alexandria, to
By
betrothed.*^
two
had
he
her
whom
she was
first
Berenicianus and
sons,
Hyrcanus.^**
At
the assembly of princes which was once convened by
Agrippa
Eoman
I.
had been
at Tiberias, but
we
governor Marsus,
After the death of Agrippa

the emperor
interest
of
temple
and
and
the
Herod
in A.D. 44,
I.
this is the point that
the
in
so rudely treated
find our
Jewish
history
he besought from
makes him an
oversight
the
temple treasury, as well
nominating the high
by the
also present.^^
as
object
of
the
the right of
His prayer was granted, and he
priest.
exercised his right by frequent appointments and depositions

of high priests,^^
Wars of the Jetcs, i.

5. 4
always desiguated ocaiTî: by Josephus.
speaks of his praetorian rank {arpotTriyiKou acîauet).
*^
Josephup, Antiq. xviii.
*^
He
*'^
Josephus, Antiq.
^8
Tacitiis,
^3
is
Aanales.
xviii. 5. 4, xx. 5.
5.
xx.
4,
2
8.
28. 1.
Dio
Cassius, Ix. 8,
Wars of the Jews, ii. 11.

Wars of the Jews, ii.
;
6.
13. 2
xiii. 7, xiv. 26.
5.
TavTriv
f/Jv (Ti>.ivri -/oip
"MipKo; 6 roi
AXsf scyoooy v!6i) '!Tctp6ivov 'Kot.uu ci'6s7^$'> tu a,inw 'A'/piV^rj 'HpiiO'/j olouai.
This is thecorrect reading, and we should not put marks of parenthesis round
Tretudzvov '/..liiv, as Bekker does.
Compare Ewald, History of Israel, vii. 197.
Berenice therefore was not actually married, but only betrothed to Marcus.
*<*
*'
^2 Jseijhus,
Aidiq. xx.
5.
2; Wars of the Jews,
ii.
11. 6.
8. 2.
1. 3,
5. 2.
Compare Div.
II. vol.
i.
p. 106.
HISTORY OF
On
his coins
he
CII ALOIS,
named
is
^LkoKXavSio";
whom
pliment to the emperor, to
AND ABILENE.
ITREA,
he owe^
o43
a natural com-
advance-
all his
^^Tiether an honorary inscription of the Athenians
ment.^^
to a 'Hpoi)BT]<; EvaeT]<; kol îXoKaiaap, refers to him,
seems
doubtful.54
He
died after a reign of about seven years, in the 8th year
His nephew, Agrippa
of Claudius, A.D. 48.
kingdom, but probably only
at a
somewhat
II.,
obtained his
later period.^^
Agrippa continued in possession of Chalcis only
when
The
a larger kingdom.^*'
again into
53,
A.D.
history of Chalcis thereafter recedes
In the time of Vespasian there
obscurity.
King Aristobulus
indeed,
possibly
may
The
Chalcidice mentioned,
of
is,
who
be identical with the son of Herod of Chalcis and
But even
king of Lesser Armenia.^*^

^3
till
he, in return for the surrender of this country, obtained
this
if
were
coins are given in Eckliel, Dodr. Num..
so, it
is
iii. 492
Mionnet,
380 Lenormant, Tresor de
mimismatique, p. 127, pi. Ix. n. 8-10
Imlioof-Blumer, Portrtkpfe auf
antiken Mnzen (1885), p. 44, table vi. 20.
Many numismatists have
assigned to one Herod a small copper coin with an eagle, and the superscription BfltffA. Hpuo. (so Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatik, ii. 35
Levy,
Geschichte der jiid. Mnzen, p. 82
Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, pp.
111-113). But the fact that the coins have been found in Jerusalem is in
favour of the assigning of them to Herod the Great, and the figure of the
eagle is not decisive against this view (De Saulcy, Recherches sur la Xumismatique juda'ique, p. 131 "^îeseler, Beitrge zur richtigen Wrdigung der
Evangelien, pp. 86-88
Madden, Coins of the Jews, p. 114, in which he
Description de me'dailles, v. 569
sq.,
Swppl.
viii.
retracts his earlier opinion,

5*
Corp. Inscr. Attic,
'Hpl/ii/ 'Eixji^
inscription at
similar
iii.
n.
1,
551, at
Kul Î'KoKaiaxp [xjpirrjS
Athens
manner a
Athens: fO ojijôf
eumx x-ecl iifipyiaiug.
[/SaaA]:'
Another
{Corp. Inscr. Attic,
iii.
aai'Kix. 'Hp^/iu <î7.opf<,ctiou.
1,
n.
550) honours in a
On account of the diver-
two references might be applied to two different

seems to be most in accordance with otherwise demonstrable
antiquity of the titles to refer n. 550 to Herod the Great, and n. 551 to
sity in the title, these
men
Herod
and
it
of Chalcis.
But
difficulties arise
over the fact that the latter on
coins calls himself îXok7.ocvoio;.

^5
5.
IFars of
*^
7. 1
Wars
^^
Josephus, JVars of the Jews,
Jeus,
ii.
11. 6,
of the Jews,
ii.
12. 8.
tJie
vii. 7. 1
rij; fîu
12. 1.
XxT^KiOiKr;; h'.yoîvris
APPENDIX L
344
very doubtful whether by Chalcidice
we
are to understand
the territory of our Chalcis ad Lihanum, or the territory of
On
Chalcis ad Behim.
The
city
of
beginning with
Chalcis,
A.D.
both see above,
p.
329
f.
according to the coins, has an era
92, which probably was the year of
its
incorporation with the province of Syria,^^

AoKJTv'Kos-
(year 17),
A coin with the superscription Bxci'Ksu; hotaroov'hw ET
Inu
OviaTrataietvu AvroKoccropi 'S.ta.aTu, is
IZ
communicated Ly De
Saulcy {Melanges de Numismatiqne, t. iii. 1882, pp. 339-349) Babelon

(Revue Numismatiqne, troisieme serie, t. 1. 1883, p. 145, pi. iv. n. 9), and
Iralioof-Blumer {Fortrtkpfe, p. 44, table vi. 21-22, wliere mention is also
made of Aristobulus' wife, Salome).
08 Norris, Annus et ep chae, iii. 9. 3 (ed. Lips. p. 316 sqq.)
Eckhel,
;
Dodr. Num. iii. 264

Suppl viii. 115 sqq.
sq.
Mionnet, Description de
me'dailleSy v.
143
sqq.,
APPENDIX
II.
HISTORY OF THE NABATEAN KINGS.

Literature.
Eeland,
Palestina, pp. 90-95.
Vincent, Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients in the Indian Ocean,

London 1807, vol. ii. pp. 273-276 (was not obtainable by me).
QuATREMERE, "Memoire sur

t.
Nabateens " {Nouveau Journal
las
asiatique,
XV. 1835, pp. 5-55, 97-137, 209-240).
Robinson, Biblical Researches in
Palestine,
Williams in Smith's Dictionary

" Nabataei," vol.
558
ff.
and Roman Geography,
xii. (1846),
pp. 111-140,
"Nabataei," in Pauly's Real-Encyclopaedie der
art.
art.
392-394.
ii.
Ritter, Erdkunde von Asien, Tbl.

Cless,
ii.
of Greek
Alter-
class.
thumswisseyischaft, Bd. v. (1848) pp. 377-384.
Winer,
Biblisches Realwrterbuch, art. " Nabater."
Due DE LuYNES,
"
Monnaies des Nabateens
pp. 292-316, 362-385,
The Nabateans and

Biblical Record,
Kuhn, Die
Professor
new
stdtische
und
"
{Revue Numismatique, 1858,
pl. xiv., xv., xvi.).
Chwolson
series, vol.
i.
{Journal of Sacred Literature and
1862, pp. 103-115).
brgerliche Verfassung des rmischen Reichs, Bd.
(1865) pp. 165-169.

Voge, " !M:)nnaie3 des rois de Nabatene {Revue Numismatique, 1868,
ii.
De
pp. 153-168, pl. V.)
also reprinted in Melanges d'archôlogie Orientale,
Paris 1868.
De
V0Q:, Syrie
124
centrales. Inscriptions se'mitiques (Paris 1868), pp.
comp. Schrder,
xxxviii. 1884, p. 532
NLDEKE,
p.
De
269
art.
Zeitschrift
deutschen Palstina
des
100-
Vereins,
f.
"Nabater," in Schenkel's
Bibellexicon,
Bd.
iv.
(1872)
f.
Saulcy, "Numismatique des

la Society frangaise de
pp. 1-35).
rois
Nabateens de Petra" {Annuaire de
Numismatique
Supplements to
this
315
(1)
et dJ Arche'ologie,
Annuaire de
t.
iv.
1,
1873,
la Socie'te' francaise
346
APPENDIX
Numismatique
de
dÂrcMologie,
et
IL
v. (
t.
= seconde
eerie,
(2)
Mdanges
de Numismatique,
Aretas and two of Syllus
Sekailatli).
1882, pp. 193-197 (a coin of
iii.
t.
?).
Grtz, " Die Anfnge der Nabaterherrschaft" (Monatsschriftfr
und Wissenschaft
ScHRADER,
Kautzsch,
des
fasc. 5,
t. i.)
and
1881, p. 462 sq. (unreadable coins, perhaps of Aretas
Geschichte
Judenthums, 1875, pp. 49-67).
Keilinschriften
und
Geschichtsforschung, 1878, pp. 99-116.
"Nabater," in Riehm's Handwrterbuch des biblischen
art.
A Iterthums.
Marquardt, Rmische
431
Staatsverwaltung, Bd.
i.
2 Aufl. 1881, pp. 404
f.,
f.
Sachau, "Eine nabatische Inschrift aus Dmer"

morgenlnd.
Gesellsch.
Ganxeau, Eevue
De Vgue,
criticjue,
1885, Nr.
Comptes rendus
pp. 88-92,
5,
and Nr.
V Academic des inscriptions
die
de rannte, 1885 (IV Serie,
(Zeitschrift der deutschen
In addition, Clermont-
1884, pp. 535-542).
t.
xiii.),
Doughty, Documents ^pigraphiques
175
9, p.
sq.
et belles-lettres
pp. 45-52.
recueillis
dans
le
nord de VArabie,
Paris 1884.
Berger, " Nouvelles
inscriptions nabateennes de
rendus de V Academic des inscriptions

t.
xii.),
Medam
et belles-lettres
Salih " (Comptes
de Vannê (IV"" serie,
pp. 377-393.
HAL:fivY, "Inscriptions nabateennes" (Revue des dudes juives,
pp. 8-16),
known only from
Clermont - Ganneau, "Les

"
ix.
norns royaux nabateens employes
nomsdivins" (Revue arcMologique, III"
Neubauer,
t.
1884,
quotation in Doughty.
serie,
t.
comme
v. 1885, pp. 170-178).
On some newly-discovered Temanite and Nabataean
Inscrip-
tions" (Studia Biblica, Oxford 1885, pp. 209-232).
MoMMSEN, Rmische
476
Geschichte, v. 1885, p.
if.
EuTiNG, Nabatische Inschriften aus Arabien, Berlin 1885

at pp. 81-89
Gutschmid,
in this
Verzeichniss der nabatischen Knige
Euting gives the same inscripDoughty and Berger, but much more
most complete collection of materials.

tions for the most part as
work
the
correctly.
SoRLiN-DoRiGNY and Babelon, " Monnaies Nebatcênnes

Numismatique, troisieme
Separate
single
Numismat.
sferie, t. v.
1887, pp. 369-377).
Nabatean coins have been communicated by Levy,

Zeitschrift,
Bd.
iii.
1871, pp. 445-448,
Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie aus
Nabatean inscription from Puteoli

schrift
der
inedites " (Revue
DMG.
is
1869, pp. 150-154
dem
and Olshausen,
Jahre, 1874, p. 185.
given by Gildemeister, Zeit-
comp,
also.
Levy, Zeitschrift

der
BMG.
pp. 652-654
Nldeke, Ibid. 1884, pp. 144, 654.
examples are given by Kenan, Journal
One
1873, pp. 366-382.
in Zeitschrift der
BMG.
ii.
(p.
is
444 sq.= atlas,
Eckliel, Boctr.
12
48, n,
pi.
Num.
iii.
330
the Aretas referred to in the
1755
Mionnet,
Lenormant, Tresor de Numis-
17-19.
Ivi. n.
Latin coin of Scaurus, with
New
i.
120
Testament
Num. v.
rafione (1833), pp. 173-182
131
sq.
(2 Cor. xi. 32), see
Heyne, Be ethnarcha retae Arabuvi
especially Joh. Gottlob
(1848), pp. 167-175,
ii.
Visconti, Iconographie grecque,
Babelon, Monnaies de la re'publique romaine,
2 vols. Wittenib.
t.
given by Levy,
reference to the subjugation of Aretas, in Eckhel, Boctr.
On
Other
serie,
1869, pp. 435-440.
Bescription de me'dailles, v. 284 sq.

t.
VII
asiatique,
inscription from Sidon
Greek Aretas coins are given in
matique, p. 117, pi.
347
Anger, Be temporum in
actis
regis,
apostoloruvi
'Wi&s.&iv, Chronologie des apostol. Zeitalters
and the
on Aretas in Winer's êaZuwier-
articles
luch and Herzog's lieal-Encyclopacdie (the latter by Wieseler).
Besides the Syrian empire in the north, and the Egyptian
empire in the south, Palestine had during the Graeco-Iioman

period a third powerful neighbour
the south and east.
The
the JSTabatean kingdom in
kingdom can now
history of this
be set forth in a tolerably connected manner only

scattered references
Josephus,
afforded
are
filled
in
early
out by
means
to
by coins and
it
inscriptions.
the coins has been imparted by the
writers,
the
of
when
particularly
rich
the
in
materials
Information regardinrr
Due
de Luynes (1858),
(1868), and De Saulcy (1873); information regarding the inscriptions by De Vogue (1868), Doughty (1884),
De Vogue
Berger (who in
1884 published the materials gathered by the

Huber, who perished as a victim in the pro-
scientific traveller
secution of his calling), and Euting (1885).

of
De Vogue
The
inscriptions
belong to the district of the Hauran, and there-
fore to the north of the
Nabatean kingdom
those published
by Doughty, Berger, and Euting were found for the most part
at el-Hegr. (= Medain Salih), one of the southernmost points of
the kingdom of Nabatea.
The
latter are
and important, since almost
all
of
them
specially
numerous
are dated according
348
APPENDIX
Nabateau kings Aretas and
to the years of the reigns of the
The
Malchus.
made
possible
IL
correct reading of
them was
for the first
by the careful copies of Euting.
time
This scholar
has also correctly determined the meaning of some Nabatean
made
number-signs, and has thereby
corrections
upon several
conjectured dates in the earlier readings of the coins and

inscriptions.
inscriptions
The whole material from writers, coins, and

has been collected together by Gutschmid in an
To
excursus to Euting's works.
we
About the nation
know
its
his full
and informing
treatise
are largely indebted for the facts in the following sketch.
of the
Nabateans (Naaratot,
we can point
The language of
so little that
nationality.
to
11333)
we
no certain indication of
the coins and inscriptions,
which without exception are in Aramaic, seems
to
confirm
On
Quatremere's supposition that they were Ai-amaeans.
the
other hand, they are uniformly designated by early writers
Arabians, and indeed not only by those writing at a distance,
but also by such as Josephus,
with
familiar
the
names on the
has
therefore
quite
Aramaeans
and
between
distinction
Besides this,
Arabians.
who must have been
it
should be
noted also that the
The idea
inscriptions are distinctly Arabian.
rightly
been
insisted
upon
principally
by
Nldeke that they were Arabians, but that they had made
use for literary purposes of the Aramaic as the language cf
culture at that time, because
the
Arabic had not yet been
developed into a literary language.^
Regarding the history of the Nabateans previous to the

Hellenic
we
period,
identity with the

xxviii. 9, xxxvi.
tribe, is
really
rii'â
3,
know next
nothing.
to
Their
who are mentioned in Gen. xxv. 13,
1 Chron.
i.
29, Isa.
Ix.
7, as
an Arabian
indeed probable but by no means certain.^
Nor do
Bd. xvii.
See Nldeke, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlnd.

IT., XXV. 1871, p. 122 ff.
Gesellsch.
The
Joseplius, Antiq.
1863, p. 703
2
identity was,
it
would seem, assumed even by
i.
349
we
much
obtain
from
information
further
The
inscriptions.^
cruciform
the
actually reliable information about
first
the Nabateans comes to us at the beginning of the Hellenistic
We find
period.
ites
had been
Gulf in the
When
them
settled,
where
then,
in earlier times the
district of Petra, the ancient
Antigonus, in
b.c.
y?9 of the Edomites.
312, had driven Ptolemy Lagus out
of Coele-Syria, he sent his general
Athenus with 4000
and 600 cavalry against the Nabateans.
soldiers
But
own
in consequence of his
foot
Athenus
threw down their stronghold Petra, and took from

spoil.
Edom-
between the Dead Sea and the Aelanitic
it
great
carelessness his
army
was soon thereafter almost completely annihilated by a night

attack of
the Nabateans
only fifteen horsemen, and even
these mostly woimded, are said to have escaped.
Antigonus
thereupon sent his son Demetrius against the ISTabateans with

a
new army.
But even Demetrius was not able
with
homeward march,
arranging
for
he had to content himself
for
hostages,
and taking pledges from the
Nabateans that they would maintain friendship.
who
reports all this
to
us,^ gives
nomads, practising no agricultural
cattle rearing
and
trade,
Diodorus,
on this occasion also a
They were even then un-
description of the Nabateans.

civilised
win any
After a fruitless siege of Petra he began
decisive victory.
again his
to
and evidently
arts,
still
pursuing no
without kings.
But gradually culture must have made its way more and
more amongst them, until they came to have a sort of civil
and
political order
under regal government.
Their dominion
He was
followed by Jerome, Quaestiones in Genes, xxv. 13, Opi?. ed.

and by most modern commentators. See, besides the
literature referred to above, the commentaries on Gen. xxv. 13.
The only
12. 4.
Vallarsi,
iii.
345,
difficulty arises from the fact that Nabajoth is written with n, Nabaiean
with to (on coins and inscriptions it is written constantly "|lD30).
^ See Schrader, Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung, 1878,
pp. 99-116.
*
Diodorus, xix. 94-100.
Compare
Geschichte des Helleîismns, 2 Aufl.
ii.
2,
Plutarch, Demetr.
pp. 55-59.
7; Droyseu,
350
APPENDIX
II.
was now extended toward the north and toward the south.
Their capital continued to be that Petra which so early as
the time of Antigonus had formed their strongest place of
refuge.^
The
is
Jason in
priest
whom we
whom the high
prince (jvpavvos;) of the Nabateans of
first
know anything
Since Aretas
that Aretas (Aretas
169
B.c.
is
I.)
with
designated as Tvpavvo<;
it
After
outbreak
Maccabean
revolution
the
the
Jonathan,
of
Jewish
the
of
national
See
160).
B.c.
country under
the
title of king.
Nabatean princes assumed a friendly attitude toward

leaders
the
v. 8).^
would seem that the
Nabatean princes then had not yet assumed the
Mace.
in vain sought shelter (2
Mace.
25,
ix.
164;
The
35.
as
far
as
(Judas,
v.
now extended
rule
their
party
B.C.
to
the
district east of the Jordan.

*
p.
Compare on Petra
779
as capital of the Nabateans, especially Strabo, xvi.
Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 28. 144
xvii. 3. 2, xviii. 5. 3
Pompeius,
c.
41
Wars
Josephus, Antiq.
i.
1.
xiv. 4, 5.
6. 2, 8. 1, 13. 8, 29.
1, 13. 9,
Plutarch,
Generally
Reland,
Periplus maris erythraei, 19.
Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, ii. 512,
Palaestina, p. 926 sqq.

517, C53
of the Jews,
Rauraer, Palstina, pp. 276-278, 451 ff. Ritter, Erdkunde, xiv.

Winer,
Cless in Pauly's Real - Encyclopaedie, v. 1394 flf.
;
1103-1141;
Realwrterhuch, art.
" Sela
Bertheaii in Schenkel's Bibellexicon, art.
"
"Sela;" Mhlau in Riebm's Wrterbuch,
"Sela
art.
;"
Dyer in Smith's
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. " Petra," vol. ii. 583
Mionnet, Description de mMailles, v.
Eckhel, Doctr. Num. iii. 503 sq.
587-589, Suppl.
tiainte,
viii.
387
sq.
De
pp. 351, 353, pi. xx. 1-6
Saulcy,
Numismatique de
la
Terre
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung,
2 Aufl. i. 1881, p. 431 f.

Due de Luynes, Voyage d Exploration la mer
morte d Petra et sur la rive gauche du Jourdain, 3 vols. Text and 1 of
;
illnstr.
Paris,
s.
a.
[1874] especially pi. 44-49
Badeker-Socin, Palstina,
1875, pp. 303-309.

^ The Second Book of Mace. v. 8 says with reference to this
Jason was
imprisoned by Aretas, prince of the Arabians Qyx.'eKTdsls Trpog 'Apiretv rov
Tuv kp.uv Tvpavvoy), then fled from city to city, etc. Instead of the
reading of the common text syxXsiaht's, modern expositors have conjectured
i'/K'hYiiU (accused), and interpreted it as meaning that Jason had sought
refuge with Aretas, but was not received by him, since, on account of his
hostile attitude toward Antiochus Epiphanes, he had been " accused " or
denounced before Aretas.
:
351
The kingdom
of the Nabateans, however, did not rise into
end
greater importance until the
when
Christ,
the
fall of
the second century before
of
the empire of the Ptolemies and the
made possible the founding of a powerful

In Justin's
independent commonwealth upon their borders.
Seleucid dynasty
Pompeius
abstract from Trogus
110100
B.c.
consumpti
proeliis
it
kingdom
" ut
finitimorum
antea,
inbelli
genti,
this
enfeebled,
so
contemptum
in
Arabum
praedaeque
said of the period about
is
5-6) that
5.
Egypt had become
and
Syria
(Justin, xxxix.
of
adsiduis
venerint
fuerint
quorum
rex Erotimus fiducia septingentorum filiorum, quos ex paelicibus susceperat, divisis
nunc Aegyptum, nunc
exercitibus
Syriam infestabat magnumque noraen Arabum viribus
morum
regarded
be
to
as
the
finiti-
This Erotimus therefore ou^ht
exsanguibus fecerat."
founder
the
of
Nabateau
royal
dynasty.'^
An
Aretas
II.
(Âperwi 6 'Apdcov aaiXev^)
spoken of
is
time of the siege of Gaza by Alexander Jannaus in
at the
He had
promised help to the Gazites, but the city
B.c.
96.
fell
into the hands of Alexander before Aretas could afford
assistance (Josephus, Antiq.
couple of years
attacked
King Obedas
his
suffered at
later,
I.
4.
4).
De
xi.
B.c.
90, Alexander Jannaus

acrcXea), but
hands a crushing defeat on the east

13.
xiii.
Wars of
the
of the
Jews,
Saulcy, Gutschmid, and Babelon think that to
The two "Arabians,"
Mace.
13. 3).
(OiSav rov 'Apuoyp
Jordan (Josephus, Antiq.

i.
xiii.
about
referred
about
to
B.c.
17 (called Zabelus in Josephus, Antiq.
146, 145,
xiii. 4. 8,
"Zabdiel,"
and perhaps
Diodes in Diodorus in Mller, Fragm. hist, graec. t. ii.

and " Imalkue," 1 Mace. xi. 39 (called Malchus in Josephus,
Antiq. xiii. 5. 1, and in Diodorus in Mller, Fragm. hist, graec. ii. p. xvii.,
identical with
p.
xvi.),
called Janiblichus,
i.e. 13^0% see vol. i. of present work, p. 247), were

probably only petty rulers, not princes of the Nabatcans (see Gutschmid
in Euting, Nabatliische Inschriften, p. 81).
The very existence of the
Maliku I., whom Gutschmid, on the strength of the testimony of a coin,
places
on the
list
before Erotimus,
is
extremely doubtfuL
352
this
APPENDIX
Obedas
coins with
the
i?D maj?.^
11333
another
Again,
be ascribed certain
slioulJ
I.
superscription
II.
couple
years
of
later,
Antiochus
XII.
advanced from Coele-Syria against the king of the Arabians,
whose name
not mentioned.
is
Antiochus himself
were victorious.
Antiq.
( Josephus,
Aretas
that
just
he,
in
the Arabians
of
whom
III., of
the battle at Cana
fell in
15.1; Wars of
xiii.
unnamed king
the
This time also the Arabians
the Jews,
we
are
i.
to
By
4. 7).
understand
Josephus immediately afterwards
consequence of
death of
the
tells
Antiochus,
succeeded in gaining possession of Coele-Syria and Damascus,
and then gained
a victory
Adida
Antiq.
i.
(Josephus,
The power
4. 8).^
about
B.c.
over Alexander
15.
xiii.
Jannus near
Wars of
Jews,
the
the Nabatean kings was thus now,
of
85, extended
as
far
as
To our
Damascus.^''
Aretas III. the Numismatists have rightly assigned the coins

^
De
Saulcy,
Annuaire,
t.
Nabatische Inschriften, p. 82.

Levy, Numismat. Zeitschrift,
iv.
iii.
Gutscbmid in Eating,
18 sq.
example of this coin is also given by
The specimen
1871, pp. 445-448.
p.
An
published by Babelon {Revue Nuviismatique, 1887, p. 371

superscription 1^33 ']b^ X3^JD mil), and is of the fifth year
sq.)
has the
(î'on DJC^).
y Gutscbmid understands by the unnamed king Eabilus, by whom,

according to Stepli. Byz., "the Macedonian Antigonus was slain" (Steph.
Byz.
s.v.
'Mu'
Kuûn
''Kpxix;,
iv
ri
'idxvsv
'AuTtyovoi
'Vai'Kov Toy u.si'Kiug tuv 'Apxi'uv, ug Opccvio;

'Xuzlyovo;,
XII.
Gutscbmid reads
'Kurioxo;,
lu
^luy.eOu
nvkjA.'ZTu).
and understood by
it
vto
Instead of
Antiochus
by a
would
It seems to me, however, that this hypothesis is shattered
careful comparison of Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 15. 2 with 15.
1.
It
assume two kings between Aretas II. in b.c. 96

and Aretas III. in b.c. 85. In the passage from Steph. Byz. we must in
any case suppose that some confusion has entered in. But all the less
can we build upon it any satisfactory conclusion. Compare also Mller,
Fragm. hist, graec. iv. 525.
^^ Damascus, however, cannot have continued in unbroken possession
also thus be necessary to
of the Arabians
down
to the
Roman
conquest,
for,
according to a coin of
70-69 (Mionnet, Supjjl. viii. 193), it was

then autonomous. In agreement with this also is the fact that it was
occupied about that time by the Jewish queen Alexandra in order to
protect it against Ptolemy Meunus (Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 16. 3 ; Ware
the year 243 Seleuc. aera
of the Jews,
i.
5. 3).
B.C.
HISTORY OF TUE NABATEAN KINGS.
353
with the superscription, BaaCKewq Âperov î\eX\r]vo<;.

belong to no
can
Damascus
Aretas,
and not indeed
himself " the
he called
witness
other
there occurred also the
younger Aretas IV., since
prevalence
Nabatean kingdom.
period in the
know from
to the
These
were minted in
Friend of his People."
to the
therefore
they
for
Hellenism
of
In
first collision
The coins
^^
that
at
the time of this Aretas
We
with the Eomans.
the Jewish history that Aretas, in the
conflict
bet%7een Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, sided with the party of
Hyrcanus, supported him with his troops, and laid siege to

Aristobulus in Jerusalem
Roman
general
Scaurus,
but then, at the
command
he withdrew, and on
of the
return
his
march was defeated by Aristobulus (Josephus, Antiq.

4-2. 3
].
Wars of
had made a resolve
march
]iis
6,
xiv.
Thereupon Pompey
2-3).
But during
he was obliged by the hostile attitude
make
to
i.
go himself against Aretas.
his
way back
Judea (Antiq.
to
After the conquest of Jerusalem,
3-4).
3.
to
to Petra
Aristobulus
the Jews,
of
xiv.
Pompey made
over the province of Syria to Scaurus {Antiq. xiv. 4. 5); and

this general
was the
first
an expedition against Petra,
to lead
but obtained from Aretas no more than the payment of a
money
sum
of
Only
to this extent
{Antiq. xiv. 5. 1
which Pompey had
Wars of
was the subjugation

boasted,^^
the Jews,
i.
8. 1).
of Aretas carried, of
and which was gloried over
Num. Vet. iii. 330 Mionnet, Descrip284 sq. Visconti, Iconographie grecque, ii. 444 sq. =
atlas, pi. 48, n. 12
Lenormant, Tresor de numismatique, p. 117, pi. Ivi.
Due de Luynes, Eevue Numismatique, 1858, p. 293 sq., pi. xiv.
n. 17, 18
De Saulcy, Annuaire, t. iv. 1873, p. 11 sq., pi. i. n. 4, 5 Inihoofn. 2, 3
Elumer, Portrtkpfe (1885), p. 47, Illust. vi. 24. One of these coins has
the year number AP = 101, on which compare Due de Luynes, Ixevue
Numismatique, 1858, p. 311 sq. The reference of this coin to Aretas IV.,
which Eohden favours {De Falaestina et Arabia provinciis Eomanis, 1885,
p. 6 sq.), is impossible, since the title on it, noj? Dm, cannot be synonymous with O/AsAA)!.
1^
See the coins in Eckhel, Doctr.
tion de medailles, v.
12
Diodorus,
xl.
A = Exc. Vatican, pp. 128-130.
xxxvii. 15; Plutarch, Po???25as, 41
DIV.
I.
VOL.
II.
Appian,
Compare
also
Die
Cassius,
ilfiiAnda^. 106; Orosius, vi. U.
354
APPENDIX
lipon a coin
struck in
memory
Damascus, on the very

Syria,
had
2.
of the
by the
to
Wars of
legates
the Jews,
from that time onward continued under

^^
Eckhel, Doctr.
r(mvaine,
Vet. v.
city of
131
Babelon,
Eoman
Mommies
Pompey
of
6.
i.
2),
and
suzerainty.^*
de la r^publique
On the coin Aretas is represented as

i.
1885, p. 120 sq.
with the superscription: "Rex Aretas, M. Scaur, aed. cur.,
t.
kneelinji,
ei
Num.
The
event. ^^
appearance of the Eomans in
first
been laid siege
(Josephus, Aniiq. xiv.
II.
S. C."
Marquardt, Rmische Staatsverwaltung, i. 405, and Momrasen, Rmische

476 f., assume from 2 Cor. xi. 32 that Damascus, from the
ljeginnin<^ of the Roman period down to a.D. 106, had continued in
But, besides the passage from Jerome
subjection to the Arabian kings.
1*
Geschichte, v.
quoted by us in Div.
tell against that view
i. p. 97, the following evidence seems to

According to Diny, Hist. Nat. v. 18. 74, and
Ptolemy, v. 15. 22, it belonged to Decapolis, i.e. to the cities which hail
tlieir freedom given them, and were placed only under the general
It cannot therefore, in
super\'ision of the Roman governor of Syria.
consequence of the arrangements made by Pompey, have been given over
to the king of Arabia.
(2) The existence of a " cohors I. Flavia Damascenorum'' {Corp. laser. Lat. t. iii. 2, p. 870, Dipl. n. xxvii. Ephemcris
Cfiifjr. t. v. p. 194 and p. 652 sq., a military diploma of Domitian of a.D.
90 found at Mainz) proves that at latest in the time of the Flavian
II. vol.
(1)
ilvnasty, therefore in the first Cliristian century, regular enlistments of
Roman
This, to say the least of it, was

troops were made in Damascus.
very unlikely to occur in a city belonging to the territory of an Arabian
king, although, indeed, Mommsen regards such enlistment as possiljle in
tlie territories of kings who recognised the sovereignty of Rome (Hermes,
xix. 48, 49).
(3) After the territory of the Arabian king had been
converted in a.D. 106 into a Roman province, Damascus belonged not to
the Roman province of Arabia, but to the province of Syria. (So, along
with others,
TJjj
testifies
xppciiy.iî
y/i;
Justin in the Dial.
tJu
kxI
iartv,
si
x.l
c.
Trypho,
vv
c.
78
s.
-Trpoavivifim'roe.t
fin.: ^ctiA-ttaKi',
rtj
'2vpfj(ôti/iKij
In the boundary dispute between the Sidonians and the

Damascenes in the time of Tiberius {Antiq. xviii. 6. 3), mention is made
only of the suzerainty of the lloiuan governor, not of that of the Arabian
king.
(5) Also the coins of Damascus, with the images of Augustus,
Tiberius, Nero, are very unfavourable to the idea of a contemporary
subjection to the king of Arabia.
Recently Rohden has therefore rightly
'Asyofiiuij.)
(4)
(De Palaestina et Arabia provinciis Romanis, 1885, pp. 4-9) decided against
tlie views of Marquardt and Mommsen.
Wandel (Zeitschri fr kircld.
IFissensch. und kirchl. Leben, 1887, fip. 433-443) tliinks he has made a
completely new discovery when he declares that Damascus was "neither
Arabian nor Roman, but an independent state with certain gviaranteed
IIISTOKY OF
355
THE NABATEAN KINGS.
The
period of the reign of Aretas III. extends, according
to the
hitherto prevailing view, from
85
B.c.
to
On
60.
somewhere about
B.c.
account of the similarity between his
and that of Aretas Philellen, some of the Xabatean
portrait
nmn
coins with the superscription in33 ih^
On
to him.^^
have been ascribed
one we meet with the number 17 or 18 (so
Euting-Gutschmid, not as was formerly read, 32 or 33).
In
B.c.
55 Gabinius undertook an expedition against the

"Whether at that time Aretas or his successor
Xabateans.
Malchus
occupied the
(Antiq. xiv.
6.
Malclms
I.
throne
Wars of
the Jews,
i,
stated
p.
by Josephus
8. 7).
or MaXt^jô?, see
{M\-)(o<i
NabatUche Inschriften,
In
not
is
Noldeke
63) reigned from
in Euting,
B.c. 5
to b.c. 28.
he placed cavalry at the service of Caesar
B.c. '1
Alexandrian war
{Bell. Alex.
quered Palestine in
When
i.).
for the
the Parthians con-
40, Herod wished to take refuge with
b.c.
Malchus, but was not received by him (Josephus, Antiq.

14.
aid
him a
i.
tribute in
bestowed
Cassius,
the
xiv.
Wars of the Jcvjs,

14. 12).
On account of the
given by him to the Parthians, Ventidius exacted from
12
portion
a
xlix.
Jcu-s,
i.
b.c.
39 (Dio
of
18. 4).^^
In
upon
territory
his
32; Plutarch,
Cassius, xlviii. 41).
Antony
Cleopatra (Dio
36; Josephus, Wars of

32 Malchus sent to Antony
^4 n^07i.
b.c.
auxiliary troops for the Actean
war (Plutarch, Anton.
61).
Since he no longer paid the tribute for the portion granted

to Cleopatra,
war was waged against him by Herod
instigation of Antony.
Tlie war,
which
at the
at the beginning
was
favourable to the Arabians, ended in their utter overthrow in

under Roman suzerainty and Roman protectors" (p. 441 f.).
it is correct, is precisely tlie view of tliose who speak of it
liberties
This, so far as
as " Roman."
^*
De Vogue, Revue
2\umismatique, 1868,
p.
157
De
Saulcy, Annuaiir,
iv. p. 13.
^^
The statement
was put
of Josephus, JFars of the
^leir?,
i.
22. 3, that
to death at the instigation of Cleopatra, is eironeous.
Malchus
356
32-31 (Josephus
The last that we hear
Antiq. xv. 5;
B.C.
APPENDIX
II.
Malchus
of
Wars of
is
that
the Jetvs,
19).
i.
he promised the
aged Hyrcanus to support him in the revolt planned against
Herod
in
b.c.
30 (Antiq.
Vogue thinks a
referred, in
Malchus
JSTabatean
which
spoken of (x3ô
xv. 6. 2-3).
" the
inscription
De
our Malchus
Bozra should be
at
eleventh year of King Maliku "
11
lai^n!?
To
Eenan
djC')-^'^
on an inscription
(1033 ']b^ ID^jd)
is
this
same
which has
been
finds
discovered at Puteoli.^^
Obodas IL, about
b.c.
28-9, was king during the campaign
of Aelius Gallus against the southern Arabians,
which campaign a thousand
in
He made
took part.
to his
e'7rt'T/)07ro9
Nabatean
B.c.
25-24,
auxiliary troops
over the concerns of government wholly
Syllaeus,
who gave
to
Aelius Gallus evil
counsel as to the course of march that he should take (Strabo,

xvi. pp.
780-782).
Obodas
spoken of as king in the
is still
last
days of Herod, when Syllaeus went to Jerusalem
for
the
7.
hand
of
Wars of
Salome, the sister
the Jcus,
i.
24. 6), and
of
Herod (Antiq.
B.c.
by poison administered
to
Some
coins have been
communicated by De
it
is
and
4).
supposed
(Antiq. xvi. 9. 4).

Saulcy.^^
name was Aeneas, from
B.c.
40, succeeded Obodas immediately in the possession
of the throne (Antiq. xvi. 9.

''
xvi. 9. 1
Obodas died
him by Syllaeus
Aretas IV., whose original

till A.D.
(?),
xvi.
when Herod undertook
an expedition against the Arabians (Antiq.

Just about that time,
to treat
De Vogue,
4).^'^
Because of his assuming
Syrie centrale, Inscriptions se'mitiques, pp. 103-105.
The
according to De Vogue (p. 114), written in an older character

than the other inscriptions which have come down from the first century
inscription
is,
after Christ.
Renan, Journal asiatique, VII serie, t. ii. 1873, pp. 366-382.

Saulcy, Annuaire, t. iv. p. 19.
Also Euting-Gutschmid, p. 84.
Two coins of Syllaeus (?) are given by De Saulcy, Melanges de Num^8
1^
De
matique,
t.
iii.
1882, p. 196.
The year of the accession to tlie throne cannot be with

mined. Compare the chronology of the last years of Herod
-^
certainty deter-
in vol.
i.
p. 414.
357
government
the
own
his
of
Augustus was
accord,
him
indignant, but afterwards recognised

10.
Aretas
9).
repeatedly
preferred
Syllaeus before Augustus (Antiq. xvii.

i.
and in consequence
29. 3),
was put
to death in
Damascus
Eome
after the death
obliged to
Herod
of
(Strabo, xvi.
hist,
in
against
Wars of
the Jews,
these complaints Syllaeus
of
Fragm.
in Mller,
p.
grace,
B.C. 4,
782
iii.
Nicholas of
351).
When,
governor Varus was
the
out a warlike expedition against the Jews,
lit
Aretas contributed auxiliary troops to his army {Antiq.

10. 9
Wars of
the Jews,
1).
5.
ii.
-From
Aretas only a few incidents belonging to
come down
first
accusations
2
3.
at
as king {7itiq. xvi.
The
to us.
the long reign of

period have
its latest
Herod Antipas had a daughter
tetrarch
of Aretas for his wife,
xvii.
and her he subsequently divorced
in
The enmity occasioned thereby

between the two princes was further inflamed by disputes
order to
marry Herodias.
An
regarding boundaries.
the army
Owing
was
to
of
to his
conflict followed, in
have been chastised by the governor Viteliius at the
march against
Emperor
But when
Tiberius.
Viteliius,
formed {Antiq.
xviii. 5. 1
and
much
later occurred Paul's flight
which time Damascus was under a governor

Aretas (2 Cor.
now
again
is
also confirmed
i.
pp.
97, 98.
36-37.
At a
from Damascus, at
{i6vdp'^rj<;) of
Kin"
learn from this statement that

to the
by the
and Claudius no coins
having the image of the

vol.
We
Damascus belonged
This
of Caligula
xi. 32).
u'^ per-
These events therefore belong
3).
to the latest years of the reign of Tiberius, A.D.
period not
on
Petra, received in Jerusalem the tidings of
the death of Tiberius he turned back, leaving his task
king.
which
of Aretas.
having proceeded at his own instance, Aretas
instigation of the
his
open
Herod was defeated by the troops
Eoman
domain
fact
of
of the Arabian
that from the time
Damascus
are
known
Compare Div.
II.
Probably Caligula, who was induced
tt)
emperor.
the performance of such acts of grace, had restored the city to
358
APPENDIX
11.
Aretas.-^
Of no
in coins
and inscriptions as of Aretas IV.
other Xabatean Icing liave
tions of el-Hegr
most correctly
we
so rich materials
Among
the inscrip-
Medain-Salih, which Doughty, Huber, and,
Euting have communicated, there are
of all,
found no fewer than twenty which are dated from the reign
of this Aretas,
Tlie
tion.22
most of which are
same Aretas
Sidon,-^
in a
good state of preserva-
probably also referred to in an
is
and
on
the
two
inscriptions
inscription
at
Puteoli.-*
His name also occurs not infrequently on
On
the inscriptions at el-Hegr he
Dm
n?oj;
"ln^ iSd, "
loves his people

rule,
upon the
"
is
Charitheth, king
(Eachem-ammeh).
The
coins.
title
the
of a national patriotic sentiment,
nmn
ISTabateans,
who
same
It is the
Eachem-ammeh
coins.-'"'
called
constantly
of
from
is
also, as
an expression
and embraces an indirect
Gutschmid in Euting, Nahatische Inschriften, p. 85. Tho

is given by Anger, Wieseler, Winer in
the above-named works. Very improbable is the view presented in
various forms tliat Aretas had gained possession of Damascus by force.
Such an attack upon Roman territory could not have been left unheeded.
The coins of Damascus with the image of Tiberius come down to the year
.345 Seleuc. aera = a.D. 33-34 (Mionnet, v. 286
De Saulcy, Numismatique
de la Terre Sainte, p. 36)
those of Nero begin with the year 374, Seleuc.
aera = A.D. 62-63 (Mionnet, v. 286 De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre
Sainte, p. 36).
In the interval Damascus may have been in the possession
of the Arabian king.
^^
So
also
older literature on this question
-2
23
Euting, Nahatische Inschriflen, pp. 24-61 (Nr. 1-20).
De
Vogiie,
Zeitschrift der
also
Sijrie
DMG.
centrale,
1869, p. 435
Euting-Gutschmid,
p.
85.
Inscriptions
ff.
With
se'mitiqucs,
p.
113
Levy,
reference to the date, compare
De Saulcy
is
inclined
refer
to
it
to
and by the Zoilus therein spoken about, to understand the

person of that name known to us from Josephus, Antiq. xiii. 12. 2 and 4.
Aretas
III.,
See Comjytes rcndus de la socide frangaise de numismatique et dJarchMogie,

1873, which is known to be only by Bursian's Jahresbericht, ii. 1246 f.
2* Gildemeister, Zeitschrift der DMG. 1869,
p. 150 ff. ; Levy in same
journal, p. 652 ff. ; Nldeke in same journal, 1884, pp. 144, 654
Eenan,
Journal asiatiques, VII serie, t. ii. 1873, p. 366 sqq. With regard to the
dating of both, compare Euting-Gutschraid, p. 85.
-^ Due de Luynes, lievue Numismatique,
1858, pp. 294-296 De Vogue,
Bcvtie Numismatique, 1868, p. 162 sqq.
De Saulcy, Anmuiire, t. iv. 1873,
Babelon, Revue Nuw.ismatique, 1887, pp. 374-377.
pp. 13-17
;
359
HISTOKY OF TUE NABATEAN KINGS.

repudiation
or
refusal
Rachem-ammeh,
such
of
îXoKaiaap (Gutschmid,
p.
That
or
î\op<t)fiaio<i
very Aretas,
this
may
identical with Aretas IV.
is
For the year of
as certain.
as
titles
85).-^
be regarded
given on the inscrip-
this reign as
tions of el-Hegr reach
down
twenty-eighth year
written on both inscriptions (Euting,
is
No. 16 and 17) in words,
the year 48, and indeed the
to
Dm
noy, so that a doubt in regard to the
The
nmn^
1D33 "i^D
number
is
coins (also according to Euting-Gutschmid,
down
48
to the year
there
identical witli the
is
is
thus also a proof supplied
expedition
against
Izates
disgusted at his conversion to Judaism.

Izates,
and in order
hands took his own

list this
Herod the
opponent of Herod Antipas.
which he was aided by the very subjects
Abias
the fact
85) come
'Apdoov aaiXeixi, in the time of Claudius under-
Abias,
took a warlike
l)y
impossible.
p.
that the Aretas mentioned in the last years of
Great
DJK'
but only Aretas IV, can have reigned
And
for so long a time.
pymx
SJini
is
is
to
of
Adiabene,
not inserted (or
is
in
who were
Izates,
Abias was conquered
escape falling into
(Anfig. xx. 4.
life
of
1).
In
overlooked
?).
enemy's
his
Gutschmid's
But
certainly
remarkable that a Nabatean king takes the
fiekl
against the Adiabene lying on the other side of the Euphrates.
In
another place, however, Josephus says expressly that
N aarrjvrj
Malchus
auxiliary
stretched from the

II.,
about
A.D.
army
troops to the
war (Josephus, Wars of
Red Sea
48-71,
in
to the Euphrates.^'
67 contributed
A.D.
of Vespasian
the Jews,
in the Perilous maris Erythraei,
iii.
4.
2),
for the
and
is
composed about
Jewish
mentioned
A.D.
70, as
2^ He casually
nmn, naturally
remarks that one should expect, according to the Semitic

'Apidu^:, as indeed the well-known bishop of Caesarea
names himself. The form 'Astros? undoubtedly has ari.sen under the
influence of the Greek word dptrri.
2'
Josephus, Antiq.
z-Hdotu
Trjti ccTT
i.
12.
oLtoi (seil,
'Ev(^pa.TOV KxStjKOVGXv 7rp6; TYiv
the descendants of Ishir.ael)

'Epv&pxu
ScO-.oi.aax'j
kxtoikovoi,
3 GO
king of
Nabateans
tlie
Fabricius
AevK-q
APPENDIX
II.
(Fc7'i2ylus
maris Erythraei,
Sea ^9 6S09 iartv
km/it},
An
MakixO'V, aacXea Naaraicov).
Hauran
the
in
is
7rpo<i
inscription at Salkhat
" the
from
dated
19, ed,
Uerpav
et?
seventeenth
year
of
Maliku, king of the ISTabateans, son of Charithath, king of

the Nabateans,
who
loves his people " (Bachern- am7Jieh)P
At
cl-Hegr were found six inscriptions, which are dated according to the years of the reign of Maliku,^^ of which the latest
(Euting, No. 26)
king
is
of "the twenty-first year of
Nabateans,"
the
of
Gutschmid,
p.
^"2% iDôb
it^^j nb?3
There are coins of the year
mm
and of the year 23
9,
De Vog^ who
86, not as
King Maliku,
pt^'i; r\^^2.
(so Euting-
25 and
reads
33).^**
Since the king Eabel, according to the inscription of D'mer,
succeeded to the throne in
about
A.D.
48
been, probably
kingdom
by Nero, again separated from the Nabatean
71106,
His name
is,
known
is
rwv 'Apalcov
Mcodoo (see above,

throne
the
p.
The year
can be precisely
inscription at D'mer,
is,
(îO"i).
mentioned
is
352).
which
"in the year 405 according

that
only from inscriptions and
according to Euting, to be pronounced
not as formerly Dabei, but Eabel

aa-iXeix;
Damascus had
his time also
(see above, p. 357).
Eabel, A.D.
coins.
71, Malchus reigned from
A.D.
During
71.
to
An
older 'PdCko^
Byz.
Steph.
in
of his
s.v.
accession to
determined according to the

dated from the month Ijjar
is
to the
reckoning of the Eomans,
in the twenty-fourth year of the king
EabeL"^^
By
the year 405, "according to the reckoning of the Eomans,"

2^
De Vogue,
Zeitschrift der
29
^^
Syrie centrale, Inscriptions se'mitiques, p. 107
DMG.
1884, p. 532
Euting, Nahatisclie Inschriften, pp. 61-68 (Nr. 21-26).

Due de Luynes, Revue Numismatique, 1858, p. 296 sq.
Iteviie
Numismatique, 1868,
p. 17 sq.
p.
Schrder,
f.
166
sq.
De
Saulcy, Annuaire,
A coin of Malclius and Sekilath without date
Dorigny, Bevue Numismatique, 1887, p. 369 sq.

2^ So reads Euting, Nabatische
Inschriften, p. 86.
it was Sachau in Zeitschrift der DMG. 1884, p. 535
flf.
is
The
;
De Vogue,
t.
iv.
1873,
given by Sorlinfirst to
publish
and he read 410.
361
HISTOKY OF THE NABATEAN KINGS.
Accordingly
to be understood the year of the Seleucid era.
is
May
the date corresponds to
The
year of Eahel
first
is
See Gutschmid,
94.
A.D.
On two
71.
A.D.
p.
86.
inscriptions at
cl-Hcgr the second and fourth year of Rabel are mentioned
on an inscription
h^2~h
Z"!2n\
Since
on
mother,
pc^y
Salkhat in the Hauran the twenty-fifth,
at
rut:'
^^
the
Mention
him on the
of
Eabel was probably the
inscription
king of the Nabateans, for in
Petra" was converted by
to
Eoman
Cornelius Palma, the governor of Syria, into a
The boundary
kingdom.^
Hauran), both of which reckoned according
the provincial
32
the Nabatean
Petra in the south and Bostra in the north (in
case,
the district of
to
pro-
the province seems to have ap-
of
proached that of what had been
In any
D'mer,
at
Palmyra, proves that the
to
to that region.
last
106 "Arabia belonging
vince. ^^
date.^
certain
mentioned along with his
is
Damascus, on the way
Nabatean dominion extended
A.D.
no
give
coins
some coins Eabel
he must have been a minor at the time of his
accession.
east of
^^
;
era
of
106, had
A.D.
belonged
that
to
Euting, Nabatische Inschriften, pp. 68-70 (Nr. 27, 28),
De Vogue, Syrie centrale, Inscriptions se'mitiques, p. 112.

Due de Luynes, Revue Numismatique, 1884, p. 297 sq. Do Vog^
Hevue Numismatique, 1868, p. 167 sq. De Saulcy, Annuaire, t. iv. 1873,
23
2*
In addition Euting-Gutschmid, p. 86.

Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 14 kutm. os rou civtov tovtov
pp. 19-21.
2*
T^f
'2vpiocg pxt^'v
T>jj/
'Apaiccu
r/iv
Trpo;
rij
%,ooj/oj/
Ix'-'puootro
Yiirpix.
xxl nA,af
x.t/.\
'Po)y,ot.iui/
Compare, Animianus, xiv. 8. 13.

The fact is also
celebrated by coins of Trajan, with the superscription Arab, adquisit
vTT^Koov
iTToiiidctTo.
(Cohen, M^dailles imperiales, 2 ed. vol.
ii.
1882, Trajan, n. 26-38).
Cornelius Palma, see also Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions,

2296, 2297, 2305
On
t. iii.
n.
2186 Liebenam, Forschungen

zur Verwaltungsgescliichte des rm. Kaiserreichs, Bd. i. 1888, p. 43 f.
On
the incorporation of Arabia Dierauer in Biidinger's Untersuchungen zur
;
Corpus Inscr. Lat.
t.
vi. n.
rm. Kaisergeschichte,
Paris
1877, pp.
i.
71-73
Ill
;
De
la Berge, Essai sur la regne de Trajan,
Schiller,
Geschichte
der
rm.
Kaiserzeit,
1,
2,
p. 554.
2''
Rohden(Z'e Palaestina et Arabia provinciis Romanis,
an attempt to determine the boundaries more exactly.
'p^. 15,
17)
makes
APPENDIX
;^f,2
Idngdora as
its
most important
II.
Subsequently in the
cities.^'^
fourth Christian century Arabia was divided into two pro-
vinces
^'
Arabia with Bostra as
with Petra as
tertia
its
its
capital,
and Palaestina
capital.^
Chronicon Paschale (ed. Dindorf,
i.
472)
UiTpxloi kuI
The Chronicon
Botrpyiuol
makes this
But the
remark under the year 105 ("Candido et Quadrato Coss.").
See Waddington, "Les
exact date of tlie epoch was 22nd March 106.
ivnviv rov! txvTuv xpvovg doifôvai.
Paschale
employees en Syrie" (Revue archeologique, nouv. serie, t. xi. 1865,

Gutschniid
263-272); Marquardt, Kmische Staatsvenmltunrj, i. 431
The inscriptions are giAên in
in Euting, Nabatische Inschriften, p. 87.
Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions, t. iii. n. 2088, 2462, 2463. See
also Waddington's exjilanations of n. 2463.
38 On the history of the province, see Marquardt, Rmische StaatsvervMltung, Bd. 1. 2 Aufl. 1881, pp. 431-434, and the literature quoted
there Kuhn, Die stdtische und brgerliche Verfassung des rm. Reichs,
373-388 Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, v. 471-486 Rohden, De
ii.
Palaestina et Arabia provinciis Romanis quaestiones selectae, Diss. Berol.
Rohden gives at pp. 49-57 a list of the governors of the province,
1885.
and seeks to show at pp. 22-.30 that the partition of the province took
See also, Liebenaiii, Forschungen
place between a.D. 357 and a.D. 361.
zur Verwaltuvgsriesrhichte des rm. Kaiserreichs, Bd. i. 1888, pp. 42, 49, for
eres
jip.
list
of the governors.
APPENDIX
III.
THE JEWISH AND MACEDONIAN MONTHS COMPARED

WITH THE JULIAN CALENDAR
1.
3G4
APPENDIX
THE JEWISH AND MACEDONIAN MONTHS
III.
we need
witnesses
here mention only the little-known Christian
Josephus, who, in his Hypomncsticum,

ing
Appendix, also in Gallandi,

Patrolog. grace,
cvi.)
t.
c.
27, gives the follow-
Codex pseiidepigraphus
(Fabricius,
list
Vet.
Test.
ii
t.
and Migne,
xiv.,
t.
Nrjadv, Eiap, Hiovdv, &a/xov^, "A,
'EXovX, 'Oapi [read
Bihl. pair.
Mapaav, XaaeXev,
Qiapi],
Trj/jd,
In regard to the several names the oldest
Xadd, 'AZp.
proofs and examples, apart from the cuneiform inscriptions,
occur in the following passages
1-
Neh.
|D"'J,
ii.
Estli.
iii.
Mislina, Pesachim iv. 9
Shelcalim
4 ; Taanith i. 2, 7, iv. 5 Nedarim viii. 5

Eating, Nabatische Inschriften aus Arabien (1885),
Bechoroth ix. 5.
De Voge, Syrie cenn. ii. 4, V. 3, x. 7, xi. 7, xii. 9, xvi. 3, xx. 8, xxi. 4
trale, Inscriptions semitiques (18G8), Palmyrenische Inschriften, n. i. 2, 4, 6,
18, 23, 25, 26, 27, 32, 34, and elsewhere.-The Greek lîactv occurs in Esra
apocr. V. 6 ; Additions to Esther i. 1 ; Josephus, Antiq. i. 3. 3, ii. 14. 6,
iii. 1
Eosh hashana
3,
1,
i.
iii. 8. 4,
10. 5, xi. 4. 8.
Rosh hashana
2. ")'{<,
ix. 9, xiii. 8, xxvii.
Josephus, Antiq.
Euting, Nabatische Inschriften, n.
De Voge,
Inscript. se'mit.
Palmyren.
Taanith
4.
TiJSn,
5.
2X, Pesachim
10, iv. 5,
Shelcalim
liovtv,
Megilla
iii.
Baruch
Shekalim
i.
Bechoroth
ix.
De Vog4,
Pal-
8.
i.
iii.
Eosh hashana
Bechoroth ix. 5
Euting, n.
In Josephus, Antiq.
ing 'A3/3 (more correctly
\\t,).
ing inti'oduced by Bernard, but
It
is,
it is
iv. 4. 7,
po.ssibly
Bechoroth
ix. 5,
Mace. xiv. 27.

n^J'n, Shekalim iii. 1
Euting, n.
i.
Taaanith iL
De Vogiie,
we have the read5
indeed, only a conjectural read-
For
a well-conceived conjecture.
have been written by Josephus.

Neh. vi. 15
Shekalim iii. 1
6. Sf3^^,
i.
vii.
the SaSss adopted, in accordance with the manuscripts
10,
'lp,
iv. 5, 6.
iv.
n. 5, 28, 29, 73, 84, 103.
n. 88.
myren. n. 33* and 33b.
iv.
viii.
viii. 3. 1.
Esth. vi. 9
3. JY'D,
T
13
i.
Eosh hasliana
;
De Voge,
by
i.
Niese, cannot
1,
Taanith
n. 78, 79, 123''
I.
''Ekov-k, 1
7.
De Voge,
Rosh hashana
n. 17, 22, 85, 123* II.
editions since
reading, which
Hudson have
is
In
i.
1, 3,
Bechoroth
Josephus, Antiq.
ix.
5,
4.
Qiaol, Niese reads 'A6vpst.

supported by the form used by okler Latin writers,
without doubt the correct one.

8. |VJ'n"l^, Taanith i. 3, 4.
1, where
But Hudson's
viii.
'Muoaovuuri:, Josephus, Antiq.
i.
3. 3.
is
On
COMPARED WITH THE JULIAN CALENDAR.

the Palmyrene inscriptions this
month
is
called
Kanun,
365
p33,
De Vogue,
n. 31, 63, 64.
iboSj Zech.
9-
Mace.
'S.a.ai'Kiv,
5. 4, 7. 6.
On
vii.
Xeh.
54, iv.
i.
52
i.
Eosh
2 Mace.
i.
liasliana
9, 18, x.
10. n^Lp, Esth.
De Vogue,
11.
5.
i.
xii.
given in the form
is
Kaslul (De Vogue, n. 24, 75).

ii.
16 ; Taanith iv. 5 ; Euting, n.
^"iboa, Kislul or
Taanith
Josephus, Antiq.
name
the Palmyrene inscriptions the
i.
xiv. 9, xv. 8
iii. 2,
n. 66, 123=' lll.lsiSo;, Josephus, Antiq. xi. 5. 4.
Zech.
L32K',
i.
89. 2/3t,
Rosh hashana
Euting, n.
iv.
De Vogue,
Mace. xvi. 14
T7X, frequently in the Book of Esther, and also in Additions to that
n. 67,
12.
book Shekalim i. 1, iii. 1 Eosh hashana i. 3 Megilla i. 4, iii. 4 NeduEdvjoth vii. 7

Bechoroth ix. 5
rim viii. 5
Euting, n. xxiv. 6
De
Vogue, n. 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 94, 117, 119. 'Ao5, 1 Mace. vii. 43, 49
;
2 Mace. xv. 36
Josephus, Antiq.
iv.
8.
49, xi. 6. 2, xii. 10. 5.
mx
T
jitJ'Nin
and
"ni<, Megilla
iJtJJn
i.
Nedarim
The Jewish months continued always

"
" of all civilised
months
months.
Chronologie,
regularly
it
i.
of
with one another.
(Ideler,
whereas the solar
66),
must follow that
29 and montlis
48 minutes, and 38 seconds
equi-
is
minutes, 3 seconds (Ideler,
43), then
i.
alternate
44
354
such lunar mouths would give only
logie,
what the
be,
month
Since the astronomical length of a
actual practice months of
pretty
to
nations originally were, actual lunar
valent to 29 days, 12 hours,
Handbuch der
viii. 5.
in
30 days must
Bat
days,
twelve
hours,
Handbuch der Chrono-
365
year embraces
days,
5 hours, 48 minutes, and 48
The
difference
the
solar
year
seconds (Ideler, i. 35, 66)

between a lunar year of twelve months and
is
10
days
and 21
In order to
hours.
do away with this difference a month must be intercalated,

at
It
least, in
every third year, sometimes even in the second.
was observed
in
very early times
accurate equation would be reached,

eight years a
month were
if
that
sufficiently
three times in every
intercalated (the difference in eight
years amounting to 87 days).

of eight years, this " Octaeteris,"
Acquaintance with
this cycle
was possessed by those who
SOG
APPENDIX
arranged
Greek games
the
cycle of four years
But even
III.
as
Meton
astronomer
the
as
of
fifth
to
of
years
This was considerably
only a difference
2 hours remained (Ideler,

cycle in 8 years there
How
far,
47), whereas in the eight years'
i.
was a remaining
then, had the
had a general
this
somewhere about
of
Jews
difference of
1^ days.
in the time of Christ ad-
vanced in the knowledge of these matters
all
more exact
of the eight years' cycle in accuracy, since in
19
in
still
nine years, in which a month
be seven times intercalated.^
advance
in
case
the
for
century before Christ, the
Athens proposed a
system of equation, a cycle
had
only got by halving that of eight years.^
is
early
every fourth year
for
sort of acquaintance
They, naturally,
with them.
But, unless
indications are deceitful, they did not in the time of Jesus
Christ possess as yet any fixed calendar, but on the basis of a
purely empirical observation, on each occasion they began a
new month with
the appearing of the
new moon, and
likewise
on the basis of each repeated observation intercalated a month

in the spring of every third
and second year,
with the rule that the Passover iinder

fall after
^
all
in accordance
circumstances must
the vernal equinox.^
Compare on the antiquity
of the " Octaeteris," Ideler,
Handbuch
der
Boeckh, Zur Geschichte der Mondcyclen der

Hellenen {Jahrbcher fr class. Fhilol. 1. Sujiplernenthd. 1855-1856), p. 9 ff.
Adolf Schmidt, Handbuch der griechisclien Chronologie, herausg. von Ehl,
Jena 1888, pp. 61-95.
^ According to Diodorus, xii. 36, Meton made known his system in
B.c. 433-432.
Compare also Theophrastus, de signis tempestatum, c. 4
Aelian, Variae historiae, x. 7.
But the introduction of the system of
Meton at Athens did not take place, as Boeckh was the first to prove, until
i-ome time later (according to Usener, B.c. 312
according to Unger,
between b.c. 346 and B.c. 325, see Philologus, xxxix. 1880, p. 475 ff.
Drr is in favour of the former view in Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian,
Compare, generally, on the Calendar of the Athenians,
1881, p. 90 fF.).
Mommsen, Chronologie, Untersuchungen ber des Kahnderwesen der Griechen
insonderheit der Athener, 1883, and Adolf Schmidt, Handbuch der griechisChronologie,
i.
304
f., ii.
605
chen Chronologie, 1888.

*
For the view that the Jews had even in the time of Christ a fixed
COMPARED WITH THE JULIAN CALENDAK.
The author
1.
the astronomical pieces in the
of
Enoch was aware that the year has
many
each and as
29 days
of
30
" the
and
mistake
if
we were from
Even
Mishna
rests
of
one month
would be a
second
for the
tlie
determined.
Christian
whole
legis-
on the presupposition that the new
month, without previous
reckoning,
upon the new moon becoming

pearance of the
strictly
tlie
century, this cannot have been the case

lation of the
to
it
draw the conclusion that
Mishna, in
of the
age
the
in
to
tliis
But
days.^
months was a priori
the
duration of
29
the other
to
Book
30 days
people of Palestine
two unequal halves, so that they reckon

days,
of
two months, embracing 59 days,
of every
divide the period
months
six
and Galen, in the second
eacli;*
century after Christ, says that
into
367
was begun each time

So soon as the ap-
visible.
new moon was proved by
credible witnesses
before the competent court at Jerusalem and later at Jamnia,
new moon was
the
solemnized, and, after
all
tlie
rites
had
been observed, messengers were sent in order to notify the

opening of the new month.
the six months in which
it
So, at least,
was
it
done during
was of importance on account of
the existence of any festival
in
Nisan on account
of the
calendar, Wieseler has argued with special vigour (Chronological Synopsis

of the
Four
gelien, p.
Gospels, p.
296
iF.).
401
The
ff.
correct
view
is
given,
e.g.,
Wrdigung der Evanby Ideler, Handbuch
i.
512 ff.
Gumpach, Ueher den alfjdischen Kalendar,
137 ff. Casj)ari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction to
the Life of Jesus Christ, p. 10 f.
* Book of Enoch, 78. 15-16, in Dillmann's translation
"And for three
months he makes 30 days his period, and for three months he makes his
der Chronologie,
pp. 117
ff.,
period 29 days, in which he performs his waning in the first period and
in the fir.st door in 107 days.
And in the period of his waxing lie
appears for three months every thirty days, and for three months every
nine and twenty day.s."
* Galen, Opp. ed. Khn, t. xvii.
toi); Ivo îji/? xfîol) yivrjfx.ivovg
p. 23
:
6' Kotl
Tov
inpou
o'
Tt^vovat
ff
it; ivtacc
Ket'i
x! .
y-ipri,
to* /îv iripov oivto.v
'a'
iîîpuv ipyccô/xei/oi^
See the passage given at length in Greek and
English in Caspari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction

tif
Jesus
Clirist, p. 9.
to tJie
Lifa
368
APPENDIX
Ab
Passover, in
New
the
TUE JEWISH AND xMACEDONIAN MONTHS
III.
on account
of
the Fast, in Elul on account of
Year, in Tizri on account of the arrangement of
the feast days of that month, the
Feast of Tabernacles
of the Dedication of the

feast of
it
of
Atonement, and the
on account of the
Passover.*
little
Since,
naturally,
was known pretty accurately when the appearing
new moon was
to
as
date wherever
to
fix
tlie
be expected, every effort would be
])ut
the duration
This
is
of
possible
any apprehension
(2) Arachin
in
ii.
regard
it
i'li.
to
of thirty days,
7:
so
fixed.
"If one should have
New
the
Year
feast,
30 days, he may,"
fixed at
"In one year
been more than eight."

that
made
upon the right day.
months was not
the particular
month Ebil should be
months
of the
confirmed especially by the following two passages
from the Mishna: (1) Arachin
the
feast
Temple, in Adar on account of the
Purim, and so long as the temple stood, in Adar
on account of the
also
Day
in Chisleu
lest
etc.^
there are, at least, four
and of these there have not hitherto
From
the former passage
it
appears
was by no means established priori whether a
month should have 29 or 3 days and the latter passage

shows how uncertain this empirical method left the calendar.
Even in the time of the Mishna, tlie second Christian century,
;
it
was
still
a possible contingency that a year might come in
which only four months had each 30 days, and again another
Thus the length
which there might be eight such months.
in
of the lunar
year might vary from
in actual fact
it
352 days
to
356
days, while
can only oscillate between 35-i and 355 days.^
Compare, generally, Rosh liashana i. 3 ff., ii. throughout, iii. 1, iv. 4.

Zuckermann, Materialien zur Entvnckelung der
altjdiscJien Zeitrechnung im Talmud (1882), pp. 1-39.
According to
Sanhedrin i. 2 (compare Rosh hashana ii. 9, iii. 1), for the declaring of the
new moon and of the intercalary year a court of three men was sufficient,
but it is not said that as a rule it was determined by such a tribunal.
^"^
That the later rule, according to which Elul must always have
29 days, did not then exist, is also seen from Shehiith x. 2.
6
See, further, especially
In the context of the passage quoted {Arachin
ii.
2),
with reference to
COMrARED WITH THE JULIAN CALENDAR.
The system
2,
Jews
months
as well as the Greeks intercalated three
in every eight years
and we have no reason
for doubting
time of Julius Africanus, in
this statement in regard to the
the
even in the
fixed
Julius Africanus indeed says
second century after Christ.

that the
was not
of intercalation
3G9
half of the third Christian century, although
first
is
it
uncertain so far as the Greeks are concerned, for the majority

of
them had long adopted the more exact cycle of nineteen
may
Also for the time of Jesus Christ this statement
years.
be regarded as generally valid, since the thrice repeated intercalation in the course
this eight years' cycle is certainly
pieces in the
may
Book
of
even in the astronomical
Enoch and the Book
of Jubilees (which
not there
it is
made use
constructing of a regular intercalary system.
Book
astronomical pieces of the
taken up that the
moon
354 days and
in the eight years
17;
the solar year at
of for
In
the
Enoch the erroneous idea
of
364 (Book
only about
is
eighteen days behind the sun, for the lunar year

at
result
But the knowledge of
be approximately regarded as witnesses for the period of
Christ) extremely inexact, and
the
is
would naturally
years
of eight
from a purely empirical procedure.
is set
of Enoch,
down
c.
74.
The very same inexact conthe Book of Jubilees, c. 6 (Ewald's
see generally cc. 72-82).
ceptions are found also in
Jahrhcher der
hihi.
upon such premises
Wissenscli.
as these,
ii.
246).
calendar, built
up
would certainly very soon land
down what might be the

variation spoken of in the length
of the year has therefore actually been observed and, even in the age of
matters of the most diverse description, are laid
minimum and maximum
The
limits.
the Mishna, was regarded as a possible occurrence.
To the authorities of
the Babylonian Talmud, indeed, the statement did appear so remarkable
that attempts were made to explain it away.
See bah. Arachin 8''-9*
;
Zuckermann, Materialien,
*
p.
64
f.
Jul. Africanus in Eusebius, Demonstratio evangelica, viii. p.
Syncell. ed. Dindorf,
xxi 'lovhcthi Tpit;
in Jerome,
DIV.
I.
i.
fiiivctg
Comment,
VOL. n.
611
Routh, Eeliquiae
i/a(i7î'f<.ov;
in Daniel
ix.
hsaiu ox.ru
24
sqq.,
sacrae,
ii.
302
(/.u.psy.a.'K'Kwatu
Opp. ed. Vallarsi,
390
"E'K'Xyiusi
(Latin also
v.
683
sq.).
370
APPENDIX
in serious error.
practice
III.
It
was fortunate therefore that
in actual
was disregarded, and the intercalation carried out
it
without reference to any preconceived theory on the basis of
an empirical observation made on each separate occasion.

That
this
was
still
the case in the times of the Mishna
proved from the two following passages

"
Book
If one has read the Megillah (the
celebration of the feast of Purim) in the
year
it
is
then declared to be an intercalary year,
Joshua and E. Papias
he must read
(2) Edujoih
cession from the governor of Syria,
it
When
satisfied.
clear that they
on one occasion
and remained long away,
was pronounced an intercalary
And when he
was an intercalary
month
in order to obtain a con-
reservation that the decision would
and so
that one might conditionally
testified
Eabban Gamaliel was on a journey
Gamaliel were
vii.
done only to the feast
declare the year an intercalary year.
the year
that the year miglit be
testified
Adar, for previously this could be
These same
is
Adar, and the
declared an intercalary year at any time during the
of Purim.
i.
of Esther for the

first
again in the second or intercalary Adar."
" E.
(1) Megillah
year."
under
year
stand only
arrived he
if
was
the
Eabban
satisfied,
Both passages are
so
need no further commentary.
Yet quite at
month Adar, even
after the feast
the close of the year, in the
might be arrived
of
Purim had been
at
whether or not a month was to be intercalated.
celebrated, the decision
There
is
was determined whether
to
absolutely no trace of any previous calculation.^*
The
rule, according to
intercalate or not,
'*
All that
and elsewhere
is
which
it
was very simple.
said in Tosephta Sanhedrin
It required that care
ii.,
bab.
Sanhedrin 11 '-12*,
and regarding the
refârding the grounds for intercalation,
procedure carried on in connection therewith, goes to confirm what is

stated above.
It may therefore be accepted as certain that the decision as
to whether there should be intercalation or not, was made on each separate
For
occasion in the course of the year according to the principles stated.
the more important details, see below at note 9*.
COMPAKED WITH THE JULIAN CALENDAR.

should be taken that the Passover
moon
the full
festival, to
37 I
be celebrated at
in Nisan (14th Nisan), should in
any case
fall
when
the
after the vernal equinox (/xera larifieplav iaptv-qv),
sun stood in the sign Aries.
by Anatolius
This explanation
is
characterized
in the fragment of decided importance in relation
to the history of the
Jewish calendar given in Eusebius, Hist,
32. 16-19, as the view in which all Jewish authorities
eccl. vii.
are agreed, pre-eminently as that of Aristobulus, the celebrated
Jewish philosopher of the time of Ptolemy Philometor (not

Philadelphus, as Anatolius erroneously says).
agree the statements of Philo and Josephus.^
With
this also
If one therefore
toward the close of the year noticed that the Passover would
before the vernal equinox, the intercalation of a
fall
month
before Nisan would have to be resorted to.^
The
intercalated
month was
the
year, Adar.
'
De
Philo,
Mxodum,
i.
called,
ii.
Kptu Tov
^*
month
of
(Mangey, ii. 293) Quaestiones et solut. in

262 sq.). Compare also Vita Mosis, iii. 29
Josephus, A7itiq. iii.
169), de decalorjo, 30 (Mangey, ii. 206)
Septenario, 19
10. 5
iv
the last
1 (Richter, vii.
(Mangey,
:
like
ij'Kiov
KxdiaTuro;.
For yet other reasons
Sanhedrin
c. ii.,
for intercalation see especially

bab Sanhedrin 11*- 12*; with reference to these
Tosephta
:
Zucker-
Materialen zur Entwickelung der altjdischen Zeitrechnung im Talmud

The most remarkable passage is the following "For
(1882), pp. 39-45.
iiiann,
may
be pronounced an intercalary year Because of

the ripeness of the grain [if this has not occurred at the proper season],
and on account of the fruit trees [if these have not ripened at the right
.eason], and on account of the course of the sun [if the sun at the Passover
has not yet come into the sign Aries]. Only if two of these reasons combine may one conclude for intercalation, but not for one of these alone."
" Intercalation is not dependent on the age of the he-goats or lambs or
tliree reasons a
year
Yet this is to be regarded as a supplementary ground [i.e. if only

one of the above three chief reasons is forthcoming, all these minor reasons
may be read in order to eke it out]." ..." Thus once Rabban Gamaliel
caused it to be written to the communities in Babylon and Media Since
tlie pigeons are still too feeble and the lambs still too young, and the time
of harvest has not yet come, I and my colleagues have found it necessary
to add thirty days to the year."
We cannot be wrong, then, if for the
time of Christ we consider the reason that proved decisive to be that
drawn from the course of the sun.
pigeons.
372
APPENDIX
III.
They were distinguished

'jB'n (first
And
respectively as
and
"iix
Jiti'X'in
i^'?.
and second Adar).
yet, primitive as
this calendar was,
had
it
this
great
advantage, that serious and persistent inaccuracies, such as in

the
course of
calculated
year inevitably crept
the
upon an incorrect
basis,
calendar
into
were avoided.
The very
complicated later Jewish calendar, calculated upon the nineteen
years'
cycle,
is
said
to
have been introduced by the
patriarch Hillel in the fourth century after Christ.

this
is
not witnessed
to
with absolute certainty,
improbable (Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie,
With
Although
it
569
i.
is
not
ff.).^^
reference to the various beginnings of years in spring
or in harvest, see vol.
i.
of the present work,
p.
37.
The literature on the Jewish calendar, especially in its later

form, is very extensive.
systematic exposition was given as
early as the twelfth century by Maimonides in the passage
treating of "the celebration of the New Moon" in his great
^\ ork Jad Ha-chasaka or Mishne Thora (compare
Maimonides'
Kiddiisch Hachodcsch, translated and explained by Ed. Mahler,
On the basis of some coins of the Arsacidae, in which the years 287,
and 390 of the Seleiicid. aera are referred to as intercalary year.,
Theodor Reinach has proved in a convincing manner that in the kingdom
of the Arsacidae, that is, in Babylon, even in the first century before
Christ and in the first century after Christ, the Greek calendar, calculated
according to the nineteen years' cycle, was in use. But since Julius
"^
317,
Africanus in the passage above I'oferred to speaks of the eight years' cycle
as that used
"by
Gentiles and Jews,"
it
would seem that that
cycle,
even
in the third Christian century, prevailed in Palestine and Syria (so far as
the solar year had not yet been adopted).
From
this, too, is
confirmed
what otherwise is probable, that the later Jewish calendar was constructed,
not by the Palestinian, but by the Bal\vlonian Jews. See Theodor
Reinach, " Le calendrier des Grecs de Babylonie et les origines du calendrier
juif " {Revue des etudes juives, t. xviii. 1889, pp. 90-94).
As Rabbis who had
specially interested themselves in matters connected
with the calendar,
Mar Samuel in Nehardea and Rabbi Adda bar Ahaba in

specially named, both in the third century after Christ.
The
the Babylonians
Sura are
had an exact accpiaintance with the nineteen years' cycle in the
improved form given it by Hipparchus in the second centuiy before
Christ (Ideler, i. 574 f.). The Palestinian Hillel must therefore have
received the incenti>'e to his work from the Babylonians.
latter
373
Wien
Various monographs are collected by Ugolini in

1889).
Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum, t. xvii. (Nie. Miilleri
Annus Judaeorum luna-solaris et Turc-Arahum mere lunaris
his
Seldeni Diss,
anno
de
sanctificatione novilunii,
civili
cum
Judaeorum
Maiinonidis,
versione Latina de Veilii.
De
Christ.
Langhansen, De mense veterum Hebraeorumi lunari). Of more

recent date, especially Ideler, HandhiLch der mathematisehen
:
und
technischen Chronologie, Bd. i. pp. 477-583; Wieseler,

Chronological Synopsis of the Four Gospels, pp. 401-436
Beitrge zur riclitigcn Wrdigung der Erangclien und der
c cangelischen Geschichte (1869), -p];!- 290-321; iiejffnrih, Chronologia sacra (1846), pp. 26-80 (believes that the Jewish year
down to A.D. 200 was a solar year !) De Wette, Lehrhuch der
hebrisch-jdischen Archologie, 4 Aufl. 1864, 178-179
Gumpach, Ueher den altjdischen Kalender zunchst in seiner
Beziehung zur neutestamentlichen Geschichte, Brssel 1848
Saalschtz, Das mosaische Recht, Bd. i. 1853, pp. 396-406
Lewisohn, Geschichte und das System des jdischen Kalendcrivcscns,
Leipzig, 1856 (=; Schriften herausgeg. vom Institute zur Frderung
der Israelit. Literatur, erstes Jahr, 1855-1856) Caspari, Chronological and Geographical Introduction to the Life of Jesus Christ,
2-19; Schwarz, Der jdische Kalender historisch und
])p.
astronomisch untersucht, 1872 Dillmann, " Ueber das Kalenderwesen der Israeliten vor dem babylonischen Exil" (Monatsberichte
der Berliner Akademie, 1881, pp. 914-935); Zuckermann,
Materiedien zur Entioichelung der altjdischen Zeitrechnung im
Talmud, 1882 (gathers together the Talmudic deliverances on
matters connected with the calendar)
Hamburger, RccdFncyelopdie fr Bibel und Talmud, Abth. ii. 1883, pp. 608028, art. "Kalender;" Memain, La connaissancc des temps
drangeliques, Paris 1886, pp. 39-43, 377-445, 481 ff.
Isidore
Loeb, Tables du calcndrier jitif depuis l'ere chricnnejusqu' au
sidcle, avec la concordance des dates juives et des dates
chrdtiennes et une mhode nouvclle pour calculer ces tables, Paris
;
XXX
1886; Mahler, Chrooiologisehe Vergleichu7igs-Tabellen,7iehst einer

Anleitung zu den Grundzgen der Chronologie, 2 Heft Die
Ziet- und Festrechnung der Judxn, Wien 1889
also the articles
" Jahr " and " Monate " in the dictionaries of Winer, Schenkel,
and Riehm, and in Herzog's Feal-Bncyclopaedie, 2 Aufl. vi. 495498, article " Jar " by Leyrer.
:
Since the Jewish year has

thirteen months,
it
is
made approximately
sometimes twelve, sometimes

its
months can only be
correspond to
those of the Julian
evident that
to
'>74
APPENDIX
calendar.
III.
The Macedonian names
months came
of the
to be
used in Syria from the beginning of the Seleucid domination
Handbuch der
(Ideler,
indicated lunar months.
also
They
originally
But from the time
of Julius
Chronologie,
i.
397).
employed
Caesar's reform of the calendar they were
in Syria
and Phoenicia to indicate the twelve months of the solar year,
which
speaking generally, identical with the Julian
is,
there-
months do not exactly correspond with those
fore its several
of the Julian, since their beginnings are otherwise determined,
and indeed were

i.
433).
came
i.
large cities (Ideler,
different
a later period that the Julian months
till
be named in Syria by Macedonian names (Ideler,
to
429
in
different
was not
It
ff").
Besides the Macedonian names, the old native
Syrian names (which were for the most part identical with
the Jewish) were also used
that their use was
in
Macedonian names.
inscriptions
Thus,
the
e.g.,
123^
n.
safely be
assumed
Syrian
date
on the
Mace-
corresponds to the
Adar
= 21
Dystros
see
124 = Le Bas and Waddt. iii. 2, n. 2571^ 2627).
iii.
et latines,
The same
is
Syrian
well as the Macedonian
as
may
it
conformity with that of the
=24 Audynaus, 21
Vogue, Inscriptions,
iviîoxi.
and
Palmyra exactly
at
donian (24 Tebeth
De
strict
true of the later Syrian
calendar,
names
where the
indicate
simply
the months of the Julian calendar.^**
Under
these circumstances
means when he makes use
it
may
of the
be asked what Josephus
Macedonian names of the
months, as he frequently does in his History of the Jewish War.

Ordinarily he uses
precisely in the
them
as perfectly parallel to the Jewish,
same way
as
Palmyra (N isan = Xanthicus,

Tizri
^^
That
Hyperberetaeus,
this
be proved.
{Zeitschrift der
is
done in the inscriptions at
Ijjar
= Artemisius, Ab = Lous,
= Dios, etc.
the
Marcheshwan
was already the case on the inscriptions at Palmyra cannot
The doubts which Noldeke
DMG.
expresses in this connection
xxxix. 1885, p. 339) are very well founded.
COMPARED WITH THE JULIAN CALENDAR,

proofs for this are given above at
inscriptions see the collection in
2571^).
But does he mean
when he
uses
undoubtedly
364 f,;
does
so.
for the
(1)
many
In
n.
months
precisely the Jewish
cases
The Jewish Passover was
observed on the 14th Xanthicus (Antiq.

of the Jeis,
Palmyrene
Le Bas and Waddington,
Macedonian names
the
he
p.
375
in.
10.
Wars
5;
(2) In the time of Antiochus Epiphanes
v. 3. 1).
the temple was desecrated and reconsecrated on 25 th Apellaios

(Antiq.
5.
xii.
During the
6; comp. 1 Mace.
7.
4,
59,
i.
sacrifice
was stopped on I7th Panemos (IFars of
vi. 2.
1)
52.
iv.
(3)
daily morning and evening
of Titus the
siege
according to Mishna, Taanith
happened on l7th Thammuz.
(4)
iv.
6,
the Jews,
however, this
The destruction
of the
temple of Nebuchadnezzar took place on the 10th Loos {Wars

of the Jews,
On
Ab.
5); according to Jer.
vi. 4.
the ground
if
make
to
But
Scaliger, Baronius,
the
against
and Usher,
objections.^^
He
point that Josephus was scarcely
in a
A. Hoffmann has
specially urges the
month
the Jewish months.^*
example of
this view, after the
position (and
and modern
ancient
facts
using the Macedonian names of the
dates correspond with
0.
these
assumed that Josephus invariably intends
investigators have
when
of
12, on the 10th
lii.
advanced
recently
he had been, would not certainly have taken
the trouble) to reckon the dates which had been transmitted

to
him according
to another calendar, in accordance with the
He
Jewish calendar.
in the
ô^'
Wars of
the Jews,
So Noris, Annus
Handbuch der
Ideler,
just followed the calendar
But
authorities followed.
et
in regard to the
Hoffmann
epochae Syromacedonum,
Chronologie,
Actis apostolorum ratione, p. 16 sq.
Clinton, Fasti Hellenici,
iii.
357
i.
;
16)
(p.
400-402
believes
1883), pp. 4-17.
that
3rd ed. Lips. p. 44 sqq.

Anser, De temporum in
;
Wieseler, Chronologie Synopse,

sq.
his
i.
Champagny, Eome
(2nd ed. 1865), ii. 349 sqq.

1^ Otto Adalb. Hoffmann, De imperatoris Titi temporibus
(Marburg
which
numerous dates
et
la
p.
448
Judê,
recte defintendi
376
APPENDIX
TUE JEWISH AND MACEDONIAN MONTHS
III.
Josephus must have used, as sources, the ofhcial State Papers
which he found in the Roman camp.

that in
Hence
may
it
be assumed
these the dates were given in accordance with the
Julian calendar, the months of which were simply indicated
by Josephus under Macedonian names.

opinion are
undoubtedly
correct.
would not take the trouble
to
The grounds
writer like Josephus
change the reckoning, but
would simply give the dates as he found them.

not therefore assume right
ofl"
would be according
same
to the
for this
that in his works
One should
all
Many
calendar.
the dates
are given
undoubtedly according to the Jewish calendar, others accord-
But whether the dates in the Wa^^s of the
ing to the Roman.^2

Jeis are for the
most part derived from the
Papers, seems to
say, as
me more
Hoffmann does
official
Roman
State
It is not correct to
than doubtful.
(p. 15), that Josephus almost exclu-
sively gives precise dates for the enterprise of the
Romans, but
not for the internal events of Jewish history.
^^
e.g.,
lu accordance with the
Roman
thorough
calendar Josephus apparently gives,
the periods of the reigns of the Emperors Galba, Otho, Vitellius.
The
which come into consideration (according to the careful statement

of Knaake in Zeitschrift fr luth. Theol. 1871, pp. 230-235) are the following Nero, f 9 June 68 Galba, f 15 January 69 Otho, t 16 April 69 ;
Vitellius, t 20 December 69.
But according to Josephus, Galba
reigned 7 months and 7 days (IFars of the Jews, iv. 9. 2); Otho,
3 months and 2 days (Wars of the Jews, iv. 9. 9); Vitellius, 8 months
If we count in the day
and 5 days {Wars of the Jens, iv. 11. 4).
of the accession and the day of death, this agrees exactly with the
above dates of the Julian calendar, which therefore Josephus here
follows.
So also Knaake, Zeitschrift fr luth. Theol. 1871, p. 244,
unsuccessfully contested by Wieseler, Zeitsclirift fr luth.
Theol.
Josephus seems to give the day of Vitellius' death
1872, p. 55 ff.
according to the calendar of Tyre.
While according to the Julian
calendar it fell upon 20 December, Josephus sets it down upon 3 Apellaios {Wars of the Jews, iv. 11. 4).
But this in the Tyrian calendar
corresponds to the 20 December in the Julian. Josephus may therefore
be supposed here to follow some Phoenician authority. Compare Noris,
Annus et epochae Syromacedonum, i. 3, p. 60 sq. ed. Lips. Ideler, Handbuch
der CJironologie, i. 436
Knaake, Zeitschrift, p. 244 O. A. Hoffuiann, De
dates
imjueratoris Titi, p. 6.
377

examination of the facts communicated in our exposition
among
plainly shows that

are
many
20)
the details circumstantially related
that refer purely to the internal affairs of the Jews,
whereas on the other hand the exact statements about the

doings of the Eomans, especially of that period, become more
numerous when Josephus was

quently on his parole in the
first
Eoman
a prisoner and
He had
camp.
personal knowledge of these things.
subse-
therefore
Indeed, in his vindica-
tion of the credibility of his exposition he refers simply to his
own memoranda
of these occurrences
Eoman
himself and not to

jLpion,
i.
official
which he had made
ra Kara to arparoTreSov to
for
documents {Treatise against

'
opoov
PcofMaicov
Evidently, therefore, he did not use
eVt/ieXw? dveypacpov).
But that he had made
these official papers.
according to the Jewish calendar
is
his
njemoranda
probable, partly from the
internal probability of the matter, partly from the circumstance
that particular dates are given undoubtedly according to the
Jewish calendar
p.
The
of the Jeivs,
the Jews, vi. 2/ 1
vi. 4.
1-5
iii.
7.
36,
v.
as a proof that the
new moon.
13. 7,
vi.
months
For
1.
of
3),
(see above,
(see above, p.
oft recurring formula, Uavejxov vovixrjvla
Jews,
the
Wars of
so
Wars
242), and
243
{Wars
of the
cannot indeed be used
Josephus actually began with
in later usage
vovjjLTjvia signifies
day of the month, even when, according
ally the first
generto the
calendar employed, the months did not begin with the
moon, as
e.g.
in the
Eoman.
Compare Dio
rov AvyovcTTov vovfxrjvia; Plutarch,

Tov irpcopTOV
Thesaurus,
fjir]v6s, rjv
s.v.
f.).
Galba,
Cassius, Ix. 5
22:
r/
new
:
Ty
vov/xTjvta
Kokavha^; ^lavovapia<i Kokovcrt', Steph.
APPE^^DIX
lY.
THE JEWISH SHEKEL AND COINS OF THE REBELLION.

The extant
in three
coins with old
Hebrew
writing
may
be arranged
groups: (1) The coins of the Asmonean high priests
and princes which are furnished with names, and therefore are
most
shekel
easily
:
determined
(3) the
"
Coins
variations celebrate the

Israel or
prevails
(2) the
of
silver
and
shekel
half-
Freedom," which with manifold
emancipation {g'nlla or
The most
Jerusalem or Sion.
among numismatists with
clienith)
of
perfect agreement
reference to the
group
first
a pretty general agreement also prevails with reference to the

second, because they are assigned
matists to the times of
by the majority
Simon the Maccabee.
of numis-
Most diverse
are the views entertained with reference to the third group.
Since the placing and

relatively easy
and
determining of
certain,
it
already communicated
all
historical exposition,
A more
that
the
will be found
is
group
first
that
necessary regarding
it
in our
special investigation is required
in reference to the coins of the second and third groups.
must be shown by a
systematic
examination
particulars, that with regard to the third
degree of certainty
may
is
we have
group a
of
much
all
It
tlie
higher
be reached than in regard to the
second, that therefore the measure of the present consensus
stands in inverse ratio to the degree of scientific certainty

attainable.
378
379
the jewish shekel and coins of the rebellion.
1.
The Shekel.
Literature.
EcKHEL, Dodrina Numorum veterum,
Cavedoni,
De
Biblische
Saulcy, Recherches sur
Ewald,
455 sqq.
la
Madden,
de7-
18
i.
De
17
ff.
sijq.
ft.
History of Jewish Coinage, 1864, p. 43 sqq.
Saulcy, Revue Numismatique, 1864,
ii.
p.
370
sq.
1866, p. 137
Saulcy, Revue archôlogique, nouv.
Lewis, Numismatic Chronicle, 1876,
Merzbacher
pp. 141
ff.,
in
fl^.,
p.
Zeitschrift
Sallet's
183
ed. G. Eggor,
fi^.
sdr. vol. xxiii.
1872, p.
Merzbacher, De siclis nummis antiquissimis Judaeorum,

Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1874, p. 281 sqq.
Madden,
10
ii.
p.
ff.
jdischen Mnzen, 1862, p. 39
Cavedoni in Grote's Mnzstudien, v. 1867, pp. 9-18.

Reich ARDT in the Wiener Numismatischen Monatsheften,
Bd.
if.,
NiLmismatique Judiiique, 1854,
Gottinger " Nachrichten," 1855, p. 109
Levy, Geschichte
De
iii.
Numismatik, transL by Werlhof,
Bd.
v.
1 sqq.
Beil. 1873.
322 (Shekel of the year V.).
fr
1878, pp. 151
Numismatik,
ff.,
292
Bd.
iii.
1876,
ff.
Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 67-71, where the material
is
nio.st
fully given.
Eeinach, " Actes
et conferences
(Supplement to Revue
de la societe des Etudes juives," 1877
des etudes juives, 1887), p. cciii sqq.
Separate
reprint, Les monnaies juives, Paris 1887, p. 42 sqq.
The
silver shekel
and half-shekel are equal in weight
to
the Greek tetradrachmae and the double drachmae minted in
the Phoenician towns, and afford us a point of connection

for
estimating
the
values
The superscription runs nîp

other
of
Phoenician
Dîyyv
Hebrew
or nK'npn
side bsiB'' ^P^* (shekel of Israel)
D''ân"l^
coins.^
on the
on the half-shekels
^ Compare on the value of the shekel, especially

Brandis, Das Mnz-,
Mass- und Gewichtswesen in Vorderasien (1866), pp. 55 ff., 94 ff., 102 ff.
Hultsch, Griechische und rmische Metrologie (2 Bearbeit. 1882), pp. 456 ff.,
602 ff. Merzbacher, Zeitschrift fr Numismatik, Bd. v. 1878, pp. 151 ff.,
171 ff., 173 f.; Revillout, "Note sur les plus anciennes monnaies hel)raiqnes" (Annuaire de la Socie'te' francaise de Numismatique, t. viii. 1884,
pp. 113-146 [revised reprint from the Revue Egyptologique]).
:
380
f'pti'n
APPENDIX
The whole
(half-shekel).
""vn
IV.
as well as the half-shekels
the indication of the weight, a number, usually
liave, besides
u=
accompanied with an
year
n:t:',
2^ = year
e.fj.
There are extant examples of both coins from the years

J
1 (L,
example of
IV.); of the whole shekel there
III.,
II.,
s, 2,
also
is
an
As might be expected, we have no
year V.
riK',
II.
portrait profiles, but ouly simple symbols, the significance of
which
is still
doubtful (a cup and branch of
upon those coins
of the " holy
any personal name,
Jerusalem
extremely
it is
lilies
" there is
?).
Since
no trace of
determine their
difficult to
down as certain that

they cannot have been minted between B.c. 135 and A.D. 66,
For the Asmoneans, since John Hyrcanus, B.c. 135, minted
coins bearing their own names, as did also Herod and his
age.
But
sons.
it
It is
should
also clear that these coins
Eoman
struck under the
wâr, A.D.
109
ff.)
6670
A.D.
first
They can
135
B.c.
therefore be
or after A.D. 66.
p.
lleinach
for
from the time of the

coins of quite another
{Gottingcr "Nachrichten"
to argue in favour of the years
minting of the shekels
365
however,
f.,
this
I adopted
theory
(1887) and
is
in consequence
and
of
6670
his view.
Among
Maccabee,
B.c.
142135.
inatique Juclaique,
(in
epistolary
corre-
All the others declare this imposthe
antiquated
De
style,
of
and
almost
Simon the
Saulcy puts them even farther
first of all,
1854,
numismatists,
now maintained only by Theod.
unanimously place these shekels in the time

back, assigning them
1855,
as the date
in the first edition of this
Imhoof- Blumer
spondence with myself).

sible,
before
132135, we have
Ewald was the
sort.
work,
war
of the
Hadrian
of the
the time
the latter alternative they can be referred only to the
period
p.
could not have been
procurators, for they presuppose the
independence of Jerusalem.
political
assigned only to
Under
of all be laid
first
in Ilcchcrches sur la
to the time of
Numis-
Alexander the Great,
subsequently, in the Etude chronologique des livres d'Usdms
et
THE JEWISH SHEKEL AND COINS OF THE KEBELLION.

de
NMmie, 1868
(which has not been accessible
in the Eevuc arclteologique,
1872,
determining this question
we must take
381
to me),
time of Ezra.
to the
and
In
into account:
(1)
Palaeographical, (2) Historical, (3) Numismatical arguments.
We may
1.
aside, first of
set
all,
because they scarcely yield any result.

writing
is
the
palaeographical,
The character
of the
But
the so-called Phoenician or old Hebraic.
this
writing for monumental purposes, such as inscriptions and

coins,
changed so
little
from
sideration, that
during the period coming under con-
this
nothing can be gained to help in
determining our question.

the
coins
fits
bean age and
The character
of
the writing on
equally the assigning of them to the Maccato
a very
much
later period, as,
upon inquiry,
Euting also has assured me, one of the highest authorities on

Semitic palaeography.
2. On historical grounds the shekel can hardly have been
minted in the Persian and Greek age prior to the winning of
Jewish independence by Simon the Maccabee.

ing to
all
that
we know,
the Jews did
For accord-
not, either in
the
Persian or in the Greek age, possess such a degree of political
independence as
money
is
of their own.
sible in the
assumed
in
an autonomous minting of
This would have been distinctly impos-
age of Alexander, from the fact that under him
in Phoenicia
only
royal
money was minted
Ascalon, Ptolemais, Damascus; see Div.

97).^
All the more perfectly do they
time of Simon the Maccabee.
heathen was taken away from
II. vol.
e.g.,
in
pp. 74, 91,
now seem
to suit the
Under him
Israel,"
(so,
i.
"
the yoke of the
and expression was
given to this fact by the introduction of a native reckoning

of their
41,
42
own, according to the years of Simon (1 Mace. xiii.

compare also p. 256).
May it not be just this era
2 Against placing the shekel in the time of Ezra

or Alexander the
Great, see especially the comprehensive treatise of MerzLacher, Zeitschrift
fr NumisTiiatil; Bd. v. 1878, p. 151 ff.
382
APPENDIX
that
meant on the shekels
is
IV.
This
indeed what
is
The
certain not inconsiderable difficulties arise.
170
begins in the year

(1 Mace.
177
xiii.
41
f.)
of the Seleucid
One should
era of
of the Seleucid eranrB.c.
but Simon did not die before the year
136-135
era=--B.c.
(1 Mace. xvi. 14).
numbers
even of the year V. we have only one
example, but no single example for any later years.

bacher, Zeitschrift
made
fr Numismatik,
That
this expedient is
292
v.
Merz-
has therefore
ff.,
Simon about two years
the attempt to place the era of
later.
Simon
143-142
therefore expect on the shekels the year
I.VII., whereas
is
But on nearer consideration
assumed by most numismatists.
quite inadmissible, I think I
have succeeded in proving on page

involve this further consequence,
259.
that
would
It
also
the minting of the
manner was suddenly broken
shekels in a very remarkable
off
with Simon, and in their place immediately under Simon's
John Hyrcanus, a minting
successor,
introduced, bearing the

this be not impossible,
name
it is
of quite another kind
was
of the reigning high priest.
If
at least very singular.
On
the other
hand, the hypothesis that the shekels were minted during the
period of the rebellion A.D.
historical difficulties.
if
It
66-70,
no numismatic considerations
3.
for
The
this
is
beset
by no kind
tell
against
it.
decision from the numismatic standpoint
reason, that the
and
peculiar description,
of
must therefore have the preference,
minting
is
therefore
is difficult
of a rude or at least
hard
to
classify.
This
explains the fact that even experienced numismatists differ
from one another in their judgments.
Theod. Eeinach has
given no convincing proof for the date of A.D.
by him.
to
By
his publication
6670
as adopted
Imhoof-Blumer has been driven

case, which has led him
The grounds which he has
an examination of the facts of the
to accept the theory of Reinach.
been good enough in correspondence to communicate to

are
the
foUowin":
"
The small diameter
of
me
the shekel and

half-shekel,
and
383
their border, do not correspond to the Syrian
and Phoenician mintings of the middle
of the second century
before Christ nearly so well as to the silver coins minted in
those districts bearing the images of Nero, Agrippina, and
Vespasian, of which there are

of
about
1-i
and
many
tolerably thick examples
Upon
7 grs. in weight.
a question of style
no result can be drawn from the extremely slovenly and

rude types referred
and in
this
to,
but merely on a question of technology,
respect they have no resemblance to the broad
coins of the Syrian kings Antichus VI., Tryphon, Antiochus

VII.," etc.
Against this theory
may
be quoted the opinions
of all other numismatists of the time,

possible,
who pronounce
im-
it
on account of the ancient appearance of the shekels,
that they can be assigned to so late an age.
Also
it
has been
emphatically declared against the above statement,

Sallet in an admirable
by
e.g.
communication which he has made to
me, that the prevailing view must be maintained.

antique character of the
coins
so
is
clearly
"
The
stamped, the
thickness of the piece of metal so thoroughly in accordance
with the antique coins minted long before Christ, the stamp
and the writing are of so decidedly antique a character, that

the
coins
must be placed
in
the time of the Maccabees."
They
are " distinctly distinguishable " from the coins of the
later
rebellion.
among
In presence of
diversity
this
of
opinion
the best authorities, no one not an expert can do any-
thing but conclude with the confession
adhuc sub judice
lis
est.
2.
The Coins of the Eebellion.

Literature.
EcKHEL, Dodrina Numorum
MiONNET, Description
veterum.,
iii.
454-474.
de m^dailles antiques, v. 555-562, Suppl. viii. 378
Planches, xxvii.-xxviii.
Tresor de
Numismatiqm
Ivii.lix.
(edited
by Lenormant,
1849), pp.
118-123,
pi,
384
APPENDIX
Cavedoni,
De
Biblische
Numismatik,
Saulcy, Recherches sur

pi.
la
transl.
IV.
by Werlhof,
i.
18-51.
Numismatique Judrnque, 1854, pp. 151-170,
x.-xv.
Gttinger " Nachrichten," 1855, pp. 109-122
Ewald,
1862, p. 841
De Vogue,
flf.
Gott. gel. Anrxigen,
(review of Levy's work).
Revue Numismatique, 1860, pp. 280-292 (Eleazar coins)
Levy, Geschichte der jdischen Mnzen (1862), pp. 83-131.
Madden, History of Jewish Coinage

Cavedoni in Grote's Mnzstudien,
De
(1864), pp. 154-182, 198-210.

v.
1867, pp. 29-37.
Saulcy, Revue Numismatique, 1865, pp. 29-55.
Garrucci, Dissertazioni
Madden, Numismatic
archeologiche,
1865, pp. 31-39.
ii.
Chronicle, 1866, pp. 36-65.
De Saulcy, Numismatic
Chronicle, 1871, pp. 250-253.
Merzbacher, "Untersuchungen ber aUhebrische Mnzen"
De
(ZeitscJiri
fr Numismatik, Bd. iv. 1877, pp. 350-365).

Saulcy, Melanges de Numismatique, ii. 1877, pp. 87-92.
fr Numismatik, Bd.
Sallet,
Zeitschrift
Kenan,
Ve'glise chre'tienne (1879), pp.
Madden,
v. 1878, pp.
110-114.
546-551.
Coins of the Jews (1881), pp. 188-206, 230-246.
Stickel, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina- Vereins,
vii.
1884, pp. 212,
214.
Grtz, Monatsschrift fr
Gesckichte
und Wissenschaft
pp. 145-176 (English translation in
des Judentliums, 1887,
Numismatic
Reinach (Thôd.), Revue des dudes juives,

Heinach (Theod.), Actes et conferences de
t.
la
Chronicle, 1888).
xv. 1887, pp. 56-61.

socie'te'
des
dudes juives, 1887
(Suppl. to Revue des dudes juives, 1887), pp. cciii-ccxvi.
In separate
reprint {Les monnaies juives, Paris 1887), pp. 42-67.
Grtz, Revue
des etudes juives,
t.
xvi. 1888, pp.
161-169
t.
xviii. 1889, pp.
301-304.
Grtz,
Geschichte der Juden, Bd.
Reinach (Theod.), Revue
iii.
4 Aufl. (1888), pp. 819-841.
des etudes juives,
t.
xvii. 1888, pp.
42-45;
t.
xviii.
1889, pp. 304-306.
The
coins of the rebellion beloncf to the followins; varieties.
The material
is
adequately presented by
De
Saulcy, Eecherches
sur la Numismatique, 1854; Madden, History of Jeivish Coinage,
1864; Numismatic
fr Numismatik,
the Jews, 1881.
iv.
Chronicle,
1875; Merzbacher,
1887; most
fully in
Zeitschrift
Madden, Coins of
385
THE JEWISH SHEKEL AND COINS OF THE EEBELLION.

Ligullath Zlon, the Deliverance of Zioa.
1.
Obv.
Zlon.
n^JXib, ligullath
jVi*
Bev. yaix
n:K>,
yms
or, "xn
or, y'lni
year IV.
nr^, year IV., a half.
yniN
njJ^',
year IV., a quarter.
All these are copper coins of various
sizes,
with Jewish
emblems.
See De Saulcy, Reclierches sur la Mimismatigue, p. 20
Ewald, Gttinger
Cavedoni, Biblische Nu^nismatik, ii. 11 f
Nachrichten, 1855, p. 114; Levy, Geschichte, p. 44; Madden,
Mistory of Jewish Coinage, p. 47 Garrucci, Dissertazioni, ii. 32,
38 Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1866, pp. 48-63 (very
complete in reference to the date, against Garrucci) Merz.
bacher, Zeitschrift fr Numismatik,

Coins of the Jews, p. 71 sq.
i.
222,
iv.
364
Madden,
Cheruth Zion, the Emancipation of Zion.
2.
ninn, cheruth Zion.
Ohv.
;vi*
Bev.
DTiJJ'
n'î year
mh^
or,
Small
nJB>,
copper
IL
year IIL
with
coins
numerous examples are extant
De
Jewish
emblems
(Sallet, Zeitschrift, v.
which
of
110).
154; Cavedoni, Biblische

p.
Ewald, Gott. Nach. 1855, p. 114;
Levy, Geschichte, p. 100 JMadden, History of Jewish Coinage,
De Saulcy, Bcvue Numismatique, 1865, p. 29 sq.
p. 180
Garrucci, Dissertazioni, ii. 38 Merzbacher, Zeitschrift, i. 223,
iv. 364 f.
Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, p. 320 sq.
See
Saulcy, Bechcrches,
Numismatik,
ii.
53
f.;
Coins of the Jews,

3.
Year
Obv.
pan
I.
p.
206.
Obv.
pan
Jiyntj',
"iiy^x,
Israel.
Eleasar the priest.
Bev. b^'û^ rh^^^b nnx rwy, year
Bev.
Emancipation of
ligullath Israel, of the
nryi'X,
I.
ligullath Israel.
Eleasar the priest.
Simon.
Obv. uhur\\ Jerusalem.
Bev.
DIV.
^sit^'
I.
VOL.
rh^h nns
II.
njl^,
year
I.
ligullath Israel.
2 B
;;
,
386
AFPENDIX
Ohv. i'Kit^
Rev.
i'NiK'''
These are
pycit:',
"'tr:
nbsj^
some
of various sizes
nnx
and
same period
to the
Israel" which
Simon prince
of
silver,
I.
of Israel.
ligullath Israel.
some of them copper, coins
That they
various types.
proved from the date
is
common
is
year
n::^*,
them
of
IV.
to all the
"
all
Year
belong
ligullath
I.
But the
three.
coins
hearing the names of Eleasar and Simon cannot be separated
from the other Eleasar
coins.
De
Saulcy, JRecherches, pp. 158-160, 165-168 Cavedoni,

Numismatik, ii. 55-59
Ewald, Gttinger Nachr.
1855, p. 119 ff. De Vog^, Bevue Num. 1860, p. 280 ff. (Eleasar
coins communicated for the first time by De Vogii^) ; Levy,
See
Biblische
Madden, History of Jewish

pp. 88-92, 97-99
Coinage, pp. 161-166, 174-178
De Saulcy, Eevue Num. 1865,
Cavedoni in Grote's Mnzstudien, v. 29 ff. Garrucci,
p. 29 sq.
Geschichte,
ii.
37
sq.
Merzbacher, Zeitschrift,
Madden, Nimismatic
Jews, pp. 198-206;
Bevue des 6tudes
i.
229-232,
iv.
350-353
Chronicle, 1875, pp. 313-320

Coins of the
Salle t, Zeitschrift, v. 110 ff. ; Eeinach,
;
58
Juives, xv.
sq.
(on
the
Simon - Eleasar
coins).
4.
Year
II. lechSruth Israel,
Ohv. pyrD^,
the
Freedom
of Israel.
Simon.
Bev. ^NiB'^ niin^ 2"^ year II. lechSruth Israel.

Ohv. :h^T\\ Jerusalem.
in
Bev.
-'xiK'^
nnn^
The
latter
kind are found rarely, the former very frequently,
silver
n"B'
II. lechiruth Israel.
and copper, of various
In regard to some
made
year
out of
Zeitschrift, v.
it is still
Eoman
and
sizes
of various types.
discernible that they
had been
coins of Vespasian and Trajan (Sallet,
110-114).
De
Saulcy, Becherches, pp. 168-170 ; Cavedoni, Biblische

ii. 59 ff. ; Ewald, Gttinger Nachr. 1855, p. 119 fi".
Levy, Geschichte, pp. 93-96, 105-108
Madden, History of
Jewish Coinage, pp. 166-174, 207 sq. ; De Saulcy, Bevue Num.
1865, 29 sq.; Cavedoni in Grote's Mnzstudien, v. 30 ff
See
Numismatik,
(Jarrucci,
ii.
34; Merzbacher,
Zeitschrift,
i.
232-236,
iv.
353-
387
356 Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, pp. 329-333

of the Jews, pp. 241-246; Sallet's Zeitschrift, v. 110-114.
Coi'iis
5.
LecMnith Jerushalem, the Freedom of Jerusalem.

Simon.
Obv.
liyC,
Rev.
Dâni" nnn!?,
and copper coins of various
Silver
Many
types.
IccMruth Jerushalem.
upon those
and with various
sizes
Eoman
stamped upon
are
especially
coins,
of Trajan.
See De Saulcy, Recherches, pp. 160-165; Cavedoni, Biblische

Numismatik, ii. 56-59 Ewald, Gttinger Nachr. 1885, p. 119 ff.
Levy, Geschichte, pp. 93-96, 105-108
Madden, History of
Jewish Coinage, pp. 166-174, 203-210
De Saulcy, Revue
Num. 1865, p. 29 sqq. Cavedoni in Grote's Milnzstuclien, v.
30 ff. ( rarrucci, ii. 33 sq. Merzbacher, Zeitschrift, i. 236 f., iv.
357-363 Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1875, pp. 321-328
Coins of the Jews, pp. 233-241 Sallet, Zeitschrift, v. 110-114.
;
The
year
three
last
lechiruth
II.
named
classes
Israel, lechiruth
(Year
ligidlath
I.
Israel,
Jerushalem without date)
are to be assigned with great probability, the last
two indeed
with certainty, to the period of the rebellion of Bar-Cochba.
In regard to the
original
last
class
Eoman minting
figure of the
were struck not
earlier
taken place
among the
lechSruth
is
:
than
admitted by
all.
upon many
of
tlie
conceivable in
coins of our
Israel,"
times of Trajan.
which
this
110-114).
to those bearing the
But only
minting can have
Yet even
The same therefore

device
" lechSruth
that
II.
met with which
Vespasian and Trajan
however, be readily admitted
(Sallet,
applies to
Jerushalem."
those
results
only for the copies stamped upon imperial

for others
them,
fourth class, those of the " Year
some examples are

of
The
Jewish temple, proves that they
that of the rebellion under Hadrian.
stamped upon coins

schrift, V.
is
discernible
which gives the

one period
this
coins,
are
Zeit-
them
as
It will,
hold
not
but also
with similar superscriptions and of similar types.
APPENDIX
388
IV.
for the production of whicli imperial coins
For
it
were not employed.
a singularly arbitrary proceeding to divide
is
among
dierent periods coins of precisely the same impression, only

for this reason that
be traced, while
on some an original
Roman stamp
can
not discernible on the others (so Levy,
it is
who
divides the coins of our fourth as well as of our fifth
class
between the
two
therefore, these
Bar-Cochba,
first
those
and the second revolutions).

"
While,
certainly belong to the time of
classes
of
Year
ligullath
I.
may
Israel "
be
assigned at least with great probability to the same period.
Tor
admitted by
it is
all
competent numismatists that they
are in style extremely similar
tradition
rabbinical
others.^
Tlie
" coins of
Bencosiba," nvnriD
The great
quite the same, indeed, as the
to,
mya
also speaks generally
or N2''n3
of
ynu.^
variety of mintings within a few years,
which has
been the principal reason for numismatists dividing the coins
between the time of the Vespasian and that

war,
Hadriauic
of the
not on closer examination incapable of explanation.
is
During the
year two leaders of the rebellion, " Eleazar
first
the Priest " and " Simon the Prince," minted coins.
second year
Simon seems
Thus
sole sovereignty.
it
In the
have secured to himself the
to
can be easily understood that on
See especially, De Saulcy, Revue

fr Numismatik, v. 110 ff.
Zeitschrift
Num. 1865, p.
"To me, as a
29 sqq., and
numismatist,
Sallet,
it
was
never doubtful that De Saulcy's view was riglit, that, in spite of all
arguments to the contrary, all these denarius-like coins, and the tetradrachms as well, must unquestionably have belonged to one period. In
the numismatics of antiquity it is without example, and impossible that
coins perfectly like one aiiother in style, yea, precisely the same as one
another, should be sixty years apart.
Also, Mcrzbacher says, although
he adopts the partition declared by Sallet impossible, Zdtschrift far Num.
" They are little distinguished from one another in style and
i. 223 f.
material, since only a few divergences in type can be pointed out, and
therefore should not be too far separated in time from one another."
2 Tosephta Maasi scheni, i.
bab. Baba
Jer. Maaser sheni, i. 2
5
Madden, History of Jewish
kamma, 97'' in Levy, Geschichte, p. 127 ff.
Coinage, p. 329 sq.
Coins of the Jews, p. 311 sqq.

the coins of the
priest
by the
year he distinguished himself from
first
title
" prince,"
of
city
indeed during the
of
Besides Simon and
Jerusalem also minted coins, and that
first
coins are very rare.
tlie
whereas during the second
year he no longer found this necessary .^

Eleasar the
389
as well as the second year; but these
Finally, Simon, besides the coins dated
according to the era of the freedom of Israel, also stamped
some coins without date
in
commemoration
of " the freedom of
Jerusalem."
Their great variety therefore presents no ground
for assigning
a portion of them to the time of the war of
Vespasian.
In the history of numismatics the classification of our coins

has passed through five different stages. 1. The older numismatists, Eckhel, Mionnet, and even Cavedoni, Biblische Num. i.,
])ut all the kinds together, so far as they were known, along
with the shekel coins in the time of Simon the Maccabee.
Only one French scholar of the last century, Henrion, recognised the fact that they belonged to the time of Bar-Cochba (see
Eckhel, Dodr. Num. iii. 472).
But his voice sounded unheard,
although even then some copies stamped upon imperial coins
were known, which had to be of necessity assigned to the age
of Bar-Cochba (Eckhel, iii. 473).
2. De Saulcy in his Rccherches
sur la Numismatique Judcdque, 1854, not only essentially
enriched the material, but also gave expression to the correct
view that all three kinds belonged to the time of Bar-Cochba.
There
a remarkable coin bearing
tlie inscription, Ohv. |n3n ~lTy?N,

regarded it as the work of a forger, who combined
the fronts of an Eleasar and a Simon coin with one another. According
is
Rev. pyDD*-
De Vogue
to Friedlander's and Sallet's opinion, however, its genuineness is indisputable {Zeitschrift fr Numismatique, iv. 350, v. Ill, note Madden, Coins
Yet more remarkable is a coin published by Reinach
of the Jews, p. 201).
;
in Bevue des dudes juives, xv. 56-61, the inscription of

defective,
which
L'ev.
bir\^''
nnn^
indeed
is
but has been restored with tolerable certainty as follows
n"c^^
This coin also Reinach declares to be undoubtedly genuine. According

to his subtle explanation we have in both coins to recognise monnaies
hybrides, i.e. coins on which, in consequence of an error in the minting,
the inscriptions of two different coins were combined with one another.
Such "bastards" are not seldom found among the Roman consular coins.
"
390
APPENDIX
He was
The
first
IV.
fullowcd by Cavcdoni, Biblische Num. ii., and Ewald.

same period the Eleasar coins
latter also assigned to the
communicated by De Vog6 in 1860 (Histori/ of Israel, \in.

3. An unfortunate confusion was caused by Levy in
291).
1862 in consequence of his arbitrary division of the coins

between the time of Vespasian and that of Hadrian.
He
assigned to the earlier period not only all coins of " Year I.
Ugullath Israel" but also the greater part of those of the " Year
II. lecMruth Israel" and "lechiruth Jerushalern."
But some
individual examples of the last two classes are met with in the
time of Hadrian, and thus coins of a precisely similar stamp
are separated by a period of sixty years.
Those who issued
coins during the age of Vespasian were the well-known leader
of the Zealots, Eleasar, then Simon bar-Giora, and the scribe
Simon, son of Gamaliel, upon whom the later Jewish legends
bestowed the title of Nasi. 0\\ the baselessness of this legend
see Div. II. vol. i. p. 183 ff.
Neither could Eleasar nor Simon
l)ar-Giora have struck the coins of years I. and II. of freedom,
since they did not become party leaders until the later days of
the rebellion Simon bar-Giora only in the third year ( Wars
of the Jews, iv. 9. 12) Eleasar even later, and only for a short
time (see above, p. 235). Notwithstanding the more than weak
foundation of these hypotheses, Levy obtained at first ardent
supporters in Madden, History of Jeioish Coinage, 1864, and
Madden's work of 1864
(\avedoni in Grote's Miinzstvdien, v.
is consequently in those parts extremely ill-suited to afford a
Also Renan wâs influenced by
clear summary of the history.
Levy, inasmuch as he inclines to ascribe only the superimposition of the stamp to the age of Bar-Cochba (L'^glise
chretienne, p. 546 sq.).
Levy's and Madden's views were
decidedly combated by Ewald, Gott. gel. nz. 1862, p. 841 ff., and
De Saulcy, Bevue Num. 1865, who held fast by their earlier
judgments.
Yet even De Saulcy so far paid tribute to the
Jewish legends as to understand by " Simon the Prince
the younger Simon, son of Gamaliel, grandson of the earlier
one of that name, whose title of Nasi, however, stands historically on as weak a foundation, as in the case of his grandfather.
change for the better, however, was made by Merzbacher
4.
when he, although still influenced by Levy, abandoned his
arbitrary separation of the coins of our fourth and fifth classes.
He put all coins of " Year I. Ugullath Israel " and all those of
" Year IL lecheruth Israel" into the Vespasian age, and all those
with "lecMruth Jerushalern" into the age of Hadrian. All the
Simon coins of the age of Vespasian, whether with or without
;
391
But
title Nasi, he ascribed to Simon, son of Gamaliel.
even before him Garrucci had come one step nearer the truth
when he ascribed to the Hadrianic period both the coins of the
"Year II. hcMruth Israel," and those with "lecheruth Jerushalem,"
and assigned to the age of Vespasian only those of " Year I.
ligullath Israel."
His arguments also soon made an impression
upon Madden {Numismatic Chronicle, 1866, p. 63 sq.), who in his
Coins of the Jews,
later works {Nuviismatic Chronicle, 1875
1881) actually adopted the arrangement of Garrucci. In consequence of this, Madden's masterpiece of 1881 marks an
important advance upon the History of 1864, not only in regard
to the wealth of material, but also in respect of its incomparably
superior arrangement.
5.
The researches of Merzbacher,
Garrucci, and Madden gradually unravelled the confusion
wrought by Levy, and led step by step back again to the
original simple views of De Saulcy.
Sallet and Eeinach have
returned completely to these earlier views, for reasons that
have been stated above. Although on other points De Saulcy
is not always happy in his historical combinations, his numismatical sense has in this particular guided him aright.
Whether the weight of the arguments by which modern
numismatists have been constrained to return step by step to
De Saulcy 's view will survive all attacks the future alone can
show. An attempt to produce embarrassment anew has been
made by Grtz {Monatsschrift, 1887, p. 145 ff. Revue des udes
juives, xvi. 161 sqq., xviii. 301 sq.
Geschichte der Juden, iii.
4 Aufl. 1888, p. 819 ff.). There is scarcely any danger of such
an attempt succeeding, for any one who has even a moderate
appreciation of scientific method must regard Grtz's speculations as a tissue of groundless surmises.
Compare in opposition
to him Eeinach, Revue des udes juives, xvii. 42-45, xviii. 304^
the
306.
In regard to the small copper coins communicated under

jSTo.
and
to
2,
with the superscription
III.,
the
much
coins
|ri*
nnn, cMruth Zion, years
II.
greater agreement prevails than in regard
of our
third,
fourth,
and
fifth
classes.
With
almost perfect unanimity they are ascribed to the period of

the war of Vespasian.
Saulcy,
who
This
is
the opinion not only of
De
assigns to the Vespasian period only those coins,
but also of Ewald, who places the shekels along with them,
and of Levy, Garrucci, and Madden, who join with them a
APPENDIX
392
more or
considerable portion of our Bar-Cocliba coins.
less
This latter view

differ
is
indeed indefensible, because these coins
from the others essentially in
renounces the attempt to

matique,
fourth,
it
IV.
will
223,
i.
and
iv.
364
But
f.).
fifth classes are
the coins of our third,
if all
placed in the time of Bar-Cochba,
become probable, owing
the coins of the years II. and
time of Vespasian.
that Merzbacher
style, so
age {Zeitschrift fr Numis-
fix their
to the
diversity of style, that
III. cJieruth
In this case also
De
Zion belong
to the
Saulcy has hit upon
the right explanation.

It is of the
utmost importance to determine the coins of
the year IV., jvv n^KJ^, ligullath Zion, communicated under
No.
1.
Many, on account
style, class
of the
admitted antiquity of their
them along with the shekel
Cavedoni, Biblische Numismatique,
1864.
separate
Yet
it
is
ii.
and
shekels,
time of Vespasian (Dissertazioni,
De
Saulcy,
which leads Garrucci
just their style
them from the
So
coins.
Ewald, Levy, Madden,
ii.
to place
them
to
in the
32); and Madden,
after
he had, in complete contradiction to Garrucci, maintained their

contemporariness with the shekels (Num. Ghron. 1866, pp.
48-
63), at last only holds so far to that opinion that their reference
to the Seleucidean period
of the Jews, p. 73),
seems
to
some extent proved {Coins
while even Merzbacher
is
of opinion that
they were not of the same period as the shekels {Zeitschrift,
222
f.),
coins of an uncertain age {Zeitschrift,

difficult
matters.
i.
and are therefore to be reckoned only as ancient
to
arrive
at
any
decided
iv.
364).
judgment
It
is
upon
thus
these
APPENDIX
V.
PARALLEL YEARS OF THE GREEK, SYRIAN, ROMAN,

AND CHRISTIAN ERAS.i
The Olympiad
era begins in
Urhe condita begins in
XI.
Cat.
b.c.
be reckoned
to
312, and
B.c.
is
The Varronian
era ah
753, and counts from the
festival
Mail
reckon by the years of
is
era begins in
from 1st October.^
to be reckoned
of the Pcdilia,
776, and
b.c.
The Seleucid
from 1st July.2
But
21st April.*
the consuls,
office of
since writers
we have
to do,
not with the starting-point of the Varronian year, but with
upon
the point of time at which the consuls entered

office.
But
this took place
their
from a.U. 601, and so continued
during almost the whole of the succeeding period, on

January.^
In
the following table the
respective
years
1st
of
the Greek, Seleucidean, and Pioman eras are paralleled with

the
same year
of the
Christian
era
which they begin.
in
Thus:
01.
151, 1
1st
Sei.
137
1st October b.c.
A.U.
578
21st April (or 1st January)
July
b.c.
B.c.
176 down
to the
same day in
175.
176 down
same day
to the
in B.c. 175.
to the
same day
According to Clinton, Fasii
* Ideler,
3
lUd.
1.
Ibid.
ii.
Handbuch
Hellenici,
der Chronologie,
450-453.
148
393
B.c.
176 down
in b.c. 175.
i,
Ibid.
iii.
472 sqq.
377.
ii.
47, 150, 163
ff.
394
GREEK, SYRIAN, ROMAN, AND CHRISTIAN ERAS.
Ol.
395
196
Ol.
APPENDIX
V.
PARALLEL YEARS OF THE
GREEK, SYKIAN, IIOMAN, AND CHRISTIAN ERAS.

Ol.
197
398
APPENDIX
VI.
GENEALOGY OF THE SELEUCIDAE.

Seleucus
I.
Nicator
t280.
Antioclius
I.
APPENDIX
VIT.
GENEALOGY OF THE ASMONEANS.

Mattathias
t 166.
Simon
Ph
o
a
Ph
ADDENDA TO DIVISION
I.
VOLUME
VOLS.
I.
AND
IL
I.
PAGE
6.
J.
7.
Prideaux.
new and improved
Holtzmann, Oskar, Das Ende
Ly
edition of this work, revised
Talboys Wheeler, appeared in 2
vols, in 1858.
des jdischen
mid
Staatsu-esens
die
Entstehung des Christenth^cms, 1888, forming the second half of the

second volume of Stade's Geschichte des VoUces Israel.
8.
Grtz,
Geschichte
der
Juden, vol.
iii.
4th edition,
1888
greatly
enlarged.
8.
9.
10.
Sack, Die altjdische Religion im,
Uehergange vom Bihelthnme
zum
Talmudismus, Berlin 1889 (612 pp.).

Morrison, The Jews under Roman Rule, London 1890 (426 pp.).
Weber, System der altsyn. pal. Theologie, in a new unaltered edition
has appeared under the title Die Lehren des Talmud, quellenmssig, systematisch und gemeinverstndlich dargestellt, Leipzig
:
1886.
18.
Guerin,
Jerusalem,
religieux, Paris
19.
son
histoire,
1889 (409
sa
description,
ses
dablissements
pp.).
The following are important supplements to the

of Palestine.
English map, which embraces only the country west of the .Jordan
(1) The Map of Djaulan by Schumacher, Zeitschrift des DPV. ix.
1886 (2) the Map of the Hauran, "after measurements and plans
taken by Dr. Alphons Stbel in 1882, compared with other most
important sources, and constructed by Dr. Hans Fischer,"
A Map of Palestine on a reduced
Zeitschrift des DPV. xii. 1889.
scale after the best authorities, prepared by H. Fischer and H.
Guthe, has been issued by Wagner & Debes, Leipzig (1890) for
1 M. 50 Pf.
It is given also in vol. xiii. of the Zeitschrift des
Maps
DPV.
28.
The following
noticed
iii.
may
be
4th edition, 1888,
Grtz, Revue des etudes juivcs, t. xviii. 1889, pp. 301304; Reinach, Revue des dudes juives, t. xvii. 1888, pp. 42-45;
Reinach, Reviie, t. xviii. 1889, pp. 304-306.
Marucchi, Di un nuovo cimitero giudaico scoperto sulla Via Lahicana,
pp. 819-841
34.
additions to the literature of Numismatics
Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, vol.
Roma
1887.
403
ADDENDA TO DIVISION
404
I.
VOLS.
AND
I.
II,
PAGE
34.
Derentourg in the Melanges Eenier, 1887, pp. 437-441, from communications by De Kossi, has made known five inscriptions from
the Jewish cemetery at Porto, four of these being publislied for
43.
On
the
first
time.
the Sabl.iatical year
53.
On
Dellius
Grtz, Geschichte der Juden, vol.
652-655 (note
edition, pp.
Fabricius, Theophilus von Mijtilene
iii.
4th
8).
und Quintus
Dellius
als Quellen der Geographie des Strabon, Strassburg 1888.
56.
On
Strabo
"Strabonis
Otto,
iaTopix.l>v
vTroi^y/if^rc^v
fragmenta
collegit et enarravit adjectis quaestionibus Strabonianis " (ieipxiêr
Studien zur classischen Philologie,

69. Grtz,
Geschichte
der Juden, vol.
xi.
iii.
Suppl. vol. 1889).
4th edition, pp. 554-557, on
Justus of Tiberias.
91,
Against Niese's theory about the way in which Josephus

obtained access to the authorities referred to in Aniiq. xiv. 10,
these two facts maybe adduced (l)That the greater part of them
refers to that relief from military service {Antig. xiv. 10. 11-19)
note.
which was not in dispute in the controversy between the municipal

communities of Asia Minor and the Jews and (2) that another
part of them refers to Judea {Antiq. xiv. 10. 2-10), the aff'airs of
which were of no importance in the particular conflict then going on.
;
92.
Add
to note 15, with regard to Justus of Tiberias
der Juden, vol.

102.
iii.
text of the so-called Hegesippus
The
printed in
Grtz, Geschichte
4th edition, p. 555.

is,
according to Weber, also
Sancti Amhrosii opera omnia, ed. Ballerini,
t.
vi.
Weber's Programm
edition, we may here observe in passing, is not quite complete,
since in passing from one Programm to another a small part is
wanting. Therefore only the edition in book form can be used
(MedioL 1883)
col.
1-276. The
text
of
(Marburg 1864). On Hegesippus compare also Bardenhewer in

Wetzer and Welte's Kirchenlexicon, 2nd edition, vol. v. 1888, col.
1585 f. ; Ihm, Studia Ambrosiana (Jahrbcher fr classischen
:
Philologie, xvii. Suppl. vol., 1st pt. 1889), pp. 61-68.
The
latter
again in favour of assigning the authorship to Ambrose.

105. The fifth vol. of Niese's great edition of Josephus, containing the
Of the edition by
treatise contra Ajnonem, appeared in 1889.
is
Bekker, issued in Teubner's
series, vols.
i.
and
ii.
have appeared
Flavii Josephi opera omnia recognovit Naber, 1888-1889.

Destinon, De Flavii Josephi
105. As contributions to criticism of the text
:
hello
Judaico recensendo ad Benedictum
1889,
109.
On
Nisum
epistula critica, Kiel
Programm.
the State Papers used by Josephus, compare also: Judeich, Caesar

Orient (1885), pp. 119-141 ; Grtz, Geschichte der Juden,\o\. iii.
im
ed. iv. pp.

129.
Note 22
655-671 (note
Frst,
schaft des
9).
"Antoninus und
"Ra^dhi"
{Magazin fr
Judenthums, xvi. 1889, pp. 41-45).
die Wissen-
ADDENDA TO DIVISION
TOLS.
I.
AND
T.
405
II.
PAGE
135.
Note 33
"Wnsche, I)er Babylonische Talmud n.
s.
w.,
2nd
lialf-vol.
pts, 3-4, 1889.
137.
Schwab's French translation of the Jerusalem Talmud has beenbrought

to a conclusion by the publication of vol. xi. 1889 (Sanhedrin,
conclusion, Makkoth, Shebuoth, Aboda sara, Horajoth, Nidda).
Of A'ol. i., which in the first edition contained the tract Berachoth
according to the Jerusalem and the Babylonian Talmud, a new
edition appeared in 1890, containing the tract Berachoth according
to the Jerusalem Talmud only {Le Talmud de Jerusalem, etc., t. i.
138.
Wnsche, Der Babylonische Talmud
iiouvelle edition, Tratte' des Berakhoth, Paris 1890).

u.
s.
2nd
w.,
half-vol. pts. 3-4,
1889.
139. LeA^y's Ncuhehrisches
by the
139. Jastrow,
139. Stein,
und Chaldisches Wrterbuch has been completed
issue of the concluding vol. iv. 1889.
Dictionary,
Das Verbum
etc.,
2 fasc.
i^DDN
New York
"""l^,
der Mischnasprache, Berlin 1888.
1887.
Eosenberg, Das
im babylonischen Talmud, Marburg 1888.

"Le Talmud" {Actes et conf4rences de la Socie des dudes
aramische Verbiim
143. Darmesteter,
juives
[Appendix
to
Revue des etudes juires], 1889, pp. CCCLXXXI-
CDXLIl).
147.
On
Mcchilta, Sijihra, and Siphre, compare also
Einleitting in die halachischen Midraschim.
D. Hoffmann, Zicr
Contributions to the
Jahresbericht des Ilabbiner-Seminars, at Berlin 1886-1887
berger, Die Quellen der Halachah.
1 Part.
I regret that
Knigs-
Der Midrasch, Berlin
I did not sooner become acquainted with this

and excellent work of D. Hoffmann.
It contains very
valuable studies on the history of the origin of the three Midrashim above named. On p. 24, Hoffmann gives a list of the
authorities most frequently cited in Sij^hra
in pp. 38-40 those
most frequently cited in Mechilta, and on p. 54 those most frequently mentioned in Siphre. A complete index of the Tannaim
in Mechilta, Siphra, and Siphre is given at pp. 82-90.
On Siphre suta, see D. Hoffmann, Zur Einleitung in die halachischen
1890.
careful
1 47.
Midraschim, pp. 59-66.

152. Levi,
"Elements chretiens dans
e'tudes juives,
164. Grtz,
t.
Geschichte
(note
Pirke Rabbi Eliezer" {Revue des
le
xviii. 1889, pp. 83-89).
der Juden,
vol.
iii.
4th
edition,
pp.
559-577
1).
208. Gatt, "Zur Akra-Frage",(77ieoL Quartalschr. 1889, pp. 77-125).

210. 'yniDn "iry^N '-) is frequently referred to in Mechilta.
See the list
of passages in D. Hoffmann, Zur Einleitung in die halachischen
Midraschim {Jahresbericht des Rabhiner-Seminars, at Berlin 18861887), p. 83.
221.
On
the geography of
des
DPV.
pp. 41-43.
xii.
Mace.
1889,
pp.
compare
v. 26,
151
Buhl,
also Furrer, Zeitschrift

Zeitschrift,
xiii.
1890,
ADDENDA TO DIVISION
406
I.
VOLS.
AND
I.
II.
TAGE
268.
On
On
271.
"Kedron
254.
Bascama, see Furrer,

Antiq. xiv.
8.
Zeitschrift des
(reaches same conclusion as

is
the
DPV.
151.
xii. p.
im Orient
Mommsen).
(1885), pp. 129-136
Judeich, Caesar
modern Katrah in the neighbourhood
of .Jamnia"
(Furrer in correspondence).
302. " Bethome is Betuni on the same mountain ridge as Nebi
(Furrer in correspondence).
Samwel
''
Gaulana, see Furrer, Zeitschrifl des DPV. xii. p. l.")l.

is very likely Ragib which lies in almost the same degree
of latitude as Gerasa " (Furrer in correspondence).
Verwaltungsgeschichte
des
rmischen
328. Liebenam, Forschungen zur
Kaiserreichs.
Bie Legaten in den rviischen Provinzen von
1 Bd.
304.
On
304. "
Eagaba
Augustus bis Diocletian, Leipzig 1888. At pp. 359-389 a list is

given of imperial legates in Syria from Augustus down to the
third Christian century.
335. Judeich, Caesar
9 August 48
417.
im
Kritische
Orient.
bis October 47,
The form Hpuilns
is
also
Uebersicht der Ereignisse
vom
Leipzig 1885.
found in Corp.
Inscr. Atticarum,
ii.
3 (1888),
n. 1672.
449.
That the Herodian princes weiê avîâ,y,ot is now quite beyond

doubt. Compare the Coins of Agrippa above in vol. ii. p. 155.
VOLUME
27.
II.
The custom of celebrating the birthday of a prince is very ancient.

Compare Gen. xl. 20, and the commentaries on that passage by
Dillmann and
others.
Seeing that the Herodian princes expressly
celebrated the day of their accession to the throne (Josephus,
Antiq. xv. 11.
6), it is
tion of Eosetta that,
both days
x.ctl
Ixsi
instructive to learn
e.g.,
t'/;v
Egypt
Tpiax.'hci toD Msaopr:, su
oe.at'Kiug iyiTxi, iy.dlot; Or kolI \t'/,v
TrapeT^xiv
t'/J
Mller's Frag.
from the great inscripwas customary to keep
also it
rov
'Mi)(,ilp
adiXsisiv Tûpoi tov Troirp;

hist, grace, vol. 1
at close).
f,
tcH
ysuid'hioe,
too
STTrXKoti^ncxTYiv], iv
k.t.'K.
(see the text,
e.g.
vi
in
For the custom of celebrat-
ing birthdays, compare also 2 Mace. vi. 7 (Antiochus Epiphanes)

and Josephus, Antiq. xix. 7. 1 (Agrippa I.). Since in the Bible
out of a great number only the celebrations of the birthdays of
Pharaoh (Gen. xl. 20) and Herod Antipas are referred to, Origen
and Jerome in their observations on Matt. xiv. 6 drew the conclusion that only wicked men acted thus (Origen on Matt. t. x. c.
22
58.
Jerome, 0pp. ed. Vallarsi,
vii. 101).
Greek text of the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas has now been
discovered which proves to be the original.
The Acts of the
Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas the original Greek text
;
ADDENDA TO
DIVISION
I.
VOLS,
I.
AND
II.
407
VAGR
now
first edited from a MS. in the library of the Convent of the

Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem by J. Rendel Harris and Seth
The passage about the Procurator
R. Gifford, London 1890.
Hilarius here runs as follows:

Toli
ccv6v7irix.TOv
d'Trodx'Jovrog
kxI
'Mivovn.iov
'
iT^xpicci/oe:
iTrlrpoTro;
S; to'th
eôvaiecv
elhtiipn
'O^x/ayoy
f4.u-)cot,ipa,;.
87.
= Tireh, south of Gerizim" (Furrer in correspondence).

on the south-western comer of the Lake of Gennezaret.
" Tirathana
224. Tarichea
So
also Buhl, Zeitschrift des
DPV.
225. Against Furrer's identification of
xiii.
1890, p. 38
Gamala and Jamli
ff.
have advanced
the consideration that one could not say of a place which is a

day's journey from the sea that it lies vT^sp rvû 7îu,unv.
With
" Jamli stands on a rising
reference to this Furrer writes me
:
ground overlooking the lake, and is indeed the height of the

stronghold, seen from the west bank of the lake, occupying a
commanding situation, because from it westward the land slopes
downward. "We may surely say St. Gall overlooks the Lake of
Geneva, though it is some five leagues distant from the lake."
I am now inclined to agree with Furrer.
249. On the Arch of Titus see also Reinach, " L'arc de Titus " {Actes et
conferences de la Socid^ des dudes juives [Appendix to Revue des
juives], 1890, pp. Ixv-xci).

The inscription of the other
extant Arch of Titus is given according to the manuscript
dudes
now
of Einsiedeln
vol.
265.
An
ii.
by De
Rossi, Inscriptions christianae urbis
Eomae,
1 (1888), p. 25, n. 31.
inscription found in the neighbourhood of Caesarea, on Avhich
Caesarea is referred to as a colony (Col. I. Fl. Aug. Caesarea), has

been published by Zangemeister, Zeitschrift des DPV. xiii. 1890,
"^
p. 25
ff.
^
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THE JEWISH PEOPLE

THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST.

PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE UXn-EUSITY OF GTESSEX.

Being a Second and Revised Edition of a "Manual of

POLITICAL HISTOEY OF PALESTINE, EKOM

REV. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A.

Disturbances after Herod's Death,

The Sons of Herop,

(a) Philip, B.c. 4-A.L). 34,

His Territory under

Disorders under Caligula in Judea,

The Census of Quirinius,

The Roman Procurators,

The Great War with Rome,

a.d. 37, 40, 41-44,

Outbreak and Triumph of the Revolution

in Galilee (a.D. 67),

the Subjugation of Galilee to the Siege of

Jerusalem (a.D. 68-69),

Disorders under Caligula in Alexandria,

Judea under Roman Procurators,

and Conquest of Jerusalem

From the Destruction op Jerusalem to the Overthrow

(1) Tlie State of Affairs in Palestine

(2)The War under Trajan,

The Great Rebellion under Hadrian,

History of Chalcis, Itcrea, and Abilene,

The Jewish and Macedonian Months compared with

The Jewish Coins and Coins of the Rebellion,

Coins of the Rebellion,

Years of the Greek, Syrian, Roman, and

VI. Genealogy of the Seledcidae,

Genealogy of the Asmoneans,

The House of Herod,

DISTURBANCES AFTER HEROD'S DEATH,

(summary from Josephus).

Feder, Excerjjta Escurialensia, p. 67 sq.

Ewald, History of Israel, v. 449-457.

Geschichte der Juden,

Hitzig, Geschichte des Volkes

1873 (treats only of the events of

ScHNECKENBURGER, Zeitgeschichte, pp. 200-203.

"Judea and neighbouring

time of Christ and the Apostles."

the last will of Herod, Arclielaus had been

successor on the throne.

business to secure the emperor's confirmation of his father's

arrangement, and with this end in view he resolved to

But before he could

The people could not

stamp out a rebellion in Jerusalem.

Judas and Matthias, and violently insisted that

punishment the counsellors of

to dissuade the people

from their purpose.

he could not succeed in this way, the only result of his

THE KOMAX-IIERODIAN AGE.

to crush the revolt

accordingly sent forth a

detachment of soldiers against the people assembled in the

gather at that season in great crowds.

was not strong enough