CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION
1.1

BACKGROUND
As we know that in fact, the language in the world is not a single language but different.
Moreover, in a variety of languages have various forms, such as standard and non-standard
variations. These variations arise because of social and cultural factors, where individuals or
groups of individuals live.
Shape or form of language of a person or group of people less influenced by
environmental or extra lingual factors that come into contact with it. Therefore extra lingual
factor is thus a form of language to suit a wide-variety of social reality that reflection. This
opinion Chomsky denies the concept of homogeneous language community affairs. Wardhaugh
(1986: 113) evaluates Chomsky's view of a homogeneous society like the following quote.
"For purely theoretical purposes, linguist may want to hypotezise the existence of some
kind of" ideal "speech community.This is actually what Chomsky proposes, his 'completely
homogenous speech community'. However, such a community can not be our concern: it is
theoretical construct employed for a narrow purpose. Our speech community, whatever they are,
exist in a 'real world'. Consequently, some alternative view must be developed of speech
community, one helpful to investigation of a language in society rather than necessitated by
more abstract linguistic theorizing ".
Wardhaugh opinion based on the above it can be concluded that the presence of a
heterogeneous language makes more sense. About the homogeneous society, it seems it is hard to
imagine. Suppose there, the numbers are very limited. Therefore the heterogeneity of language,
the factors that are individual, regional, social and situational influence language variation.
Based on the above opinion, the experts found that language sociolinguistic there are
manifold. Among the various languages it is pijin language and creole languages.
At first, pidgin and creoles considered a linguistic phenomenon which is not attractive.
People who spoke with creole, pidgin and despised. Hymes (in Wardhaugh, 1988) adds that
before 1930 pidgin and creole is widely ignored by linguists and language is rated as marginal.
This is due to their origins. Therefore, people who speak the language and creole pijin associated
with members of the poor and the black community.
Fortunately, this assumption on the behavior and the present has changed. Language
experts give serious attention to pijin and creole languages. They found an interesting
characteristic of the particulars pijin and creoles. Pijin and creole studies to be an important part
of the study of literature and sociolinguistics with all of pijin and creole controversy itself. In the
end, the speaker realizes that talking to pijin and creole language variation which is not a bad,
but a language or language variety that has legitimacy, history, structure, and possible
recognition as a language is or was (Wardhaugh, 1988).
Based on the problems described above, the authors are interested in making paper
"pidgins and creole", which discusses the matter of understanding more about what it pidgins,
creole up the process of development, both of which mutually affect each other.
1.2
PROBLEM STATEMENT
Based on the background in this paper, the problem statement are :
1. Explain the history of pidgins and creole
2. What is definitions of pidgins and creole

3. The development of pidgins and creole

4. The process of development from pidgins to creole
1.3
THE OBJECTIVE
As for the goal in this paper is to determine definitions of pidgins and creole, the
development of pidgis and creole and the process of development from pidgins to creole.

CHAPTER II
DISCUSSION
2. 1

THE HISTORY OF PIDGINS AND CREOLE

Pidgins and creole are new language varieties, which developed out of contacts between
colonial nonstandard varieties of a European language and several non-European languages
around the Atlantic and in the Indian and Pacific Oceans during the seventeenth to nineteenth
centuries. Pidgins typically emerged in trade colonies which developed around trade forts or
along trade routes, such as on the coast of West Africa. They are reduced in structures and
specialized in functions (typically trade), and initially they served as non-native lingua francas to
users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions. Some pidgins have
expanded into regular vernaculars, especially in urban settings, and are called `expanded
pidgins.' Examples include Bislama and Tok Pisin (in Melanesia) and Nigerian and Cameroon
Pidgin English. Structurally, they are as complex as Creoles.
The terms Creole and pidgin have also been extended to some other varieties that
developed during the same period out of contacts among primarily non- European languages.
Examples include Delaware Pidgin, Chinook Jargon, and Mobilian in North America; Sango,
(Kikongo-)Kituba, and Lingala in Central Africa, Kinubi in Southern Sudan and in Uganda; and
Hiri Motu in Papua New Guinea (Holm 1989, Smith 1995)
Mufwene (2001) emphasizes that Creoles and pidgins developed in separate places, in
which Europeans and non-Europeans interacted differently sporadically in trade colonies
(which produced pidgins) but regularly in the initial stages of settlement colonies (where Creoles
developed).
The term `Creole' was originally coined in Iberian colonies, apparently in the sixteenth
century, in reference to non indigenous people born in the American colonies. It was adopted in
metropolitan Spanish, then in French and later in English by the early seventeenth century. By
the second half of the same century, it was generalized to descendants of Africans or Europeans

born in Romance colonies. Usage varied from one colony to another. The term was also used as
an adjective to characterize plants, animals, and customs typical of the same colonies.
Creole may not have applied widely to language varieties until the late eighteenth
century. Such usage may have been initiated by metropolitan Europeans to disfranchise
particular colonial varieties of their languages. It is not clear how the term became associated
only with vernaculars spoken primarily by descendants of non-Europeans. Nonetheless, several
speakers of Creoles (or pidgins) actually believe they speak dialects of their lexifiers.
Among the earliest claims that Creoles developed from pidgins is the following statement
in Bloomfield (1933, p. 474): `when the jargon [i.e., pidgin] has become the only language of the
subject group, it is a creolized language.' Hall (1962) reinterpreted this, associating the
vernacular function of Creoles with nativization. Thus, Creoles have been defined inaccurately as
`nativized pidgins,' i.e., pidgins that have acquired native speakers and have therefore expanded
both their structures and functions and have stabilized. Hall then also introduced the pidginCreole `life-cycle' to which DeCamp (1971) added a `post-Creole' stage.
The first creolist to dispute this connection was Alleyne (1971). He argued that fossilized
inflectional morphology in Haitian Creole (HC) and the like is evidence that Europeans did not
communicate with the Africans in foreigner or baby talk, which would have fostered pidgins on
the plantations.
It has also been claimed that Creoles have more or less the same structural design
(Bickerton, 1984). This position is as disputable as the counterclaim that they are more similar in
the socio historical ecologies of their developments, or even the more recent claim that there are
Creole prototypes from which others deviate in various ways (McWhorter 1998). The very fact
of resorting to a handful of prototypes for the general Creole structural category suggests that the
vast majority of them do not share the putative set of defining features, hence that the features
cannot be used to single them out as a unique type of language. On the other hand, variation in
the structural features of Creoles (lexified by the same language) is correlated with variation in
the linguistic and sociohistorical ecologies of their developments (Mufwene 2001). The notion of
`ecology' includes, among other things, the nature of the lexifier, structural features of the
substrate languages, changes in the ethnolinguistic makeup of the populations that came in
contact, the kinds of interactions between speakers of the lexifier and those of other languages,
and rates and modes of population growth.

To date the best known Creoles have been lexified by English and French. Those of the
Atlantic and Indian Ocean are, along with Hawaiian Creole, those that have informed most
theorizing on the development of Creoles. While the terms `Creole' and `creolization' have often
been applied uncritically to various contact-induced language varieties, several distinctions,
which are not clearly articulated have also been proposed, for instance, between pidgin, Creole,
koine! , semi-Creole, intertwined varieties, foreign workers' varieties of European languages
(e.g., Gastarbeiter Deutsch), and `indigenized varieties' of European languages (e.g., Nigerian
and Singaporean English). The denotations and importance of these terms deserve re-examining.
2. 2
a.

THE DEFENITION OF PIDGINS AND CREOLE

Most studies of pidgins and Creoles (PC) have focused on their origins, despite an
undeniable increase during the 1990s in the number of works on structural features
Pidgins
A Pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language created, usually
spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means of communication between
speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary,
serving as auxiliary contact languages. They are improvised rather than learned natively.
Pidgin language (origin in Engl. word `business'?) is nobody's native language; may arise
when two speakers of different languages with no common language try to have a makeshift
conversation. Lexicon usually comes from one language, structure often from the other. Because
of colonialism, slavery etc. the prestige of Pidgin languages is very low. Many pidgins are
`contact vernaculars', may only exist for one speech event.
A pidgin is a language with a reduced range of structure and use, with NO native
speakers. It grows up among people who do not share a common language but who want to
communicate with each other.
(Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).
A pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language created, usually
spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means of communication between
speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have simple grammars and few synonyms, serving as
auxiliary contact languages. They are learned as second languages rather than natively.
Some pidgins have expanded into regular vernaculars, especially in urban settings, and
are called `expanded pidgins.' Examples include Bislama and Tok Pisin (in Melanesia) and
Nigerian and Cameroon Pidgin English.

b.

Creole

Creole (orig. person of European descent born and raised in a tropical colony) is a
language that was originally a pidgin but has become nativized, i.e. a community of speakers
claims it as their first language. Next used to designate the language(s) of people of Caribbean
and African descent in colonial and ex-colonial countries (Jamaica, Haiti, Mauritius, Runion,
Hawaii, Pitcairn, etc.)
A creole is a pidgin which has become the mother tongue of a community, and therefore has
native speakers (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).
A creole language, or just creole, is a well-defined and stable language that originated
from a non-trivial combination of two or more languages, typically with many distinctive
features that are not inherited from either parent. All creole languages evolved from pidgins,
usually those that have become the native language of a community. The most kinds of pidgin
but now be a creol as like Melanesia pidgin (Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea. Another example
from this is Bislama pidgins in Vanuatu.
2. 3
a.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PIDGIN AND CREOLE

The Development Of Pidgin
A Pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language created, usually
spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means of communication between
speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary,
serving as auxiliary contact languages. They are improvised rather than learned natively.
As they develop, they can replace the existing mix of languages to become the native
language of the current community (such as Krio in Sierra Leone and Tok Pisin in Papua New
Guinea). This stage requires the pidgin to be learned natively by children, who then generalize
the features of the pidgin into a fully-formed, stabilized grammar (see Nicaraguan Sign
Language). When a pidgin reaches this point it acquires the full complexity of a natural
language, and becomes a creole language. However, pidgins do not always become creoles - they
can die out or become obsolete.
The concept originated in Europe among the merchants and traders in the Mediterranean
in the Middle Ages, who used Lingua Franca or Sabir. Another well-known pidgin is the Beachla-Mar of the South Seas, based on English but incorporating Malay, Chinese, and Portuguese
words. Bislama, as it is now called in Vanuatu, is fairly mutually intelligible with Tok Pisin.
Caribbean pidgin is the result of colonialism. As tropical islands were colonised their
society was restructured, with a ruling minority of some European nation and a large mass of
non-European laborers. The laborers, both natives and slaves, would often come from many

different language groups and would need to communicate. This led to the development of
pidgins.
The word is derived from the Chinese pronunciation of the English word business. Pidgin
English was the name given to a Chinese-English-Portuguese pidgin used for commerce in
Canton during the 18th and 19th centuries. Some scholars dispute this derivation of the word
"pidgin", and suggest alternative etymologies, but no alternative has been deemed convincing
enough to garner widespread support. In Canton, this contact language was called Canton
English.
b.

2. 4

The Development Of Creole

In linguistic, creole is pidgin which from time to time and from one generation to the next
generation that continues to develop into a variety of languages. By the time adults use pidgin as
an intermediate language, a group of children or grandchildren they acquire and use the language
as a first language (mother language).
For children or grandchildren, no longer called Pidgin, but creole.
Creole is also often referred to as the language Pijin that has native speakers. In the language of
the user community Pidgin shift or different naming of the language used. Pijin for the older
generation, and Creole to the younger generation.
At the level of creole, grammar and vocabulary begin to intricate and complex. Creole is
a language extension Pidgin, both grammatical complexity and vocabulary. Expansion of Pidgin
be equated with creole languages in other countries that have it.
There are hundreds of different creole languages in the world. Example is the creole
language Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea, Papiamentu in Arubia, South Venezuela, Curacao and
Bonaire Leeward islands of the Netherlands Antilles (influenced by Portuguese, English and
Spanish). Haitian Creole in the Caribbean, the western part of the island of Hispaniola (having
six million speakers). The speakers can be found throughout the Caribbean and North American
comunity, and creole from Dominica (influenced by Spanish, French and English).
THE PROCESS OF DEVELOPMENT FROM PIDGIN TO CREOL
In general, overall language can be changed. Sometimes the language changes occur in a
short time as a result of contact between two languages used by people with backgrounds
different languages. In such circumstances may arise that name pidgin. Pidgin usually have a
very simple grammar with a vocabulary of different languages so that mixing the two elements
of the language led to a mixture of languages.
A pidgin has no native speakers (native speakers). If you have a native speaker's language
is called a creole language. So, creole is a pidgin development that has had a parent language
(mother tongue). Some languages are considered creole language in Indonesia, among others, is
the Malay language and Betawi Malay Ambon. So, creole is the result of language contact as
well which is the development of a pidgin.
Pidgin creole arises when a mother tongue in a particular community. The structure is still
describe the structure of pidgin, creole but called for being their mother tongue. Pidgin can be a
creole when the foreign speakers and used by his descendants were then frozen as their first
language. It just said creole pidgin language if this has been going on for generations.

Creoles have more speakers than pidgin. Because creoles evolved through his children
and grandchildren, and only a pidgin language of the original. When someone mentions a creole
language, then the language should have first been proven historically about its origins. Because
in determining whether or not a creole, a language historically has a very important role and have
a
very
close
relationship.
Creolization is a linguistic development that occurs because the two languages in contact for a
long time which is pidgin speakers had breed. And so on if creole able to survive and continue
berkembanga it would creole language bias to larger and more complete example is the language
of Sierra Leone in West Africa which later became the national language.
Creole language developed from pidgin language. First of all, a language is used as a first
language in an area, then the youth, especially the merchants, activities interaction by trade.
From various origins traders, when they interact with other countries that are much
different languages have either structural or functional, so they created a new language with
quotes, and to paraphrase of their own languages understood by all traders concerned that they
are able to interact well. First language in an area that depends on whether the area is the result
of colony, who occupier, and the influence of what is left.
CHAPTER III
CLOSING
3.1

CONCLUTION
Based on the description of Pidgins and Creole in the above, the authors conclude:
1. A Pidgin is the name given to any language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of
other languages as a means of communication between speakers of different tongues. Pidgins
have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary, serving as auxiliary contact languages.
2. A creole is a pidgin which has become the mother tongue of a community, and therefore has
native speakers (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language). Creole is a pidgin that time
to time, from generation to next generation keep moving development be ones language.
3.

Creole language developed from pidgin language. First of all, a language is used as a first
language in an area, then the youth, especially the merchants, activities interaction by trade.

4.

From various origins traders, when they interact with other countries that are much different
languages have either structural or functional, so they created a new language with quotes, and
paraphrase their own languages understood by all traders concerned that they are able to interact
well.

PREFACE
Praise and Thank God to Allah SWT because the mercy and guidance so a paper about
"Pidgins
and
Creole"
can
be
completed
on
time.
Do not forget we sy thank you very much to the teacher who has given knowledge and
understanding to us so we able made a paper about pidgin and creole . we also say thank you to
our friends who have provided support and encouragement in writing this paper
We knows that this paper is still far from perfection. Therefore, the authors is very hope
suggestion, critic and advice from reader as guidelines for making paper in the next time.
Author hopes this paper can be useful and can give knowledge to the reader's about
"Pidgin and Creole". Amin!

Authors

TABLE OF CONTENS
TITLE PAGE
PREFACE
TABLE OF CONTENT
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1
Background .................................................................................................. 1
1.2
Problem Statement ....................................................................................... 2
1.3
The Objective ............................................................................................... 2
CHAPTER II
DISCUSSION
2.1
The History of Pidgins and Creole .......................................................... 3
2.2
The Definition Of Pidgins And Creole .................................................... 5
2.3
The Development Of Pidgins And Creole ............................................... 7
2.4
The Process Of Development Pidgins And Creole .................................. 8
CHAPTER III
CLOSING
3.1
Conclusion ......................................................................................... 9