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Style and Evolution in the Oaxaca Cathedral: 1600-1800

by

Mark Brill
B.A., Oberlin College, 1987

J.D., Loyola University, 1990

M.A., Tulane University, 1992
DISSERTATION
Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of
DOCfOR OF PHILOSOPHY
m

MUSIC
in the
O~CEOFGRADUATESTUD~

of the
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

DAVIS
Approved:

Committee in Charge
1998

-1-

UMi Humber: 9920245

UMI Microform 9920245

Copyright 1999, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This microform edition is protected against unauthorized

copying under Title 17, United States Code.

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Acknowledgments
First and foremost, I would like to thank Dr. Robert Stevenson, the
father of us all, without whom it would have taken another half-century for

this dissertation to be written. His contributions to our field cannot be

exaggerated. His personal comments and advice were invaluable throughout
the process of putting this study together.
I also wish to thank the "'Next Generation" of hispanicists, a tight and
always congenial group of brilliant scholars who follow in the giant footsteps of Dr. Stevenson. They include, in alphabetical order: Enrique Arias,
Walter Clark, Carol Hess, Bernardo lllari, John Koegel, Paul Laird, Craig
Russel, Leonora Saavedra, Michael Strasser, William Summers and
Grayson Wagstaff, all of whom at one time or another helped this study
along. I also would like to thank the Centro Nacional de Investigaci6n,
Documentaci6n e Infonnaci6n--known to all students of Mexican music as
C.E.N.I.D.LM.-for their assistance. In particular, a giant debt is owed to
Aurelio Tello, whose ground-breaking work in the archives of the Oaxaca
Cathedral paved the way for this study.
In Oaxaca, I cannot thank enough the venerable Padre Fernando
Vazquez Nuiiez, tireless guardian of the archives for almost half-a-century,
who shared his realm with utmost grace. I am also indebted to Jesus
Lizama Quijano, administrator of the restoration project in Oaxaca, who
readily shared his findings with me.
I am greatly indebted to Tom Brodhead, not only for his help with
the transcriptions, but also for reminding me at every tum what this is all
about.

..

11

In Davis, the help and support of the all the graduate students and the
entire staff of the music department made it possible to survive-though
sometimes just barely-the graduate school experience. In particular, I
would like to tbank Rhio Barnhardt, Mathew Daines, Suzanne ElderWallace, Patty Flowers, Carol Hess, Katherine Jang-Schu1ke, Don Meyer,
and John Palmer.
This dissertation is of course directly indebted to the members of my
committee: David Nutter, Christopher Reynolds and Charles Walker. Their
comments, suggestions and reviews shaped an evolving idea which finally
resulted in this document. The entire music faculty at the University of
California-Davis has provided unconditional support for which I will
always be grateful. In addition to the members of my committee, I would
like to thank Robert Bloch, Anna-Maria Busse-Berger, Jonathan Elkus,
Zoila Mendoza-Walker, Pablo Ortiz, and Wayne Slawson. A special
acknowledgment to D. Kern Holoman is in order, for his years of
friendship and support, which will always be appreciated.
Finally, you would not be holding this document in your hands if it
weren't for the contributions of four very special people: my father David,
for his unconditional love and support; David and Alex, who make me
wonder what life was like before; and, of course, Jocelyn, who makes me
smile, and to whom this book is dedicated.

iii

Table of Contents
1\c:lcno~l~ci~m~nts..........................................................................

Ust of

Tabl~s,

Introcluc:tion:

ii

Figures and ExaJDples................................................ ..... v

Sc:op~,

Purpe>se and Method................................................ 1

Chapter 1: Current State of Researc:b ..................................................... 13

Chapter 2: Oaxac:a.. ... .. . . ... ..... ........ .. .. ... .. .. .. . . . .. ... .. .. . ...... ... . . ...... .. . . ... . 23
Chapter 3: The Oaxac:a Cathedral ........................................................... 38
Nativ~ Id~ntity

Chapter 4:

Chapter 5: Spanish
Chapter 6:

N~~

Se>ci~ty...........................................

in Colonial

ld~ntity

75

in Ce>lonial Se>ci~ty........................................ 138

Spain's Separate Path.................................................... 172

Chapter 7: Th~ Ex4men de OposiciOn anci th~ Qu~t fe>r a Modem Styl~.............. 214
Chapter 8:

S~ularization:

Chapter 9:

Th~

Sumaya Brings N~~ Spain inro the Baroque.............. 263

Oaxac:a Music:al Style...................................................... 290

Chapter 10: Conc:lusions. .................. ........... ..... ....... .......................... 315

Bibliography .................................................................................. 318
J\ppendix 1: Transc:riptions of

Sel~ct~d

Works........................................... 333

Sumaya: LaJD~ntac:i6n de Jer~mias.............................................. ..

Martinez de Ia Costa: Credidi a 6.... .. . .. . . . .. . . . .. . .. .... .. .. . .. .. .. . . .. ... .. . .. .
Herrera y Mota: Ofic:io de Nuestro Seiior San Pedro...........................
Herrera y Mota: Hymno d~ Nuestro S~iior San Pedro.........................
Sal~ado: Villanc:ico Sola Maria....................................................
Guzman: Conc:ierto a 4 para Oposic:i6n..................................... ......
Carrasc:o: Introit a la Misa d~ Nuestra Seiiora...................................
Carrasc:o: Benedictus a la Misa de Nuestra S~iiora. .............................

334
399
420
427
431
440
444
452

J\ppendix 2: J\ddendum to Aurelio Tello's Catalo~e of~ Oaxac:a Catbednll...... 455

J\ppendix 3: Documents and Correspondence from th~ Oaxac:a Cathedral ........... 462
J\ppendix 4: Illustrations.................................................................. . 475
J\ppendix 5: Published Works from the Oaxac:a Cathedral............................. 487

.IV

List of Tables and Figures

Fig. 1: Pre-Hispanic Mexico................................................................ 24
Fig. 2: Oaxaca

Cathedral~

Interior.......................................................... 41

Fig. 3: Announcement for the Exdmen de Oposici6n of 1718......................... 248

Fig. 4: The God of Death Micdantecuhdi................................................. 476
Fig. 5: Iglesia de San Francisco Javier, Tepozotlan..................................... 477
Fig. 6: Mayan "Iglesia"

Temple~

Chichen Itza, Yucatan................................ 478

Fig. 7: Zacatecas Cathedral................................................................. 479

Fig. 8: Oaxaca Cathedral.................................................................... 480
Fig. 9: Mexico City Cathedral, Altar, Chapel of the Kings............................. 481
Fig. 10: Altar of the Santuario de Nuestra

Seii~ Ocodan~

Tiaxcala................. 482

Fig. 11: San Francisco de Acatepec, Puebla.... ......................................... 483

Fig. 12: Nuttall Codex ....................................................................... 484
Fig. 13: Church of Santa Maria Tonazinda, Puebla...................................... 485
Fig. 14: Choral Book

Illustration~

Puebla Cathedral..................................... 486

Table I: Comparison of Native and European Music.................................... Ill

Table II: Chapelmasters of the Oaxaca Cathedral......................................... 215

Mark Brill
December 1998
Music

Stylistic Evolution in the Oaxaca Cathedral: 1600-1800

Abslract
This dissertation focuses on the musical tradition of the cathedral of Oaxaca, in
Southern Mexico. The cathedral, founded in the sixteenth centmy, contains a large number
of music manuscripts which span a two-hundred year period, from the early seventeenth to
the early nineteenth century. Most of the contents of the cathedral consist of compositions
that cannot be found in any other source. Over twenty Renaissance, Baroque and early
Classical composers are represented, including most prominently Gaspar Fernandez,
Antonio de Salazar and Manuel de Sumaya, as well as over fifty anonymous compositions.
Research on these manuscripts has been done only sporadically, and very few of them have
been examined and

publish~

let alone performed. Yet these sources merit study. In the

summer of 1995, I uncovered twenty-five additional works whose existence was

heretofore unknown and which thus had never been examined. This dissertation will make
available for the first time transcribed editions of the more important works contained in the
archive.
This study includes a survey of Oaxaca's culture and history, delineating the
complex interrelationship between Spanish, Creole and Indigenous contributors to this
imponant musical tradition. It explores fundamental bibliographic and biographical
questions, and provides a stylistic analysis of the compositions. An inventory of the newlyfound works complements Aurelio Tello's existing catalogue. In this way, I hope to make
an important contribution to the body of music in this important yet underrepresented area.

vi

Introduction
Scope, Purpose and Method

This dissertation focuses on the musical tradition of the cathedral in

the city of Oaxaca (pronounced Hua-HA-ka), in southern Mexico. The
cathedral, founded in the sixteenth century, contains a large number of
music manuscripts, most of which span a two-hundred year period, from
the early seventeenth century to the late eighteenth century.
Research on the cathedral archives has been sporadic, and few of its
manuscripts and the music they contain have been examined and published,
let alone performed. Several factors have contributed to this lack of
attention: the music manuscripts were written by composers who by-andlarge are not household names, even among music historians; these
composers wrote in a style that is distinct, removed from the German and
Italian Renaissance and Baroque traditions, and only distantly related to the
Spanish tradition; and most importantly, musicology in Latin America has
long been the domain of only a few dedicated scholars, f"rrst among them
Robert Stevenson and Robert Snow.
This century has seen a gradual expansion of the field of musicology
in terms of discourse, philosophical approaches, and methodology. A
generation ago, musicologists were likely to study the works and lives of
only a handful of composers, giving strict attention to fact, to problems of
historical criticism, and to the production of musical editions. While for
many this basic method still is the principal driving force of the
discipline-the main "bread and butter'' of musicology-scholars today are

engaged in an extraordinarily wide array of musical explorations. Yet,

scholars have for the most part failed to embrace geographic diversity as
readily as they have other new aspects of the field. Musicology in the
nineteenth-century was traditionally Eurocentric, even for the most part
Germano-centric, and to a great extent remains so today. Music outside
Europe-with the notable exception of the United States-is often viewed
as the domain of ethnomusicologists and anthropologists, to be studied with
different tools and within different parameters.
The music of Latin-America has thus been relegated to secondary
status by the discipline at large. The arid deserts, sultry jungles and
vertiginous mountains of Mexico, Guatemala and Peru have failed to lure a
generation of scholars habituated to the rolling hills of Tuscany and the
pleasant mountains of Bavaria. Choirs and ensembles throughout the United
States and Europe seldom program Renaissance, Baroque or Classical
Latin-American music. European (and even North-American) knowledge
about Latin-American music is often limited to avant-garde nationalist
composers of the early twentieth century.
Until recently, music in the former Spanish colony was not well
regarded even within Mexico. The fiercely nationalistic movements in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries displaced colonial music from its place
in the pantheon of Mexican art in favor of the technical and stylistic

achievements of the so-called "Aztec Revolution," the nationalistic musical

style that emerged in the 1920s. Twentieth-century critics and
musicologists, both in Mexico and abroad, have canonized the works of
Carlos Chavez, Silvestre Revueltas and others, as the true musical soul of
Mexican society and the Mexican people.

Behind these great composers, however, lie four centuries of musical

tradition that challenge the attitudes of European musicology. The three
centuries of colonial music (as well as the century of Mexican
Romanticism, which has its own set of problems and characteristics) that
preceded the Modem period were often thought of as having produced at
best a scattering of exceptional works which emulated a pronounced
European style. The colonial musical tradition was often viewed by early
critics, heirs to a nationalistic post-revolutionary dialectic, as contemptible,
produced by composers who were little more than church bureaucrats,
mechanically and unimaginatively churning out their product to rigidly
prescribed standards. For these writers, colonial music was utilitarian,
encumbered by formulaic writing, and usually devoid of artful selfexpression. Notable studies such as Claude Palisca's Baroque Music and
Manfred Bukofzer's Music in the Baroque Era failed to acknowledge the
existence of colonial music as a distinct and definable entity.I Prior to the
1950s, the few colonial works that had infiltrated Mexican culture, works
by Manuel de Sumaya, Antonio de Salazar and a few others, were usually
considered to have emerged in spite of the repressive colonial system
rather than because of it. That they were a logical outcome of the system
that created them was not seriously considered. Even Robert Stevenson
himself, hardly a detractor of Neo-Hispanic achievements, discounted the
cultural individuality of colonial Mexico when he asserted that ''New Spain
during three centuries was essentially a cultural outpost of the homeland."2
The characterization of Neo-Hispanic culture as somehow ''lagging"
behind that of Spain and the rest of Europe has become a cliche, and has
1 As llOf.ed in Robert Stevenson, Christmas MIISic from Baroque Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press. 1974), 32, n. 47.
2 Robert Stevenson. Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952), 158.

been repeatedly challenged for its failure to take into account the diverse
political, economic, social and religious factors that governed the stylistic
evolution of society, art and aesthetics in New Spain. Neo-Hispanic music
(as well as art, literature, etc.) was not a diluted, watered-down version of
its European-specifically Spanish-counterpart. Rather, it gathered a life
and a momentum of its own almost from the start, producing its share of
polyphonic-and later, concerted-musical works. Neo-Hispanic music was
by no means stylistically uniform, but was itself fractured into regional and
even local traditions and styles. Its evolution developed at a pace
independent from the trends and developments across the ocean, and
ultimately, its successes and failures were strictly its own.
Latin-American music is slowly emerging from its nether-world. In
the last half of the twentieth century, a growing number of works and
composers have come to light. Following Stevenson's lead, young
musicologists, both in the United States and in Mexico, have explored,
discovered, edited, and performed this body of work. Dissertations and
editions are steadily being written, and recordings are increasingly being
released, revealing works that are slowly emerging from the oblivion to
which they were relegated, and exposing the colonial repertoire to an evergrowing audience.
The sources of this music merit study. Many compositions of quality
are found within the dusty pages of the Oaxaca archives, compositions that
often rival better known, contemporaneous works across the Atlantic. The
archives of the cathedral in Oaxaca contain musical works that cannot be
found in any other source, and that further enrich the late Renaissance and
Baroque polyphonic repertoires. Over twenty composers from the
Renaissance, Baroque and early classical periods are represented, including

most prominently Gaspar Fernandez, Antonio de Salazar and Manuel de

Sumaya, as well as over fifty anonymous compositions.
But the value of these music sources surpasses questions of aesthetics.
They are the result of a momentous period in human history, a period
marked by a violent clash of cultures. The origin, the stylistic traits, the
performance history of this music address important questions of
nationalism, ethnic identity, cultural syncretism, and raise significant issues
in the fields of history, sociology, anthropology and ethnomusicology.

This work attempts to explain the Spanish, Creole, Mestizo and

Native attitudes that contributed to the development of a Neo-Hispanic
style. Their ideas concerning the nature of the world and of humanity were
as important as the events that brought that world about. My aim is not to
present a comprehensive study of culture in New Spain, but rather to
examine those elements which provide a clearer picture of colonial
aesthetics, elucidating the emerging role of musical life in the colonies.
At the same time, this dissertation is not intended to provide a
complete explication of these issues, but to present them only insofar as
they shed light upon the task at hand. Thus, a brief examination of the
scholasticism inherent to the teaching at the University of Mexico helps to
explain the medieval character of the colonies, which in turn helps to
understand the conservative nature of Neo-Hispanic aesthetics. Other
important cultural factors, such as the demographic makeup of New Spain,
the hybridization of European and American peoples and cultures, the
invaluable presence of the forward-looking Jesuit order, and the everfractured and conflicted Neo-Hispanic church, also had a great impact on
the evolution of Mexican art.

It was precisely the nature and structure of the colonial system itself
that led to a nationalistic musical movement that produced Hernando
Franco's Magnificats in the late sixteenth century, or Sumaya's concerted
villancicos in the first half of the eighteenth century. The dominance of the
Crown and the Church provided the opportunity, even the incentive for
these musicians to emerge, and the strict religious system favored the
continuous exploration of polyphony well into the eighteenth century, when
most of Europe had already moved on to a more Pre-Classical language
and style. A forcibly imposed social and political conservatism, by which
the colonial system attempted to resist the emerging precepts of the
enlightenment but which could not prevent its gradual infiltration onto the
American continent, created a very particular (and very curious) set of
circumstances which yielded an aesthetic unique to colonial culture.
Neo-Hispanic society went for the most part unchallenged by the
Protestant Reformation, by the excesses of Absolute Monarchy, by
countless other factors and tumultuous political, religious and social
upheavals that affected Europe during this period. Rather than reaping the
fruits of the Enlightenment, Spain reacted to the perceived threat these new
ideas were bringing, and entrenched itself in the medieval, scholastic
tradition that had supported it since the middle ages. This reaction was
transferred to the colonies in all matters political, religious, social and
artistic.
As a result, the political, social and philosophical shift towards
secularization that occurred in Europe between the sixteenth and eighteenth
centuries developed on a completely different timetable in the Spanish
Dominions. Given the particular circumstances of the colony,
circumstances very much absent in Europe, the evolution necessarily

followed a different path. Secularization came to manifest itself in quite a

different way, and would influence events in Mexico right into the period
of Independence, and to this day.
Most of the individuals involved in the production of music worked
under a set of constraints over which they had very little control. Yet it is
the technical and aesthetic practices that arose from these constraints that
determined the direction of colonial music, creating a stylistic entity which
we are now able to identify. The colonies period was characterized by a
continuous search for a musical identity, a search which inevitably resulted
in a shift in aesthetics, distinctly innovative, and set apart from
contemporaneous musical developments in Europe. For instance, early
missionary music in the 1540s was certainly quite removed from the
Italian-style cantatas that emerged from New Spain in the 1780s, a contrast
that only emphasizes the complex path that the colonies followed during
those three centuries.
The colonial period can be conveniently divided into three distinct
periods, each roughly corresponding to a century. The sixteenth,
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are sufficiently distinctive that subsets
of aesthetic factors can be identified, and the divisions can be pushed even
further as we identify specific decades that were momentous to the
evolution of style and content.
In general terms, the sixteenth century can be seen as one in which

musical life was dependent on the importation of the Spanish musical

system. The seventeenth century was a period of transition, in which
colonial thinkers gradually broke the artistic tether that held them to the
mother country. During this crucial period, Spanish and Neo-Hispanic
thought, literature, art and music increasingly pursued separate paths. The

eighteenth century saw the increased secularization of the colonies, and the
absorption of the musical elements of the Baroque period, adopted and
adapted to Neo-Hispanic aesthetics to create a style distinct from that of
Spain and the rest of Europe.
The fact that in the early years of the colony musicians could move
across the ocean (in both directions) implies that the musical styles on both
sides were at first essentially indistinguishable. Immigration was thus one
of the controlling factors of early musical life in the colonies. Yet when
immigration drastically decreased within a few decades, the colonies began
to be controlled by bureaucrats, clergy and politicians that had been born
in New Spain. The initial centralization, which saw most aspects of life and

culture controlled from Mexico City, soon gave way to increased

decentralization and provincialism, allowing regional traditions to emerge.
As Spain's grip on Mexico City loosened, so too did Mexico City's grip on

the provinces, which inevitably affected the political and religious

circumstances in centers such as Puebla, V alladolid and Oaxaca.
The philosophical and sociological makeup of the Neo-Hispanic
civilization revolved heavily around syncretism: it inherited a Spanish
tradition which was already submerged in a panoply of differing
influences: Roman, Greek, Moorish, Celtic. Even its Christianity had at one
time or another adopted elements of Islam, Mysticism and Paganism. Yet in
spite of its diverse background, the rigid Spanish frame of reference
precluded the existence of a pagan civilization. In order to legitimize the
Conquest and the subsequent imposition of religious and philosophical
ideas, the Spaniards had to recast the nature and history of the conquered
people by rewriting Aztec and Maya (as well as Inca) history.

The wholesale transatlantic transfer of culture resulted in a new

identity that set the inhabitants of the new world on a course at odds with
that which existed there before the arrival of the Europeans, but also one
increasingly distinct from the Spanish evolution. For their part, the newly
converted indigenous populations were forced to adapt to the new system,
though some elements, such as the recognition of hierarchical authority and
the respect for custom and tradition, had already been a part of their own

culture, and were thus readily incorporated. In time, the natives injected
their own political, philosophical, artistic and cultural components to the
mix. Their contribution to Mexican aesthetics is also explored in depth.

In this dissertation, I also attempt to explore the question of how

musicians in Oaxaca went about their job, how they adapted to the
constraints of the system. It explores the interrelationship between
chapelmasters and church officials, the use of musical forces, the
introduction of musical instruments. Beyond that, it attempts to identify
elements of individual creativity, generic conventionalization, and stylistic
coherence and continuity which would support a theory of a regional or
even national colonial musical language. An understanding of the
emergence and evolution of such a language can only result from the study
of the individual works and composers that engendered it.
By casting colonial music as a cohesive entity (and a nationalistic one
at that), new light is shed not only on the colonial period but on the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries as well. The emergence oi the
nationalistic movement in the early part of the twentieth century should be
perceived as a natural extension of a musical tradition that has its roots in
the first encounter between Spaniards and Indians. Rather than a reaction

10

against its colonial past, twentieth-century Mexican nationalism is one of its

most flourishing consequences.
Specifically, this dissertation attempts to answer the questions: When,
how and why did Oaxacan music leave behind the polyphonic style of the
Renaissance in favor of the more concerted, homophonic language of the
Baroque, and, eventually, of the Classical era. It focuses particularly on the
period between 1707, with the death of the last important polyphonist
chapelmaster, Matheo Vallados, and 1745, when the great Baroque
composer Manuel de Sumaya took over the chapelmastership. Between
these two events, seven composers held the chapelmastership, each bringing
his own vision to the musical direction of the cathedral. Many of the works
of these composers survive, works that I have transcribed, edited and
performed. Some are quite successful; others less so. Critical judgements
can be made according to a composer's contrapuntal abilities, the daring of
his dissonance, his rhythmic originality or his treatment of a melody.
Beyond issues of technical competence, however, these composers can be
measured by their ability to change with the times, to shed the past and
grasp the future. Together, these works represent a fascinating glimpse of
this important transitional period.
In the course of doing research for this dissertation in the cathedral
in Oaxaca, I uncovered several dozen works whose existence was unknown

and which consequently have never been examined. This study thus makes
available for the first time a corpus of musical compositions from colonial
Mexico.
Chapter 1 summarizes the state of musical research that has been
done in the archives at Oaxaca, and examines the invaluable contributions
of Robert Stevenson and Aurelio Tello. Chapters 2 and 3 delineate

11

Oaxaca's culture and history, and examine the musical legacy of the
cathedral, the most important musical center in the region. The musical
archives of the cathedral are examined, exploring fundamental
bibliographic questions: physical characteristics of the manuscripts
(focusing particularly on the newly-uncovered works), dates, composers,
the identification of pieces, and the nature of the repertory.
Chapters 4 and 5 discuss the contributions of the two merging
cultures-Spanish and Native-to Neo-Hispanic aesthetics and styles, in art,
literature and music during the first centuries of the colony. Chapter 6
attempts to identify the nature of the emerging Neo-Hispanic culture, and
the path undertaken by colonial thinkers, writers, artists and musicians in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a path wholly separate from that of
the Iberian Peninsula. It further delineates the complex interrelationship
between Spanish, Creole and Indigenous contributors to the evolving
aesthetic tradition.
Chapter 7 traces the evolution of the musical establishment of the
Oaxaca cathedral within the artistic path established in the previous
chapter. Using as its basis an exploration of the examen de oposicion, the
competition for the chapelmastership, the chapter delineates the centurylong search on the part of Oaxaca's musicians and church officials for a
modem style, and their successes and failures at every step of the way.
Chapter 8 examines the eighteenth century, a time of unstoppable
secularization, whose effects on Neo-Hispanic art and music were crucial.
Specifically, it looks at the contributions of Manuel de Sumaya, the
composer who almost single-handedly brought both Mexico City and
Oaxaca into the Baroque period.

12

Finally, chapter 9 gives a detailed analysis of five works from the

archives of the Oaxaca cathedral, tracing the stylistic evolution of the
chapel from its polyphonic language at the beginning of the eighteenth
century to its concerted Baroque and Classical style throughout the century.
Perhaps the most important contribution in this dissertation can be
found in appendix 1, which contains edited transcriptions of seven works
from the archives of the Oaxaca cathedral. These works are representative
of all three periods of Neo-Hispanic culture, and provide a tangible
illustration of the evolution of the musical style in Oaxaca, a microcosm of
the entire Neo-Hispanic experience. Further appendices contain an
inventory of the newly-found works, which complements Aurelio Tello's
existing catalogue, a list of the few works from the cathedral that have
already been published, and copies of several primary documents from the
archives, with translations.
The emergence of these and other works from archives throughout
Mexico increasingly gives credence to the existence of a musical aesthetic
that is colonial in nature, rather than European or "pseudo-European." It is
my hope that the identification of this Neo-Hispanic style, exemplified in
the musical evolution of Oaxaca, and supported by previously unknown
works from the cathedral, will make an important contribution to the body
of musicology in this important yet underrepresented area.

13

Chapter 1
Current State Of Research 1

As did most religious centers in the Spanish colonies, the Oaxaca

cathedral kept minute records of all its activities and accounts since its
establishment almost half a millennium ago. Musicologists and historians
who attempt to study the history of the cathedral are very quickly
confronted with a serious problem: many of the records of the early life of
the cathedral have not survived, due principally to deterioration, human
carelessness and natural disasters, particular the earthquake of 1696 which
leveled the cathedral. The records that did survive were stored in various
locations, though the archive is today preserved in the cathedral itself, in
the offices of the Diocese.
In 1953, Jorge Fernando Iturribarria made a general inventory of

the archive. Since then, it has undergone a slow organizational process

under the guidance of the cathedral archivist, the venerable octogenarian
Padre Fernando Vazquez Nuiiez. The two most important sets of
documents that survive are the Aetas de Cabildo and the Libros de

Claveria. The Aetas de Cabildo are the council records, usually kept by the
secretary of the Diocese, which detail the important-and sometimes not so
important--occurrences, activities, and transactions of the cathedral. They
are contained in several large leather-bound volumes, with the earliest
1 In the preface to his 1990 calalogue of the archives of the Oaxaca calhedral, Aurelio Tello effectively
summarized the stale of musicological research in that area up to that time. Much of this chapter
paraphrases that preface, with additions and oonectiorw. including my own research subsequent to the
publication of the auaiogue. See Aurelio Tello, Archivo mJISicol de Ia caledrol de Oaxaca: Cat4Jogo

(Mexico City: Centto Nacional de Invesligaci6n. Documeruaci6n e Informaci6n, 1990), 11-13.

14

records dating from 1642. Unfortunately, the Aetas for the first hundred
years of the existence of the cathedral do not exist. The first extant volume
covers the years 1642-1673, and records for subsequent years appear in
further volumes, the final one containing records for the years 1856-1877.
The Libros de Claver(a are municipal accounting books, usually kept
by the treasurer, which contain the everyday expenses of the Diocese from
1555 to 1809. Several hundred of these small volumes survive. They
contain detailed records, un an annual or bi-annual basis, of all the
expenditures of the cathedral, most notably, the salaries of its employees.
Significantly, they contain salary disbursements to the entire musical
establishment going back to the sixteenth century. Careful study of these
volumes reveal for example the names of the organists on the payroll in
1615, the salary of the bell-ringer in 1802, or the exact composition of the
choir in 1750. It is thus possible to piece together a fairly accurate picture
of the evolution of the musical establishment in terms of personnel,
ecclesiastical policy, or the musical needs of the cathedral.
In addition to these two invaluable sets of records, primary sources
include the Diezmos de Cabildo (records of tithes), lnventorios (cathedral
inventories), Aetas de Difuntos (records of deaths and successions),
documents from the monasteries of Santa Catarina and Santo Domingo, and
dozens of boxes of general correspondence that span more than three
centuries. Thus, the musical life in Oaxaca can be reconstructed from local
demographic data (births, deaths, weddings, etc.), economic data (salaries,
payments of tithes, etc.), and correspondence between the various officials
in the church hierarchy.
Most important for musicology, the archives contain a large number
of music manuscripts, which are the basis of this study. They include the

15

manuscript of Gaspar Fernandez, several choir books, and hundreds of

works written by composers from Oaxaca and elsewhere. Several
parchment books contain additional compositions as well as scientific
annotations. The contents of the musical archive are examined in detail in
chapter 3.
In spite of Padre Vizquez' s tireless and invaluable efforts, the
archives have not reached a state of organization that would befit an
important religious center such as the Oaxaca Cathedral. This is due mostly
to a chronic lack of funding, the result of a lack of interest from the
Diocesan authorities and from the State of Oaxaca. For many years,
research at the Oaxaca Cathedral has been an exercise in frustration, since
the lack of organization of the archives led only to a piecemeal
reconstruction of the life of the cathedral, musical or otherwise. Many of
the documents inventoried by Iturribarria in 1953 can no longer be found
in the archives, victims of time, of humidity and dust, of insects and
fungus, of floods, and of human carelessness. Much of the material of the
archives was haphazardly stored in cardboard boxes, with no order, rhyme
or reason.
Given the important social, political, administrative and economic
roles of the cathedral, both regionally and nationally, it became imperative
that the archive should be organized and restored. In 1996, a project of
renovation and preservation was finally undertaken by Organos Historicos

de Mexico, a branch of the Comisi6n Nacional Para Ia Preservaci6n del

Patrimonio Cultural, in conjunction with the ecclesiastical authorities of the

cathedral. The preservation efforts by Organos Historicos de Mexico
included in a first stage the physical cleaning and storage of the archives,
followed by an integral organization of all documents, chronologically and

16

according to the internal administrative organization of the Diocese. A

series of publications would then complete the process of organization.2
The principal individuals engaged in this project are the anthropologist
Jesus Lizama Quijano, who is the administrator of the r.;storation project,
and Padre Vazquez. The restoration, begun in February of 1997, is
scheduled to take approximately three years. The rescue of these documents
represents a vital step in the preservation of the historical reconstruction of
Mexico's musical past. It will increase the number of primary sources
available to the historian, the art-historian, the anthropologist and the
musicologist.
Current State Of Research: The archives of the cathedral have been
accumulating a great number of musical works for more than four
centuries. The musical life there has been continuous to a greater or lesser
degree, and some of the works, such as Mathias de los Reyes's Magnificat,
have had a more or less uninterrupted performance tradition. However it
was not until musicologists began to seriously study the archives in the
1960s that any of these works came to the attention of the outside world.
In a 1931 pamphlet entitled La m.Usica Oaxaqueiia,3 Guillermo Esteva

discussed the seventeenth-century Zapotec chapelmaster Juan Mathias, and

transcribed a fragment of the composer's Stabat Mater. Esteva had seen the
manuscript among the papers of the popular Oaxacan composer Cosme
Velazquez in the nineteenth century.4 The manuscript, however, has never
2 1be first of these bas already been published. See Jesds I izama Quijano and Daniela Traffano. "El arcbivo
bist6rico de Ia Arquidi6cesis de Oaxaca: una memoria que se exclausba," Cumlernos Hist6ria Eclesi4stica

(Oaxaca) I (1998).
3 Guillermo A. Esreva, La Tfll1sica Oaxaqueiia (Oaxaca, 1931).
4 Robert M. Stevenson, "Baroque Music in lhe Qaxaca Ca1hedral," filler-American Music Review 1, no. 2
(Spring-Summer 1979): 179-203. In a personal communication. Stevenson recendy expressed doubt as to
tbe authorship of the fragmenL

17

been recovered, and all that remains is Esteva 's fragment, which was later
transcribed by Robert Stevenson, who pointed out that '~e authenticity of
the Stabat Mater fragment must rest on Esteva's own voucher."s
It was Stevenson himself who first brought to light the musical
contents of the archives of the Oaxaca Cathedral. Stevenson has dedicated
much of his career to archival research in Mexico, Guatemala, Spain, and
South America, and his contributions to the knowledge of music in the
region remain unsurpassed His first discussion of music in Oaxaca
occurred in Music in Mexico (1952), the first comprehensive study of its
kind. But it was his prodigious Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources

in the Americas (1970),6 that gave the world a glimpse of the colonial
works amassed in Oaxaca. In particular, Stevenson described the most
important single collection of polyphonic music in the Western
Hemisphere: the manuscript of the Portuguese composer Gaspar Fernandez
(1566-1629), which has been in Oaxaca since the mid-seventeenth century.
Stevenson listed the contents of the manuscript, with analytical annotations.
He subsequently clarified some of the biographical data on Fernandez in his
article Puebla Chapelmasters and Organists: Sixteenth and Seventeenth

Centuries (1984), in which he also provided transcriptions of two works by

Fernandez.7 In 1985, Stevenson published ten additional works by
Fernandez in the Inter-American Music Review.s
5 Robert Stevenson. Music

in Muico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. CroweD. 1952). 136.

169.
6 Robert Stevenson.

Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in tM Americas (Washington: General

Secretariat. OAS. 1970).

7 These are: Botay Fora do Portal and Pois con Tanta gr~ published in Robert Stevenson. "Puebla
Cbapeimasters and Organists: Sixteenth and Seventeendl Centuries. Part II." lnter-AmeriCDn Music Review
6. no. 1 (Fall1984): 29-139.
8 These are: Dame albricia 1fiQIIO Anton. Elegit e11m Dominus. En 1Ul portiJlejo pobre. Eso rigor e
repe'* Oy descubra Ia grant.leza, Si nos emprestaTa oy Dios. Tan taran tan a Ia guerra van. Tleyca.ntimo
choquiliya. TIITliTIIfarara con son. and Xicochi xkochi conetzintk. published in Robert Stevenson. ed..
Inter-American Music Review 1. no. 1 (Falll985): 3-25.

18

In Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas,

Stevenson also listed some of the other manuscripts contained in the Oaxaca
archives, including works by Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa, Juan Herrera
y Mota, Juan Mathias de los Reyes, Antonio de Salazar, Jose de Torres,
Thomas Luis de Victoria and Manuel de Sumaya. In a follow-up study,

Baroque Music in the Oaxaca Cathedral (1979),9 Stevenson traced the

musical history of the cathedral starting in 1642 through the end of the
eighteenth century, basing his research primarily on the Aetas de Cabildo.
Stevenson descn"bed musical life in the cathedral, paying particular
attention to the most important chapelmasters: Juan de Ribera, Juan
Mathias, Matheo V allados, Thomas Salgado and Manuel de Sumaya. In the
same article, Stevenson published a transcription of the only other known
work by the Juan Mathias, an eight-voice villancico.l0
In between Stevenson's ground-breaking work and the monumental
contributions by Aurelio Tello in the 1980s, three scholars have
supplemented the published repertoire from the archives of the cathedral.
In 1973, Jesus Estrada published Mwica y musicos de Ia epoca vi"eina[,n
which concentrated on the Cathedral in Mexico City. Seeking information
on Manuel de Sumaya, who was chapelmaster in both Mexico City and
Oaxaca, Estrada brought to light four newly found works from Oaxaca,
one by Juan Mathias de los Reyes, and three by Sumaya.12 Recordings for
9 Robert M. Stevenson. "Baroque Music in the Oaxaca Cathedral." Inter-American Music Review 1, no. 2
(Spring-5ummer 1979): 179-203.
10 Ocho al San1ssimo "Quien sale aqueste dia disfrazado." The manuscript foe this work is located in the
Guaremala calhedral.
11Jeslis Esttada. MUsica y mUsicos de Ia lpoca virreinal (Mexico Oty: Secretarfa de EducaciOn Pu'blica.
1973).
12 Tbese are: Assi de Ia deidad, by Juan MadUas. Alegres hues del dia, Si ya aquella nave and 0 muro mtfs
q~ luunano, by Manuel de Sumaya. The first two were recorded in Musca V'ureynal Mexictln/ly MN-9,
transcribed and ananged by Jeslis Estrada, Orquesta de C4mara de Ia U.N.A.M., Directed by Luis Herrem de
Ia Fuente (Dir. Gml. de Difusi6n Cultural, U.N.A.M., 1974). The last two were recorded in Trayectoria de
Ia MUsica en Mbico: Epoca Colonial. Serle Musica Nueva MN-23. Extensi6n Cultural, Direcci6n

19

these four works were eventually released, though the transcriptions were
never published. In 1982, Jaime Gonzales Quiiiones published an
anthology of Mexican music, Monumentos de Ia 11lUsica Mexicana, which
included a transcription of a Oaxaca cantata by Sumaya.t3 Finally, also in
1982, Karl Bellinghausen published transcriptions of two more Oaxaca
cantatas by Sumaya in the July issue of Heterofonia.14

In 1983, the Peruvian musicologist Aurelio Tello was commissioned

by the Centro Nacional de Investigaci6n, Documentaci6n e Informacion
Musical (C.E.N.I.D.I.M.),ts to transcn"be the Magnificat by Juan Mathias de
los Reyes, for a performance by the Orquesta Sinf6nica Nacional in
Oaxaca. This piece, along with a work by Sumaya and one by Jose Mariano
Mora, was transcribed and edited by Tello, and ultimately published in
Volume ill of Tesoro de La mlisico polifonica en M exico.t6 Tello, like
Stevenson, consulted the Aetas de Cabildo (council records) in his
biographical research. In addition, however, he also consulted the Libros

de Claverta (municipal accounting books) and the Aetas de Difuntos,

(records of deaths and successions in the Diocese), which Stevenson had
been unaware of, and in the process uncovered new biographical data
regarding both Sumaya and Mathias which refuted some of the conclusions
reached earlier by Stevenson. Consequently, a disagreement emerged
between the two musicologists as to the identity of certain Oaxacan

Editaiai/Voz Viva. Proyecto y Coordinaci6n: Uwe Frish (Mexico City. U.N.A.M.. Escuela Nacional de
Musica. Serle I. No. I. I982). Unfortunately. Esttadas transcriptions have to date not been published.
13 Como Aunque Culpa. in Jaime Gonzales Quiftones. ed.. Monumel'llOs de 14 mUsica Mexicana. Serle I.
no. 1 (M&ico: U.N.A.M.. Escuela Nacional de MUsica. 1982).
14 Como glorias elfu,ego de Pedro cQIIIa and El de Pedro Solamen~e. Karl Bellinghaus. "Dos canraras
descooocidas de Sumaya." Hetuofonla 1~ voL IS. no. 3 Qoly-Sepfember I982): 39-40.
IS C.E.Nl.DJ.M.. dedicated to Mexican musical studies. is a branch of the lnstituto Nacional de Bellas
Artes. a federal agency of the Mexican govemmenL
16 Aurelio Tello. Tesoro de 14 mUsica polif6nica en Mhico. vol. 3. Tres obras del archivo de 14 caledral de
Oamca. (Mexico City: C.E.NJ.DJ.M.. I983).

20

composers and the authorship of their works. This controversy is further

explored in chapter 7.
With the success of his publication, and still under the auspices of
C.E.N.I.D.I.M., Tello published a catalogue of the works contained in the
General Archive of the Oaxaca Cathedral, including those contained in the
manuscript of Gaspar Fernandez. In his exploration of the archives, Tello
found several works that had eluded Stevenson during his research in
Oaxaca in the 1960s, including works by Carlos Patiiio, Francisco LOpez y
Capillas, Manuel Arenzana, Vaile, Hugarte, and many anonymous works.11
In the process, Tello also undertook the transcription of six

previously unpublished works from the archive. The result was a set of
volumes published in 1990: Archivo musical de la catedral de Oaxaca:
Catdlogo,1s an invaluable volume which contains the catalogue of the
archive, and Archivo musical de Ia catedral de Oaxaca: Antologia de
obras,19 which contains transcriptions of three works by Femandez,20 one
by Antonio de Salazar,21 one by Francisco L6pez Capillas,22 and one
anonymous work.23 In conjunction with Tello's work, C.E.NJ.D.I.M. in
the late 1980's made microfilms of every musical item in the archive
known up to that time. Tello's monumental contributions bring to light one
of the finest collection of polyphonic music in the Western Hemisphere.
In spite of Stevenson's and Tello's efforts, the state of musicological
research in Oaxaca still remains woefully incomplete. Out of the 301 works
17 See Aurelio Tello. Archivo musical de Ia caledral de

OaxiJCa: Cat4Jogo (Mexico City: C.E.N.LDJ.M..

1990). 11.
18Jbid.
19 Aurelio Tello. eeL. Tesoro de Ia nuisica polif6nica en Mlxico, vol 4, Archivo musical de Ia Caledral de
Oaxaca: Anlologfa de obras (Mexico City: C.E.N.I.D.LM.. 1990).
20 Mi 1liiio duke y sagrado. Toquen as sonajas. and Taiie Gil tu lllmborino.

21 Motete de Senor San Jose "Joseph Fili David."

22 Laudate Dominum.
23 Lmlda Jerusalem.

21

contained in the Fernandez Manuscript, only 15 have been published. Out

of 121 works in the rest of the musical archive, only 13 have seen the light
of day, four of those in sound recordings only. Thus out of a total422
works reported by Tello in the Oaxaca archive, only 28--or 6%--bave
been published. These works and their sources are listed in appendix 5.
Beginning in 1995, I have made several trips to Oaxaca, each time
piecing together a little more of the Oaxaca music puzzle. My purpose has
been to gather biographical data on certain composers, and to study some
of the manuscripts in the cathedral, with the aim of transcribing and
publishing a certain number of works. The archivist, Padre Fernando
Vazquez, has been at the helm of the archives since the early 1960s, and is
thus familiar with its every aspecL He most graciously offered his
assistance. At one point, Padre Vazquez brought to my attention a bundle
of documents he had discovered "behind a box" a few years earlier. The
bundle contained twenty-five works or fragments by various composers, as
well as some anonymous works, from the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. In September of 1997, an number of additional musical
manuscripts were brought to my attention. These recently uncovered works
are described in detail in chapter 9, and transcriptions of many of them
appear in appendix 1. None of these compositions were examined by either
Stevenson or Tello, or evidently by anyone else, and thus are not listed in
Tello's catalogue. With the help of Padre Vazquez, I undertook the task of
integrating the newly-found works into the musical archive organized in
the 1980s by the lnstituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. I have also
prepared an addendum to Aurelio Tello's Catalogue which records the
additions to the musical archive and which incorporates all the newly-found
works into the catalogue. The addendum appears in appendix 2.

22

This study, then, is the next step in the slow but continuous task of

bringing to light the Renaissance and Baroque works of colonial Oaxaca. It

endeavors to bring a more complete understanding of the musical life of
the cathedral, and to add to the body of works that has already been made
public.

23

Chapter 2
Oaxaca

The state of Oaxaca is in the southernmost part of Mexico,

encompassing 94, 211 square kilometers, about the size of the state of
Maine (see fig. 1, p. 23). It is criss-crossed by high mountain ranges that
can reach 4000 meters in altitude, alternating with flat, narrow valleys
which sometimes reach 1800 meters. Several rivers and streams traverse
the state, swelled by the copious rainy season in the summer months. For
thousands of years, farmers have cultivated the villey floors and hillsides,
as varying weather patterns make agriculture difficult in some regions.
Though some of the upper elevations offer harsh living conditions, life in
the valleys, and in particular the valley that surrounds the modem city of
Oaxaca, is pleasant and fruitful.
The valley of Oaxaca is a Y-shaped convergence of three smaller
valleys: Tlacolula, Zimatlan and Etla, through which flow a number of
streams and rivers, including the Atoyac which flows through the city of
Oaxaca. The eastern and western Cordilleras, or mountain ranges, meet in
Oaxaca. To the north lies the Sierra Madre Oriental Range, commonly
referred to as La Sierra Mixteca, or La Mixteca for short. To the southeast
are the mountains of Tlacolula, also known as La Sierra Zapoteca, and
beyond lies the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. At 1500 meters, the valley is 30
kilometers wide and sixty kilometers long, comprising 700 square
kilometers, and enjoys the protection of mountains, sufficient irrigation
and mild temperatures.

24

GOLFO DE MEXICO

Fig. 1: Pre-Hispanic Mexico

25

The Valley of Oaxaca has been continuously inhabited since 8000

BC. Like all Native Americans, the inhabitants of the Valley of Oaxaca
were Mongoloid peoples whose ancestors migrated from Asia by a
Siberian-Alaskan route some thirty thousand years ago. The transition
from the nomadic hunting and gathering stage to the sedentary agriculture
and village stage occurred between nine thousand and three thousand years
ago. By the time the Spaniards arrived, two major groups inhabited the
present state of Oaxaca: the Zapotecs and the Mixtecs. Each group was
divided into three regional groups: The Valley Zapotecs, the Southern
Zapotecs, and the Mountain Zapotecs on the one hand, and the Mixteca

Alta, the Mixteca Baja, and the Mixteca Costa on the other. The Zapotec
and Mixtec languages, somewhat related, pervaded this part of Mexico,
though they were not uniformly accepted throughout the area, and often
differed considerably from village to village. In the twentieth century, the
diverse forms of Zapotec, for example that of the Sierra Juarez, of the
Mitla Valley, of the regions of Miahuatlan, or of the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec, are so varied that linguists prefer to distinguish them as
separate languages rather than as dialects. In addition, more than fifteen
small ethnic groups, each speaking a different language, also inhabited the
region, so that any given village might encompass a mixture of Zapotec and
Mixtec dialects, with pockets of other, non-related languages in the area.l

1 These include Chon~ Mixe, Chatino, Chinan~ Zoque, Cuicarec, Huave, Nahua. Amuzgo, Trique.
Chocbo, Popoluca. Mazarec and Ixcareco. See Jobn K. OJance, Conque.tt ofthe Sierra: Spaniards and
Indians in Colonial Oaxaca (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1989). At the time of the arrival of
tbe Spanish Conquis1acklres. there were no fewer than 140 languages and dialects in what is now Mexico.
The principal languages was N4huall. the language of the Azrecs. which was spoken mainly in tbe Centtal
Valley of Mexico, and which was later deh"beralely spread throughout the empire by the missionaries in an
effort to unify the territories. thus facilitating religious conversion. In the Nonbern deserts. a multitude of
languages existed, including Otomf and Tarrasco, while in tbe Yuc:al4n peninsula, the Maya language was
still very much in exislence, though the great Mayan civilization itself bad dissolved centuries before.

26

The settlements encountered by the Spaniards had existed since 1500

BC., and revealed long-established agricultural practices. Com had long
been the staple food of most of the inhabitants of the Americas, and
archaeological evidence suggests that it was first domesticated in Southern
Mexico, possibly in Oaxaca itself. In addition, beans, avocado, onions,
sweet potatoes, squash, chili, and various fruits contributed to the balanced
diet of the inhabitants. The maguey plant was used to provide honey,
alcoholic beverages, soap, medicine, and was used to make string, rope
mats and sandals. Fishing and hunting were rare, and usually reserved for
individuals of higher rank and privilege. Meat-eating was reserved for the
nobility.
The Zapotec culture had its beginning around 2000 BC., and quickly
spread throughout the region, with the legendary capital at Zaachila, about
thirty kilometers from the modem city of Oaxaca. As the Zapotecs
flourished, great cities and ceremonial centers were created, most notably
Monte Alban, founded around 500 BC., which became the center of the
Zapotec civilization. Up to this point, the population was relatively small,
and lived primarily in scattered villages or isolated houses. After Monte
Alban was established, migratory patterns were altered, and the region
received a strong infusion of population.
The Zapotec civilization can be favorably compared to the Maya of
Yucatan and the Aztec of the Central Plateau. They were adept at art and
hieroglyphic writing, and artifacts in Mitla and Monte Alban match, and
perhaps surpass, any Mayan or Aztec achievement. Their complex calendar
is the astronomical equal of its more famous Aztec counterpart. Aside from
the Mayans, they are the only people in America to have used the arch in
their architecture. Many funeral urns survive, evidence of cremation.

Their religion, related to that of the Aztecs further north, was more
individualized. The ~potecs were polytheists, and occasionally practiced
human sacrifice, though to a much lesser degree than the Aztecs. Their

clergy, recruited from the nobility and given special training consisted of
high priests, called "Prophets", and ordinary priests called "Guardians of
the Gods" and "Sacrificers. ''2
The culture began to decline around 750 AD. probably due to
internal deterioration. Thereafter, the large centralized state gave way to
small, divided, competing communities, and by the time the Spaniards
arrived, the Mixtecs were in possession of large portions of the valley. By
1520, control over the valley had shifted from the

~potecs

to the Mixtecs,

and the largest city in the valley was Cuilapan.

With the expansion of the Aztec empire in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, Oaxaca came under the domination of the Emperor
Moctezuma I between 1440 and 1469. The goal of the Aztecs was to subdue
and collect tnbute from the Zapotecs and Mixtecs in the region, and to
protect a trade route to Guatemala. Moctezuma established a garrison of six
hundred soldiers and their families on a site covered by trees bearing green
peppers, known in Nahuatl as guaxe or huaje trees, from which came the
name of the town: Guaxaca or Huaxyacac. The settlement conformed to
Aztec organization, with a plaza surrounded by a temple, a jail, a meeting
place for officials and a home for the governor. This became the
foundation of the modem city of Oaxaca. This was also the site where an
ancient Zapotec ceremony of thanksgiving entitled Guelaguetza (which
means gift or offering) took place every July. With the advent of
2 Robezt Ricard, The

Press. 1966). 30.

Spiritlllll Conquest of Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California

28
Christianity, this feast was later absorbed by the feast of the Virgin of
Mount Carmel, a tradition that continues to this day.
The first European to visit the Valley of Oaxaca was Captain
Francisco de Orozco, who arrived there in November 1521, accompanied
by Pedro de Alvarado, and the priest Juan Diaz, the original chaplain of the
Conquistadors) Because of the potential value of the valley in terms of
gold mining and Indian labor, Orozco had been charged by Hernan Cortes
to lay claim to the entire territory, and to establish a settlement. In addition
to the Zapotec and Mixtec communities, Orozco found Huaxyacac, still
occupied by the Aztecs, which had swelled to about five thousand
inhabitants, compared to 350,000 in the rest of the valley. Encountering
little resistance, Orozco took possession of the area on Christmas Day,
1521, and claimed that date as the town's founding. Fray Juan Diaz
celebrated Christmas mass under one of the Guaxe trees.
Soon after, the Aztec garrison was tom down, and replaced with
Spanish buildings. The Conquistadors established large land-holdings in the
area, enslaving the local populations to work the fields and the silver and
gold mines, so that in little more than a decade, the settlement attained a
high level of economic development. By the end of the 1520s, an internal
power struggle had developed, as Heman Cortes attempted to annex the
entire region as his own personal property. Cortes had charged his
subordinates with completing the Conquest in southern and northern
Mexico, in Central America, and in Yucatan. These lessor Conquistadors,
eager to win for themselves some of the wealth of the new territories and
the glory that came with their conquest, in overt acts of insubordination

3 The path they took

from Mexico City was named El Camino Real, and consisted mainly of dusty trails
and animal palhs. Today, tbe Pan-American Highway follows the original route of the Camino Real.

29

sought to control areas for themselves, and made occasional, mostly

unsuccessful efforts to usurp Cortes's power throughout the land4 For a
decade, the Oaxaca Valley was the focus of a power struggle among the
various factions seeking control over the wealthy region. On September 14,
1526, the Spanish Crown designated Oaxaca as a Villa, with a population of

fifty families. In 1530, Cortes, helped by his superior military power and
by his cunning strategic instincts, emerged from the confusion of Spanish
rivalries with the title of Marquez del Valle de Oaxaca, personally
appropriating for himself most of the region. At this point, he was by far
the most powerful private citizen of the New Worid. To thwart his
ambitions, the Spanish mayor of the fast-growing Huaxyacac, Andres de
Monjaraz, petitioned the Crown for confirmation of the founding of the
municipality and for its elevation to the rank of ucity", thus removing it
from the direct jurisdiction of Cortes.s The petitioners proposed the name
Antequera, hoping to sway the Crown's representative Nuiio de Guzman, a
native of that Andalousan city. Thus, on April 25, 1532, the city was
legally ratified by Charles V and became '"Villa de Antequera del Vaile de
Oaxaca", or "'Nueva Antequera" for short.6
At a meeting in Spain in 1528, the Dominican Domingo de Betanzos
had promised Cortes to undertake the spiritual conversion of the region,
and in 1532, Pope Clement Vll established an independent Dominican
province in New Spain, separate from that of Hispaniola. The Dominican
Order committed itself to evangelization in all the territories south of

4 See generally Pedro de Alvarado. An AccoiUit of the Conquat of G~~~Mmala in 1524 (New York.

s In any event. there is little evidence that Cmlfs ever spent very much time in Oaxaca.

1924).

6 1be city was officially renamed "Oaxaca de Juarez" on October 10. 1872. in bonor of Benito Juarez. a

bpotec Indian who became pesident of Mexico.

30

Mexico City, including Oaxaca, Chiapas., Yucatan, Guatemala, Tiaxcala,

Michoacan, and the Province of Panuco.
The first ordained Dominican priest to reach Oaxaca was Fray
Gonzalo Lucero, one of the first Dominicans in New Spain, accompanied
by the novice Fray Bernardino de Minaya. They arrived on foot in June or
July of 1529. Orozco's chaplain, Juan Diaz, had remained in Oaxaca and
had established a small unpretentious church named Santa Catalina, built in
the Southern part of the village, and consisting of adobe walls and a
thatched roof.7 Lucero and Minaya joined Dfaz and zealously began their
evangelical work. The Dominicans were followed in subsequent years by
several more missionaries, including Fray Betanzos himself.
The official recognition of the city and the investment of the
Dominican province set the stage for the constitution of the Oaxaca
Diocese. The Bishopric of Antequera was established on July 11, 1535, by
Papal Bull, signed by Pope Paul ill.s The territorial jurisdiction of the
Diocese covered approximately the same amount of land as today' s state of
Oaxaca. Charles V nomirulted the Franciscan Francisco Jimenez, one of the
early missionaries who had arrived in 1524, as the new bishop. Jimenez,
however, refused the honor out of humility, as had occurred with other
Franciscans. Instead, Don Juan L6pez de Zirate became the first bishop of
Antequera on June 21, 1535, a post he retained until his death in 1555.
Throughout the 1520s and early 1530s, the city grew in wealth, in
population, and in prestige, quickly becoming the third most important
urban center in the land, after Mexico City and Puebla.

7 Santa Catalina was eventually replaced by tbe church of San Juan de Di6s, which still stands.
8 For a copy of tbe Papal BuB. see Dr. D. Eulogio G. Gillow. Apllllles historicos. 2d ed. (Mexico City:
Ediciones Toledo. 1990). 145.

31

Upon official ratification of Antequera, the illustrious architect

Alonso Garcia Bravo traced the plan of the city, as he had done for
Veracruz and Puebla. Garcia Bravo followed the decrees of the Leyes de

las lndias, which specified in detail the establishment and construction of

towns and cities in the New World, and dictated their layout and
architectural features. According to Book IV, paragraphs 7 and 8 of the

Leyes, every town had to have at least a central zocalo, arched

passageways, a church and a jail. The purpose was to ensure that ''every
city in Spanish America should evoke wonder in the Indians when they saw
it so that they would thereby understand that the Spaniards were
permanently settled there and, accordingly, should be feared and respected,
their friendship sought, and no offense to be given."9
The town that exists today evolved directly from Garcia Bravo's
blueprint, and its organization is characteristic of countless other urban
centers throughout Latin America. The zocalo, or central plaza, is not only
the geographical center of the city, but also the center of community life,
the political, social, religious and economic nexus of the town and of the
entire region. The zocalo is derived both from pre-Conquest Mexico and
from Spain itself, where every town and village is built around a plaza
mayor. In Oaxaca, it is surrounded by Cabildo (municipal) buildings,
which housed the courts and the prison, by the residence of the alcalde
(mayor), and of course by the cathedral and all the buildings connected to
it. Specific streets and neighborhoods in close proximity to the zocalo were
(and still are) reserved for individual trades of artisans, and the weekly and

Cultlll'al History of Spanish America: From Conquest to Independence, ttaDS.

Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California ~ 1965), 44.

9 Mariano Pic6n-Salas, A

32

daily markets (tianguiz) were traditionally held in the center. Churches and
monasteries were established within a radius of a few blocks.
Property-holders of greatest wealth generally occupied positions
closest to the center, as evidenced by the great number of palaces and large
houses in the immediate vicinity. As the distance from the center increases,
so do the more disorderly barrios, or neighborhoods, providing housing
for the Native populations. Oaxaca, like most other New World cities,
reflects a different organizations than urban centers in Spain. The narrow,
complex, fortified mazes of medieval Spanish towns is nowhere to be seen.
Instead, straight lines form symmetrical rectangular patterns, a layout first
established in ancient Rome, and adopted by Renaissance architects. The
town was deliberately and clearly organized, and simplicity, spaciousness
and order were the determining factors in its planning. Protective walls,
unnecessary in this subjugated region, were entirely omitted, replaced by
broad, majestic monuments, wide open spaces, uniform rectangular city
blocks, and long broad avenues. Yet in spite of the modem design, Oaxaca
was still plagued by medieval problems: overcrowding, lack of sanitation,
disease and other afflictions that affect those living in extreme poverty.
With the Spanish invasion had come horses, sheep and cattle, which
drastically changed the vegetation of the region. Land was cleared of trees
and bushes, drastically increasing soil erosion, and altering the ecosystem.
The missionaries, who viewed agriculture as a healthy pastime for the
Native children, brought fruit trees with them from Spain. Dates, bananas,
mamey, oranges, flowers, legumes and wheat were grown in convent
orchards and gardens throughout the region. Cochineal, derived from the
prickly pear, was produced by Indians in the Mix.teca, under the

33

supervision of Fray Domingo de Santa Maria and Fray Francisco Marin,

who developed an advanced irrigation system for that purpose. 10
Another important, though short-lived crop in the Mixteca was silk
culture, encouraged by the Dominicans who planted mulberry trees in the

region. The precentor of Oaxaca, Alonso de Figuerola, wrote a treatise on

the cultivation, weaving and dyeing of silk, which was distributed to the
Indians. In the mid-sixteenth century, the natives in the Oaxaca region were
taught to raise silk worms and manufacnue silk, and its production
dominated the region for half a century, until competition from China, as
well as concerns that the Indians were neglecting their religious duties,
killed the silk industry in the colonies.11
Missionaries in Oaxaca. By the 1530s, Cortes's conquering armies had
virtually completed their great war efforts, begun when they landed in
Veracruz in 1519. The age of Conquest in New Spain came to an end,
ceding the way to the great missionary efforts that took place throughout
the land. As in the rest of the colony, the architects of the spiritual conquest
of Oaxaca had been the mendicant orders, whose mission was governed by
papal grant. With the Franciscans and Augustinians occupied in the north
and northwest parts of the country, the Dominicans held a near monopoly
in the Oaxaca region throughout most of the sixteenth century, a fact that
would influence the evolution of Christianity in the region for centuries.
Their task was achieved independently from, and quite often in direct
contravention to, the secular clergy who in the begirh-ting had to accede to

to Francisco de Burgca, Gt!Ogr6p/rica dacripci6n til! Ia pt111e setelllrioMl, del polo anico til! Ia Amirica
(Mexico Oty: Publicaciones del Arcbivo General de Ia Naci6n, 1934). fo. 130, cited in Robett Ricard. 1M
S~ Cotrl[llest fi" Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1966), 143.
l Ricard. op. ciL, 145.

34

the methods and activities of the regulars. The early exception was bishop
Z8rate, who, short on secular personnel, worlced closely with the
Dominicans to spread Christianity throughout the Mixteca. Though
relations between the regulars and seculars would not always be so cordial,
several Dominicans went on to become Bishops of Oaxaca, including
Bartolome de Ledesma, Bernardo de Albuquerque, Tomas Monterros, and
Juan Jimeno de Boh6rqt!ez.
The royal decree of 1526 had authorized the civil authorities to allot
building sites, setting aside the best places for churches and monasteries.
On July 24, 1529, the Cabildo donated twelve sites, to the east of where the

cathedral now stands, for the construction of the Dominican house of San
Pablo, the first monastery in Oaxaca.12 Within a few years, it had become
one of the most sumptuous monasteries of the order, and the central church
of the region. A few years later, the monastery of Santiago de Matamoros
at Cuilapan was built, a structure which still survives to this day .13
When Lucero and Minaya arrived in 1529, followed soon thereafter
by other Dominicans, they immediately set out to convert the inhabitants of
the region, preaching in villages throughout the Mixteca, founding missions
and convents as they went. They would go into the wilderness in groups of
two or three, usually barefoot and unarmed, displaying a stark contrast to
the often brutal Conquistadors and the encomenderos. At first they used
interpreters, but quickly (and successfully) learned the local language and
customs. They began preaching the gospel directly to the Indians, in
different dialects of Zapotec and Mixtec. Their strategy was to convert the

12 Francisco de Burgos. Geogr6phica descripci6n dt! Ia ~ ~ntrional, del polo artico de Ia Amirica
(Mexico City: Publicaciones del Arcbivo General de Ia Naci6n, 1934), cbap. 25, cited in Ricard, op. cit.,

71.
13 See Eleanor Friend Sleight, The Many Faces ofCuilapan (Orlando, Flooda: Pueblo Press Inc., 1988).

35

chief and members of the ruling class, which the lower classes would then
quickly imitate, resulting in mass baptisms, a wholesale saving of the souls.
Converted Indians were enlisted as lay aides to the priests and friars. Pagan
symbols and temples were destroyed, replaced by smaJJ chapels or
churches, usually on the same site as the previous structure, to clearly
symbolize the substitution of one religion for another. In larger towns,
chapels were eventually replaced by more permanent churches, and if
necessary, monasteries were added to bouse the growing number of friars.
These churches would serve as headquarters for a given area, and friars
would expand the sphere of Christian influence from there.
Soon after its second founding, the population and economy of
Oaxaca steadily expanded, and within a few decades the region had
achieved a high level of economic and cultural activity. By 1535, the
missionaries had established a presence not only in the city itself, but also
in the vast mountain ranges that surround the valley, as well as in the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Because of the rapid increase of the Catholic
presence in the area, and the growing number of Indian converts, the
religious institutions grew correspondingly, and became centers of cultural
influence in the region. Within a few decades, dozens of Dominican
convents, monasteries and abbeys were established throughout the Mixteca,
notably in Nexapa, Tlaxiaco, Cuilapan, Yanhuitlan, Teposcolula and Villa
Alta. Other important churches in the region could be found at Santo
Thomas Salieza, Teitipac, Quiechapa, Nejapa, San Pedro Tepaltepec,
Jalapa, Santiago de Juquila, San Juan Tabaa and Santo Domingo Latani.
These religious structures, sometimes sumptuous and colossal, gave
the Spaniards the illusion of a miraculous transplant of Spain onto the new
land. The ecclesiastic buildings were constructed by converted Indians,

36

who, in spite of the tremendous effort, wholeheartedly took to the task, as

it offered a welcome relief from the brutal regimen of the mines and the
fields. The new temples served as sanctuary and shelter for the Indians, and
they found in the priests and missionaries, and indeed in their new, albeit
forcefully imposed religion, a welcome relief from the bloodthirsty
Conquistadors and the brutality of the immigrant landowners. The
construction of the temples, moreover, allowed them to indulge in
architecture and stone-cutting, an art-form they had developed for
centuries.
In 1580, Fray Juan Adriano and a contingent of Augustinian
missionaries arrived in Oaxaca, preaching the cult of St. Cecilia. To this
end, he trained a group of musicians, forming a small orchestra and choir
dedicated to singing the liturgy .14 The original Augustinian church was
consecrated in 1586, but was replaced in 1682 by the Church of the Virgin
of Soledad, which remains one of the most beautiful edifices in Southern
Mexico.
By the seventeenth century, the population and economy of Oaxaca
had grown, and more than five hundred families of European origin
dwelled there. With the growing numbers of religious institutions came a
corresponding increase in musical organizations. As in other parts of New
Spain, it became necessary to develop and sustain musical institutions
worthy of the expanding city. As the institutions prospered, they were soon
able to provide permanent salaries to capable musicians, and every major
church and abbey in the region had an organ and a choir. Singers and
composers eventually became among the best in the entire territory,
surpassed only by the tremendous activity in Puebla and Mexico City.
14 Jorge Fernando lturribania. Oaxaca en Ia historia (Mexico City: Editmial Stylo.

1955). 92.

37

Throughout the colonial period, the cathedral, monasteries and other

churches of Oaxaca were virtually the only venue in the region where a
composer of art music could pursue his vocation, and even flourish in its
pursuit. The Church readily and consistently supported choral and
instrumental perfonnance forces, providing a composer not only with
personal support, but also, and perhaps more important, with a means of
getting his works performed, no small consideration for a composer in any
era. In addition, it was in the church that a composer could become
familiar with the traditional European canon and the latest works from
contemporary composers. Colonial musicians thus naturally gravitated
towards the religious institutions of Oaxaca, which became the centers of
musical life in the region well into the nineteenth century.

38

Cbapter 3
The Oaxaca Cathedral

The most important religious center in the Oaxaca region was the
cathedral itself, which surpassed every other chmch in sumptuousness and
splendor. As the city rapidly acquired great economic importance, the
prestige of the cathedral grew concurrently, attracting many notable
visitors from near and far. Artists, religious luminaries, representatives of
the king, bishops, even the archbishop and the viceroy himself, were guests
of the Oaxaca diocese. H the visitor were distinguished enough, special
celebrations were held, with masses, processions, and musical events, for
which compositions were specifically commissioned.
As in Mexico City and elsewhere, the Oaxaca cathedral became the
principal artistic patron of the region, subsidizing not only the musicians
that sang in its choir, but also the architects that designed its buttresses, the
stone-cutters that sculpted its fa~ade, the painters which illustrated its
interior, and the metalworkers and goldsmiths that designed its altar. Much
of the cultural life in Oaxaca was dominated by the cathedral, and its
influence was soon felt in all aspects of society.
The cathedral also hosted Oaxaca's rich musical life, whose
manifestations were intended for the glorification of the church. Oaxaca
was in competition with the cathedrals of Puebla and Mexico City, which
spent vast amounts of money on music and which, as a result, were able to
attract superior performers and chapelmasters. Unable to match these
expenditures, Oaxaca nonetheless achieved exceptionally high artistic

39

standards, and even managed to compete in the hiring of superior

musicians, its most brilliant coup being the luring of the great composer
Manuel de Sumaya away from Mexico City to assume the chapelmastership
in 1745. Many of the works of the great Spanish polyphonists of the

sixteenth century, most notably those of Thomas Luis de Victoria (15481611) found their way to Oaxaca. A strong tradition of performance and
composition emerged from the ranks of the imported Spanish musicians,
from the growing Creole community, and eventually from the native
population, so that by the seventeenth century, the Oaxaca cathedral could
claim its share of gifted composers.

Cathedral Origins. The church of Santa Catalina, erected in 1521 by

Juan Diaz, was the first to hold the Episcopal delegation of Oaxaca. By
1532, Fray Sebastian Ramirez de Fuenleal, the former bishop of Hispaniola
who had anticipated the creation of the Diocese, chose the site of the future
cathedral, and construction began in 1535. Its erection would twice more
have to be undertaken, ultimately yielding the edifice which stands today
over the main square of Oaxaca. The first effort was completed in 1555,
though with ''shapes which were not very arrogant." The walls and
ceilings were made of adobe and tile. As a result of its faulty construction,
and of earthquakes which commonly afflict the region, the cathedral was
almost continuously damaged, was soon deemed uninhabitable, and was
ultimately condemned. Thus, in 1560, five years after the inauguration of
the cathedral, construction on the second structure began, and was
completed in 1581. This structure survived for more than a century before
it too was laid to ruin by an earthquake in 1696, and had to be completely
1 Jorge Fernando Itmribarria. OQX/lCa en Ia

historiiJ (Mexico City: Editorial Stylo, 1955), 84.

40

demolished. The final reconstruction effort began in 1702 under bishop

Angel Maldonado, financed by the wealthy merchant Juan G6mez Marquez.
It took over thirty years to complete, and on July 12, 1733, the cathedral
which stands today was finally consecrated by Bishop Francisco de Santiago
y Calderon.
The present cathedral has a surface area of 3,414.17 square meters,
and consists of three naves, in the shape of a Latin cross, with two
adjoining chapel niches, each with a separate apse and cupola (see fig. 2, p.
42). Its design conforms to the architectural and artistic traits popular
throughout Baroque New Spain. The plans reflect the laws of the geometric
system of the architect Simon Garcia with respect to the naves, though
certain modifications were made in the construction of the chapels. During
the final reconstruction, the temple was embellished, and the chapels of the
Virgin of Guadalupe and the Sagrario (tabernacle) were added. The choir,
like its counterparts in Puebla and Mexico City, occupies much of the
central nave, and the silleria (choir stall) is intricately carved in wood.
Much of the choir is today occupied by the organ. The baptismal fount,
first used for the baptism of a black slave, was built in the 1680s under
bishop Isidro Sariiiana y Cuenca, a great benefactor of the cathedral. The
central altar contains a depiction in polished bronze of the Virgen de la

Asuncion, patroness of the cathedral. The statue was sculpted in Italy by

Tadolini, and commissioned in the early 1900s by the first Archbishop of
Oaxaca, Eulogio Gregorio Gillow.
Fourteen lateral chapels can be found on either side of the central
nave, including the Capilla de Ia Cruz de Huatulco, which contains relics of

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42

the legendary cross, venerated in Mexico City, Puebla and Rome.z The
sacristy contains many eighteenth-century paintings, including one by Jose
Palacios of San Bartolome Laurel, and another by the famous painter
Concha, depicting Saint Sebastian. It also contains portraits of all the
bishops and archbishops of Oaxaca, many of whose remains rest in a
subterranean crypt beneath the altar. The stained-glass windows, made in
Germany at the end of the nineteenth century, depict St. Peter, St. Paul and
the Holy SpiriL
The great fa~ade, begun in 1702, and finished in 1728, was designed
by Pedro de Arrieta (see appendix 4, fig. 7). It faces west, bordered by the
Alameda de Leon. It is divided into three sections, topped by a crest with a
principal portico and two lateral ones, each flanked by a pair of columns.
The central entrance has two vaulted niches with the statues of St. Peter and
SL Paul, and the doors themselves are ornamented with twenty-four images
of saints and angels. Above the entrance, an intricately sculpted relief of
the Ascension of the Virgin, bordered by sculptures of St. Joseph, St.
Christopher, St. Martial Obispo, and St. Peter the Martyr. The third
section contains a depiction of the worship of the Most Holy, with statues of
St. Augustine and St. Benito. At the very top, the crest contains a relief of
the Holy Spirit, surrounded by a wrought-iron handrail.
The two towers on either side were built deliberately low and with
wide buttresses, to prevent earthquake damage. They are topped by blue
and yellow mosaic domes. Much of the beauty of the fa~ade lies in the soft
green-brown stone with which it was constructed, and which was poplar in
follows. On the left side. front ro back: e1 Santisimo Sacramento (Holy
Sacmment). Sefto" del Rayo (Lord of the Thunderbolt). Santisima Trinidad (Holy Trinity). Ia Immaculada
Concepci6n (Immaculate Conception). San Felipe de JesUs. San Juan Bautista, San Joaquin. On the right
side. front ro back: Nuestta Seftora de Guadalupe. Sacristfa. San Marcial. San Jose. Santa Rosa de I...ima.la
Cruz de Huabllco. Santa Ana.
2 The chapels are dedicared as

43

the area during the colonial period. In the rear and sides, adjacent chapels
each have their own porticos.
The cathedral reflects a unique Mexican style, which combines the
extreme intricacy of the Spanish Churrigurresco school with artistic
tendencies of Native and Creole artists, creating the unique "ultra-Baroque"
aesthetic which pervaded much of the colonies. Moreover, the cathedral has
its own peculiar artistic and architectural elements, which were readily
imitated throughout the region, but which are found nowhere else in the
colonies. The remarkable proliferation of ornament in this material gives
the structures their special flavor. Art historians have identified this artistic
branch as Barroco Oaxaqueno,3 of which the fa~ade and the porticos are
excellent examples.
Bishop Francisco Santiago Calderon, who succeeded bishop
Maldonado, invested vast sums in completing the reconstruction effort. He
decorated the interior with various valuable images, tapestries and frescoes,
and directed the edification of the towers which now loom over the
cathedral. In 1739, a clock tower in a neoclassical style was built by the
English firm Rob-Markham, and donated by the King of Spain. During the

Porfiriato, in the early part of the twentieth-century, it was tom down and
replaced by another, rather unpleasant clock tower, which was fortunately
damaged by an earthquake in 1931 and ultimately demolished.

Cathedral Organization: On September 28, 1536, a year after the

inception of the Oaxaca diocese, the bishop of Mexico Juan de Zumarraga
established its charter with the help of Cristobal de

3 Joseph Armstrong

Almazan (head of the

Baiid. Jr. The Churches ofMexico: 1530-1810 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University
of California Press. 1962). 102.

44

Franciscan order), Juan de Zarate (first bishop of Oaxaca) and Alonzo de

Figueroa (first chantre of Oaxaca).4
The rules which governed the Oaxaca cathedral's early life had been
promulgated from the very beginning of the Conquest in 1519,s and were
virtually identical to those of other contemporary cathedrals in the New
World, such as that of Mexico City (established in 1528), Puebla (1531)
and Lima (1543), and even as far as Manila in the Philippines. In most
cases the organization of colonial dioceses mirrored the Episcopal structure
of the cathedral of Seville, to which the Mexican church was suffragan
until 1547. Because Isabelle of Castile had been the original sponsor of
Columbus's voyage, Seville, not Madrid, became the uMother City" of the
Conquest of New Spain, and the Seville cathedral was the "Mother
Cathedral" of those in the colonies. The Consejo de lndias, the political
body which governed the Spanish America from their distant homeland,
held its seat in Seville, as did the chapter of the Inquisition charged with
overseeing the New World. The newly established trade routes to and from
the New World usually included Seville as a major stopover, and the
importation of music and culture from Europe invariably originated from
or passed through Seville.
[E]very emigrating clergyman destined before 1700 for the
West Indies had to pass an examination given by the
ecclesiastical authorities in Seville. The last rule takes on added
significance when it is remembered that ... most early
immigrant composers whose status can now be determined
were clergy... "From the beginning of the sixteenth to the
eighteenth century Seville was the 'heart' of America, and it
4

lbe Billa de ErecciOn, or 01artec Bull, appears in its entirety in Dr. D. Eulogio G. Gillow, Apllllles
historicos. 2d ed. (Mexico City: Ediciones Toledo. 1990). 153.
5 Virginia Motmce. An Archivist's Gllitk to IM Catholic Church in Mexico (Palo Alto: R & E Research
Associates. 1979). 31.

45

was Seville that dictated not only the norms of culture but even
of ecclesiastical discipline to New World diocesan clergy.6
This uniformity of culture and purpose bad the effect of creating a
mostly homogeneous church bureaucracy in the New World during the
early colonial period, and even the problems that affected a given region,
such as the rivalries among the different orders, or the rivalries between
regular and secular clergy, seemed to appear uniformly throughout the
colonies. Imposed by Seville, the initial rules which governed the musical
organization of the new Dioceses were more or less uniform in the Spanish
colonies, and only later did the local clergy alter these rules, adapting to
changing social and political conditions.
The Sevillian influence was particularly felt, not surprisingly, in
Mexico City, but no less so in Oaxaca. The makeup of the liturgy in the
Oaxaca Cathedral and throughout the region reflected Sevillian practice.
The liturgical books that were used in Oaxaca churches were the same that
were used in Seville until the Council of Trent. The presence of the boy's
choir, or seises, and of the groups of dancers that accompanied the
celebrations of Corpus Christi and Holy Week were all derived from
Seville, and even the ornaments and ecclesiastical vestment were similar.
The myriad of small churches and towns that pervade the Oaxaca region
reflect mostly Andaluzan artistry and architectural style, the principal
examples being Santo Thomas Salieza, Teitipac, Quiechapa, Nejapa, San
Pedro Tepaltepec, Jalapa, Santiago de Juquila, San Juan Tabaa and Santo
Domingo Latani.1
6 Robert Srevenson, Christmas Music ofBaroq~ Mexico (Berkeley and Los

Angeles: University of
California Press, 1974), p. 26, citing Mariano Cuevas, Historia de Ia iglesia en MUico, Sth ed. (Mexico

City: Editorial Pattia. 1946), vol. 1, 124-125.

7 Francisco Canterla y Martin de Tovar, La iglesia de Oaxaca m el siglo XVIII (Seville, 1982), 37.

46

The organization of the Mexican Church was based on a strict

hierarchy of chapter dignitaries, which included the following:
The dean was charged with making all the arrangements for the
service, including the choir, altar and processions.
The archdean examined and supervised the ordained priests. He
could take over the administration of the diocese.
The chantre (preceptor or cantor) directed all musical activities,
sang in the choir and taught music. Requirements for this position
included a doctorate in theology and proficiency in music.
The sochantre was the assistant to the chantre.
The maestro-escolar (grand schoolmaster) was obliged to teach all
those in the service of the cathedral. His lectures were open to
anyone who wanted to attend.
The tesorero (treasurer) was in charge of the finances and all
monetary and accounting transactions undertaken by the Diocese.
He was also often charged with more menial jobs, such as opening
and closing the church, having the bells played, procuring items
necessary for mass such as incense, flour, wine, etc.
Capellanes de coro were priests in charge of the cathedral choir
Maestro de Capilla (chapelmaster)
Maestro de Seises (choirboy teacher)
Under the ordained priests, a lower tier of lay clergy occupied the
bottom ranks of the church hierarchy. Deacons were usually Spanish or
Creole assistants to the priest, often studying for the priesthood.

Virginia Mounce. An Archivist's Gllide to tire Catholic Church in Mexico (Palo Alto: R & E Research

~.

1979).34. 71-73.

47

The Oaxaca Diocese initially gave preference to Spaniards and

Creoles (hijos patrimoniales, decendientes de vecinos) for the appointment
of cathedral positions. However, the cathedral constitution expressly
declared that Indians would later be admitted if they proved to be qualified,
and if they passed the standard entrance exams for the various posts, the
examen de oposici6n.9 Eventually, Indians did come to occupy some of the

positions in the hierarchy, though very rarely in its upper echelons.

The highest Indian representatives of the lay-clergy were the fiscales
(or topiles), who lived in the villages and were delegated by the priests to
pursue the work of God. They were the eyes and ears of the priests, and
were charged to collect tithes, instruct in the faith, enforce religious
behavior, and report violations or irregularities to the priest.o Under the
fiscales were the sacristanes, who were in charge of the church buildings

and their contents, and who often fulfilled other small roles in the church. 11
Finally, the cantores assisted the priest in celebrating the mass, and, in
smaller churches, filled the function of musical directors.
Since it took months to train a cantor in the liturgy and music of the
sung mass, a cura [priest] was likely to stick with the ones he had for
many years Cantores were to be chosen from among the most able
parishioners, and enjoyed a certain independence because of their
specialized skills. In prosperous parishes, theirs was a desirable job;
it usually paid four reales for the sung masses, and generally
exempted them from other community service ... Their participation
in the mass and occasional performance of burials and baptisms in
9 "Queremos y detenninamos que [dichos beneficios] sean proveidos solamente a los bijos pattimoniales.

desceodientes de los vecinos conquislabes que de Espafta pasaron 41a dicha povincia, ~ adelante acooreciere
pasar para morar en ella. basta tanto que adelame, vista y reconocida por Nosy nuestros succesore Ia
cristianidad y capacidad de los nabJrales indios, y 4 inslancia y peticicSn del paaron que es. 6pm- tiempo
fuere. Nos pareciere proveer los dichos beneficios en los dicbos natmaJes indios, precendiendo primerameore
examen y oposici6n confonne a Ia loable COSbJIDbre.-.. Dr. D. Eulogio G. Gillow, AplUIIes historicos. 2d
ed. (Mexico City: Ediciones Toledo, 1990). 160.
10 William B. Taylor. Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighlunth-Century Mexico
~Alto: Sranford University Press. 1996). 324-332.
1 Ibid, p. 332.

48

outlying villages gave the cantores's office a spiritual dimension that

heightened their status.2
From the beginning, the musical life of the cathedral revolved
around the chantria, and not around the chapelmastership, which, if it
existed at all, was a lower, less powerful position. Unlike the chapelmaster,
the chantre was an ordained priests, a member of the diocese who sat on
the cathedral council, or Cabildo. The chantre thus had bureaucratic
control over the chapelmaster, which led to confusion over the seat of
authority in the musical establishment. The chanties, whose function was to
lead the services and recite the liturgy, were originally charged with the
most important musical duties, and a condition of their appointment was
that they should be well versed in music. The chantre at the cathedral in
Lima had the following requirements:
None shall be allowed into the Chantria without being an expert or
knowledgeable in music, or at the very least, in chant singing. The
responsibility of the chantre will be to sing in the choir, to teach
singing to the choirmembers, and correct everything related to
singing.13
A similar requirement was in place in Oaxaca, where the 1535 charter
specifically established that the chantre was to receive an annual salary of
130 pesos. The chantre was required to:
be a doctor and expert in music, at the very least in plainchant, and
his assignments will include singing and teaching, as well as to
organize and correct the choir and all things pertaining to singing.I4

12 Ibid. p. 333.

13 Andres Sas ~ Lo. mUsica en Ia auedral de Lima dur~ el Vvrreintzto (Lima: Casa de Ia Cullma

del~

1971). 27-28.
14 "La Chantria,
A Ia cual ninguno puede ser presentado sino fuere c:locUr y expeno en Ia mlisica. Alo

m6nos en canro Uaoo, cuyo oficio sera cantar y enseftar, y corregir. y enmendar y ordenar en e1 c:oro y doode

49

The cathedral charter also established six full-time choir positions at

seventy pesos annually, as well as six half-time positions at thirty-five pesos
annually. The duties of these positions were as follows:
We institute six whole rations [positions] and another six halfrations; the holders of the whole rations must be instructed in
the Gospel, and must serve every day at the altar and at the
singing of the passions; and the holders of the half-rations
must be instructed in the epistles, and must sing in the choir
and at the altar the epistles, prophecies, lamentations and
lessons. IS

The similarity between the procedures throughout New Spain is evident

when one compares the above passage, written in Oaxaca in 1536, to the
one below, part of the charter bull of the Cathedral of Lima, written in
1543:
Six entire rations are hereby provided for Deacons to serve at the
altar and to sing passions; and six half-rations for sub-deacons who
must sing the epistles, prophecies, lamentations and lessons.16

Both cathedrals called for essentially the same personnel, who performed
similar duti~s, at essentially the same salary.
The Oaxaca charter also called for six chaplains who were charged
with assisting the choir for an annual salary of twenty pesos. It established
quiela, por si y no por otto todo lo que el canro conviene y penenece... Dr. D. Eulogio G. Gillow. Apllllles
historicos. 2d ed. (Mexico City: Ediciooes Toledo. 1990). 153.
15 "Asi mesmo instiauimos seis raciones enteras y ottas tanaras medias. y los que bubieren de ser
presentados t las enr.ems. sean ordenados de Evangelio. en Ia cualOrden senin obligados t servir cada dia en
el altar y canrar las pasiones. y los que bubieran de sec presentadcls t las medias. sean ordenados de epistola.
los cuales sean obligados de cantar en el com y en el altar las epistolas, profecias. Iamentaciones y
lecciones... Gillow. op. cit.. p. 154.
16 Sas Orcbassal. op. cit.. pp. 27-28.

so
the position of organist, whose salary was sixteen pesos annually, and who
was required "to play the organs on feast days and other occasions, as
ordered by the prelate and the diocese."17 The cathedral created other
numerous positions, including ac6litos (altar boys), sacristan, pertiquero
(processional Iea<!er), mayordomo (foreman), secretary-notary, bellringer, etc.t'
Oddly missing from this list, which even establishes the position of
cathedral dog-catcher (perrero-twelve pesos annual salary) is the
chapelmaster, whose importance during the early years of the colony was
minimal. As seen above, the weight of the musical establishment nominally
rested on the chantre. Yet the chantre, like his European counterpart,
seldom performed his musical obligations, and relegated them to the
sochantre, chapelmaster or organist. The sochantre, who worked directly
for the chantre, would often take charge of the chant singing and the
education of the choirboys. It was the chapelmaster, however, who would
become the most important musical figure in the cathedral. Though his
position had not been officially established by the charter, he nonetheless
gradually took charge of cathedral musical life, and his staff eventually
included several composers and organists, as well as the different choirs
and, later, the orchestra. In smaller towns and villages, of course, the
chapelmaster regularly assumed the roles of composer, performer and
accompanist, and his choir usually was much smaller.
In 1585, the Third Mexican Provincial Council promulgated a set of

rules and regulations for the administration of archdiocesan choirs that

greatly encouraged superior performance standards throughout the
17 "Y el oficio de organisla et cual organista sea obligado 4 taftir los 6rganos en los dias de fiesta y otros

tiempos, como el Prelado y el Cabildo lo ordeoaren." Gillow, op. ciL, p. 155.

18 Ibid, p. 156.

51

colony.19 The most important provision was the result of extensive

lobbying by Hernando Franco, then chapelmaster of the Mexico City
cathedral. It vested in the chapelmaster absolute control over all musical
forces in the cathedral, including all instrumentalists in the cathedral
orchestra, as well as over the clergy who would naturally sing during the
service. Thus a reversal occurred at the end of the century which officially
altered the musical power structure. The chantre, formerly the ultimate
musical authority, was now de jure and de facto subordinate to the rule of
the chapelmaster where musical questions were concerned.
By placing musical authority outside the bureaucratic hierarchy of
the cathedral, the provisions of the Council altered the characteristics of the
chapelmastership, and thus of the entire musical establishment. It became a
secular position, open (though not restricted) to non-ordained musicians.
Whereas the chantre had been part of the Cabildo, and thus an equal to the
other members of the diocese, the chapelmaster was now an appointed
employee, and as such directly subject to the authority of the cathedral
chapter. As a result, few priests ever held a chapelmastership throughout
the colonial period, and they were noticeably absent from rest of the choir
as well. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, only three priests and
one deacon were members of the Oaxaca musical chapel; the rest were
either secular musicians or seises. 20
In Oaxaca, the rise of the chapelmaster to the head of the musical

establishment occurred very quickly in churches and abbeys throughout the

region, as well as in the cathedral itself. As elsewhere, the decrees of the
Provincial Council of 1585 only ratified a situation which had evolved
l9 Roben Ste~ Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell.19S2). 118.
20 Francisco Canterla y Martin de Tovar. La iglesia de OQJUWl en el siglo XVIII (Seville. 1982). 37.

52

naturally over several decades. By the beginning of the seventeenth

century, the Oaxaca chapelmastership had assumed much responsibility,
and was by far the most important musical position in the region.
According to the church, the appointment of a chapelmaster had two
purposes: "To praise God in a dignified way through music created by the
leaders of the musical chapel, and to guide, in the right way, the musical
tastes of the Mexican people.''lt The chapelmaster was at once composer,

orchestral conductor, choral conductor, and teacher of voice, organ and

counterpoint. He was also the business manager of the cathedral choir and
the administrator of the entire musical establishment. His duties in this
respect included hiring and firing the various musicians, arranging salaries,
answering requests, resolving disputes, reprimanding and fining
intemperate singers and instrumentalists, as well as their constant policing.
He oversaw the membership of the choir and the orchestra, held auditions,
decided who was accepted and rejected, whether cathedral funds could be
expended for the purchase of a violin or a harp. He oversaw the organists,
determined whether the instruments were in need of repair and the amount
of funds that could be expended to that end. The chapelrnaster bad the
additional responsibility of seiVing as an intermediary between the church
notables and the musicians in his charge, a task often requiring great
diplomatic skill.
The chapelmaster was also charged with the musical education, not
only of his own musicians, but of members of the general public as well.22
The chapelmaster' s capacity as public school teacher had gradually
emerged throughout the seventeenth century, and, though it was not yet
21 Mexico City Cathedral: Aetas CapitulaTes. cited in JesUs Estrada, MUsica y
~City: Secreraria de Educaci6n Pu'blica.
~ op. ciL. p. 54.

1973). 63.

mUsicos dt! Ia ipoca virreinal

53

spelled out in the job description, it was demanded of masters such as

Antonio de Sal::zar in Mexico City and Matheo Vallados in Oaxaca. It was
finally incorporated into the chapelmaster' s official duties in Mexico City
in 1715, when Sumaya was given ''200 pesos every year for holding
escoleta pUblica [public school], which he will hold every day...and he will

arrange what is most appropriate for the teaching of those who wish to
learn music and counterpoint.''23 Because of his extended duties, the
chapelmaster would often delegate many of his responsibilities, in
particular those related to the education of the choirboys.
Most important of all, the chapelmaster was the artistic director of
the musical establishment, making decisions regarding the composition of
the choir and orchestra, selecting the musical program, and performing the
music for the masses, offices, special feasts and other ceremonies that the
cathedral took part in. All of these activities left precious little time for
composition. Like their counterparts in Mexico City and in Europe, the
Oaxaca chapelmasters are remembered primarily for their compositions, if
they are remembered at all, despite the fact that composition took a
fraction of their time, which was mostly spent on rehearsals, perfonnances,
education, and endless administrative functions.
Like most European musicians in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, the colonial musician viewed himself not as an artist, but as a
craftsman, artisan provider of highly qualified services. The chapelmaster' s
compositional responsibilities were not limited to liturgical music, and he
was expected to enter the realm of popular composition. In addition to his
sacred duties, the chapelmaster was responsible for organizing secular
celebrations, such as individual feasts, important historical dates, or the
23 Mexico City Calhedral: Aetas CapitulaTes. cited in Esttada. op. cit., p. 113.

54

commemoration of the arrival, elevation, or death of an important figure.

Serenades, secular villancicos, xacaras, chanzonettas were composed and
performed on these occasions, often transformed by improvisations of a
popular nature.
The chapelmaster of Mexico City was the highest musical authority
in the New Spain. Other chapelmasters from New Spain (and from other

colonies) would come to him for advice or to discuss matters of musical

importance. The chapelmasters of the other important musical centers
formed an elite group of composers who shaped the musical destiny of the
New World. Though there is no record of any chapelmaster ''convention"
during the colonial period, the master composers often consulted each
other. Many of their works were highly disseminated and imitated,
contributing to a stylistic cross-pollination that pervaded the entire colony,
from Guatemala and Yucatan in the south, to Mexico City, Puebla and
Valladolid in the central plateau, to Durango and Sonora in the north.
The migrating musicians that were common in European had their
counterparts in the New World, where chapelmasters and musicians would
travel within the Spanish colonies, carrying their particular musical styles
with them. It was not unusual for musicians, from the lowest singers to the
most famous composers, to migrate from region to region. Then, as now,
the prime consideration was employment, and geographic location was
often not a serious consideration in the decision to secure a position.
Musicians would travel freely between Mexico City, Puebla, Oaxaca,
Valladolid and Guatemala, and to every town and village in between that
would afford them a temporary or permanent position. Composers who
migrated to and from the viceroyalties of Peru, New Granada and Rio de Ia
Plata were also common. Thus, the Portuguese composer Gaspar

ss
Fernandez was chapelmaster first in Guatemala, then in Puebla. Upon his
death, his manuscript was taken to Oaxaca by one of his pupils. Juan
Mathias de los Reyes started out in the cathedral in Guatemala, and decades
later traveled to Oaxaca, where he eventually became chapelmaster. Manuel
de Sumaya was chapelmaster in both Mexico City and Oaxaca. While
records mostly reflect the migrations of the important musical figures such

as the chapelmasters, lesser musicians were equally mobile.

A result of this mobility was the transmission of musical styles
throughout the colonies, and the presence of manuscripts by a given
composer in several locations. The works of Juan de Araujo, for example,
can be found throughout the continent. Works by Spaniards and Mexicans

survive in Cuzco, while the Guatemala Cathedral contains works by

Spanish, Peruvian, Mexican and local composers, works which only hint at
the vast repertoire that once existed there. Oaxaca itself contains works by
the Spanish Victoria and the Portuguese Fernandez, alongside works by
composers from Italy, Mexico City, Puebla, Valladolid and Oaxaca itself.
As a result, the repertoires of the major cathedrals were diverse and
eclectic. Conversely, compositions by New World composers have also
found their way into Spanish archives, such as those by Francisco LOpez
Capillas.

Musical Forces in the Cathedral. Aside from the chapelmaster, a large

array of musicians made up the musical chapel at the Oaxaca Cathedral
Musical life revolved around the coro de capilla, or chapel choir. The

Libros de Claveria reveal the size of the choir at any given time, and show
that on average, fifteen to twenty singers were engaged on a permanent
basis.

S6

This number does not include the coro de seises., choirboys who
usually numbered between six and eight., and who generally sang the tiple
(soprano) parts. Undisciplined and unruly as children tend to be, the seises
were usually under the supervision of the sochantre., though occasionally
the chapelmaster would take on the task. The sochantre saw to the young
singers's education in both musical and religious matters, and served as a
surrogate father figure, invariably having to address matters of discipline
on the one hand, but also interceding on their behalf before the diocese. In
the sixteenth century, the seises usually resided on the premises, and were
mostly recruited from the Indian population. Their meager salaries, often
complemented by gratuities, were more often than not conveyed to their
families, or if orphaned, would revert back to the diocese to cover room
and board. By the middle of the seventeenth century, enough Creoles had
populated the region so that most of the seises, indeed a majority of the
musicians of the cathedral were recruited from their ranks. Many of the
choirboys remained only a short time in the cathedral chapel. Others
remained for several years, dismissed only when their voice broke. A small
minority were in training for the priesthood, lived in the seminary, and
remained a part of the musical establishment past their teenage years.
Instrumental music had certainly gained a foothold in the New
World after the Conquest, and by the seventeenth century, all of the major
musical centers in the colonies had a strong contingent of instruments at
their disposal. Instruments were used in religious feasts to complement the
voices in villancicos., x4caras, and chanzonettas. In many cases, particularly
when the quality of the singers was below average, the voices would have
been doubled by instruments. By the eighteenth century, full instrumental
accompaniments would have been provided, either written in by the

57

composer, or added in the form of figured bass. The instrumentalists were

typically taught by the chapelmaster and/or chantre, and they would often
instruct each other. Instrumentalists became a regular feature of the
musical establishment, and during special celebrations and important feast
days, the cathedral orchestra would be complemented by outside musicians.
Performance practice even in the more influential European
centers was not exclusively confined to a cappella singing ... In
Mexican as well as European chapel establishments during the
late sixteenth century the chapelmaster was left free to adapt,
arrange, and orchestrate the music. The written notes were
only used as a guide to an end result determined by the
conductor, as a result often diverging widely from the original
textual significance of compositions ...With all other evidence
that can be gathered showing the universal use of instruments
in Neo-Hispanic churches-from foremost cathedrals on down
to humblest village chapels-it seems obvious that the
sonorous ideal even during the so-called golden age of NeoHispanic polyphony was not one of unaccompanied (a cappella)
vocalism ... 2A
The standards set for instrumental players were very high, and
numerous reports exist of the level of skill of organists, string players and
other instrumentalists in the various cathedrals in New Spain. At the
cathedral of Seville, the model for all Neo-Hispanic procedure, the
procedure for hiring instrumentalists in 1718 was as follows:
[T]he pretender to the titular cathedral post of bajonista, [bassoonist]
had to prove his simultaneous competency on five other instruments
as well-violin, French hom, shawm, oboe, and recorder. Even
more importantly, he had to prove his ability as a composer. The
organist candidate under scrutiny ... had to evince "excellent keyboard

24 Robert Stevenson.

93.

Music in Mexico: A Historical SIITVey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952). 92-

58

technique, play all the same instruments as the bassoonist except

bassoon, and show himself a knowledgeable composer of melody .25
Numerous instruments, including oboes, trumpets, horns, comets,
sackbutts (later trombones), violins, violas, viol6nes and violas da braccio,

bajones, and flutes had been present in the Mexico City cathedral orchestra

as early as 1575, and at numerous other locations throughout the colony. In

addition, vihuelas, orlos (a kind of oboe), fifes, harps, guitars, mandolins,

jabelas (Moroccan flutes), rabeles (rebecs), clavichords and harpsichords

were common, as well as a large selection of native instruments, most
notably the chirimias (a double-reeded Zapotec instrument), and the

atabales, or native kettledrums. The Mexico City Aetas Capitulares provide

several accounts or instruments used in liturgical ceremonies, including this
one from July 6, 1621:
Father Antonio de Rivas will be accepted as musician. He will earn
250 pesos a year, with the obligation to attend the Misas de
Aguinaldo [Christmas masses] and to recite [the divine office] at the
feasts and octavas of Corpus Christi and to sing and compose, and he
will be required to provide guitars, harps, mandolins, drums,
zithers, or any other instruments, for both the nine Misas de
Aguinaldo and the feasts and octavas of Corpus Christi.26

Exceptional organs also pervaded the colony. As in Europe, the

organ was a key device in Christian worship, and the powerful sounds
25 Robert Stevenson. Christmas Music from

Baroqlll! Mexico (Berlceley and Los Angeles: Univenity of

California Press. 1974). 27. citing Seville Calhedral. Aetas CapitulaTes. XCIV. fol. 144 (November 18.
1718).
26 "Se recibe tamb~ al padre Antonio de Rivas por mUsico. Que gane 250 pesos por cada m afto. con
obligaci6n de acudir a Ju misas de Aguinaldo y a las in&aoctavas de fiestas de Cmpus a recilar [el oficio
divino] y a cantar y componer y tenga obligaciOn de traer instrumentos de guitarra. arpa. bandurria. atrabal.
ciaara o los que de~ fuesen menester. as{ para las 9 misas de Aguinaldo como para Ju fiestas y octavas
de Corpus; por esta razdn se le aaecienten los SO
Mexico City Cathedral: Aetas Capilularu. cited
in~ op. ciL. p. 34.

pesos.....

59

emitting from the bellows and pipes complemented the monumental NeeHispanic architecture and emphasized the solemnity of Christianity to the
assembled congregation. As early as 1556, the First Mexican Provincial
Council had urged all clerics in the land to make use of the organ, so that
')mseemly and improper'' (indecorosos e impropios) instruments could be
banished from the Church.n
The artistry of Spanish organ building during this period was at its
peak, and it often surpassed even that of Dutch and German organ builders.
As a result, many organs were imported into the New World from Spain,

and organs began to be built in Mexico as well. The most spectacular

instruments were those in the two principal cathedrals, in Puebla and
Mexico City. In addition, organs were present everywhere in the country,
and small towns in rural Mexico could boast of intricate instruments that
would make many European cities envious. Both Mendieta and
Torquemada make references to vast numbers of organs throughout the
countryside.
The Oaxaca cathedral currently contains only one organ, but two
instruments existed there throughout most of the colonial period. The first
mention of an organ in the cathedral is in a letter by the first bishop, Juan
LOpez de zarate, dated May 30, 1544.28 The Libros de Claver{a record
that a payment was made to one Bejarano to replace the organ case with a
new one, manufactured between 1557 and 1560.29 A 1749 entry in the
Aetas de Cabildo describes the larger organ, while another entry from

1768 mentions the need to repair the cathedral instruments. The origin of

rT Francisco Antonio L<xenzaoa. Concilios Provinciales I & II, cbap. LXVI, 140, cited in Maria Teresa
Sumez, La caja de 6rgano en Nuna Espoiia durante el barroco (Mexico City: C.E.Nl.Dl.M., 1991), 62.
28Jos6 Anlonio Gay. Historia tk Oaxaca (Mexico. Editorial Pomia. 1982),

29

s.wez. op. ciL. p. 93.

189-190.

60

the magnificent organ which currently graces the central choir in the
cathedral is unknown, though it is probably an eighteenth-century
instrument. The organ case is dominated by a central turret, flanked
symmetrically by richly ornamented platforms. Other magnificent organs
survive in the Oaxaca region, most notably in the Dominican convents of
Y anhuit:Ian and Tiacochahuaya.
The Oaxaca Cathedral usually employed two organists, a principal
and an assistant, who were usually selected by competition. The position of
organist was one of the most important in the cathedral, second only to the
chapelmaster, and organists often went on to become chapelmasters, as was
the case with Juan Mathias de los Reyes. In addition to performing, the
organist's duties included the tuning and repairing of the instrument. In the
early years of Oaxaca, the organist was sometimes chosen among the most
musically-gifted natives, and was sent to study in Mexico City. The
organists had their own personal assistants, called fuel/eros or fuellistas,
also recruited from the ranks of the Indians, who operated the bellows and
who were responsible for the upkeep and maintenance of the organ.

The Repertoire. From the outset, the use of both Latin liturgical music
(officium divinum) and Spanish-language villancicos became wide-spread
throughout New Spain. Composers wrote new pieces for specific occasions,
but previously-composed works were often recycled as well.
Chapelmasters and choral conductors throughout Mexico, desperate for
superior singing materials, depended heavily on the importation of
European works. Numerous volumes of Spanish, Italian and Flemish
music were copied and disseminated throughout the colony. The Oaxaca
cathedral was concerned with the musical developments in the mother

61

country, and in particular, special orders were made to the Seville

cathedral. Very quickly, though, Mexican chapelmasters came to rely on
themselves and local composers for source material.
Three types of religious music can be found in the archives of the
Oaxaca cathedral: plainchant, polyphony and concerted works. The natives
were already adept at singing chant, which was part of their tradition.

~'The

practice of chanting was common procedure long before the Spaniards

arrived, and was probably learned from the older civilization of the
Toltecs. ''3o The singing of Gregorian chant began almost immediately upon
the arrival of missionaries to Oaxaca. Within a few years, the tradition was
successfully taught to Indian singers, and numerous church choirs,
consisting almost entirely of native performers, quickly emerged. Thus,
almost from the very beginning, the rich medieval repertoire was present
in the catholic masses and rituals celebrated in Oaxaca by the early clerics.

The plainsong tradition became the backbone of ceremonial music in New

Spain, a position it maintains to this day.
It was polyphonic music, however, which became the bread-andbutter of colonial choirs and composers. It provided the stimulus for a high
level of performance and the incentive for compositional innovation.
Spanish polyphony had been greatly influenced by the choral innovations of
the Venetian school, brought about by Adrian Willaert in the sixteenth
century. Multiple choirs, each with its own organ, became the norm.
Extremely intricate polyphony and polychorality became the vogue in
Spain with Morales, Guerrero and Victoria, and its popularity in tum
reached new heights throughout New Spain. Chapelmasters delighted in
30 Cassius Wallace Gould. An Analysis of the Folk-MIISic

(Pb.D. Diss.. Northwestern University. 1954). 35.

in the OaxJJCa and Chiapas Areas ofMexico.

62

displaying and honing their contrapuntal virtuosity. The affinity for

polyphony and polychorality was built into the very architectural design of
the cathedrals of New Spain. Thus~ the choir in the Oaxaca cathedral is
placed in the middle of the central nave, with two separated stalls, so that
choir members would constantly sit facing each other. This arrangement
facilitated the performance of polyphonic music and antiphonal devices,
and as a result, these types of compositions flourished in Oaxaca.
By the eighteenth century, a more concerted, homophonic style of
music had slowly emerged in the works of Neo-Hispanic composers, due
mostly to the innovations of Manuel de Sumaya. Though the new, Italianinfluenced language became increasingly evident throughout the colony, it
never completely supplanted the polyphonic m1.1sical tradition that had
ruled the Neo-Hispanic musical landscape for centuries. The gradual
evolution of the colonial musical style, and the eventual adoption of the
concerted language is explored in greater depth in chapters 7 and 8.
An important form that is widely represented in the Oaxaca archives

is the villancico. Of medieval origin, the villancico was a Spanish creation

with Flemish influence, which allowed for loose structures and diverse
compositional styles. A villancico could be a vernacular, folkish
composition, free in style, or a solemn, Latin work, strictly in accordance
with renaissance rules of counterpoint. The genre, exempt from the formal
and stylistic rigidity that applied to other forms, evolved freely, and when
Cortes conquered the Aztec Empire, the villancico had already acquired a
broad stylistic background.
By the time Sor Juana Ines de Ia Cruz wrote her celebrated works in
the seventeenth century, the villancico had evolved into a form that was
well established. It consisted of an initial estribillo (refrain) sung by the

63

choir, followed by a copla (stanza) sung by a soloist or group of soloists,

sometimes immediately repeated, before returning to the estribillo. In Sor
Juana's time~ the conventional cycle of the villancico consisted of a variable
number of seven to ten poems that were usually sung during the service to
entertain the public after each responsory. A typical cycle consisted of
three nocturnes, and each nocturne contained three poems, set to different
meters. The nine composition were then complemented by a liturgical
hymn, and the unity of the work was attained from the chant of the feast to
which the cycle was dedicated. The music of the villancico generally fit the
words.
Most of the villancico cycles that were published during the colonial
period were Christmas cycles. Many were performed during the nocturnes
of Christmas matins, that is the service immediately preceding the first
mass of Christmas Day (Midnight Mass). Christmas villancicos were not
limited to the matins, but also included those sung at mass, vespers, calends,
etc. Other published villancico cycles were performed on the feast for the
Epiphany, on January 6. Though the printed villancicos usually revolve
around Christmas feasts, they reflect only a small fraction of the extensive
repertoire of villancicos that were composed and performed throughout the
colonial period. Both in Spanish and Neo-Hispanic cathedrals, the villancico
occupied an important position, not only in the Christmas cycles, but in
various feasts throughout the year, and villancicos for Corpus Christi, for
Pentecost, and for feasts for the Virgin and St. Peter were as popular as
those written for Christmas celebrations. For example, of the twenty-two
villancicos attributed to Sor Juana, only three are dedicated to Christmas
feasts. The remainder are dedicated to the Assumption, the Conception, to
the feast of St. Peter Nolasco, St Peter the Apostle, St. Joseph and St.

64

Catherine. Newly composed villancicos would sometimes be sung at these

feasts, but more often than not, older compositions would be used. The
cycles of villancicos by Sor Juana have been set to music by various
composers, notably the Oaxaca chapelmaster Matheo Vallados.
The Oaxaca Archive. In spite of the tremendous surge of musical
activity that occurred in the first centuries of the colonial period, a large
amount of musical works have been lost, not only in Oaxaca but throughout
the territory. This scarcity of musical documents is attributed to natural
calamities such as fires and earthquakes, but also to two hundred years of
neglect and willful destruction that have occurred since Mexico's
Independence, by anti-European and anti-Church radicals bent on
''cleansing" the region of foreign influences. In addition, the last two
centuries have seen an enormous amount of war and strife, and countless
bands of soldiers and marauders often took over important towns and
churches, stripping gold off the altars and pillaging artistic treasures from
the archives.J During the nineteenth century, (with the exception of the
relative calm under Porfirio Diaz) up through the Revolution and into the
1920's, every part of Mexico was ravaged, pillaged, plundered, looted and
burned, with a fierce undercurrent of anti-religious sentiment pervading
the violence.
Colonial music manuscripts by an unkind fate have disappeared
nearly everywhere, and in only the barest handful of Mexican
centers do any still exist. In many towns where a now disused
colonial organ may sit, still testifying to the important role music
31 In addition to the roving Independence fm:es at the beginning of the nineteenth century. and the dozens of

revolutionary and counrerrevolutionary armies during the fii'Sl thirty years of this cenlllry. the Mexican
counttyside also has faced the wralh of Spanish. French and .Amezican fon:es over the past two hundred
years.

6S

once played in the life of that town, all music manuscripts and
printed music books will have vanished forever.32
The underlying attitude of much of the Mexican population during
the past two centuries has been a resentment toward and rejection of
foreign intrusion, invasion and interference. This antagonism, directed not
only towards Spain, but also against other countries such as France and the
United States, as well as against the Church, is responsible for the fact that
so few colonial documents, musical and otherwise, have survived. ''If the
Mexican, who is first an Indian, pays Neo-Hispanic music any attention at
all, he is likelier to disparage than to praise it" wrote Robert Stevenson in
1952.33 If the current attitude is more open than it has been in previous

decades, a subtle resistance and hostility still remains which makes the
reemergence and popularization of Neo-Hispanic music difficult.34
Yet despite centuries of neglect and nationalistic violence, a
substantial amount of colonial music has survived. In particular, the
archives of the great cathedrals of Puebla and Mexico City have preserved
most of the music in use there for nearly four centuries. Other centers
throughout the country have also managed to safeguard large quantities of
colonial music, including the Convento Del Carmen in the town (now
neighborhood) of San Angel, and the main church of Tepozotlan, which
has since become a colonial museum. In addition, the destruction of

colonial documents in rural areas, though widespread, has not been

complete. Traveling musicologists, archaeologists and historians have
32 Robert Stevenson, Music in Mu:ico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1952). 100.
33 Ibid.. p.159.

34 By contrast, popular and folk musical traditions. such as tbe rich Mexican folksong and dance, usually
escaped the wrath of xenophobic and anti-religious forces. and have survived and evolved throughout the
past four and a half centuries.

66

occasionally uncovered in the countryside significant imprints and

manuscripts of European and colonial music, undisturbed by centuries of
upheaval.3S Finally, many examples of music composed in the New World
eventually found their way back to Spain, other parts of Europe and the
United States, remaining there until the present. Thus, despite centuries of
neglect and destruction, there still exists enough Neo-Hispanic polyphony to
provide a basis for judging the extent of colonial achievement in tenns of
style, musical substance, compositional technique, and even performance
methods.
In Oaxaca, much of the legacy of the cathedral is missing, and the
numerous manuscripts in the archive are but a fraction of what was once
unquestionably a musical treasure-trove. The lack of surviving materials by
Vallados, Mathias, Ribera and other sixteenth and seventeenth century
composers is tragic though not surprising, given that the cathedral itself
was destroyed by an earthquake in 1696. Manuscripts written after this date
are far more plentiful, particularly those written after 1733, the year the
cathedral that we know today was consecrated. Another problem has been
the relative disorganization of the archive during the last century, which
has impeded the emergence of the musical works it contained. However,

this situation is rapidly being rectified, and investigations by musicologists

such as Aurelio Tello and myself, as well the recent efforts at a systematic
archival organization by Organos Historicos de Mexico is leading to the
gradual emergence of more works.
35 One extraordinary example. recounted by Srevenson. is the story of Padre Octaviano V~ who. wbile

ttaveling through a mountain village in Southern Mexico in 1931. came upon a ~page manuscript book
bound in wom paiCbmenL Amoog other pieces. V~ found five Masses attribured ro Palestrina. including
one which was previoosly unknown. The Indians relared that they thought the pile of paiCbment was
worthless. and that a sbon time earlier, they bad peviously bad anolher manuscript which they bad used for
firewood. See Robert Stevenson. Renaissonce tl1ld Bar~ Musical Sources in the Americas {WashingtOn:
General Secretariat, OAS. 1970). 100-101.

67

The most important single item in the musical archive of the Oaxaca
Cathedral is the manuscript of Gaspar Fernandez. It is a large volume of
280 folios, in parchment and bound in leather, measuring 22 x 28
centimeters. It contains 301 works, including eighty villancicos, written in
mensural notation. The collection is the largest by any single composer
from the seventeenth century in the New World. The manuscript was
written between 1609 and 1616, in the Puebla Cathedral, where Femindez
was then chapelmaster. It was brought to Oaxaca around 1653 by one
Gabriel Ruiz de Morga, a student of Fernandez in the 1620s, and later a
singer in Oaxaca. In the center of folio 73, Morga wrote the following:
"This book belongs to Gabriel Ruiz demorga. Whoever shall find it shall
return it to him, and we will see each other with God. ''36
The majority of the works are vocal, and few are dated. The oldest
dates from 1609, the most recent from 1616. The works were written in
sequence and for specific occasions, including the feasts of Corpus Christi
and the Nativity, as well as for the celebration of certain saints. The works
are mostly vocal, written for 3, 4, 5, 6 and 8 voices, and are written in
choirbook format. The texts of these villancicos are written in Latin,
Spanish, Portuguese, Tlaxcalan and a hybrid of North-African dialects.
Many of the pieces are villancicos negros, negrillos or guineos, and
represent parodies of minority-group speech. The themes and characters of
these villancicos reflect a wide cast of ethnic characters, including Indians,
Creoles, Mestizos, Portuguese and Blacks, as well as the Spaniards
themselves. (See chapter 4). It is unknown whether Fernandez himself was
the author of the texts, though Robert Stevenson postulates that they are
36 "Este libro es de gamel Ruiz demorga quien se lo allare le dara su allasgo y

adios que nos beamos".

cited in Aurelio Tello, Archivo 11WSical ~ Ia catedral ~ OQXDCIJ: Cal4logo (Mexico City: c.E.Nl.D.LM..
1990). 14.

68

either by him or by one of the numerous Portuguese residents of Puebla

during the seventeenth century.-n In addition, the manuscript contains some
liturgical pieces, vernacular pieces in Latin, and a few instrumental pieces,
which have caused some difference of opinion. While Robert Stevenson
believes these to be organ works, Aurelio Tello suggests that they are
textless cantatas, or minstrel songs.3s
While Fernandez's manuscript is unquestionably valuable, it was
written in another city, by a Portuguese immigrant who (as far as we
know) never went to Oaxaca. It thus does not accurately represent the
musical needs, problems and solutions that faced the Oaxaca chapel, except
to the extent that these needs, problems and solutions were common to the
colony as a whole. A more valuable approach to fully understanding the
musical chapel is an analysis of the works composed in Oaxaca, for Oaxaca
and by Oaxacan composers.
The remaining manuscripts in the cathedral are organized and
shelved in the archive in cases 49 and 50. They contain 130 works in
manuscript by various composers. Most of the music is vocal and religious,
and is written in parts. The manuscripts are in various sizes and formats,
most often 20 x 30 em, 21 x 31 em or 20 x 31 em.39 They are by-and-large
in good shape, though many are incomplete, tom, or have deteriorated.
Moreover, there are stacks of loose leaves, which have been placed at the
back of each case.
Of the 130 manuscripts, four are written in neumatic notation, thirty
in mensural notation, and ninety-six in relatively modem notation, though

n Robert Stevenson. Renaissance and Baroque MIUical Sowces in the Americas (WashingtOn: Geoeml
Secretariat. OAS. 1970). 193.
38 Tello. Cal4logo. p. 16.
39Jbid.

69

with some mensural vestiges. Only thirteen of the manuscripts are dated,
the earliest from 1704, the latest from 1882. The majority of the works in
the archives are from the eighteenth century, though the oldest work is
undoubtedly the chant Vexilla Regis prodeunt, written in neumatic
notation, and which probably dates from the sixteenth century.
The following list of works known to have been composed or
performed at the cathedral will proved a clearer picture of the musical
repertoire in Oaxaca. It includes works mentioned in the Aetas Capitulares
or by earlier researchers, but which are now lost, as well as the recently
uncovered works, including the four exdmenes de oposieiOn discussed in
chapter 7. It does not, however, include the works in Gaspar Fernandez's
manuscript.

Villancicos:
Villancicos for St. Peter: 11
Villancicos for the Virgin Mary: 9
Villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe: 1
Villancicos for Christmas : 5
Villancicos for the Assumption: 1
Other villancicos: Los Niiios de aquesta Iglesia
Albrieias Mortales
Eseuchen, eseuchen que en este dia
Toquen, toquen a fuego
El buelo apresurado
0 cielo diehoso

Cantatas:
Cantatas for St. Peter: 6
Cantatas for St. Joseph: 1
Cantatas for Christmas : 3
Other cantatas:
Y pues que ya las perlas
Sapientissimo le adore
El area de Dios vivo
Jeslls Dios Humanado

70

Masses: 18
Works for Easter:
Sequence: Victimae Paschali laudes: 3
Motet for the Procession of Palms
First Lamentation for Holy Thursday
First Lamentation for Holy Wednesday: 2
Second Lamentation for Holy Wednesday: 2
Sixth Lamentation of Jeremiah
Passion of Holy Tuesday
Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ
Vexila Regis Prodeunt
Credidi: 2
Lauda Jerusalem: 4 (also for the feast of St. Joseph)
Clausula of the Passion for Holy Wednesday
Works to commemorate the Dead:
Sequence for the Dead: 2
Vespers for the Dead
Works for the Virgin Mary:
Matins for the Assumption: 2
Matins for the Immaculate Conception: 4
Magnificat: 7
Salve Regina: 2
Motet: Beata Mater et intacta Virgo
Regina celi laetare
Introit and Benedictus: Salve Sancta parens
Introit for the Assumption: Gaudeamus omnes
Works for St. Peter:
Introit: Nunc scio vere: 2
Hymn: Decora lux
Works for other feasts:
Sequence: Lauda Sion Salvatore: 4 (Corpus Christi)
Christus natus est nobis (Christmas)
Matins for Christmas
Matins for San Lorenzo: 2
Matins for the Seraphin St. John
Hymn for St. Martina
Hymn for the Sacred Heart of Jesus
Laudate Dominum: 2 (Lent)

71

Parce mihi Domini (Advent/Dead)

Laetatus sum in his que dicta sunt: 5 (Advent)
Ascendit Deus in jubilatione (Ascension)
Works for the Office:
Magnus Dominus (Vespers/St. Augustine)
Dixit Dominus Domino Meo: 5 (Vespers)
Bonitatem fecisti (Sunday at Terce: Psalm 118, v)
Mirabilia testimonia tua (Sunday at None: Psalm 118, ix)
Principes persecutis sunt (Sunday at None: Psalm 118, xi/Ascension)

General Texts:
Te Deum Laudamus: 4
Dona eis Domine
Gradual: Alleluya
Pleni Sunt Coeli
Adjuva nos Deus
In addition, the cathedral archive contains five manuscripts preserving
secular instrumental pieces, and four plainchant choirbooks.
The musical repertoire in the archive of the Oaxaca Cathedral
consists mostly of ritual music and popular villancicos, which were often
written on a literary text. Approximately one third of the works are
popular pieces, and the remaining two thirds are liturgical: forty
villancicos and cantatas, eighteen masses, ten matins, six Magnificats, four

Te Deums, and over fifty assorted hymns, sequences, lamentations, vespers,

etc.
Twenty of the works are written for Easter (including six

Lamentations), ten for Christmas, six for Advent, four for Corpus Christi,
three for the commemoration of the dead, two for Lent, and one each for
the Sacred Heart and for the Ascension. The number of works written for
Christmas and Corpus Christi are not surprising, as they were the most
celebrated feasts in the New World. Also typical is the large concentration

72
of works for Easter celebrations, including the lamentations written for
specific days of Holy Week .
Twenty-eight of the works are associated with the feast of the Virgin
Mary (one with the Virgin of Guadalupe), twenty with the feast of St.

Peter, four for the feast of St. Joseph, and two with the feast of San
Lorenzo. Other saints whose feasts are represented are St. Martina and the
Seraphin StJohn. The works dedicated to St. Joseph are the only ones
specifically dedicated to one of the chapels in the cathedral, the Capilla de
San Jose.
The emphasis on St. Peter is not unusual, since the feast of St. Peter
the Apostle was one of the most important feasts in any church or
cathedral. Because he was an apostle, a vigil was held on the eve of any
feast dedicated to St. Peter. Moreover, he was the representation of the
church in the secular world, and was thus an image of the pope. To
celebrate St. Peter was to celebrate the pope.40
The large number of works written for the Virgin Mary is also not
surprising, as the cathedral itself is dedicated to the Virgen de Ia Asuncion
(though curiously, only one of the works is specifically dedicated to the
Ascension). Moreover, the feasts that celebrated Mary were some of the
most popular celebrations in New Spain, and early on the tradition of
writing musical works to commemorate her took hold in Oaxaca.
Three of the works are settings of Psalm 118, which is used during
the regular Sunday offices, suggesting that they were written as a cycle for
that celebration. These works are Bonitatem fecisti, Mirabilia testimonia

40 Significantly. SL Perer was not celebrared in Jesuit missions as empbatically as in secular churches.

given their penchant for disregarding tbe Holy Father.

73

tua and Principes persecutis sunt. The first is by Mathias de los Reyes, and

the other two are anonymous, but are probably by the same composer.
All of the Matins in the archives were written by Francisco Herrera
y Mota, who was requested to deliver to the chantre his recent works
shortly after his appointment in September 1708. In the Aetas Capitulares,
the chantre specifically enumerated the matins of August 15 (the
Assumption), September 8 (the Nativity of the Virgin) and December 8
(the Immaculate Conception).41 In addition, Mota subsequently wrote other

matins for the Nativity, the Assumption, and the Conception, which survive
in the Archives.
As in almost any musical center associated with a church or
cathedral, either in Europe or in the New World, the principal liturgical
composition was the ordinary of the mass, and the Oaxaca archive contains
18 such works, most of which are large-scale and multi-choral. The
performance of the mass could vary from city to city within the Spanish
colonies. Sections from different compositions could be interchanged, or
omitted altogether and relegated to be spoken by the priest.
Sixty-two of the works in the archive are choral pieces with
instrumental accompaniment, and eighteen are a cappella works. They are
for four, five, six, eight, eleven and twelve voices, and often are set for
two or three distinct choirs. The works with instrumental accompaniment,
most often call for violins and basso continuo, but also include flutes,
oboes, trumpets, trombones and oboes. Some call specifically for organ
accompaniment. Another sixteen works are for solo voice or duet, with
4 1 "Y asimesmo e1 dho MO receuia uxlos los bbros de musica. Papeles Efectos

Ynsttwnenras que ay en esta

dba sta Ygla eatel. Por inventario. Y delos que asi Hiziere nuebos Como son maitines al Natiuidad
.AssuJnpOil y ConcepOD y los demas de obligaD sea obligOO a entregarlos ai sor Cbantre q eso fuera en esra
dha gta Ygla." Oaxaca~ Aetas Capilulares, m, fol. 345.

74
accompanimen~

which usually include two instruments (two violins or two

flutes, typically) and basso continuo. In addition, there are four plainchant
choir books, and four solo piano pieces, probably from the nineteenth
century.
The disproportionate number of accompanied works is not
surprising, given the fact that most of the works in the archive date from
after 1700, and a large amount are by Sumaya, who introduced and
popularized the Baroque musical aesthetic to New Spain. (See chapter 8).
Had more of the seventeenth and even sixteenth century works survived, a
larger number of a cappella choral pieces would be represented.
The Oaxaca archives thus contain an array of distinct musical works,
which, not surprisingly, are predominantly vocal and religious, but which
give an idea of the diversity and range of composition of the chapel.
Because most works prior to 1700 have disappeared, our judgement
regarding the sixteenth and seventeenth century repertoires is necessarily
limited and, to a certain degree, speculative. Yet the surviving works do
give a far clearer idea of the musical aesthetic in the cathedral after 1700.
The historical and stylistic evolution of the Oaxaca musical chapel in the
eighteenth century are discussed in detail in chapters 7 and 8, respectively.

1S

Cbapter 4
Native Identity in Colonial Society

A true identification of Mexican colonial music and culture can only

be ascertained with the understanding of the forces that defined viceregal
society. In Spain, the social dynamic had evolved for centuries, from an
intrinsic feudal system to its own brand of absolute monarchy, influenced
by seven hundred years of Moorish occupation. By contrast, colonial
society functioned under a different set of circumstances which inevitably
influenced its political and social system, its religious life, its economic
existence, and most importantly, its cultural identity.
By the time the Spaniards sighted the coasts of the New World,
native Mexicans had developed their own cultural paradigm, formed by
generations of cultural interconnections, and complex influences among the
different peoples and nations, either by peaceful or violent conquest, or by
trade and exchange of supplies, weapons and ideas. The arrival of the
Europeans interrupted an ongoing cycle that had propelled the indigenous
civilizations for millennia, and drastically altered the cultural evolution that
was taking place even then.
Yet European ideas and aesthetics in the sixteenth century were
themselves on the verge of being questioned and ultimately rejected
throughout the Old World. It is not surprising then that their introduction
onto a culture operating on a completely different philosophical and
aesthetic matrix did not produce the expected effects. The result ultimately
resembled neither native nor European society, but rather a new culture

76

that from the start developed according to its own rules and at its own
pace. The emerging Neo-Hispanic aesthetic was shaped by the intellectual9
emotiona19 physical and spiritual demands of a population whose
demographics were complex, and influenced by competing cultural
elements which were often mutually exclusive.
Colonial society was neither native nor Spanish9 but a syncretic
fusion of the two, a fusion

whic~

like many such cultural meetings9 seldom

produced smooth results, and which offers few easy answers to twentieth
century anthropologists 9 sociologists, historians and musicologists. This
chapter analyses the participation of the native people in colonial society,
while chapter 5 examines the contributions of the transplanted Spaniards
into this complex sociological experiment.

In the summer of 1523, the first Franciscan missionaries arrived in

Tenochtitlan, soon to be renamed Mexico City. They were Pedro de Gante,

Juan de Ayora and Juan de Tecto, and their objective was the conversion to
Christianity of the indigenous population9 which only a few years earlier
had been dominated by the sacred rituals of the Aztec empire. Their arrival
marked the beginning of almost three centuries of spiritual and cultural
control which would affect the evolution of Mexican society to this day. In
a very real sense, Pedro de Gante was the first to consciously attempt a
synchretic culture, fusing European and native characteristics. Gante
realized from the beginning that attempting to substitute European culture
at the expense of the native one would be counterproductive to his efforts
at conversion. Instead, he attempted to bring together elements of both
cultures, creating a completely new entity. Following Gante 9S example9 the

n
missionaries made a conscious attempt to incorporate the native world into
the transplanted Emopean culture.
Any conclusions drawn from the study of native contributions must
be taken with caution at the outset, since the record appertaining to this

group is often incomplete and misleading. Historical events have made the
study of both pre-Columbian culture and colonial native society difficult.
Fearing indigenous uprisings, and preoccupied with forcefully establishing
their political and religious dominance, the European invaders
systematically destroyed all elements of native culture, including most
records of indigenous music. Those elements that did survive tended to be
f"tltered through the eyes of Spanish and Creole writers, creating an outlook
that was rarely complimentary. Accounts by the Conquistadors tend to
portray native culture in a negative, barbarous light, whereas accounts by
the Spanish missionaries tend to have a more positive, though usually
patronizing outlook. Moreover, centuries of neglect have further
contributed to the demise of cultural elements to the point where only a
small fraction of the native patrimony survives.
Modem understanding of native culture is derived from the written
reports of the first Spaniards who encountered them; from the historical
and ethnological research of colonial missionaries; from anthropological
studies of pre-Columbian and post-Conquest Indian literature, art and
history; from archaeological studies of artifacts, tombs, structures and
musical instruments; and from the practices of their modem descendants,
many of which still speak their native languages today and continue in ways
of life only partially modified by four centuries of contact with Europeans.

78

As early as the eighteenth century, two opposing views of the

Spanish role in the American continent emerged, which continue to this
day: the "White Legend" which portrays the Spaniards as saviors, bringing
economic prosperity and spiritual salvation to the lost children of God, and
the "Black Legend" which depicts the invaders as opportunistic conquerors
bent on the destruction of the native Americans for the purpose of
advancing their own enrichment. The White Legend was the product of
conservative, pro-colonial thinkers, such as the sixteenth-century Francisco
L6pez de G6marat and the nineteenth-century Lucas Alaman,2 who
emphasized the achievements of Spanish culture. The Black Legend was the
product of the liberal, nationalistic movement which sought to dismiss such
contributions, to the point of negating the entire viceregal period. Both of
these views must be approached cautiously, as neither correctly tells the

full story. The truth, as always, can be found somewhere in the middle.
Unlike their fellow invaders north of the Rio Grande, the Spanish
Conquistadors did not set out to wipe out Indian society. A crucial
difference in purposes and ideology accounted for this approach. The
English and Dutch came across the ocean to find new places to live and
prosper, for the most part independently from the homeland. A
homogenous transplant of the culture ensued, fueled by the vision of
recreating the civilization left behind in the new, bountiful land. The
presence of native populations was contrary to that vision, and once space
and resources began to become scarce, the aboriginal populations had to be
systematically segregated, removed and ultimately annihilated.

1 See Francisco LOpez de Gc5mara. Historia General de

2 See Lucas

las /ndias (Zaiagoza. 1952).

Alamml, Historia de Maico, S vols. (Mexico City: 1849-1852).

79

By contras~ the conquering Spaniards were not disaffected,

religiously persecuted citizens bent on recreating Spain in America. Rather,
at least in the first century, they were agents of the Crown whose mission
was to provide new wealth to the Spanish treasury, and emissaries of the
Church charged with the salvation of souls. After the initial search for gold
had proved illusory, the Conquistadors set out to create wealth by intense
mining operations and agricultural production, which required the
presence of a large work force. Thus, unlike the English and Dutch
colonists, the goals of the Spanish Conquistadors and missionaries could be
attained only by preserving the native populations, rather than by
eradicating them.
In one important aspect, the Spaniards were already prepared for the

task which lay ahead. For over 700 years, the presence of the Moors on the
Iberian Peninsula had forced them to confront the problems that occur
when two extremely diverse cultures forcibly share the same land,
resources and eventually, the same society. The Spaniards were
experienced in the assimilation of foreign cultures, and the Church was
accustomed to converting non-believers. Because the Conquistadors were
accustomed to the presence of non-Spaniards in their midst, the decision to
convert and incorporate, rather than exterminate, native Americans was
reached quite easily and readily accepted by most.
For centuries, the Black Legend incorrectly perpetrated the myth
that the Spaniards were intent of causing widespread death and destruction
in the new lands. To be sure, the early Conquistadors were brutal, violent
individuals, usually more intent on gaining personal wealth and power than
any consideration for the Crown treasury. The Black Legend had it right
when it told of massive enslavement and exploitation, and the Spaniards

80

certainly did not hesitate to e1iminate individuals who got in their way. But
massive genocide was contrary to their vested interests. The inhabitants of
the Spanish colonies were seen by the Church as potential converts and by
the Crown as a source of forced labor. In theory, the Indians were
technically '1iee" Crown subjects, and thus liable to tribute exaction. This
''freedom" was often reiterated by the monarchy across the ocean, though
these declarations, without means of enforcement, seldom had any relation
to the way the Indians were treated. When this labor was not given
voluntarily, it was extracted by force. The legitimacy of enslavement was
derived from the precedent of European contact with the natives of Africa.
But the brutality of the Spanish Conquest was often somewhat
mitigated, even at times restrained, by the presence of missionaries who
brought a moral imperative to the Conquest, and imperative unknown to
the New England pilgrims and their descendants. Moreover, the vast
majority of deaths that occurred in the first hundred years of the colony
were caused not by brutal exploitation but by European diseases
inadvertently brought by the invaders. Smallpox, typhoid and measles did
more to ravage the populations of the Spanish colonies, who had no
immunities to the foreign organisms, than did the military Conquistadors
or the brutal encomenderos. From their first contact with Spaniards, the
Indian population very quickly began to decrease. Even casual contact
brought infection, which then traveled rapidly throughout the countryside.
Indians quickly succumbed, and the devastation was unstoppable once it had
begun. In the West Indies, the natives were almost extinct by the 1540s. In
places were the populations had been especially dense, fatalities were
catastrophic, and by the seventeenth century, population losses of 90%
were not uncommon. It is estimated that in New Spain alone, the Indian

81

population declined from 25 million in 1519 to slightly over one million in

1605.3

The dramatic decline in population at the turn of the century proved

problematic to Spaniards in need of labor, and the decreasing presence of
Indians became more severe into the 1600s. With the demand for cheap
agricultural labor greatly increasing, the surplus of Indians that had
formerly filled the ranks of colonial choirs had disappeared, as they were
often required, even forced, to work the fields of the encomenderos.
Conversely, the increase in Spanish population made it difficult for even
the most educated Indian to break through the ranks of the growing upperclass.
The Black Legend further distorts the facts by accusing the
Conquistadors of cultural genocide. Cortes's aim was not to obliterate the
Aztec civilization, but rather to subjugate it under the Spanish (meaning his
own) brutal command. Rather than destroying the political and economic
structures of the Aztec civilization, which had been in place for centuries,
and which were well-organized and efficient, the Spaniards merely
eliminated the political and spiritual leadership at the top and replaced it
with their own rulers, leaving the vast bureaucratic system intact. On the
other hand, elements of the culture that would lead to any form of national
identity, or that would perpetuate the native pagan religions, were
systematically obliterated.
The native populations were thus integrated into Neo-Hispanic
society, albeit at its lowest level. One of the reason they were able to

3 Woodrow Borab and Sherburne F. Cook. TM Aboriginlll Popultllion. ofCeftiTal Mexico on. 1M eve oftM
Spanish CoiU{llest (Berteley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963).

82

survive and even thrive under the yoke of the Spanish occupiers was their
ability to change and adapt to evolving circumstances:
The ideas that underpinned the Castilian monarchy proved adaptable
to the needs of the aboriginal peasantry. Traditional Indian societies
relied upon rules and customs in a manner similar to Spain. Their
psychological needs blended with European philosophical notions.
Ideas supplied a sense of mission and the mutual confidence that an
accommodation between different cultures could be achieved.4
Pragmatism was a central tenet of the native way of life, of its outlook
towards the future. Long-held customs and beliefs could be altered, even
abandoned to ensure survival.
The inclusion of the native populations into the Spanish fold,
undertaken by design, was rooted in moral and philosophical
considerations. The philosophical basis of the Spanish colonization was
Scholasticism, which had at its core the concept of natural law that had
pervaded the Iberian Peninsula, and which was now applied jointly to the
Indian and European inhabitants of the New World. The Indian
communities were recognized, and incorporated into the political system. A
hierarchy of subgroups thus came into being, separate political entities, all
subordinate to the Crown, but with their own recognized system of law and
govemment.s The newly converted Indian society was allowed to exist
within the Spanish political system, and in theory was allowed some degree
of self-government, retaining its own laws and customs. In practice,
however, this plan had one major flaw, in that the civil government refused
to recognize individual tribal or group customs and laws, lumping them all
under one judicial and political system, thus rendering their individual
M. MacLaghlan, Spain's Empire in the New World : The Role of Ideas in lnstitulional and Social
Chllnge (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 28.
SJbid.
4 Colin

83

traditions and philosophies moot, and making them virtually unable to

function.
The Crown imposed an artificial uniformity. As a consequence, a
weakened native legal tradition could not withstand the demands of,
or strongly influence, colonial society. Minor legal customs survived
at the local level among distinct groups but could not be employed
effectively in the broader society, or to protect the group against
external pressures. The Indian population found it necessary and
advantageous to adapt to the new system.6
While the infusion of Spanish elements drastically influenced native
culture, for example in the alteration of their dress and work habits, many
aspects of their culture nonetheless managed to survive, such as the native
diet, or the structure of familial interrelationships. Agriculture was
generally unaffected by the Spanish presence, and efforts to introduce
wheat and other European staples failed to replace the Indian dependence
on com. Lower levels of the political hierarchy were preserved, as were
many traditional features of domestic life.
The forced marriage of Spanish and native populations inevitably led
to a fusion of ideas, of aesthetics, of culture. This fusion pervaded every
aspect of Neo-Hispanic society, and eventually led to the emergence of
modem Mexico. The term 'syncretism' has often been used by scholars to
indicate "mutual influences and adaptations" among different religious or
cultural traditions: ''Syncretism has been used in various ways to suggest
either a fixed state or a process variously described as mixture,
amalgamation, fusion, confusion, coalescence, or synthesis in the meetings

6 1bid.. pp.

28-29.

84

of different religious traditions.,., Syncretism was most evident in two

aspects of colonial life: religious devotion and artistic expression. Each will

be considered in tum.

Religious Syncretism. The Aztec, Mayan and Zapotec pantheons were

not unlike those of the Greeks and Romans, in that they were open to new
beliefs and new deities. Though the Aztecs had a detailed and complex
mythology, they had traditionally incorporated the gods of conquered
peoples into their system of belief, and worshipped them freely. It was thus
not particularly difficult for them to convert to Christianity, to accept
Christ into their religious tradition. What was difficult was the
missionaries's demand that they worship exclusively at the Christian altar,
that they surrender their previous beliefs and customs. For the most part,
the natives were not beheld to the idea of religious exclusivity, of the
adoption one faith at the expense of all others. Though the Christian faith
was often accepted with ease, many natives were unable or unwilling to
abandon the pagan traditions which had guided their families and villages
for generations. Consequently, the old religions survived, at first alongside
(but separate from) Christianity, and increasingly in a mixture of
interconnected Christian and pagan beliefs that adapted to the specific needs
of the populace.
The new, syncretic form of worship was not a rejection of
Christianity. It was not an underground cult, practiced by pagans who went
through the motions of Catholicism by day while surreptitiously practicing
their secret ceremonies by night. For the most part, followers of pagan
7 W'illiam B. Taylor. Magistr~Ms ofthe Sacred: Priuts and Parishionos in Eighteenzh-CellliDy Mezico

(Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. 1996). 53.

85
practices were sincere Christians who complemented their beliefs with
those followed by their forefathers for centuries. "[C]olonial Indian
communities independently achieved a more or less full and, by the midseventeenth century, stable synthesis, a synthesis in which Christian traits
had been absorbed incrementally into native religion. "a Pagan idols would
often find their way onto altars, hidden under crosses, or stashed away in
church walls, reinforcing the view that the natives did not reject
Christianity, but rather that they incorporated it into their set of beliefs.
Some scholars, including Louise Burkhart and lnga Clendinnen, have
argued that, rather than a religious synthesis, the actual result was a
"hybrid", as practitioners throughout the colonial period retained separate
but equally important elements of each religion, without a melding or
gelling effect that would result in a new religion.9 Rather than a blending
of ritual elements, native idolatry practices complemented Christian ones,
particularly in those areas not addressed by European theology. While
Christianity emphasizes salvation and eternal life, native rites were often
more concerned with fertility, disease, crop failure, as well as social
concepts such as love and revenge. Most easily integrated were the
elements that both religions had in common, including Indian creation
myths and cult heroes, which adapted well to the supreme deity of
Christendom, as well as long-standing Indian practices of fasting and
confession of sin. Native rituals that included a cross, for example the
Maya Temple of the Cross in Chiapas, carried over well into the new
religion. The Virgin Mary was perceived as the equivalent of the Aztec
8 Ibid.

9 Louise M.

Burkbart. The Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dildogue in Sixteenth C~ntury Muico

(Tucson. Ariz.. 1989); Inga Oendinnen. "Franciscan Missionaries in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." in

Disciplines ofFaith: Studies in R~ligion. Polilics and Patrillrcky. edited by Jim Obelkevich. Lyndal
Roper. and Raphael Samuels. pp. 229-245 (London., 1981).

86

goddess Huitzilopoztli, and thus more readily accepted. The natives tended
to accept Christianity as compatible with their own pagan rites, which were
tolerant at their core. To the extent that there was no "jurisdictional"
conflict between the two religions, paganism flourished side-by-side with
Christianity.
Conversely, the missionaries were not beyond seeking advantages in
native superstitions, and using them to their own ends. Thus, aware of the
Aztec's fear and wonder at the sight of the Conquistador's horses, the
missionaries readily introduced the cult of the Apostle Saint James-universally depicted on a horse-to enhance the native's worship of the
saint through deification of the beast. Later writers also advanced the
proposition that the natives were a forgotten branch of the Judea-Christian
tradition. Thus the seventeenth-century writer Sigiienza y Gongora
attempted to identify Quetzalcoatl with the Apostle Saint Thomas, who
traveled to mysterious regions, ultimately ending up on the American
continent. Another myth identified the ancestors of the natives as the Greek
god Poseidon who first settled Atlantis, and whose descendants populated
the New World.to
Approaches to the syncretism theory have often emphasized the
similarities between European and native religions. Scholars have pointed
out the following common points of ritual and belief, shared by the
European and native religions:
A common belief of divine intervention in human affairs
A certain degree of monotheism
10 Ramon de Ordoftez y Aguiar. History of the Creation of Heaven and Earth According 10 the System of

Pagan America (Mexico. 19-). cited in Mariano Pic6n-Salas., A Cultural History of Spanish America:
From Conquest 10 lndependuce.trans. Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press. 1965). 127.

f{1

Shared ttaits between deities and saints (Quetzalcoatl and Christ, the
Virgin Mary and Huitzilopoztli, etc.)
Ceremonial similarities: baptism, penance, last rites, etc.
Common ritualistic elements, such as incense and communion
A respected priesthood which remained cehoate
The importance of recurring rituals and an established calendar
based on specific observances
Similar celebrations, such as Easter and Toxcatl11
Perhaps the most important facet of syncretism in New Spain was the
appearance of the Virgin of Guadalupe in 1531. The sighting of a
European deity as an Indian, by an Indian shows the extent to which the
two religions and cultures had melded even within ten years of the
Conquest. The Virgin of Guadalupe has been a symbol of New World
nationalism for almost five centuries. Her appearance was an indication to
the converted peoples that they were an integral component of the nature of
the world, part of the umaster-plan" that was dictated by European
theology, a concept strongly advocated by the missionaries themselves.
The fusion of religions was also aided by the fact that the teachings
of the Church were often not well understood by the natives. Sixteenthcentury European texts translated into native languages (primarily Nahuatl)
reveal that many of the concepts that were central to European theology
and philosophy failed to be transmitted to the new culture.12 The Catholic
church's reliance on extreme opposing concepts tended to exclude and even
contradict the Indian's perception of the world:
11 For a more comprehensive comparison of Indian and European culture. see generally: J~ Corona
Nuftez. "Religiones Indigena y Cristianismo." Historia Moicana 10 (1961): 557-570; William Madsen.
"Cbristo-Paganism: A study of Mexican Religious Syncbretism... Middle American Research lnstilute
Publications (New Orleans) 19 (1957): 105-180; Wigberto Tun6nez Moreno. '-rile Indians of America and
Christianity," The Americas. 14 (1958): 411-431.
12 See Louise M. Burkhart. TM Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in Sixteenth CellhiTy
Mexico (Tucson. Ariz., 1989).

88

Christian doctrine was quite dualistic-given to sharp dichotomies

such as this world and the other world, body and spirit, heaven and
hell, good and evil, man and animal, true God and false gods, and
God and nature. Native ideas about duality were conceived in more
monistic terms-that opposite tendencies like destruction and
creation could be contained within a single deity or saint, and were
mutually constituting ... To a priest who believed that religious purity
and orthodoxy were the route to good order in this world and
salvation in the next, this ambivalence about good and evil seemed
agnostic, if not duplicitous and even ~pagan.' 13

The natives tended to think in terms of continually repeating cycles,

in contrast to the European linear approach of birth, life, death, and
afterlife. Indians predisposed to polytheism predictably developed a
distorted view of the trinity. Moreover, the pre-Columbian moral codes
tended to reflect the needs of a civilization more concerned with issues that
affected collective survival, such as crop-failure and disease, than with
personal salvation and ever-lasting life, attained through personal sacrifice
and self-denial.
After appropriating those elements of pagan beliefs that could be
used to the advantage of Christianity, the Spaniards proceeded to suppress
what remained. While for the most part supportive of native rights
throughout the colonies, the missionaries and secular clergy zealously
fought for the eradication of all native religions. In their eyes, the natives
were lost children of God who had to be protected both from the brutal
treatment of the encomenderos and from the evils of idolatry. Conversion
of the natives was a primary reason for the Conquest itself, one which gave
an aura of legitimacy to the Spanish expeditions in the New World.
B. Taylor. Magistrates of IM Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighleelllh.~ntwy Mexico
(Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. 1996). 50.
13 William

89

Syncretism in Oaxaca. The fusion of Christian and pagan religious

elements was particularly strong in Oaxaca, which, because of geographical
and historical factors, did not lend itself well to religious conversion. In
spite of the tremendous evangelical activity which took place in the Oaxaca
Valley and in the highlands for over three hundred years, the missionaries
were mostly unsuccessful in converting the region of the Sierra Mixteca
and Sierra Zapoteca, more remote and inaccessible than the areas
surrounding the valley of Mexico, more mountainous than the vast
stretches of desert in the North. The Spaniards limited their presence to
important cities and towns, and were concentrated in the Oaxaca Valley
itself. The missions, at great distances form each other, delineated a huge
territory that was hard to penetrate and harder to subjugate. Some regions,
such as that of the hostile Mixe Indians, were avoided altogether. During
much of the early colonial period, only a handful of missionaries were assigned to travel rural regions. Small villages might be visited by European
priests only once a year, and local spiritual leaders, who were often Indian,
tended to be less strict in the enforcement of pure Catholic doctrine.
As a result of this lax enforcement of colonial power, the Europeans
failed to culturally conquer the entire region, which thus had a markedly
different history from the northern and north-western parts of the country.
The various Indian groups in the southern regions, in Oaxaca, Chiapas and
Yucatan, maintained a more isolated position and had a greater
independence in their historical development than did other important
groups elsewhere in the coentry. A certain political and social autonomy
subtly pervaded the region, which undermined the effects of the
occupation. Much of the population, though nominally subjugated to the

90

force of Spanish rule, never fully accepted the Christian conversion of the
Dominican missionaries, and much of the Indian culture and religion
managed to survive. To this day, perhaps more than anywhere else in the
country, many inhabitants of Oaxaca practice a religion that is a hybrid of
Catholicism and pagan spiritualism.
Idolatry remained part of the religion in Oaxaca throughout the
colonial period. Francisco Canterla y Martin de Tovar, in a 1982 study of
the church in eighteenth century Oaxaca, found reports of pagan
ceremonies in the Oaxaca Valley, which were quite common even two
centuries after the Conquest.4 In 1704, the Bishop of Oaxaca Angel
Maldonado heard detailed accounts from various natives of such
ceremonies that were regularly practiced in the towns of Jabezo,
Dayegotiaxono, Joadelayacta, Xoneyego, Jovichi, Xanayelachini,
Guiacinabek, Guiayahici, Betati and Jeroxiguia. Entire neighborhoods
would contribute financially towards these ceremonies, which occurred
primarily at harvest, or during droughts or epidemics. Rituals were usually
held in dry river beds or on the peak of small mountains, and ceremonial
materials were kept in nearby caves. Participants included both men and
women, who were required to bathe, and remain cehoate three days prior
to the ceremony. Offerings were made by the oldest member of each
lineage. Sacred offerings included chickens, small dogs, birds and other
animals, idols made from plants, vegetables, cocoa plants, precious stones,
feathers and shells, often decorated with rooster blood. Specific invocations
and requests were made to the gods. After the sacrifice, the celebrants
would consume the flesh of the sacrificed animals mixed with tortillas of

14 Francisco Canterla y

Martin de Tovar. La iglesia tM! Oaxaca en el siglo XVHI (Seville. 1982). 26.

91

uncooked com. A smaJI portion of these tortillas were deposited in a sacred

place.
Pagan ceremonies were celebrated after a birth occurred, and infants
were given non-Christian names, usually one associated with their ancient
nobility: Y oche, Yeloxi, Xopa, Zaplina, etc. Pagan priests would make
predictions on whether lost objects would be recovered, or on the outcome
of disease or disputes. At death, bodies would be buried with offerings of
food and other objects that would be useful in the afterlife.
In the town of Suchitepec, sacrifices to appease the gods occurred

twice a year: in January, to petition for general protection, and in May for
a good harvest. They used a villaa (flat sacrificial stone) and used as
incense the smoke from copal resin (nerebito) that was similar to amber.
Afterwards, a nicachi (kettledrum) was played, accompanied by rattles.
Men and women would dance to the sound of drumming on two turtle
shells. Sexual contact was avoided during catastrophic times. The
usacrificial priests" would predict the future with 13 decorated habillas
(beans). Idols were sprayed with the blood of dogs and chickens. The
principal idol was the chilayagoline, a stone half a yard in length, with two
eyes and a mouth carved at one end. Other small stones in the shape of
human heads were charged with overseeing the harvest. Like the
Christians, they had the habit of burning candles at the altar of their gods,
candles that were often taken from the churches. The heads and hearts of
the sacrificed animals were left on the altar, while the rest was consumed
by all the participants. They ingested mushrooms grown in nearby ravines,
as well as special mind-altering herb infusions (cuanabithao) which
provoked all manner of visions, and which could transform them into a
snake, a mule or a wild pig, at which time they achieved special powers.

92

One Indian affirmed that he could be transformed into a snake, and if he

came in contact with one of his enemies in this state, the latter would
instantly die. The Indian claimed to have done so on numerous occasions,
and asked Bishop Maldonado for forgiveness for his actions.s
The bishop confirmed that simiJar stories of idolatry could be found
throughout the land. The Indians had freely confessed their stories to him,
and to his consternation, asserted that no one had previously forbidden
them from engaging in their pagan activities. His joy at their sincere
repentance was quickly tempered by the knowledge that the confessors
readily resumed their rituals immediately upon returning to their villages.6
Twenty-two years later, Maldonado had evidently not succeed in
uprooting pagan sentiments, for he wrote in a 1726 letter that the Indians
'~ve

only the slightest exterior Christianity."7 By 1734, the practice had

still not receded, as over seventy idolatry teachers which had been
denounced were being held in jails, while Bishop Calderon promised to
release them upon their confession and repentance.I 8 Evidence of paganism
not only did not diminish, but was constantly on the increase, so that in
1769, the Spanish Crown ordered a renewed effort to uproot all manner of
idolatry and superstition.t9
These accounts by Bishop Maldonado and others show that while the
clerics from the Oaxaca region were for the most part successful in
converting the natives to Christianity, they failed in the eradication of
native religions. They do not reveal a rejection of or hostility towards
IS Ibid., pp. 2&-29.
16Jbid.
17 Taylor, op. cit., p. 549, n. 3.
18 Canter1a, op. cit., p. 93.
19 Ibid., p. 107.

93

Christianity, but rather portray a fully-formed religious state of mind, a

continuing (and evolving) amalgamation of distinct ritual practices. The
elimination of pagan elements was only partial, and many of these survive
even to the present day.
Indian converts throughout the colony, to lesser or greater degrees,
tended to be "good Catholics, but poor Christians''2o in that they would
adopt the outward directives of Catholic practice but would often fail to
embrace the underlying moral and spiritual principles of the Christian
doctrine. Feasts and celebrations such as Easter or Corpus Christi were
well attended, priests were for the most part well-regarded and welcome,
the sacraments were dutifully taken, and the chmches and religious objects
were respected and cared for. Yet, the outward embracing of Christian
doctrine, sincere as it may have been, was often designed to protect one's
status in the community and social order.
This attitude, widespread throughout the colony, was the result of a
fundamental flaw in the establishment of the colonial church in the 1520s.
At the time of the Conquest, Pedro de Gante and his followers had relied
on the practical, external elements of Christian worship to win over the
Indians, while glossing over the more complex spiritual aspects of the faith.
The first missionaries operated on the assumption, thereafter uniformly
adopted, that getting the Indians accustomed to the physical characteristics
of the new faith would inevitably draw them into its moral and spiritual
concepts. The Codice Franciscano states, rather condescendingly:
Ornamentation and pomp in the churches are very necessary to uplift
the souls of the Indians and bring them to the things of God, for by

20 Henry G.

Ward. Mexico. vol. 1 {London, 1829), 250, cited in Taylor, op. cit, p. 549, n. 3.

94

nature they are indifferent to internal things, and forgetful of them,

so they must be helped by means of external appearances.21

Every aspect of the religious celebration was thus geared towards

facilitating the natives's embracing of Christianity. Gante' s methods of
evangelization included lavish ceremonies and celebrations, expressive
rituals, colorful temples, objects of devotion such as icons, statues,
elaborate displays of saints, paintings, and other religious representations,
and, of course, music. By emphasizing the grandeur of the Christian
celebrations, the missionaries were attempting to increase the faith of the
new converts, and improve the morale of the recently subjugated peoples.
The early Conquistadors and missionaries zealously set out to destroy
physical, external elements of the pagan religions (such as temples, codices
and idols), then proceeded to base their entire religious presence in the
colony for three centuries precisely on external, physical elements. They
deliberately constructed churches and cathedrals over the foundations of
the destroyed native temples, in order to make clear in the minds of the
natives that the new religion was to supplant the old. This strategy
backfired, for although the natives did worship at the new sites, the
replacement of the old temples with the new provided a measure of
spiritual continuity that permitted the banned faith to thrive (albeit
covertly) alongside Christian doctrine. Instead of greatly affecting the
native's spiritual inner life, the external elements of the new religion
simply replaced the external elements of the old. In his study of pagan
religions, William Taylor found that "the forms of the Colonial Indians's
21Jaaquin Garcia lcazbak:eta, Nueva colecci6n dl! documeiiiOS para Ia lristoria de Mhico-C6dice Fraru:ist:Dno.

voL 2 (Mexico City. 1886-1892), 66, cited in Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico {Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1966). 168.

9S
Christianity were more orthodox than the content... their Christianity
appeared outwardly well-formed to a European eye, but its texture and
weight were different; and when the surface was broken, even the
appearance was foreign. "22
The evident idolatry and paganism more than two centuries after the
Conquest (and even to the present day) refute the Spaniards's theories that
external elements proper to the Catholic rite could be successful tools of
evangelization and conversion. In particular, Gante's attempt to use music
as a tool of conversion was only partially successful, for though it did
succeed in making Christians out of the natives, it also facilitated the
evolution of pre-Columbian religions throughout the colonial period,
ensuring their survival. Envisioned as devices for spiritual conversion,
music and other external Christian elements instead served as cultural and
societal agents of pagan continuity.
Gante had miscalculated. His experiment was bound to meet with
limited success, and the native populations never fully embraced (or even
understood) the new faith at the expense of their own. The fundamental
flaw in his plan to convert the native populations-the emphasis on form
over substance-was originally implemented in the 1520s and 30s, and was
never rectified. It continued to grow throughout the colonial period,
supported and perpetuated by the philosophical upheavals that affected
religious thought in Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
General discontent with church institutions, which culminated with the
Reformation and the Council of Trent, brought to evidence the struggle
between external form and depth of content that plagued European
Christians.
22 Taylor, op. ciL, p. 61.

96

It is a standard criticism of ~Baroque Catholicism,' which grew out

of the Council of Trent decrees and continued well into the
eighteenth century, that it was preoccupied with outward display and
~stressed the pathos rather that the ethos of religion. '23
This struggle for identity by the European church necessarily had an
influence on religious developments in the colonies, and was instrumental
in easing New Spain into secularization during the eighteenth century.
With secularization, the church's attitude towards pagan religions
began to change. The effort to eradicate idolatry had continued for more
than two centuries after the Conquest, but by the middle of the eighteenth
century, the obsession had begun to wane, replaced by a more sober and
pragmatic evaluation of the spiritual state of the natives. While the church
was "still inclined to think in terms of a pagan/Christian duality, the
standard view among bishops and parish priests was that the Indians's many
deviations in practice were merely the superstitions of ignorant children.
Indian drunkenness remained a preoccupation of parish priests, but more as
a social problem than as a gateway to idolatry. ''24
After two centuries of zealous attacks on pagan religions, the
colonial church, finally feeling the effects of the Enlightenment, adopted a
more pragmatic approach. The ongoing coexistence between the pagan and
Christian religions has led historians to the conclusion that "the two
religions could be practiced together at different levels without explosive
tension; that parishioners felt no particular need to make sharp distinctions
between Christian and non-Christian aspects of their religion; and that

23 Ibid, p. 49. citing John L. Phelan. The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Cenlllry: Bureaucratic
Politics in the Spanish Empire (Madison. Wise.. 1967), 179.
24 Ibid, pp. 19-20.

97

mixtures of practices (as in contemporary rural Europe) were part of a

continuing process of religious change."'25

Artistic Syncretism. The early missionaries, hostile as they were

towards pagan religious thought, were otherwise supportive of most native
activities. Unlike the encomenderos, who viewed the Indians as little more

than a source of forced labor, the missionaries were eager to incorporate

them into the fold of society, making them better citizens (and thus better
Christians) out of them. To this end, they encouraged them to undertake
positions in Creole society. Though most natives remained at the lower
echelons, either as peasants or forced laborers, a few began individually
climbing the imposed social hierarchy, often with the help and
encouragement of the clergy. This "middle-management" stratum of the
conquered societies consisted for the most part of caciques, local native
rulers that served as intermediaries between the natives and the Spaniards,
most of whom engaged in little direct contact with the native populations.
The Aztec empire had had a strict caste system, with the caciques, the
native aristocracy at the top, and the tamemes at the lower end, with a
hierarchical system in between. The tamemes were essentially beasts of
burden, a function Bishop Zumarraga tried to eliminate by importing
donkeys into the colonies. The Spaniards recognized and embraced this
system, distinguishing the gente baja, or lower classes, from the principales
or caciques, though as time went by the differences gradually disappeared.
The caciques, eager to preserve their position of status among the invaders,
readily recognized the new power structure. They befriended the
missionaries and recognized their authority. They were the first to adopt
2S Ibid, p.

so.

98

the Spanish language, food, dress and lifestyle. They became the new
middle class, and occupied important positions in colonial society. Thus,
Fray Francisco Marin, a Dominican missionary in the Mixteca range north
of Oaxaca reported that several caciques had learned how to dress, eat and
behave themselves in Spanish fashion.26 As early as the second generation
after the Conquest, many Indians and Mestizos became educated, and
contributed significantly to the culture. Schools were established for the
education of the natives, for example that of Santa Cruz de Tiatelolco,
which trained Indians to become translators, members of the civil and
church bureaucracies, and magistrates in their towns. Others entered holy
orders. Some who learned how to read and write became respected authors
and scholars, such as the famous Fernando de Alva Ixlilx6chitl, translator
of Aztec myths and songs. Still others developed their artistic skills,
inherited from their native past, and adapted to the demands of the new
society.
In tum, the Spaniards, eager to exploit their position of authority,
granted the caciques special privileges. They were exempt from tribute
and forced labor. The ease with which the early missionaries converted
great numbers of Indians depended greatly on the power of the caciques.
The native populations inevitably had an extraordinary influence on
the emerging colonial society, art and culture. Though the Spanish
hierarchy had attempted to suppress all vestiges of pre-Colombian culture,
it was unable to destroy the native aesthetic, which had been developed and
nurtured over centuries. Rather than being eradicated at the time of the
Conquest, it was instead channeled in new directions. The natives's artistic
penchants were preserved, and are evident in colonial painting,
26 Ricard,

op. ciL, p. 137.

99

architecture, sculpture and music. The appreciation of native art for its

own sake, rather than as a tool for conversion and domination, was not a
factor in the sixteenth century, and was not fonna11y recognized until two
centuries later. The Jesuit Pedro Jose Marquez (1741-1820) was perhaps
the first art historian who recognized the value of art and architecture of

Mexican antiquity, comparing it favorably to that of ancient Egypt.

Conversely, native artists were also taught Spanish crafts, and they quickly
learned to express themselves in European styles and media, so successfully
that they often rivaled their Spanish counterparts.
An artistic tradition evolved, akin to the religious syncretism

examined earlier in this chapter, that incorporated elements from both

cultures, and that reflect the duality of the civilization of New Spain.
Rather than pursuing separate artistic paths evolving side by side, native
colonial artists fused elements of both cultures, complementing the
technical and aesthetic elements of each into a homogenous style that
engendered a novel and wholly original artistic tradition. As with religion,
colonial art thrived precisely at the points where native and Spanish art
were most similar.
It is not surprising that late colonial Indians made Baroque art their
own in some inventive ways. Baroque was a style without strict
rules, a style of excess, of lavish decoration and dramatic light and
shadow that attempted to create an experience of the sacred, not
merely to symbolize it.27

The Indian character, like that of the Spaniards, was intricate and
complex. The native frame of mind can be partly surmised from their
recorded literature, dictated to and written down by Spaniards, or in some
rr Taylor. op. ciL, p. 61.

100

instances by literate Indians themselves.21 Important literary, historical and

mythological treatises were written by native authors, such as Diego Muiioz
Camargo's Historia de Tlaxcala, Fernando de Alva lxtlilxochitl's Obras
Historicas, and the works of Alvarado Tezozomoc. Native works have
become celebrated in modem times, such as the Aztec Teotlatolli and the
Teocuilcatl. Others include the Mayan Libros de Chilam Balam, and the
famous Popol Vuh (''the Book of Counsel'') which gives an intricate history
and mythology of the Maya people. In Oaxaca, one of the most impressive
native treatises is the Texto Mixteca de Cuilapan, a seventeenth-century
mythical account about the divine origins of the world and of man, which
was preserved by the vicar of the Monastery of Cuilapan.29 Finally, a
crucial work that bears mentioning is Garcilasco de la Vega's Royal
Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peru, which, though it is
not directly related to Mexico, nevertheless provides a native outlook on
colonial events similar to that of Neo-Hispanic writers.
These and other works reveal a highly developed dialectic, and
reflect an organized society which relied on strict hierarchical authority.
But whereas the Europeans brought with them a discourse based on realism
and logic, colored by Christian mysticism, native writings reflected an
emphasis on poetry and symbolism, colored by an overpowering, almost
fatalistic, faith in the supernatural. Where the Conquistadors brought an
uncompromising attitude of personal and national progress to the new
lands, infused with seemingly limitless optimistic energy, the native view of

the universe was almost diametrically opposed. The concept of progress

28 See generally William Brito Sansores. La ucritiiTa de los Mayas (Mexico City : Editorial Pomia ,

1981); Miguel Le6n Portilla. ed., Naliw! Mes0tl11f0ict111 Spiritlllllity {Mahwah, New Jersey: Paulist Press,
1962); Miguel Le6n-Portilla. Pre-Columbian Literatures of Mexico (Norman: U. of Oklaboma Press,
1968).
29 Fray Gregorio Garcia, ed., Origen de los indios del Nuevo Mundo e Indios ocddenJales {Madrid, 1729).

101

was generally alien to the natives, and their culture reflected instead a
fatalistic belief in destiny, underlined by a deep sense of humility and
melancholy. Both Aztec and Maya mythology purvey a sense of
pessimism, both in the relationship between the various deities and between
gods and humans. Epic stories display a natural acceptance of suffering,
even among such stoic heroes as the Aztec king Chuahutemoc.
Native accounts of the Conquest naturally reflect a melancholy

affect, and often display a sense of disbelief and innocence in the face of
destruction. Conversely, other passages paradoxically adopt the
Conquistador point of view, as the Indian authors associate themselves with
the conquerors, reflecting not a demeanor of resentment, but one of pride.
These accounts tell, without shame or remorse, of Indians assisting the
Spanish armies in the Conquest wars, and boasting of their new-found
status as allies of the Conquistadors and even of the King himself.
These accounts also display other features of pre-Hispanic life.
Cassius Wallace Gould has pointed out that, in Pre-Hispanic writings and
poetry, "erotic themes were totally absent. Apparently the exaltation of
love and physical beauty had little part to play in pre-Conquest music and
ceremony. Miguel de Mendizabal feels that there is no good explanation for
this since the people married and carried on their activities in much the
same fashion as the Indians and Mestizos of the post-Conquest period.''30
The fusion of literary discourse extends to some degree to theater
and dramatic works. The pre-Hispanic civilizations had engaged in a
certain amount of play-acting, and they later embraced the Spanish affinity
for processions, pantomime, and morality plays. Say historian Mariano
30 Cassi~ Wallace Gould. An Analysis of the Fo/Jc-Mtuic in the Oamca and Chiapas Areas of Mexico

(Pb.D. Diss., Northwestern University, 1954), 37, citing Miguel de Mendizabal, "Los cantares y Ia mUsica
indigena." Mexican Fo/Jcways (Apri11927): p. 117.

102

Pic6n-Salas: "Since the Mexicans and Peruvians were both familiar with the
theater through staging many of their own civic and religious ceremonies't
this kind of propaganda in behalf of the new faith proved acceptable and

comprehensible."31 More important than the morality plays were the more
serious dramatic works that appeared in the sixteenth century't with plays
by Juan Perez Ramirez and Hernan Gonzalez Eslava. These works't usually
religious or social satires't combine native words and expressions with
roguish Spanish characters.
Another literary form that cannot be overlooked in attempting to
identify a theory of artistic syncretism are the writings of some of the
missionaries. Though they were Spanish't these missionaries nevertheless
came closer than any European to a true understanding of the native mind't
and many of them were sincerely dedicated to the emergence of a syncretic
Neo-Hispanic society. Motolinia'ts Historia de los Indios de Ia Nueva
Espana, the result of forty-four years of arduous missionary work

throughout the Spanish colonies, is one of the most poignant accounts of the
native experience. Fray Bernardino de Sahagt1n's monumental Historia
General de las Cosas de Nueva Espana attempted to capture the essence of

the Nahuatl language, as well as the symbolism inherent in the literature.

The work, which includes stories, myths and fables from SahagUn's Indians
pupils, remains one of the classics of Neo-Hispanic history, and is required
reading for any student of the native culture. Other important works
include Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan by Diego de Landa, and Historia
de las lndias en Nueva Espana, by Fray Diego Duran, himself a Mestizo,

CllliiiTal History of Spanish America: From Conqt.~est to lntiependence. trans.

Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1965). 64-65.
31 Mariano Pic6n-Salas. A

103
whose writing style reflects the Indian aesthetic perhaps better than any
other writer of his time.

Colonial artistic syncretism is most evident in the plastic arts9 many

examples of which have survived to this day and provide evidence of dual
ancestry. For centuries9 the Aztecs had been adept at the art of creating
feather mosaics, usually representing pagan gods or events in the lives of
their rulers. After the Conquest9 a few of these feather artists continued to
engage in their craft, though this native craft now depicted European icons.
A striking example is the famous seventeenth-century Pantocrator, a

feathered shield with a representation of Christ, which was presented as a

gift to King Felipe II. The work, which resembles a Byzantine icon, clearly
reflects both sixteenth century Flemish inspiration and pre-Hispanic native
elements.32
The Aztecs9 Mayas and Zapotecs were adept at sculpture, and many
of their solid-gold and gold-plated artifacts, so coveted by the Spanish
Conquerors, remain today some of the most beautiful art objects ever made
anywhere. The ornamented sculpture of the God of Death Mictlantecuhtli,
from Monte Alban in Oaxaca, is a prime example of native sculpture (see
appendix 4, fig. 4 ). The art of the metal and stone workers was not lost
with the advent of the Europeans, but rather was redirected to the worship
of Christian symbols. Their art can be seen in the interiors of countless
churches throughout Mexico, such as the eighteenth century Iglesia de San
Francisco Javier, in Tepozotlan (see appendix 4, fig. 5).

32 See Serge Gmnzinski. Painting the Conq~~U~: The Mexican Indians and the European Re1fllissance
(Paris: Flammarion. 1992). 151-52.

104

Artistic syncretism is perhaps best demonstrated by architecture,

which provides a perfect example of how art was intended to be
transplanted directly from

Sp~

but then had to be altered upon arrival to

the New World. As discussed in chapter 2, the Leyes de las lndias specified
in detail the establishment and construction of structures and cities, down to
specific architectural features. The new structures were meant to supplant
the indigenous structures, and thus had to present a sumptuous, uniform
appearance to the natives. Yet, when architects such as Alonso Garcia
Bravo and Francisco Becerra built their churches, cathedrals and palaces,
they found the plans they had brought from Spain inadequate to the task at
hand. Their plans failed to take into account unpredictable factors such as
adverse environmental conditions, foundations excessively prone to natural
disasters such as earthquakes, deficient building materials, and a labor
force which, though extremely skilled, was unfamiliar with many of the
crafts and techniques of Spanish builders. The architects thus often

improvised, adhering to the mandated blueprints in only a general way, and

solving problems and challenges as they emerged.
The early Mexicans had developed highly sophisticated styles of
architecture, typified by solid structures with elaborate ornamentation.
Their most important constructions were religious and were invariably
decorated with representations of gods and mythological figures, as well as
intricate geometrical patterns, giving an impression of over-crowdedness.
The temples of the southern lowlands, as well as the complexes in the
central valley, were originally completely decorated with vibrant colors,
traces of which remain on many buildings, such as the Mayan ''Iglesia"
temple at Chichen Itza, Yucatan, which dates from the 11th century (see
appendix 4, fig. 6). This intricate style, inherent to meso-American art,

105

was reflected centuries later in the churches and cathedrals of New Spain,
for example in the fa~de of the eighteenth-century Cathedral of Zacatecas
(see appendix 4, fig. 7). The extreme intricacy of the early native style
combined well with the Spanish Churrigurresco school, to create an ultraBaroque aesthetic that pervaded New Spain, and which has come to define
Mexican architecture. The massive over-crowdedness recalls the Aztec and
Mayan structures built many centuries earlier. The European columns and
arches are now combined with the geometrical patterns and depictions of
the new religious figures, resulting in a hybrid of the two artistic
aesthetics. Regional architectural styles eventually emerged, each with its
own peculiar artistic and architectural elements, found nowhere else in the
colonies. In Oaxaca, art historians have identified the architecture of
several edifices, most prominently the Cathedral, as a distinct artistic
branch known as Barroco Oaxaqueno (see appendix 4, fig.

8).33

This inherently Mexican style was not limited to the outside of

structures, but was taken to new heights in the interiors and altars of
churches. The altar from the Chapel of the Kings in the Mexico City
Cathedral, considered one of the masterpieces of Neo-Hispanic art, is
typical of the Mexican gold-leaf plating that has become famous around the
world(see appendix 4, fig. 9). The beautiful overwrought style benefited
from the masterful gold-work of the native Mexicans and the elegant
classicism of Spanish painting. In Franciscan churches, such as the ones at
Huejotzingo, Cholula and Tlalmanalco, "Indian labor... often adorned the
Spanish-type walls with stylized designs of flowers, feathers, birds and
geometrical figures similar to those in their ancient codices-the
33 Joseph Annstrong ~Jr The Churches ofMexico: 1530-1810 (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of Califomia Press. 1962). 102. For funber discussion of Mexican arcbitec1me. see George
Kubler. Mexican Architecture of the Sixteelllh Cent~~Ty. 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1948).

106

anthropomorphic and naturalistic themes of European iconography

mingled with Aztec hieroglyphics. "34 Another example is the altar of the
Santuario de Nuestra Senora, in Ocotlan in the state of Tiaxcala (see
appendix 4, fig. 10). Buildings and interiors such as the church of San
Francisco de Acatepec in Puebla (see appendix 4, fig. 11) were often
intricately decorated with ceramic tile and painting, much like the Aztec
and Maya temples were in the centuries before the Conquest.
The sculptors who decorated the fa~ades of churches and cloisters
under the supervision of missionaries were not simply skilled
copiers. They added imagery from their own not-too-distant past to
Christian motifs, rendering Catholic symbols in their own idiom.
Thus the Franciscan emblem of a bleeding heart showed a trickle of
blood in the form of the 'precious water' that not long before had
flowed from the opened chests of sacrificial victims to nourish the
deities. Painters even dared to depict an ancient calendar on the
gatehouse of a Franciscan monastery [of Cuatinchan] without anyone
(or almost anyone) taking offense.ls
Early Mexicans had also developed a unique style of painting. The
Nuttall Codex, of Mixtec origin and drawn around 1450, made use of
vibrant primary colors to depict magical and religious figures, such as
three warriors crossing a lake in canoes, surrounded by mythological

monsters, skulls, and feathered animal helmets (see appendix 4, fig. 12).
With the advent of the Spaniards, many of the natives were trained by the
missionaries to paint in a European style. Some became well-known, and
their works survive to this day. They include: Pedro Quauhtli, Miguel
Texochicuic, Luis Xochitototl, Pedro Chacala and Marcos Cipac, who
painted the first depiction of the Virgin of Guadalupe.36 Bernal Diaz del
34 Pic6n-Salas. op. ciL. pp. 62-63.
3S Gnmzinski, op. ciL, p. 157.

36 Pic6o-Salas. op. ciL. p. 58.

107

Castillo--who, to be sure, was not known as an art critic-reported that

three of the painters he met in Mexico, Andres de Aquino, Juan de Ia Cruz
and Crespillo, were as talented as the great Michelangelo and the Spanish
painter Berruguete.n And the Franciscan missionary Fray Juan de
Torquemada, in his monumental Veinte i un libros rituales i Monarqufa

India, reported that uwhen the Indians had seen our images brought from
Flanders, Italy, and other regions of Spain, they improved a great deal and
there is no longer anything they are unable to copy and do."3s
The same native characteristics found in the Nuttall Codex are still in
evidence three hundred years later, for example in the Church of Santa
Maria de Tonazintla in Puebla. The illustrations now depict a new religious
symbolism, but the colonial paintings still recall the same primary colors,
feathered headgear, and even facial expressions similar to the preColumbian codex (see appendix 4, fig. 13).

Native Music. The first Conquistadors were confronted with indigenous

cultures, both in the center and in the south of Mexico, which had for
centuries developed strong musical traditions of their own. Spanish
observers at the time remarked on the importance of music in the
aboriginal societies, for the most part geared toward religious
ceremonies.39 More recently, historians and archaeologists have confirmed
the Aztec's and Maya's extraordinary fondness of music, conditioned by
centuries of religious composition and performance.40
37 Gnmzinsld. op. ciL, p. 157, citing Bernal Diaz de Castillo, The True History of tM Conquest of New
S~ vol. 2 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1912), 362.
3 Ibid.. citing Juan de Tmquemada, Veinle-i-IUllibros riluales i monarqufa india, voL 4 (Mexico City,
U.N.A.M., 1975-1983), 254.
39 See Bernal Diaz de Castillo, HistoriD de la Conquista de Nueva Espana (Mexico City: Editorial PorrUa,
1970).
40 See 1esais C. Romero. MUsica precortesiana (Mexico City: Editorial Stylo, 1947).

108

Music in pre-Hispanic civilization was almost exclusively religious,

and musicians were part of the vast political and religious hierarchy that
made up the Aztec, Mayan and Zapotec bureaucracies. In pre-Hispanic

cultures, musicians constituted a structured, professional caste, whose

musical training was extremely rigid, related to a very precise ritual
requiring perfect execution. An error in performance during a religious
ritual often carried the death penalty.
There were two great schools supported by the authorities. One of
these was for the training of the warriors, and the other was for the
priests. In both of these the teaching of music was given an important
place ... lt was necessary for those who were to become musicians to
go to school at a very early age and to devote a large part of their
time to the receiving of training in singing and instrumental playing.
The Aztecs had cuicacuilli, or houses of song, near their temples.
Here the teachers lived who instructed the boys and girls from the
ages of twelve years on to play, sing and dance.41

It was of course considered an honor to be accepted as a singer and to

become a full member of the singing class, an honor which entailed much
privilege.
The association of music and religion extended to the musical
instruments as well. According to Stevenson, ucertain instruments were
thought to be of divine origin, and the teponaztli and huehuetl, for instance,
were even held to be gods temporarily forced to endure earthly exile; the
teponaztli and the huehuetl were therefore often treated as idols as well as
musical instruments. " 42 Gould also point out that "the Zapotecs considered
that their musical instruments possessed 'mana', an impersonal force or
4 1 Cassius Wallace Gould. An Analysis of the Fol/c-Music in the

~- Diss., Northwestern University. 1954). 35-37.

2 Robert Stevenson. Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey

Oamca and Chiapas Areas of Maico

(New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1952). 18.

109

power. Those that played these instruments absorbed something of their

supernatural powers."43
Pre-Hispanic festivals and ceremonies throughout the land, and
particularly in the Aztec empire, had invariably been magnificent and
dazzling. Large outdoor processions were sumptuous, and usually included
various religious ceremonies and human sacrifices. Celebrations regularly
included food and alcoholic beverages. Buildings and pyramids were
lavishly decorated, and costumes were extravagant. Fray Diego Durin
witnessed such a celebration, in honor of the goddess Huitzilopochtli:
They performed [a dance] crowned with roses and with bowers of
these blossoms all about the momoztli [altar] of the temple of their
great God Huitzilopochtli. They made a house of roses and also trees
by hand full of sweet-smelling flowers, under which they seated the
goddess Xochiquetzalli. As they danced young lads descended, some
dressed like birds and others like butterflies, all beautifully arrayed
in luxuriant green, blue, scarlet and yellow plumes. Then they
climbed into the trees, passing from limb to limb, sipping the dew on
the roses. At this juncture, the gods appeared, the Indians
representing them bedecked in the same fashion as the divinities on
the altars. With long blowguns in hand they kept shooting at
imaginary birds flitting through the trees, from out of which the
goddess Xochiquetzalli came to meet them. Taking their hands she
had them sit beside her, thus bestowing the homage and dignity that
they had merited from the gods.44
The religious and political leaders of the old order had viewed
pageantry as pleasing to the gods and to the people alike, and it was thus
encouraged. That it also served a political purpose was not incidental, nor
is it the only example in the history of human government where wine and
43 Gould, op. ciL, pp. 35-37
44 Diego Dumn. Historia de los indios en Nueva Espana. 2 vols. (M~xico: Imprenta de J. M.

Andrade y F.

Escalante. 1867-1880). quoted in Mariano Pic6n-Salas. A CultuTal History of Spanish America: From
CoftllJU!Sl to Independence. trans. Irving A. Leonard (Bedceley and Los Angeles: University of Califcxnia
Press. 1965). p. 14.

110

games were used to appease and mollify a population otherwise prone to

war and violence.
These religious celebrations, whether solemn or festive, were
characterized by considerable music and dance. More than being a
decorative complement, music was part of the process itself, and thus an
integral part of the culture. The fall of the Aztec empire forever changed
the nature of musical life in central Mexico, and native music of the
following centuries, even that of completely isolated native groups, was
devoid of the large-scale ceremonial elements which provided the impetus
for Aztec and Maya music.
Specific descriptions of pre-Hispanic music have been effectively
undertaken by many historians and musicologists, most notably Robert
Stevenson,4s Guillermo Orta Velazquez,46 Cassius Wallace Gould,47 Claire
Stevens,48 and Nicolas Slonimsky, who found that "melody, rhythm, and
tone-color were the media of musical expression among ancient Mexicans.
The melody was usually carried by singers and wind instruments, the
rhythm was given out by the drums; and the tone-color was varied by the
use of instruments of different sizes, shapes and materials. "49 Table I (p.
111) summarizes the differences between native and European music.so

Several Spanish accounts of native music survive. Fray Diego Duran

wrote about Aztec songs: 'They were so plaintive that the mere sound and
the dance brought a feeling of sadness. I have seen dancing accompanied by
lovely songs that were sometimes so plaintive that it filled me with sorrow
45 Robert Stevenson. Music

in Mexico: A Historical SIITW!Y (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1952).

46 Guillermo Orta Vel4zquez. Br~ Hhstoria dt! la mUsica en Mlzico (Mexico City: Editorial PorrUa. 1970).
47 C&Wus Wallace Gould. An Analysis of the Folk-Music in 1M Oaxaca and Chiapas Areas of Mexico

(Pb.D. Diss Northwestern University. 1954).

48 Claire Stevens. "La mUsica enue los antiguos Mayas". Heterofonfo. (November 1978): 37-79.
49 N"ICOlas Slonimsky. Music of Latin America (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1945). 214.
SO The chart is derived in part from Guillermo Orta Velazquez. Breve historia dt! Ia nulsica en Mexico

(Mexico City: Editorial PorrUa. 1970). 244-45.

111
Native Music

European Music

Scales

Pentatonic. Based on variations

of hexachords. Limited range.

Chun::h Modes; major-minor'

tonality.

Melody

Usually in high registers.

Sober, with scant
ornamentation.

Usually in middle registers.

Great variety in directional
movement: ornaments,
melismas, etc. The possibility
of modulation adds to the
variety.

Harmony

Unknown in terms of chords.

Exnemely
Simple accompaniment probably imponant.(Modulation and
doubled voice-parts.
tonicization). Systematic.

Polyphony

Unknown as a system. Possible Very developed, with

use with double flutes.
established principles and a
rich repertoire.

Heterophony

Systematic use.

Reserved for specific

occasions, as elements of
variety to establish contrast
underline specific moments.

Rhythm

Combination of diverse figures

superimposed on a vigorous and
constant pattern. Probably
limited to binary rhythms.

Much liberty derived from

individual compositions. Also
admits some superimposition
of different rhythms.

Language

No fewer than 140 languages

and dialects.

Spanish, Latin.

Notational system

Unknown. Probable reliance on Well established.

oral tradition.

Wind instruments

Wooden or clay flutes; Conchs

and other shells.

Flutes, oboes, bassoons,

ttumpets, horns, trombones,
clarinets, organs.

String instruments

Nonexistent.

Viola and violin families.

Vihuelas, harps, guitars,
mandolins; clavichords,
harpsichords.

Percussion
instruments

Huebuetls, Teponaxtlis,
Ayacachtlis, various drums and
rattles.

Bass and other drums,

castanets, cymbals.

Table I. Comparison of Native and European Music

112

and I listened with a heavy heart."st About Aztec poetry, Duran wrote "All
their poems are composed of such obscure metaphors that scarcely anyone
can understand them if he does not deh"berately study and discuss them to
ascertain their true meaning"S2
Though no actual pre-Hispanic music survives, several texts of songs
from before the Conquest exist, which are religious and mythological in
character. For example, the Coleccion de cantares en idioma Mexicano is a
sixteenth century manuscript in Nahuatl, preserved in the National Library

in Mexico, and which was not published untill904.S3 Another is the

Psalmodia Cristiana (1583) by Bernardino de Sahagt1n,S4 a collection of

religious hymns, songs and prayers for each of the principal feasts of the
year, written in Nahuatl. Yet another is El Libro de Cantares de

Dzitbalche, an eighteenth-century manuscript copy of an older compilation,

in the Yucatec Maya language, preserved in the archive of the National
Museum in Mexico City.ss These works, valuable in their own right, can
also give a partial view of the nature of music in pre-Conquest times. For
example, Cassius Wallace Gould has pointed out that the only poetic meter
that was used in most of these works was the trochaic, which led him to
conclude that native musical rhythms were either binary or quaternary .56

Sl Diego Dur.bl. Historia de los indios en Nuna EspoiiiJ. 2 vols. ~: Imprenra de J. M. Andrade y F.
Escalant.e. 1867-1880). qUOied in Mariano Pic6n-SaJas.A Cultural History of Spanish America: From
CoiU[UUt to lnde/}DUUnce. trans. Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press. 1965). 12-14.

S2 Ibid.
53 Antonio Peilafiel. ed.

Colecci6n de canlares en lditJma Mexicano (Mexico. 1904). See also Angel Maria
Garibay. ed.. Poesia Nahullll. vols. 2 and 3 (Mexico: U.N.A.M.. 1965-67).
S4 Bernardino de SahagUn. Psolmodla cristiana. y sermonario de los sanctos del aiio, en lengua Mexicano.
lMexico Oty: Instituto Nacional de Anuopologia e Historia. 1974).
~ Alrredo Barrera Vazquez. ed. and trans.. Ellibro de canlaTes de Dzitbalclre (Mexico City: Instituto
Nacional de Anuopologia e HistOOa, 1965).
S6 Cassius WaOace Gould. An Analysis of the Folk-Music in the Oaxaca and Chiapas Areas ofMexico.
(Pb.D. Diss.. Nmtbwesrem University. 1954), 37. citing Miguel de Mendizabal, "Los cantares y Ia mUsica
indigena." Mexictm Folkways (April1927): 118.

113

Music in New Spain. The three missionaries who arrived in 1523 were
all musicians who had spent time at the Franciscan monastery in Ghent,
where they came in close contact with various Flemish composers. Pedro
de Gante, who learned Nahuatl and other native languages, quickly realized
that the Indians had used music almost exclusively as a religious element.
He thus developed the concept of missionary work through music, based on
the idea that musical training of the Indians would parallel and help their
religious conversion and their moral uplifting.s7 The missionary's task of
conversion would thus be facilitated by the use of musical training. Pedro
de Gante quickly founded singing schools in Mexico City. The Holy
Commandments were readily translated into Nahuatl, along with the Pater,
the Ave and the Credo, and were turned into song and taught to the
natives.sa The missionary substituted Christian words in existing native
melodies, thus reinforcing the new faith with familiar elements of native
culture. The most famous of these were Sahaglin' s aforementioned

Psalmodia Cristiana and the Coleccion de cantares en idioma Mexicano.

The Crown, which welcomed every opportunity to extend its control
over the indigenous populations, also had a stake in their musical
conversion, and thus encouraged and supported the efforts of the Church.
Speaking on music in the Church, Juan de Zumarraga, the Bishop of
Mexico City, wrote in a 1540 letter to Charles V:
Experience teaches us how much the Indians are edified by its sacred
music for they are great lovers of music, and the religious who hear
their confessions tell us that they are converted more by music than

57 See Rafael Montejano y Aguft'laga. "La conversion de los indios por medio de Ia mUsica... Schola
Can10nun (Septembc2' 1947).
sa Toribio de Benavente Mololinia, Historia de los indios de Ia Nuna Espana. vol. 3 (London:
Kingsborough. 1948). 164-165.

114

by preaching, and we see them come from distant regions to hear it,
and desire to learn it.s9
In a 1558letter to King Felipe II, Pedro de Gante reported that the natives

were always singing and dancing during their religious ceremonies, and
that:
I have composed verses in which they can see how God made
Himself man to save the world; how he was born of the virgin Mary
without sin; and in them they learn the commandmenis of this God
who saved them.60
These and numerous other personal reports from the clergy, written
directly to the king, and praising the native musical ability, underline the
important political nature of the clerics's work.
The political benefits of music, however, were not limited to the
Spaniards, who often misinterpreted the Indian's zeal to participate in
musical activities. Before the Conquest, musicians in native societies had
belonged to a professional, privileged class, considered an elite stratum of
society, and consequently exempt from tribute. Upon the arrival of the
Spaniards, many disenfranchised caciques sought to achieve a
commensurate status among the conquerors by creating a similar privileged
class of musicians. In this way, they retained status in the eyes of their own
people, and fuliilled an important function in the new Spanish religious
hierarchy. It is not surprising, then, that many musicians during the early

59 Mariano Cuevas, Documen10s iMditos del siglo XVI (Mexico, Talleres Graticos del Museo Nacional de

Antropologfa e Historia, 1914), 98-99.

60 Joaquin Garcfa Icazbak:eta. Nueva

cokccwn de doctune1110s para Ia historia de Mexico, vol. 2 (Mexico,

1858), 223-224,231-232, cited in Robert Ricard, The SpiritutJI Conquest ofMexico {Betkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1966), 104-105.

115

part of the colony sought, and obtained, exemptions from paying taxes and
tribute to the Spaniards.6t
The success of the missionary work was due in large part to Gante's
techniques, and the emotional conditioning through music played an
important part in the conversion process throughout the Spanish
dominions. The rise of European musical traditions closely paralleled the
colonization and religious conversion of the natives. Because of their own
musical abilities acquired throughout many centuries, and because of their
rapid conversion to Christianity, the indigenous populations easily mastered
Gregorian chant and polyphonic singing. European music was adopted and
accepted soon after it was introduced, and to the extent that the indigenous
population yielded to the forceful inculcation of the new faith, the
transplanted musical style became a staple of indigenous life after the
Conquest. From the beginning, the Indians would sing hymns, prayers and

Te Deums in their language. In Latin, they would sing the Mass, the Hours,
the hymns of special feasts, litanies, prayers, the Miserere, and the service
for the dead. Plainchant became the backbone of the liturgy, and in various
places in Mexico, such as certain villages of Michoacan, the plainsong
tradition has survived continuously down to our time.62 Motolinia reported
that the natives very quickly became adept musicians, some learning to
perform in the space of a month an entire Mass and vespers service.63
Stories abound regarding the musical abilities of the Indians:

61 Yolanda Moreno Rivas. Rostros del nacionalismo en/a nuisica Mo:icana (Mexico City: Fondo de
Colima Econ6mica, 1989). S2.
62 N'JCOIU LecSn. "Los Tmascos." Anales del Musio Nacional. 2a q,oca, vol. 3. p. 478. cired in Roben
Ricard. The Spirilual Conquest of Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
1966). In.
63 Toribio de Benavente Mocolinia. Historia de los indios de Ia Nueva Espana. vol 3 (London:
Kingsborough. 1948). 21S.

116

There was a Spaniard in Tiaxcala who played the rebec. An Indian

began by making a copy of it. After three lessons from the Spaniard,
he had absorbed everything the other knew, and before ten days had
passed he was playing his rebec among the flutes, executing
counterpoint for them. Another Indian in Mexico City played the
vihuela de arco and composed several four-part pieces for it. Fray
Juan de San Miguel, one of the great apostles of Michoacan, trained
some remarkable organists and groups of musicians. At Zapotlan, in
New Galicia, the Spaniard Juan Montes taught music and churchsinging to the lndians...There is not an Indian village, even of twenty
inhabitants, which is without trumpets and a few flutes to enrich the
services.64
Aware of the native susceptibility to ceremony and their propensity
for splendor, the evangelizing missionaries did their best to outdo the
pagan religions. It became their task to lure and charm the new converts by
providing brilliance and magnificence in their religious celebrations,
processions and festivals, in the process making them a source of joy. The
missionaries were often equally effervescent about the music and the
services as the natives. Accordingly, churches and altars were brightly
illuminated for masses and services, ornamented with flowers and
tapestries. Christmas creches were intricate, and gifts of all kinds were
offered. Elaborate green palms filled the celebrations on Palm Sunday.
Churches and cathedrals, which were large and spacious, were thickly
ornamented, and their interiors were impressively decorated with
breathtaking murals and sculptures. Continuous use of music in the services
was of course one of the main manifestations of this affinity for ceremony.

64 Motolinfa. op. cit., 215; Alonso de Ia ~ Cr6nica de Ia Orden deN. Serapldco P .S. Francisco,
Provincia deS. Pedro y S. Pablo de Meclroacan en Ia NlleVa Es~ vol. 1 (Mexico, 1643). lOS; Antonio
Tello. Libro segundo de Ia cr6nica misce/4nea en~ se trala de Ia ConquistJJ espiritual y temporal de Ia
saniiJ provincia de Xalisco (Guadalajara. 1891). p. 204; cited in Robert Ricard. The Spirilual Conquest of
Mexko (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1966). 177-178.

117

Public celebrations, feasts and processions which had existed in preHispanic time, were now adapted to the Christian faith and held every
Sunday and on feast days. Thus, the Guelaguetza, an ancient Zapotec
ceremony of thanksgiving that took place in Oaxaca in July, was seemlessly
transformed into the feast of the Virgin of Mount Carmel, celebrated on
July 16th, a tradition that continues to this day.
Processions were loud, expensive, lengthy and elaborate, and
followed a path that was sumptuously decorated. Thousands of men,
women and children lined the streets. Indians carried images of the local
patron saint, as well as candles, crucifixes or offerings, while penitents
lashed themselves or walked on their knees. Music, singing and dancing,
eating and drinking, fireworks, costumes, decorations, flowers, and even
intricate floats all helped to celebrate the Virgin or a particular patron.
Ecstatic self-flagellations took place inside the church during communion,
and solemn masses in the cathedral and in churches throughout the
countryside took place in the midst of large amounts of candles and
flowers. These celebrations and processions have continued uninterrupted
for centuries, and are still held to this day.
Processions were a mixture of the sacred and the profane, and even
of the pagan, though this last was exhibited surreptitiously, away from the
watchful eyes of the priests and church officials. At f"rrst, priests were
horrified at this sacrilegious form of communion practiced by the Indians,
though eventually they came to accept them as a harmless enthusiastic
expression of the Christian faith. Eventually, some celebrational traditions
evolved to include unusual and unorthodox practices, which were tolerated
by the clergy only if they didn't exhibit evidence of idolatry.

118

Religious celebrations and processions also served as community

social affairs. They were held to commemorate an important visiting
dignitary, or to honor the death of a local leader, and often included
supplications to ward off disease or crop-failure, or rituals of thanksgiving.
Common processions were those held for the local patron saint, the Virgin
Mary, Christmas, Corpus Christi, Epiphany, Pentecost, All Saints, the
Immaculate Conception, Our Lady of Candelaria and Easter. An important
occasion was the celebration of Saint Hypolite's day, August 13, which
marked the end of the war between Spaniards and Aztecs and the
occupation of Tenochtidan by Heman Cortes. Different feasts and
processions would evidence a distinct emotion, usually dependent on the
occasion. Christmas would be a time of joy, and celebrations would be loud
and colorful. By contrast, Easter processions were more subdued and
solemn, reflecting anguish and penitence, but also salvation. During Easter
week, every new day brought with it a new procession and a distinct mood
and character.
In spite of the high degree of celebration, careful regard was always
taken by the priests throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to
ensure that moments of gravity, seriousness and solemnity were always
recognized. Though sumptuousness was part of the religious agenda, excess
and disorder, which usually characterized religious feasts, were looked
down upon by the clergy, who interpreted them as being peculiarly Indian
traits. During the entire colonial period, public celebrations, which usually
involved the gathering of hundreds or thousands of subjugated, alcoholsaturated natives, were viewed suspiciously both by the church as infused
with paganism and by the civil authorities as potential seeds of revolt.

119

The Spaniards also used dance and drama as means of conversion,

channeling previous pagan celebrations to the new form of worship. The
missionaries always made sure that the songs and dances that previously
celebrated a pagan god or idol were now Christianized. Many native
dances, such as the Nescuitiles, the Malinchis, the Huehuentris and

Tastuanes, still survive, having undergone many transformations through

the centuries, but retaining important elements of both their pagan and
Christian origins.
Popular dances can be performed in different parts within regions
and thus acquire a local flavor. Typical dances in the Oaxaca valley are La

Zandunga, La tortuga, El pescado and La pluma, so-called because of the

large feather head-dresses that have been a part of the dancer's costumes
since ancient times, accompanied by wind-instruments, percussion and
rattles. A popular ceremonial dance in the coastal Mixleca is Los

Tejorones, which depicts the hunting and killing of a jaguar, in full regalia
that includes jaguar skins and masks. In the Mixteca Baja, a similar dance
called Los chiolos is also popular. Throughout the state, a dance called Los

Huehues is performed during the celebration for the dead in November.

Other ceremonial dances include Los Diablos, Los Rubios, Los Santiagos,
and Las Mascaritas.65
Spanish pantomimes and plays were also introduced, at first for the
Spaniards, and later by and for the benefit of the natives. These edifying
plays included Morismas, Matachines, and Moros y Cristianos, which
appropriately portrayed the conflict between Christians and Moors (with
the Christians invariably emerging victorious). Assorted Pastorellas,
65 See Maya Ramos Smi" La danza en Mexico durante Ia epoca colonial (Mexico City: Alianza Editorial

Mexicana.I979).

120

Pasiones, Comedias a lo Divino, essentially stylized representations of the

Passion of Christ, were imported from the mother country, where they had
been popular throughout the Renaissance, and quickly assumed a NeoHispanic flavor. Thus, the Nahuatl Allegory of the Last Judgment was
performed in 1553 at the Colegio de Santiago de Tiatelolco, under the
supervision of Fray Andres de Olmos, who was also the play's author. A
similar play performed in Tlaxacala in 1549 called for more than a
thousand performers. These dramatic farces, musical in nature and
generally involving religious subject-matter, often showed the triumphs of
Christianity over the infidel, and were readily accepted by the newlyconverted Indians who saw in them a lighter side of the otherwise heavy
and solemn Catholic rite. Actors, singers and dancers were all native, and
they often played in native tongues, and performances in Spanish invariably
included native words and expressions that delighted the audiences.
Representations were loud, disorganized, usually involved scenes of mock
fighting with wooden swords, masks and costumes, and there was
invariably much clandestine drinking involved, both by participants and
spectators.
Designed for religious instruction and moral edification, the plays
were mostly doctrinal in nature: passages of the scriptures were
performed, reenactments of the life of Christ, the story of John the Baptist,
designed to make the Indians accept the baptism, or historical events such
as the capture of Jerusalem. Plays included The Fall of the First Parents,

The Annunciation of the Nativity of Saint John, The Annunciation of our

121

Lady and The Nativity of St. John the Baptist. The tradition of the edifying

play continues virtually uninterrupted to this day.66

The passion for magnificence did not abate with the completion of
the mission of conversion. Though much of the work of the missionaries
had been completed by the end of the sixteenth century, the tradition of
pomp and ceremony had been deeply rooted in the evolving Neo-Hispanic
culture, and it continued on for centuries. By the eighteenth century, the

increasing secularization of the colonies made the maintenance of decorum

a difficult task. An attempt was made to restrain the celebrations during the
Fourth Provincial Council of 1771, and a campaign was undertaken late in
the century to bring more order to feasts and processions, though mostly it
met with little success. Even those periods during which religious activity
was restricted by revolutionary fervor failed to douse the Mexican's love
of pageantry, and to this very day, religious ceremonies in Mexico City,
Puebla, Oaxaca and other parts of the country are immersed in splendor
that rivals that of their colonial, and indeed of their pre-Columbian,
ancestors.

Native musicians during the colonial period had three principal

outlets for their creative process. The first was the popular folk-music used
in social events, gatherings, and in everyday life. In addition to the massive
importation of European art music and musicians, the New World
benefited from the adoption of the rich and fruitful body of folklore
tradition which has pervaded Mexican society at all levels since the
66 See Robezt Ricard, The Spirilual Conquest of Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles:

Catifomia Press. 1966). 194-206.

University of

122

beginning of the Conquest. Like the polyphonic tradition, folk songs and
dances, including the corrido, the romance, the valona and the son, were
also imported from Spain,67 and were gradually influenced by the
indigenous population (as well as by the black culture) which quickly
adopted them.68 As with virtually all human gatherings of every time and
place, music would almost always spontaneously break out at parties and
social events. Guitars, violins, harps or marimbas were omnipresent,
dancing and drinking were the norm, and violence often broke out.
The more elaborate parties were Posadas and Fandangos, private
affairs that would take place in a home, a tavern or communal meeting
place, and which would regularly become semi-public parties that involved
neighbors and passers-by. Weddings and baptisms were often elaborate
celebrations. Private feasts which celebrate a patron saint are still common,
and Carnival has its own tradition in each town and village. The Day of
the Dead celebrations often take a week in November, usually preceded by
a grand market set up in every village.
The second outlet for native musical expression were pagan
ceremonies. Though pagan music, considered idolatrous by the priests, was
discouraged, if not outright banned, colonial reports acknowledge that
much pre-Hispanic ritualized music survived the Conquest. Twentiethcentury native groups still maintain musical practices descended from those
ancient traditions, orally transmitted through dozens of generations.
The third outlet for native musical expression occurred in Catholic
religious ceremonies conducted in churches and cathedrals. As in the other
67lbe vernacular culture introduced by the Conquistadores was itself not a pure one. but a hybrid of folk

traditions present throughout the Iberian peninsula. tempered by eight hundred years of Moorish occupation.

68 For a more in-depth loot at popular folk-music in the Oaxaca region, see Cassius Wallace Gould, An

Analysis of the Folk-Music in the OQXQCa and Chiapas Ar~as ofMexico (Pb.D. Diss., Northwestern
University, 1954).

123

arts, the caciques and other educated natives quickly adopted the Spanish

musical tradition. After the Conquest, a large number of competent, even

superior European musicians and composers came to America, which led
to

the widespread musical training of the native population. Because

musical expression was an inherent element of native religious worship,

they smoothly adapted to European singing, and many soon excelled at it.
In the century after the Conquest, native instrumentalists and singers
greatly multiplied and began to spread throughout the country, to the point
where they became excessive. In 1555, during the First Mexican Council,
the Archbishop of Mexico City, Alonso de Monnifar, had to restrict the
numbers, as well as the behavior, of singers and instrumentalists. These
measures were further implemented at the Second Mexican Council (1565),
when the prelates and the secular clergy favored curtailment of Indians
holding church positions, not only in the choir, but in many other positions
as well. This official curtailment did little to stop the spread of European
music, partly due to resistance by the missionaries.69
The natives were able to share among themselves the European
tradition and teachings acquired from the Spaniards, so that soon the
culture was sufficiently diffused to allow respectable native choirs to
develop throughout the countryside. Small villages had their own singers
and instrumentalists. It was not long before natives became accomplished
composers in their own right, and inevitably, exceptional musicians
emerged from the ranks of the Indians. Torquemada descn"bed various
facets of Indian life:

69 See Robert Stevenson. Music in Mexico: A Historical SJUVey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 19S2).
6S-66.

124

Only a few years after the Indians began to learn the chant, they also
began to compose. Their villancicos~ their polyphonic music in four
parts, certain masses and other liturgical works, all composed with
adroitness, have been adjudged superior works of art when shown to
Spanish masters of composition. Indeed, the Spanish masters often
refused to believe that they had been written by Indians.1o
In addition to demonstrating great musical ability~ the native
population acquired the technical skills necessary to support the spread of
European music. They were able to create splendid music hbraries by
painstakingly copying books brought over by Spanish clerics and musicians
(see appendix 4, fig. 14). The Indians, who were skilled artisans and had
always been able to make their own instruments, also learned to make
credible imitations of European instruments.
The proliferation of indigenous musicians is particularly evident in
regions where Spanish control was less prevalent. Where the missionaries
had difficulty penetrating and
them in their

task~

servicing~

they had to recruit natives to aid

particularly in the first hundred years of the colony. In

the Sierra Mixteca and Sierra Zapoteca, which surround Oaxaca~ as well as
in Chiapas and Yucatan, the missionaries were constantly understaffed and
overextended, which led to the rise of many educated natives. The more
autonomous path followed by natives in these areas affected the
development of native art in the same way it helped preserve pagan
religion. Throughout the colonial period (and to this day) these regions
have remained immersed in native culture~ occasionally even completely
isolated from European contact. The extent to which an artistic work had
native influences was proportional to the amount of contact the artist had
70 Juan de Torquemada. VdnU i ~~nlibros rilualesiMontlTqufalndia, vol 3 (Madrid: 1n3), 214, cited in

Robert Stevenso~ Music in. Mexico: A Historical Survey (New Yodc Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952), 68.

125
with the Europeans. The missionaries were constantly on alert to spot and
eradicate vestiges of pagan culture, while the encomenderos would keep
native culture on a tight leash, lest a strong nationalist movement emerge
which might lead to revolt, which occurred several few times.
The prevalence of native musicians reached its peak in the sixteenth
century. Within a generation of the Conquest, most of the missionary work
had been accomplished, and the need for musical evangelization waned.
Spaniards and Creoles began to resent the extended Indian musical class,
though they received a fraction of the salary of their European fellow
musicians. The Frrst Mexican Council of 1555 severely limited the
activities of musicians. Flutes, chirimias, vihuelas de arco and all other
"noisy" instruments were forbidden, to be replaced by the organ. Trumpets
were also banned from churches, and were allowed only in processions
outside the sanctuary. In 1561, Philip II by royal decree limited the
number of native musicians in the colony, and reinstated their payment of
tribute.
By the seventeenth century, positions of importance occupied by
natives had become the exception rather than the rule. The influential posts
throughout the colony were reserved either for Spaniards and other
Europeans, or, more commonly, for Creoles. The surge, then slow decline
of native composers and musicians reflects the gradual growth of the
emerging Creole ruling class, as well as the precipitous drop in the
indigenous population. Whereas the early missionaries and colonists had to
make use of the Indians to advance their aims and enforce their control, by
the end of the seventeenth century, there were enough Mexicans of
European descent to occupy all the important posts throughout the colony.
The level of musical competence among the missionaries also declined

126

during the later colonial period, and few matched the abilities of Pedro de
Gante. 7
The failure to include the majority of the population in the social,
political and religious (and hence musical) life of New Spain was a strong
contributing factor in the decline and eventual disappearance of the rich
polyphonic tradition which had been born with the advent of the
missionaries and which flourished during three centuries of occupation.
Colonial Musical Syncretism. A theory of musical syncretism seeks to
define the extent of indigenous influence on the transplanted European
tradition. Yet the extent of Indian influence in Neo-Hispanic music is itself
a question of much debate. In 1952, Stevenson failed to find any native
characteristics in Neo-Hispanic music, even in works that were written by
Indians:
Neo-Hispanic music insofar as it was 'high art' was certainly not
Mexican music, if by Mexican is meant non-European. Even the
Indians who were trained to compose reaped praise only when their
masses and villancicos sounded acceptable to the European ears of
the friar-chroniclers. True, for conversion purposes, the friars
encouraged Indian music, and as Sigiienza y Gongora in 1675
observed at Queretaro, the Indian musical contribution continued to
be welcomed at church feasts. But in the sense of 'high art' any
Indian contribution-such as that of Juan Mathias during his
exceptional years of service in the Oaxaca cathedral-had to conform
to the European ideal.n
Stevenson nonetheless acknowledged that the repertoire had not been
studied enough to conclude positively that no Indian influences could be
711be most 001able exception was Father Arroyo de La Cuesta. whose musical abilities greatly

complemenred bis missionary wort in California.

72 Robert Stevenson. Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952). 159.

127

found in Neo-Hispanic Music. More recently, Yolanda Moreno Rivas has

refuted the argument that no Indian influence existed in Neo-Hispanic
Music:73 Moreno Rivas views Neo-Hispanic composition as
a cultural sphere that was moving and permeable, in which the
stylistic influences, the syncretisms, the cultural collisions had a
constant reality. Cantatas in Quechua or in Moxo, hymns in
Araucano or in Nahuatl, or villancicos in Spanish with black
characteristics speak to us of the plurality of that cultural universe
that devoured and assimilated everything. Guineos a 5, Mestizos e
Indios a 5 y 6, Guarachas a 4, Chaconas and Zarabandas all bear
witness to specific characteristics of American invention, with its
preferences for unorthodox mixtures, and enriched by all types of
rhythmic and melodic mestizajes [hybrids).74
To corroborate this contention, Moreno Rivas points to:
The hundreds of cantatas and villancicos that were written with an
increasingly ornamented and allegorical character, in contrast to
similar but more conservative compositions from Europe.
The liberal and constant use of dialects and local languages in the
texts of choral works.
The ingenuous popular accent of hymns dedicated to the virgin in
the Nahuatl language by the native cacique Don Hernando Franco.
A certain freshness in the works of the Zapotec composer Juan
Mathias, whose originality and use of artistic elements could be
compared to the ornaments of certain churches such as Santo
Domingo in Oaxaca.
A tendency to assign an 'ultra-Baroque' or extreme character to
polyphonic and even polychoral compositions, as was the case with
Neo-Hispanic painting and architecture. This practice is
exemplified in such works as the Mass for four choruses by

Yolanda Moreno Rivas. Rostros delllllCionalismo en Ia mUsica Mexicana. (Mexico City: Fondo de
Cultura Ecoo6mica. 1989). 30.
74 Ibid.. p. 34.
73

128

Francisco L6pez Capillas (1645) for the consecration of the Mexico

City Cathedral.
The brilliant color of combinations of instruments such as sackbuts,
chirimias, bassoons, and harps, preferred by Neo-Hispanic
composers, is evidence of a hybrid sound which combined Spanish
and Indigenous elements.
Moreno Rivas's arguments, and in particular her citing of the worlcs
of Mathias and Franco, support the theory of a gradual infiltration of a
Mexican language into the transplanted European musical culture. Mathias
and Franco were only the most prominent of the many native musicians
that joined the ranks of the church, as singers, instrumentalist and
composers. The greatest among them was probably Mathias, who was
chapelmaster in Oaxaca from 1655 to 1667, and the first native-American
to reach such a position. He was also the most famous and respected native
composer of his day, and his output was prolific, though only a couple of
his pieces survive. Mathias probably rose through the cathedral ranks as a
child, and was thus not a cacique, that is, a member of the Indian ruling
class.
The caciques also provided their share of great musicians, including
Don Hernando Franco, composer and musician at the Mexico City
Cathedral. He is not to be confused with his famous teacher, sponsor and
namesake Hernando Franco, a Spaniard, and the first great chapelmaster in
Mexico City. The cacique Franco is credited as the composer of two hymns
in the Nahuatl language, Sancta Maria in llhuicac cihuapille and Dios

Itlazonantzine. 15

75 Robert Stevenson. MIISic

122.

in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1952}. 119-

129

Other surviving works by Indian composers include a mass by a

Zapotec native named Andres Martinez, on which I have already written at
length.76 The mass, which is currently in the archives at Tulane University,
displays elements such as the extended use of binary meters, high registers,
and diverse musical figures superimposed on strong and constant patterns,
which reflect the vigorous and sober language of native music. In
Guatemala, the Indian composer Thomas Pascual, who flourished between
1595-1630 at San Juan Ixcoi, wrote several villancicos, including Oy es dia

de placer, which include Indian stylistic traits.77

The Villancico. Perhaps the genre which most exhibits native traits is the
colonial villancico, and in particular the so-called villancico negro or
villancico guineo. Because a religious service which included a complete
villancico cycle was often quite long, the last villancico of the third
nocturno was usually light and cheerful.78 The joyful character of the work
could be achieved by comical situations and stories, and often included the
imitation and parody of black or Indian accents and dialects, and even, as in
the case of Sor Juana's villancicos, the mocking of the Spaniard themselves.
As early as the ttfteenth century, blacks started appearing in Spanish
religious compositions as well as in theatrical works, for example those by
Sanchez de Badajoz, or the ensaladas of Mateo Flecha el Viejo. The
76 See Marie Brill.

Renaissance Music in Mexko: Spanish and Indian Influences on a Newly DiscoW!red

1636 Mexican Mass (M.A. Thesis, Tulane University. 1992).
77 See Robert Stevenson. "European Music in 16th-Cenmry Guatemala... Musical Quarterly SO. no. 3 (July
1964): 341-352.
78 Tbe musicologist Alvaro Torrente. in a personal communicalion {11/8197). bas offered anodler
explanalioo for tbe playful character of these villancicos. The celebration of the winter solstice is a tradition
that pre-dares Christianity. and by all accounrs was also joyful and playful in nature. The Cbmcb
institutionalized that ttadition in the celebration of the birth of Cbrist. in order to superimpose its own
mytbs on preexisling ones. The celebration of the solstice remainOO a mainstay in Europe during the Middle
Ages. particularly in regions where life was regulated by the solar and agricultural cycles. Thus the joyful,
popular villancicos {as well as adler musical genres. dances. dramalic Iepaeseulations, etc.) were an
acknowledgment of the cbmcb of tbis imporlallt natural cycle. and an attempt to bring it into the Christian
tradition. lest it return to its original. pagan character.

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presence of blacks in the villancicos was related to the important slave

population in Spain during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Most of
the slaves came from Guinea and Angola, and these villancicos came to be
called villancicos guineos. The characteristics of the genre changed
according to the racial or regional elements. Thus, Spanish villancicos
could equally make reference to inhabitants of Portugal, Asturias, Galicia,
Vizcalna, or any number of individuals whose particular characteristics
were defined as racial or regional. The blacks and the asturianos were the
most commonly depicted. The text of these villancicos is often a mixture of
Spanish, Portuguese, local dialects and African languages. Moreover,
because the villancicos are intended as parody, the languages and dialects
are deliberately distorted in a humorous and often disparaging way, and the
result is often incomprehensible. By the seventeenth century, the practice
of including a villancico guineo in a cycle became more common,
particularly in those of the Christmas season. At a certain point, the
villancico negro (like the asturiano) became a convention, and no longer
necessarily attempted to duplicate the language of black slaves, but rather
what was assumed to be that language. Many villancicos negros were
composed simply out of convention, in places where no blacks had ever
lived. Eventually it was rare that a villancico cycle did not include such a
work. Similar texts can be found in the theatrical works of the day,
particularly entremeses, jacaras and mojigangas.
When the tradition of the villancico was transported across the
ocean, the villancico guineo went with it, and because of the increased
racial and cultural diversity in the New World, it took on a new life and
intensity. The text of many villancicos sought to imitate and parody the
language, accent and pronunciation of minority groups in Neo-Hispanic

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society, including the various Indian groups and languages, as well as the
blacks, Portuguese, and even the Spaniards themselves.
The flexibility of the genre served the villancico well on its arrival

in the Spanish colonies, as it was able to absorb the vast, though often
subtle, stylistic influences of the different ethnic groups. The villancico
quickly developed past its Iberian counterpart, becoming the mainstay of
composition in New Spain. It reached a measure of richness and originality
that placed it at the pinnacle of New World composition, though at the time
it was viewed as a secondary genre. Composers of villancicos were the
same church and cathedral musicians who wrote sacred masses and other
liturgical works, and the same conditions that governed the composition of
those works also determined the evolution of the villancico. Many
composers, such as Juan Gutierrez de Padilla still wrote villancicos in the
old European style, including gitaniJias and gallegos, parodying the Spanish
accents and dialects. By and large these works are far more staid and
serious than the composer's negros and negrillos.
It is not unusual to fmd that the timbral, rhythmic and dialectic
elements of Indian, Galician, Spanish, Black or Portuguese origin
easily combined with the rich polyphony and the brilliant sonorities
that, during the time of Antonio de Salazar, included a rich
instrumental variety of basses, violins, chirimias, horns, trumpets,
comets, organs, vihuelas, lyres, bandoras and harps.79
The villancico was a popular genre, which appealed to all social and
racial strata of Neo-Hispanic society, and, in the eighteenth century,
provided an alternative to the dramatic operatic works that catered
primarily to the upper Creole class. Villancicos often included references
79

Moreno Ri~ op. ciL, p. 35.

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to local popular songs and dances such as the guaracha, the negrilla or the
tocotin. Thus Antonio de SaJazar wrote a 1690 villancico in the style of a
jacara, which cites the popular song "Yo voy con toda Ia artilleria. "10

Some villancicos were so infused with dance rhythms that they in turn were
called by the names of the dances, such as the tocotin, a dance of Nahuatl
origin which was performed in churches during the viceregal epoch.81 The
negros of Juan Gutierrez de Padilla and the negrillos of Gaspar Fernandez

make reference to the zarabanda and the chacona as a black dance.

The Indian villancicos and tocotines were sung in Indian languages
and accompanied by Indian instruments. A letter written in 1579 descnlles
a celebration the previous year and preserves the text of a four-voice
villancico in Nahuatl, Matiquinto Tlapaluiti. The villancico was sung and
danced by a young group of Indians, accompanied by flutes and
teponaxtles. 82

In the varied forms of the villancico, all the social classes had a
joyful existence, though each would function within a Spanish
universality. Each of the castes of the colony appears in the
villancico in an existence that is decorative, extravagant, antiintellectual and metaphorical. Frequently, the characters who sing
the glories and praises of some saint are Indian, black, Mestizo,
guineo or Basque, in defective Spanish infused with all manner of
bad humor and incorrect pronunciation.s3
Infused with popular song and dance, but still answering to the
harmonic and even formal demands of the homeland, the villancico became

80 Ibid. pp. 37-38.

81 Cmrent dances pezformed by lllOdem Indian~ such as the famous Totooac Volodores de Papanda

also use the termtocotfn. though their relationship to the viceregal dances and villancicos is uncertain.
82 Carta del Padre Pedro Morales {1579). cited in Mmeno Rivas, op. ciL. p. 41.
83 Moreno Rivas, op. ciL, p. 39.

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at once a means for Neo-Hispanic artistic expression and a symbol for

social and ethnic syncretism.
Its vitality and persistence was due to its quality of social art,
removed from religious contemplations and academic institutions. It
was primarily a form of participation, by which the composer
successfully fulfilled the communicative necessities of his art.l4
The Portuguese composer Gaspar Fernandez wrote several
villancicos guineos, many of whom are included in the manuscript which
survives in the archives of the Oaxaca Cathedral. The character of these
villancicos, written in the early 1600s, reflect not only parodies of Spanish,
Portuguese and African languages, but of Indian dialects as well, as can be
seen in some of the titles in his manuscript:
Botay Fora do Portal
Pois con Tanta gra~a
Se cuchamo magri Antona
Dame albricia mano Anton
A negrito de cucurumbe
Tan taran tan a Ia guerra van
Tleycantimochoquiliya
Tururu farara con son
Xicochi xicochi conetzintle
Tur lo neglo que pan Io quere
Ximoyolali siiiola
One of the works from the Gaspar Fernandez manuscript in the
Oaxaca cathedral is a five-voice Mestizo e Indio entitled Tleycantimo
choquiliya, which has been published by Robert Stevenson. 85 In a short
analysis_ of this work, Moreno Rivas points out that the composer
ingeniously combined polyphonic imitation with the rhythmic
84

Ibid. p. 35.

85 Robert Stevenson. ed.,fnler-American Music Review 1.

no. 1 (FaD 1985): 3-25.

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configuration characteristic of many indigenous motives, represented by

the insistent repetition of a note, followed by the interval leap of a fourth. 86
Moreno Rivas compares the metric and rhythmic content of the text to that
of the aforementioned 1578 Nahuatl villancico Matiquinto Tlapaluiti, and
concludes that the rhythmic and syllabic similarity between the two texts is
evidence that Neo-Hispanic composers adopted some of the rhythmic
elements of native origin.
The indigenous musical content is found not only in the use of a
rhythmic scheme nestled within the villancico' s ternary meter. The
melodic range, with its insistence on a repeating note and the perfect
fourth, clearly evokes an indigenous melodic modei.rr
Later in then same study, Moreno Rivas examines other Fernandez
villancicos which not only use black dialects but also explore new rhythmic
and expressive possibilities. According to Rivas, the black style in these
villancicos can be discerned in their "dialogue structure, in their strong
emphasis on the beat, on the seductive rhythmic flexibility, and on the
accumulative power of repetitions. "88 She points out that the onomatopoeia
has a defined rhythmic value in black music, which explains its constant

appearance in villancico texts.

These traits also had an influence on many of the dances that
emerged in New Spain, such as the bamba and the huapango. Indigenous
dances were also affected by black influence, such as the famous paya
which combined elements from mulato, black and Mestizo culture.89 Robert
Stevenson has identified and analyzed black elements in colonial music
86

Moreno Rivas. op. cit.. pp. 40-42.

rr Ibid.. p. 40.

88 Ibid..
89 Ibid..

p. 46.
p. 45.

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(including the villancicos of Sor Juana), and concludes that everywhere in

the New World, with the possible exception of Guatemala, black-influenced
compositions flourished before 1700, and then gradually disappeared as
blacks assimi1ated into the various cultures.90
The text of the villancico negro was intended to parody the language
of a minority group, but the result more often than not was a bastardized
and defective version of a Spanish text. Moreover, because the author of
the text was usually not a member of the minority group, he or she
compounded the mistakes by imitating the defective language in a defective

way. The phonetic transcription of the parodied language was often in

violation of the rules of that language, and fixed a process that had hitherto
been fluid and evolving. Yet the poet could not diverge too greatly, lest the
text be completely misunderstood by the audience (which, for the most
part, also consisted of the majority group). The text was thus a
simplification of what the poet understood, which was a distortion of the
minority group, which in tum distorted the speech of the majority group.
The intention of the poet was also sometimes in question. A
deformity of Portuguese could mean a distortion of speech by slaves from
Guinea whose Portuguese was minimal, or a distortion of Portuguese
speakers attempting to speak Spanish. The problems are further
compounded by the fact that a twentieth-century audience is now three or
four hundred years removed from the texts, and must look at archaic
versions of all languages involved, some of which were never written down
to begin with and thus do not survive. Moreover, since these texts were a
parody rather than a reproduction of the language, modem attempts to
90 Robert Srevensoo, '"The Afro-American Musical Legacy to 1800," Musical Q1111TteTiy 54, no. 4 (October
1968): 475-502.

136
translate it tend to destroy its character. An accurate modem translation
can probably not be made, since the message is itself a distorted language,
and in any case requires extensive knowledge of seventeenth century
Spanish, Portuguese and African or Indian dialects. As a result, a full
understanding of some of the colonial villancicos negros has proved
problematic to modem historians.

Conclusions. Though the studies described in this chapter have resulted in

a clearer understanding of native influences on Neo-Hispanic music, much
work remains to be done. Few serious attempts have been made to identify
native melodies in polyphonic works, nor have intricate harmonic or
rhythmic analyses of colonial works been attempted to determine potential
native traits. No studies have emerged descnbing Neo-Hispanic
performance practices which might reflect native characteristics in
polyphonic music.
A theory of musical syncretism faces more difficulties than do
theories of religious and artistic syncretism, if for no other reason that the
archival record is lacking in sufficient examples of colonial native music.
The words commonly used in the syncretism debate-fusion, welding,
hybrid, merging, synthesis, amalgamation-become more problematic
when one of the elements to be fused remains relatively unknown. The
debate over religious syncretism is usually undertaken in two phases, one
of process, where diverse elements converge, adapt, fuse, dissolve and
ultimately gel, and one of stasis, as the new entity adopts a form of its own,
gains a measure of stability and permanence, and proceeds to evolve as a

whole from that point The debate over musical syncretism has so far only
recognized elements of process, postulating the various parts brought to the

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equation, but failing to identify a satisfactory resulting musical hybrid. No

stable musical entity, that is, no musical tradition based on a convergence
of European and native styles, bas yet emerged from colonial archives. Yet
the existence of such an entity is not for that reason discounted, and it is
entirely possible that further studies might reveal a strong, systematic
native influence on many of the musical traditions of New Spain.
It wasn't until the twentieth-century that a syncretic static phase in
Mexican music emerged, that is one where the fusion of Indian and
European elements form a hybrid entity that then evolves on its own. The
musical revolution of the early twentieth century did not bypass Mexico,
and at a time when Bartok, Stravinsky and Janacek were collecting folk
tunes and incorporating them into their music, Mexican composers such as
Carlos Chavez and Silvestre Revueltas were doing the same with Indian
melodies. This growing interest in native music (not coincidentally, parallel
to the rise of twentieth-century nationalism) swept the country. Indian and
folk music became acceptable by

~art'

musicians and intellectuals and soon

became a staple at all levels of society. This final phase of syncretism,

wherein native melodies, rhythms and instruments were incorporated into
European forms and styles, was but the final extension of a process that is
now almost half a millennium old.

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Chapter 5
Spanish Identity in Colonial Society

The musical traditions of New Spain evolved within an emerging but

well-defined artistic and philosophical identity that was derived from
various sources. Chapter 4 examined the participation of the native
populations in Neo-Hispanic culture. This chapter examines the other two
key players in the colonial drama, the Spanish Crown and the Catholic
Church, as well as the European immigrants who populated the colony, and
their Creole descendants.
One of the challenges faced by anyone who attempts to write a
cultural history is the constant revision and ever-changing interpretation of
a society that is still ongoing, still evolving. Attitudes towards the
Conquest, towards the Spanish presence on the American continent,
towards the role of the church and the place of indigenous populations has
shifted several times in this century alone. Much of the political discourse
expounded by nineteenth- and twentieth-century writers was inherited from
a nationalistic movement that resulted in the division of the Spanish
dominions into small republics, which, in order to justify their existence,
were often forced to deny and reject the viceregal period as incompatible
with the precepts of nationalism. To this day, nationalistic (and
regionalistic) discourse continues to redefine the historical and cultural
parameters of Spanish-American regions. Basic assumptions are constantly
being challenged.

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Recent years have even seen a debate over the use of the terms
"colony" and "colonial period" in reference to the period between 1521 and
1821 in Spanish America. Writers such as Octavio Paz have asserted that
the underlying concept of a Spanish colony is misleading, and was
principally brought about by cultural and political discourse from the
United States, a discourse that is, by implication, imperialist. I According to
this argument, the Spanish dominions were vastly different from the
thirteen English colonies that existed at the northern end of the continent,
in political, social, economic and religious terms, and as such should not be
classified under a similar political rubric. The correct terms, according to
this argument, are

'~iceroyalty"

and "viceregal period." Though there is

some merit to this contention, it fails to persuade, as it is based on an

artificially constructed theory of semiotics and semantics, driven by the
same politically- and nationalistically-driven impetus that colors much of
this discourse. It gives evidence of the continuing but often misplaced
preoccupation by Mexican and other Latin-American scholars with
attempting to define a specific national identity that is far removed from
that of North America, free of influences from the United States, which are
usually perceived as pernicious and unhealthy .
Yet these attitudes are detrimental to our discourse, clouding
historical interpretation with extraneous elements. In spite of Paz's
assertions, there is little doubt that New Spain closely conformed to any
common definition of the term ''colony." The fact that the goals of the
Spaniards included the religious conversion of the natives (in Paz's view a
fundamental difference with the North American territories) confirms
rather than denies the colonial intent of the Europeans, for it is through
1 Octavio Paz. Sor JIIIJNJ Inls tk Ia Cruz, o las trampas tk Iafe (Barcelona: Seix Barrai.

139

1982}.

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this very religious conversion that Spain was able to exercise the level of

control over the native people that allowed their subjugation and
exploitation for over three centuries.
Paz further asserts that unlike the thirteen colonies in North
America, New Spain was technically a sovereign and autonomous entity,
owing fealty to the king of Spain in the same way that the kingdoms of
Castile and Aragon did, and was thus equal to them. New Spain was thus
not a colony, goes the argument, but an extension of the Spanish kingdom.
The flaw in Paz's logic lies in his reliance on the nominal aspects of the
political designation of the new lands. To be sure, the technical status of
New Spain originated in the Fuero Leal , promulgated by Alfonso el Sabio
in 1255, at the height of the Moorish occupation. It was the result of a
long-held belief that the duty of the Spanish Crown was to convert the
unbelievers and politically unify all believers. Thus, New Spain was indeed
incorporated into the Spanish empire, technically on the same footing as the
other kingdoms that already comprised it.
Yet to deny the colonial nature New Spain by relying on this political
definition is a cynical attempt to redefme history. For rather than bringing
the inhabitants of the New World into the protection and benefits of the
Spanish Empire, the ideals of the Fuero Leal were instead used as a
justification for the brutal subjugation and exploitation of the conquered
lands and peoples, mitigated only by the presence of the missionaries.
Instead of negating its colonial nature, as argued by Ocatvio Paz, the
technical status of New Spain further induced and instigated colonial
attitudes in Spain.
Paz finally tries to argue his point from the back end, asserting that
the movement of independence in New Spain in the early nineteenth
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century was not supported by the ideals of liberty and autonomy, proposed
by Rousseau and Locke, and embraced by the American and French
Revolutions, but rather on Napoleon's conquest of Spain which severed the
fealty owed by New Spain to the mother country. This, argues Paz, proves
that new Spain was not a colony. Yet once again, his contentions are
groundless, since the method of severing a political relationship cannot in
retrospect affect the nature of the original relationship. If for no other
reason, the prevalence and almost universal common usage of the term
ucolony" make it the most apt to convey the political status of the Spanish
territories during the period in question.
Spain in the sixteenth century was at a pivotal moment in its history.
Throughout Europe, a new view of the physical, political and economic
universe was emerging. Nationalistic and philosophical movements were
growing, parallel with new concepts of political authority and their
respective forms of critical discourse. Free inquiry led to the challenge of
the medieval universal principles, and brought about innovative economic
concepts and scientific discoveries. The advent of the Lutheran reformation
altered the way Europe related to theology, and brought unprecedented
intellectual, and often physical, strife among European nations. Even
within the Catholic world, the age-old Scholastic theology that defined the
temporal and spiritual realms was being challenged. Church and state were
increasingly diverging, at first in theory, and by the eighteenth century, in
practice as well.
Yet Spain, in the face of monumental changes, was increasingly out
of step with these developments that were engulfing the rest of Europe.
The Spanish Crown was the last major bastion that separated the medieval
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world from the modem one, the last stand of the anachronistic age of
chivalry and of the crusades, threatened by the onslaught of secularization,
liberalization and industria1ization. Instead of embracing the inevitable
change, the formidable Spanish monolith took refuge in age-old concepts
and philosophies that had guided and preserved the Iberians for centuries.
In the eyes of the Spaniards, the progressive advances achieved by their
European neighbors threatened the achievements and even the very
existence of the Spanish people and culture, and were thus largely rejected
and ignored. The Catholic monarchs, in the face of the unknown, reacted to
these ideas and events by forcibly imposing policies of institutional
conservatism and repression to prevent the destruction of the status quo.
When a choice had to be made between science and religion, the latter was
usually preferred, for spiritual, intellectual and political reasons. Even
though the early sixteenth century saw a certain amount of philosophical
freedom and Humanism emerge in Spain, a retrenchment quickly occurred,
particularly during the Counter-Reformation, which stopped the budding
movement in its tracks. A reliance on medieval scholasticism, dogma and
faith stood steadfast in the face of science and reason, of progress, and of
modernism. The Venezuelan poet Mariano Pic6n-Salas put it best:
Scholastic philosophy, renovated by Suarez and the theologians of the
universities of Salamanca and Alcala de Henares, became the
aggressive philosophy of the Counter Reformation and a bulwark
against the increasing inroads of European empiricism, criticism and
natural science. Scholasticism, much more that a mere philosophical
system, was a way of life, an ethical style, a kind of needle-point
canvas on which everything that the man of the age wished to express
must be embroidered ... It sustained the spiritual unity of the Spanish
world despite political decadence.2
2 Mariano Picc5n-Salas. A CldtuTal History of Spanish America: From Conqr~est to lndepDU/nac~. ttans. by
Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1965). 92.

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But Spain had other problems as well. In the early sixteenth century,
Spain had only seven million inhabitants (compared to France's sixteen
million), and a large number of its educated and military citizens emigrated
to the New World. Moreover, the Spanish economy was weak and no

efforts were being made to strengthen it. Though the ancient feudal system
was crumbling in Europe, Spain's fortuitous acquisition of vast new virgin
lands at a crucial nuning point in history allowed it to preserve and extend
the system for centuries.
The Spanish colonies by all accounts began as a medieval, feudal
society which relied on spiritual and political authority for its survival. By
virtue of its lucrative conquests and military prowess, Spain was able to
sustain the artificial experiment for more than three centuries, though from
the beginning it faced physical and philosophical challenges, both from
within and from without. The result was a stated policy of conservatism
and intellectual repression which guided the events and achievements
throughout the colonial period.

The assault on the New World was achieved on several fronts. The
Crown took on the task of political and military occupation, though the
Conquistadors's brutal subjugation of the native populations was more the
result of personal ambition and greed than a reflection of royal policy. The
monastic orders took on the task of converting the souls of the indigenous
populations, and the secular clergy established a religious administrative
bureaucracy. After the Conquest, many forces came together to divide the
spoils, creating an often vicious rivalry among individuals and institutions.
Those competing for riches, however, did not include the Indian
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populations, which were now relegated to a subordinate position. For the

most part, the post-Conquest conflicts were not between Spanish and
Indians but among factions of Spaniards who vied for domination over
Indians and over one another. The political history of almost every other
region, including Oaxaca was a prolonged local contest for power.
Social Classes in new Spain. Many of the European immigrants to New
Spain were members of the lesser nobility in the homeland, enticed by
greater opportunities in the colonies. Others included merchants, farmers
and craftsmen who also looked to improve their situations. Some came as
servants, though a comparatively small number came as soldiers after the
initial period of conquest. The immigrants were overwhehningly Spanish,
catholic and male. Conversely, the Indians they found there were extremely
heterogeneous in terms of ethnicity, culture, language and custom. This
diversity, however, meant little to the Europeans, who generally looked
down on the conquered cultures.
From the begining, extremes in economic inequality and differences
in social classes were evident in most urban areas. A tremendous amount of
wealth was owned by a very small minority, an aristocratic ruling class
which very quickly adopted an attitude of indulgence and indolence.
Mirroring a scenario found in almost every colonial society, and indeed in
medieval feudalism, the Indian laborers infinitely outnumbered the rich
Spaniards, and lived in sordid squalor and extreme poverty. The small
Indian middle-class, the caciques, consisted of local rulers, artisans and
traders that were only marginally more prosperous than the field and mine
workers, though some of the Indians did achieve a certain amount of
wealth and prosperity, and earned a great deal of respect from the
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Europeans. The manufacturing trades and guilds were strictly controlled

by the white municipal government, which often insisted that even
apprentices were to be pure Spaniards.
The encomendero class consisted of former Conquistadors and their
descendants, leading civilian colonists and other privileged Spaniards who
became landholders and who extracted both tribute and labor from the
Indians in their charge. They formed a powerful colonial aristocracy,
known generally as the encomienda. Those whose military services had
been most substantial were of course the most rewarded, receiving the
largest and most lucrative grants. Heman Cortes himself became the
foremost encomendero in the New World, with his holdings in Oaxaca and
elsewhere, and was probably the wealthiest person in the entire New
World. While the encomenderos were theoretically subject to the king and
the viceroy, they mostly ruled without moral or legal restraint, and resisted
even the moderating efforts of the church. They perceived the priests and
friars as obtrusive meddlers whose aim was to disrupt the free labor force
which was vital to their enrichment.

Extension of the Monarchy to New Spain. The monarchy instituted a

system of royal absolutism, imposing a rigid hierarchical system of
authority. At its heart was a two-pronged system of government, as both
the temporal and civil authorities exercised control with an almost total
reliance on divine power and judgment. At times, this institutionalized
power-sharing arrangement would inevitably give rise to conflicts between
the two branches of authority (as when the missionaries would oppose the
encomenderos' s brutal treatment of the Indians) thus necessitating
mediation from the viceroy or even the king himself. More often than not,

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however, the system, rather than creating a house-divided, greatly

furthered the designs of the Crown, who in any event retained ultimate
authority. The framework had inherently, though inadvertently, created a
system of checks-and-balances which fostered competition between local
and mid-level power players, and which provided self-policing by creating
a mind-set of mutual-suspicion.
Legitimacy for the Conquest found its roots in the Fuero Leal ,
promulgated by Alfonso el Sabio in 1255, at the height of the Moorish
occupation. The Fuero proclaimed that God's temporal power was
extended to the Spanish monarchs, whose goal was to convert the
unbelievers and politically unify all believers. The authority of the
monarchs was rooted in philosophical theory, and though they were not
infrequently prone to subjective, even tyrannical rule, for the most part
they sought legitimacy in the intellectual basis of law and custom. This
philosophical justification was extended to the Conquest and subsequent
domination of the colonies. The physical extension of the Crown was the
viceroy, who brought with him a thick hierarchical bureaucracy, an evergrowing institution that was charged with the task of exercising state
control over all persons and parties.
The establishment of Spanish culture was one of paradox, as
seemingly contradictory goals provided the impetus for governing the
colonies. The violent Conquest and the rise of the equally brutal

encomienda system belied the nominaJJy altruistic aim of Indian

evangelization, suggesting that the latter was merely a justification for
Spanish exploitation. The issue of the culpability of the Spaniards in the
New World has been endlessly debated for centuries, not less so by
contemporaneous critics. It would be a disservice to history, however, to

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impute the same goals upon all the players in the historical drama. Indeed,
for many Spaniards, and in particular the members of the church, the
salvation of Indian souls, ordered by the monarchs, approved by the pope,
was the highest possible fulfillment of the mission of God. The friars and
priests generally had no material or labor designs on the Indians, and their
agenda was the spiritual exploitation of the natives. The position of the
clergy was that their actions, even their use of force, were just and right,
that they were not only divinely authorized, but were indeed commanded
by God. Their goal was the defeat of barbaric civilizations, and the
establishment of a morally upright civilization. To most early friars, the
propagation of the faith was as noble and compelling an objective as the
gold was to the Conquistadors, or the tribute was to the encomenderos.
This view was widespread among the church, though not universal, as the
motives of certain religious members was often less clear, and often
included both spiritual and material aims.
To be sure, viewing the designs of colonial clergy, who were
convinced of the moral correctness of their mission, as exploitive is a
thoroughly modem notion. Most twentieth-century scholars and
philosophers subscribe to the idea that individual fate should be determined
within a context of civil liberties, a concept virtually unknown at the time
of the Conquest. The forceful uspiritual gold-rush" pursued by the Spanish
clergy is antithetical to that concept, thus engendering modem widespread
condemnation. Moreover, modem judgment of the colonial Church
depends to a great degree on one's own conception of the proper role of
religion in any society, a concept of great contention through the ages.
When judged by sixteenth-century standards, modem historians are forced

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to acknowledge the inherent sincerity and well-meaning motivation of the

Spanish church as a whole, and of a majority of the individual missionaries.

Conversely, the same level of scrutiny produces an opposite result
when applied to the political and military conquerors of the new lands, for
in spite of the theoretical legitimacy provided by the Fuero Leal, the
primary motives of the Conquistadors, and later of the administrators of
the colony, remained a widespread commitment to personal and national
enrichment. The corruption which had enveloped the Spanish church in the
fifteenth century, and which was only partially redressed by Ferdinand and
Isabella, found its way across the Atlantic and proliferated to various
degrees in the New World for the better part of three centuries. Some
historians have attempted to exculpate the Spaniards by portraying them as
products of their age, imbued by the "spirit of the age of Conquest," an age
of imperialism that pervaded all of mankind.3 The Conquistadors, goes the
argument, never voluntarily submitted to this age, and thus individual guilt
could not apply to failure to rise above the standards of the age. 4 In spite of
this, it remains hard to reconcile the actions of a civilization whose reliance
on a philosophy of natural law and Christian ideals did not prevent them
from engaging in large-scale injustice and repression.
Religious Authority Over the Colonies. The presence of the Catholic
church in the New World was contradictory in its authority, having
received its mission, and thus its legitimacy, from both the Crown and the
pope. Though it saw itself as the final moral authority in the conquest of
the new peoples, in actuality it was subordinate to the temporal rule of the
3 See for example Benito FeijcSo y Montenegro. Dos discursos sobre Amhica (Mexico City: Secrerarfa de

Educaci6o Publica. 1945); 8Dd Juan de Escoiquiz, Mexico conquistodo (Madrid: lmprenla Real. 1798).
4 Charles Gibson. Spain in America (New York: Harper&. Row. 1966). 44.

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Spanish Crown, the result of a crucial shift in the European power

structure.
The subordination of temporal monarchs to the authority of the
Church had been long-established in European history. The Pope was
God's vicar, and thus the supreme ruler, not only in religious affairs, but
in secular ones as well. All civil governments were subject to Christian
authority, and temporal matters were overruled by religious objectives.
This organizational structure was given the weight of legitimacy by the
philosophical and theological writings of St. Thomas Aquinas, St.
Augustine and other indisputable authorities.
Within this theoretically rigid structure, the Spanish monarchs over
the centuries had carved themselves some maneuvering room, always
careful to legitimize their political power by associating it with the moral
authority of the church. The Patronato Real, granted by Pope Julius ll in
1508, gave Charles V almost unlimited authority over the church, both in
Spain and in the New World. In an unprecedented transfer of power, the
papacy had conveyed to the monarchy "the temporal authority to override
the rights of pagan societies so that missionaries could freely preach, as
well as judge rulers according to the laws of the New Testament and the
Church."s The Patronato legitimized the political overthrow of native
leaders and gave an aura of respectability to the Conquest.
The Requerimiento (1509) further attempted to bring moral and
philosophical legitimacy to the Conquest, and, perhaps more importantly,
served to derive temporal, political authority from the church's spiritual
delegation. Written by the explorer and theologian Martin Fernandez de
5 Colin ~ MacLaghian. Spain's Empire in the Nt!W World: The Role of Ideas in lnstitudoNJl tllld Social
Chonge. {Belkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1988). 30.

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ISO
Enciso, the Requerimiento was a moral justification of the Conquest based
on accounts from the Old and New Testaments. 1be Conquistadors were
required to read the document to the populations they encountered before
bringing them under Spanish subjugation. This notice was to be given in
native languages if possible, but otherwise in Spanish (which was usually
the case), and subjugation readily followed with scarce regard to the
Indians's lack of understanding.
As a result of the Patronato Real, the viceroys acquired by extension

the right to appoint and remove every official in the Spanish Church,
including bishops and clerics, as well as the officers of the regular orders.6
Most decisions regarding the personnel of a given diocese had to receive
approval from the civil authorities. Churches and convents were approved
and controlled by the government. Moreover, all pronouncements on
church policy had to first be approved by the Consejo de lndias, whose seat
was in Seville, and all tithes collected by the Church were controlled by the
king, who retained a percentage. Both the regular and secular clergy thus
knew that their status depended far more on the Crown than on the papacy,
a circumstance which severely limited their ability to appeal to Rome for
redress.
Reflecting this dual source of authority, the aims of the colonial
Catholic Church were both temporal and spiritual. Its spiritual aim was the
evangelization of the natives and the propagation of the faith. Its duties
included the running of parishes and missions, the exercise of rites and
ceremonies, masses and offices, and the provision and enforcement of
sacraments, including baptism and marriage. Its principal secular goals

6 For a comprehensive view of colonial church hierarchy,

see Virginia Mounce, An Archivist's Guide to the

Catholic Church in Mexico (Palo Alto: R & E Research ~ 1979).

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included the administration of social services, such as the education of the

inhabitants of New Spain, both Indian and Creole, as well as ensuring the
welfare of the poor, the sick and the elderly, most of whom were Indian or
Mestizo. The missionary's task was social as well as religious, and the goal
was not only to introduce Indians to Christianity, but to ucivilize" them as
well, bringing them into the fold of an enlightened society, in contrast to
\Yhat the missionaries viewed as a barbarous, inhuman culture. Thus, the
conversion of a native village implied the entire reorganization of social
customs. The Church introduced the concept of the Christian family unit,
and established and operated schools, poorhouses, asylums, and graveyards
throughout the colonies. It also founded countless hospital, providing
rudimentary medical care and shelter to Indians in need. The Indians
themselves usually provided the resources and labor to build these
institutions.
In many respects, the line of separation between the colonial church
and the government became blurred. The church served as an agent of the
state in its capacity as caregiver and educator. Many church dignitaries also
served in political offices, while the civil government, devoid of spiritual
authority, nevertheless managed to exercise control over church
developments. The priests held a crucial position in the organization of
society, as the intermediaries between the native subjects and the civil
authorities. Their presence served a public enforcement purpose, ensuring
that obedience and discipline to the precepts of Christ translated into
respect for the civil authorities.
In the Spanish Hapsburg conception of the state during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, no sharp lines had divided secular and
religious life. Until the mid-eighteenth century, an energetic cura

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[priest] might operate quite freely as keeper of public order and

morals, punishing adulterers, gamblers and drunkards, and reporting
more serious offenses to royal judges .. They were sacred
instruments, expected to mediate between Christians and God, as well
as between members of a divided colonial society.7

In essence, priests functioned not only as carriers of the faith, but as

extensions of the civil government, favored bureaucrats who had a hand in
every aspect of colonial life, from record keeping and agricultural advice
to community politics and labor relations. They were at once healers and
mediators, leaders in both spiritual and civil matters.
The Spanish mission of evangelization was readily accepted by most,
particularly since it had the cachet of the Spanish Crown and the approval
of the pope. In spite of this, serious conflicts began arising as to the extent
to which this duty required or permitted conquest. Important figures on
both sides of the Atlantic began questioning the Christian war of the
Conquest, the ethics and moral correctness of the colonies, and the proper
place of the natives in the new society. The aboriginal populations
themselves, accustomed to Aztec domination, understood the implications
of the Spanish philosophical position.s Certainly the annihilation of pagans
and other non-Christian peoples was not a new development in Europe,
particularly in Spain, which had just ended seven hundred years of Moorish
occupation. Yet at its core it seemed at odds with professed Christian
objectives. In particular, the issue of forced labor divided many of the
Spaniards. Both the encomenderos intent on acquiring a free labor force

7 W'llliam

B. Taylor, Magistrates ofthe Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighleenth-CellliiTy Mexico

Alto: Stanford University Press, 1996), 12.
See Peggy K. ~ Mexico Under Spain, 1521-1556: Society and the Origins ofNationality (Chicago,

~o

1975).

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and the missionaries who were seeking a more egalitarian vision of colonial
society defended their positions with philosophical arguments.
Those who favored a forced adjustment of the Indians to European
religious, cultural and socio-economic needs fell back on Aristotle's
natural hierarchy of men, as well as on St. Augustine's judgment that
pagan virtues ~are only vices in disguise' and that left alone, ~nature
is incapable of any good' ...On the other hand, opponents of force
drew upon a fund of ideas provided by the Jesuits, Trentian
theologians and selected Church fathers, which asserted that
Christianity does not destroy natural virtues but rather ~hierarchizes
and harmonizes them' ...Pro-Indian groups also drew upon the notion
of a natural inner light or impulse that compelled humans toward the
truth and hence toward God.9
Critics of the Spanish policy toward the Indians included Tomas de San
Martin and Tomas de Ortiz. But by far the most outspoken critic of the

Conquest was Bartolome de las Casas (1474-1566), widely known as the

Protector of the Indians. A Dominican priest, and later bishop of Chiapas,

he was a successful advocate of reform, criticizing the cruelty and injustice

of the Spaniards.
Las Casas dismissed much of the Medieval and Renaissance literature
on relations between Christians and non-Christians, and argued that
American Indians were a special class of non-Christians. Moslems in
the Old World had attacked Christendom, but American Indians had
no previous knowledge of Christianity at all. As rational beings, they
were entitled to retain their properties, and the Spanish Monarch was
duty bound to return America to its rightful Indian owners. The
whole of Spanish action in America, Las Casas asserted, was
contrary to justice and to law.10

9 Colin M. Macl.aghlao, op. ciL. p. SO. citing Otis H. Green, Spain and tM Westem Tradition: TM
Castilian Mind in Literatllre from El Cid to Calder6n. vol2 (Madison. Wisconsin, 1964). 193.
10 Robert Ri~ TM Spiritual Conquest ofMexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Calif<XIlia
Press. 1966). 40.

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Las Casas was well aware of the spiritual authority granted to the
monarchy by the papacy, and of documents such as the Requerimiento that
purported to legitimize the Conquest. In the 1530s and 40s, he led the
movement to adopt a more benevolent policy towards the hitherto
brutalized natives. He decried the edicts, arguing for a position of mutual
recognition and respect. In so doing, he joined the European philosophers
and political theorists who argued against the temporal authority of the
Church. These arguments loomed large in the homeland. As long as
mistreatment of the Indians continued, the legitimacy of the colonies would
continue to be a thorn in the side of the monarchy.
At the first meeting of Bishops in 1546, Las Casas won the
"Declaration of the Rights of the Indians" which among others resolved to
actively recruit Indians and Mestizos for the lower ranks of the clergy, to
avoid corporal punishment, and to allow hymns to be sung by the Indians
under clerical supervision. These resolutions were approved by colonial
church leaders and were subsequently submitted to the Crown. In the end,
the church and the Crown adopted a more moderate position, issuing
regulations that were designed to bring the colonies in accordance with true
Christian doctrine. These reforms came too late to redress much of the
damage that had already been inflicted, and were in practice not always
observed. Yet they served to increase the moral legitimacy of the Spanish
colony, and brought about a more enlightened attitude towards the native
populations.

The Church Bureaucracy. The organization of the colonial church was

more complex than that of the civil authorities, with not one but three
hierarchical bureaucracies which competed among themselves for both
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temporal and spiritual control over the colonies. Soon after the Conquest.
both the regular clerics and secular orders established a presence in the
new lands. and competed for the opportunity to extend their evangelical
influence to the New World. In 1528. the Mexico City Diocese was created.
soon followed by the founding of the Cathedral. Its leader was Mexico's
first bishop, Fray Juan de Zumarraga. Born in Vizcaya in 1468,
Zumarraga had joined the Franciscan order and quickly rose through the
ranks, eventually becoming one of the few respected members of the

Inquisition. Befriended by Charles V, he became the obvious choice to lead

Mexico's first Diocese, and came to New Spain in 1528. By all accounts an
extremely learned, pious and humble man, Zumirraga was very influential
in the development ofNeo-Hispanic society. He died in 1548 at age 80.
Other dioceses and bishops quickly followed that of Mexico City, including
the one in Puebla, established in 1531, and Oaxaca, established in 1535, and
whose first bishop was Don Juan L6pez de zarate. With the bishops came
the beginnings of an intricate bureaucracy which would quickly come to
characterize the secular clergy. Mirroring Spanish custom, an army of
priests, canons, deans, preceptors, rectors and deacons populated the
dioceses and undertook the organization and administration of the new
lands.ll
In conjunction with the advent of the secular clergy in New Spain
was the arrival of the regular priests. Rather than dwelling in comfortable
urban centers in sumptuous cathedrals, the missionaries were charged with
doing the dirty work: they became itinerant clerics, traveling through rural
and often hostile territories, undertaking the task of actual evangelization
and conversion of the natives. The frrst missionaries were the Franciscans,
11 The organization of the Oaxaca church bureaucracy is expi<Rd extensively in chapter 3.

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who arrived in 1523. followed soon thereafter by the Dominicans (1526)

and the Augustinians (1532). These three orders were primarily
responsible for the early missionary work. The Franciscans settled the area
around Mexico City, the Augustinians to the north of the city, and the
Dominicans to the south, encompassing a huge territory that stretched all
the way to Oaxaca, Yucatan and Guatemala. It was not long before most of
the territory was controlled by the regular clergy. In 1572, the Jesuits
made their first appearance, followed by the

~Mercedarios'

in 1582, the

Carmelites in 1585 and the Benedictines in 1590.12

The religious situation was further complicated by the presence of
the Spanish Inquisition, which had been established by Ferdinand and
Isabella in the fifteenth century. The jurisdiction of the Inquisition was
extended to the New World in 1517, and two years later, two inquisitors
were appointed for the West Indies. In New Spain, the Inquisition Tribunal
existed from 1571 until1821. Its mission was to ensure the purity of the
Catholic faith and to eradicate all manner of heresy, heterodoxy, and sins
against God. The principal crimes it prosecuted were blasphemy, bigamy,
fornication and witchcraft, and it was also charged with the censorship of
written material.t3 For the most part it prosecuted Jews, as well as English
and Dutch Protestants. Occasionally, errant priests were prosecuted as well
as those accused of witchcraft and sorcery. Significantly, the Inquisition
had no jurisdiction over the Indians, whose idolatrous transgressions were
viewed more as stemming from ignorance than theological error. Indian

12 By

1600. most of the Indians in Mexico bad been converted to Christianity. and the importance of the
missionaries declined. their spiritual mission baving been achieved. Nevenbeless. the tas1c of religious
conversion of the Indians. begun almost five centuries ago. still persists to this day. mosdy pursued by
Prorestant missionaries from the United Swes.
13 Virginia Mounce. An Archivists Guide to tM Catholic Clulrch in Mexico (Palo Alto: R & E Research
Associates. 1979). 56-59.

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crimes of faith were instead the domain of the Episcopal and secular
courts.4
The Inquisition had inordinate power over the affairs of New Spain.
Its decisions were not subject to appeal, and for all practical purposes, it
answered to no one in the exercise of its activities. It was allowed to
intrude into ecclesiastic, political and civil affairs, and functioned as the
highest administrative and judicial court in the land. Even the viceroys
were ordered to assist the inquisitors, and many of them pursued a policy
of non-confrontation and appeasement so as to not incur the wrath of the
Grand Inquisitor.
As a result of this three-pronged religious bureaucracy, the Spanish
church during most of the colonial period was not an orderly,
homogenous, monolithic entity, but rather a fractured collection of rival
institutions that often created more chaos and disruption than it resolved.
Conflicts quickly grew between the secular and regular branches of the
church, the tribunals of the Inquisition and the bureaucrats and the

encomenderos. As with other aspects of the transplanted European culture,

the Church was faced with a complex set of circumstances that was in many
ways vastly different from its millennium-old experience on the European
continent. Given the often-contradictory authority structure of the Spanish
Church, it is not surprising that conflicts between church and civil
authorities, or between the regular and secular orders, as well as the
Inquisition, for centuries affected the evolution of colonial life.

14 As a

result of this jurisdictional distribution, the records of the Inquisition are not particularly useful for

bisrorians intent of understanding Indian life during the colonial period. See Ricbald E. Greenleaf, '"The
Inquisition and the Indians of New Spain: A Study in Juridictional Confusion," The Amuicas 22 (1965):
138-166.

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During the colonial peri~ four Concilios Provinciales were

convoked which addressed important issues and engendered reform, and
which set the tone for Catholic doctrine for the next three centuries. The
meetings, which by decree of the Patronato Real had to be approved by the
king or the viceroy, were often as concerned with the well-being of the
newly converted native populations as with the Spaniards and Creoles. The
Archbishop and the bishops voted on substantive policies, but any decision
was still subject to royal or viceregal approval.
Aware of the problems that plagued the colonial church during the
first half of the sixteenth century, religious leaders in both Spain and
America attempted to bring some order into the situation and to regulate
the activities of the competing branches. Soon after the Conquest, as early
as 1524, local meetings were held which established practical Christian
policies, including resolutions for conversion, baptism and marriage. As
the church became more and more extended, it became increasingly evident
that a Provincial Council, with all the weight and authority attached to such
decision-making bodies, was necessary.
The First Mexican Council was called in 1555 in Mexico City, by
Zumarraga's successor, bishop Alonso de Monrufar, and was attended by
all the important church dignitaries of the land, including Oaxaca's Bishop
Z8rate. The Council promulgated 93 resolutions that codified church policy
and implemented it throughout the land. Most of the pronouncements had
to do with church procedure, but also addressed morality, better treatment
of the Indians, and the conduct of the clergy. One of its most important
decrees was the establishment of hospitals in all villages to treat the sick
and the poor.

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Bishop MontUfar also called the Second Mexican Council in 1565.

Among the important dignitaries was Oaxacaits second bishopit Bernardo de
Albuquerque. The purpose of this Council was to recognize and adopt the
resolutions of the Council of Tren4 which had recently ended. It solemnly
adopted 28 declarations on November 11 of that year.
The Third Mexican Council took place in 1585it and once again,
Oaxaca's bishop, Bartolome de Ledesma was in attendance. This meeting
was more influential that the first two, since, rather than making broad
pronouncements on Catholic doctrine, it addressed practical problems that
faced the colonies, and it enacted judicious solutions. It was this Council
that altered the clerical structure of Neo-Hispanic cathedrals, placing the
chapelmaster at the head of the musical establishmen4 formerly led by the
sochantre, a member of the church administration (see chapter 3.) The
meeting was wildly successful, receiving great praise from church officials
in Spain, as well as by Pope Sixtus V.
In 1601, a papal decree required Provincial Councils to be held
every twelve years. In spite of this, no meeting would occur for another
180 years, due mostly to the fact the they were still subject to approval by
the civil government. The Provincial Council of 1771 is discussed in
chapter 8.

The three Concilios Provinciales did much to define church policy,

but they were mostly unsuccessful in resolving the continuing conflicts
between the branches of the church. In the early years of the Spanish
occupation, the aims of the church had depended mostly on the relentless
evangelical efforts of the missionaries, making them the most powerful
clerics in the land. The emergence of influential missionaries such as Las
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Casas attests to this. But by the time of the third Council in 1585, the
power had shifted from the regulars to the secular clergy. The nature of
the missionary presence in the new territories had changed, as its success
brought about a slackening of the initial zeal, and the realization that, with
a large portion of the population already converted, the friars and monks
were wanting of a mission. This existential crisis was further exacerbated
by the emergence of conflicts with other elements of Spanish society, and
by internal division within the church. The rivalry between the friars and
the encomenderos had risen to international proportions, and thus had to be
addressed by the monarchy, but was never resolved to either sides's
satisfaction. More importantly, the traditional conflict between the regular
and secular members of the church took on a new intensity in the colonies,
as the parish priests and other clergy came to resent the power and
omnipresence of the Dominican, Franciscan, and Augustinian monks.
Before the Council of Trent, the monastic orders retained control over the
regions that they had evangelized. An attempt was made in 1567 to give
jurisdiction to parish priests, but the papal order was quickly rescinded
under protest by the orders. Ultimately, the monarchy realized that the
task of the monks was all but complete, and sided with the priests, limiting
the regulars's work and submitting all clerics to Episcopal control. Yet the
monastic orders did not easily submit, and resisted for a long time,
resulting in constant internal squabbles and petty strife, both among the
orders, of between the regulars and the seculars.
The rivalry that existed in Oaxaca was typical of the situation
throughout the colony, and in many respects it was more antagonistic there
than elsewhere. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Oaxaca
witnessed innumerable minor struggles between the Dominicans,

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Franciscans, Augustinians and Jesuits on the one hand, and the seculars on
the other. The wave of secularization that overtook the colonies in the
eighteenth century further exacerbated the conflict between the secular and
the monastic orders in Oaxaca, and after 1700, an almost continuous
conflict emerged between the two religious branches. At issue was the
control of rural parishes, and the administration of territories and Indian
populations, which the monastic orders claimed as theirs by virtue of
having converted them during the early years of the colony. There was no
longer any question of dividing parishes among the two religious branches,
but of altogether replacing the Dominicans, who had been in Oaxaca for
over two centuries, with secular members of the Church.
The Dominicans had been the first to attempt the evangelization of
Oaxaca, often under difficult circumstances. They traveled hostile terrain,
mountains, rivers and jungles, often with great contrasts in climate, and
they faced wild animals and poisonous insects. Many died in the process. In
spite of these hardships, for which they had been trained at an early age,
the Dominicans persevered, often going beyond the call of duty in their
religious practices. Their habits were rudimentary, and their eating habits
and accommodations were simple and Spartan. Compared to the secular
priests, accounts of debauchery were rare among the Dominicans. They
learned the native languages. They were teachers and doctors, and wrote
evangelical texts in the native languages. They lived among the natives,
implementing Christian customs, and developed among the native
populations an ongoing respect for the institutions of the Church and the
Crown. Bound by their vow of poverty, they tended to be scrupulously
honest and accurate in their bookkeeping and management of church
affairs.

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The monastic orders throughout the colony for the most part enjoyed
popular support throughout New Spain. In the eyes of natives and Mestizos,
the missionaries, bent on continuing their task of conversion in humility,
were perceived as honest hard workers who had learned the native
languages and customs, and who for the most part had not demanded
tribute of labor from them. The memory of the Protector Bartolome de
Las Casas, himself a Dominican, still loomed large. By contrast, they

associated the often arrogant and intolerant secular clergy, which

frequently had demanded tributes and forced labor, with the unpopular
Spanish civil authorities.
The Dominicans argued that they were more capable of
administrating the rural parishes, since, unlike the parish priests, most of
them were at least bilingual, and often multilingual, and thus were able to
fulfill the requirements of the Recopilaci6n and of the Council of Trent
that evangelization take place in native tongues. IS The Dominicans further
argued that the conversion of the Diocese of Oaxaca had been almost
entirely due to their efforts, that they had been instrumental in eradicating
paganism, and had taught the natives not only Christian doctrine, but also
the means to support themselves, the benefits of agriculture, mining and
architecture, as evidenced by the myriad churches and temples throughout
the land. They were more humane towards the natives, and were not
involved in matters of civil jurisdiction. They were further bound by a
vow of poverty, which ensured a curtailment of abuse and impropriety. By
contrast, they claimed, the clerics often humiliated the natives, did not

IS In 1706. at least 273 Oaxaca Dominicans were officially sanctioned to preach, convert and confess in
Dalive languages. primarily in Zaporec. but also in Mixtec. Nahuatl, Mije, Cbonlal, Cbinanteca. Guapi and
Zoque. See Francisco Canterla y Martin de Tovar. La igluia ek Oamca en el sig/o XVIII (Sevill~ 1982),
58-63.

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speak their languages, were undisciplined, were more worried about

politics than about Christian doctrine, and were motivated by visions of
wealth and power.t6
The seculars, by contrast, argued that the numbers of missionaries
was now insufficient to attend to the necessities of each parish, and that
basic elements of worship, such as confession and baptism, as well as the
education, medical care, and singing by the choir were being neglected
throughout the land, particularly in rural parishes. As a result, the
Dominicans were no longer effective in their task, as parishes run by them
were concentrations of idolatry and pagan activity. They argued that while
the Dominicans had indeed converted much of the region, their usefulness
was now spent, and preference should now be given to those who could
more ably administer the parishes. The seculars alleged that the
Dominicans deliberately failed to teach the Spanish language to the natives,
with the purpose of retaining a monopoly over them, and that they failed to
obey the rules and regulations set up by the Diocese regarding the
administration of the parishes. Moreover, the seculars claimed, the
Dominicans required forced labor and tribute from the Indians. Even
accusations of usury, contraband, drunkenness and lechery were hurled at
the Dominicans.l7
The most serious issue of contention was the ownership of the
property of the monastic orders, and whether it would be legal for the
Diocese to appropriate it. In 1708, the Dominicans in Oaxaca controlled 40
parishes with over 38,000 Indians, while the secular priests controlled 60
parishes, but with only 29,000 lndians.ls Bishop Maldonado accused the
16 Francisco Canterla y
17 Ibid. pp. 161-163.

Martin de Tovar. La iglt!sia de OaxiiCa en el siglo XVIII (Seville. 1982). 167-168.

18 Ibid. p. 79.

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Dominicans of improper behavior, of exacting too much tribute and labor

from the Indians, and claimed that the Evangelical mission would best be
served by a redistribution of authority throughout the land. An accord was
reached in July of 1710, with both sides agreeing to a restructuring of the
parishes, and to forego mutual accusations for the sake of better serving the
Indians.t9 The truce was temporary, however, as the agreements were
generally ignored and bureaucratic skirmish.; continued for decades.
Eventually, the struggle took on global proportions. The battle was
taken first to the viceroy in Mexico City, and eventually appeals were made
to the king in Spain and the Pope. The Bishops and Archbishop were
controlled by the Spanish Crown, while the missionaries enjoyed strong
support in Rome. The early Bourbon monarchs had supported the efforts
to put the secular clergy in command throughout the colonies. Wishing to
finally settle the matter, and after having convened judicial authorities in
support of his position, Fernando VI in 1753 issued a Royal Decree which
ordered the secularization of all the parishes in New Spain. This decree set
in motion a veritable ideological war that would last for decades, and that
would reach vicious levels of contention. The monastic orders, in spite of
their vow of obedience, actively resisted the implementation of the decree,
thus disobeying the will of the King as well as the Pope, who had
begrudgingly assented to the order. Appeals were made, the civil
bureaucracy became involved, and meetings, commissions and councils
were formed to study the problem and make recommendations. The King
had been clear in his intentions, but had neglected to indicate adequate
means of enforcing them, essentially rendering the clerics unable to

19

Ibid.. p. 82.

164

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displace the monastic orders. Secularization of the parishes was attempted

throughout the colony, though it was by no means uniform.
In the Archdiocese of Mexico, for example, the secularization of
parishes in the 1750s and 1760s was closely associated with legal
battles and violent protests against priests in the districts of
Xilotepec, Cuemavaca, Cuautla and Chalco, but not in Texcoco or
Coyoacan.20

In Oaxaca, the conflict over control of the parishes reached a

similar, mixed result. The decree was received by Bishop Blanco y

Helguero, who vainly attempted to enforce it. The Dominicans set up many
obstacles to its implementation, refusing to vacate the monastic houses, and
filing appeals, both official and unofficial, to various individuals in the
civil and church bureaucracies, in Mexico, in Spain and in Rome. Thus, in
spite of the King's decree, the conflict was not resolved for over two
decades. Finally, in 1779, a compromise was reached with the Dominicans
in Oaxaca, wherein the King (now Carlos lli) specifically granted the
Dominicans the rights to twelve of the most important parishes in the
region.21 This pronouncement by the Spanish monarch came to be the final
major decision in the religious conflict during the colonial period. The
secular priests and regular orders would coexist without major clashes until

the movement towards Independence overtook Mexico three decades later.

Education in New Spain. One of the most important functions of the
missionaries was that of educators. The schooling of the natives
complemented their conversion, and while catechism brought salvation to
20 William B. Taylor. Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishiones in Eighleenlh-CellliiTy Mexico
~o Alto: Stanford University Press.
I Canterla, op. cit.. p. 184.

1996). 14.

165

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the soul, it was education that provided the basis for a civilized society.
Soon after the Conquest, schools were established that taught basic useful
education and technical skills that would allow the natives to earn a living.
One name in particular is always mentioned in connection to education, that
of Pedro de Gante, one of the first missionaries to arrive in the New
World. Born in Flanders around 1480, Gante
arrived in Mexico in 1523, and remained there until his death in
1572, at an extremely advanced age, without ever returning to
Europe. He spent his life in the most widely diverse fields and taught
generations of Indians to read and write. He it was who founded the
great school of San Francisco in Mexico City, and directed it for
more than forty years, and had as many as a thousand pupils. Even
today no name is more revered in Mexico...Archbishop Monnifar
paid him an involuntary tribute, when, in a moment of exasperation,
he exclaimed: ~Pedro de Gante is Archbishop of Mexico, not I!' 22

Along with other enlightened educators which included Bernardino

de Sahaglin, Vasco de Quiroga and Motolinfa, Gante 's view was that
conversion and education could not be achieved solely by European
methods and ideas. They attempted to bring the native into the Christian
fold, not by turning him into a European, but rather by appealing to his
human nature and his native aesthetic. Rather than repressing the natives,
cultural elements and artistic inclinations that had been part of their culture
for centuries were encouraged. Many missionaries re-educated themselves
in this light, learning native languages and customs, to better teach the
natives. Motolinia went so far as to assume a Tlaxcalan name, which
translated into

~~overty

and humility", to gain the trust of the natives.

Pedro de Gante's schools were self-contained communities, which

22 o;---t
~--.

op. Cll.,
p. 208.

166

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included churches, schools, hospitals and dormitories. Work, play and

worship were done communally, the needs of the community were met by
collective labor. In Gante' s workshops, Indians would learn arts and crafts
and would teach them to other Indians. The high level of Mexican
craftsmanship, inherited from the Aztecs, thus continued and flourished
throughout the colonial period. Gante 's pupils would build the churches,
decorate the insides, and help in the services. They thus had to learn
masonry, wood-working, painting and sculpture, and music and singing, all
necessary not only for the establishment of the church, but for the
edification of the natives as well.
To be sure, not all of the missionaries were as enlightened as Gante
and Motolinfa. Some refused to assign the native any role other than field
worker, and could be as brutal and violent as the encomenderos. Thus, the
Dominican Pedro Guzman de Maraver who worked in Oaxaca, would often
beat the faith into the Indians. For the most part, however, the
missionaries adopted an enlightened attitude towards the education of the
natives.
Pedro de Gante was the first, but by no means the only, missionary
to establish schools in New Spain. Most of the missions throughout the land
at one point or another contained a school, and all three of the original
monastic orders, fulfilled their duties as educators, as did the missionaries
who arrived later in the colonial period. Education at all levels was
controlled by the church, which as a result became the artistic and
intellectual institution of any given city or region. Many churches and
cathedrals, particularly in prosperous towns, typically enlisted on a
permanent basis architects, sculptors and painters, as well as composers and
musicians.
167

168

Much of the educational effort by the missionaries was directed

toward the children of the natives, and in particular the sons of caciques or

principales, in the belief that they would be easier to convert, and that they
would in tum become leaders of their people. The children of gente baja
(lower-class Indians) would assemble daily in the atrio, or courtyard of the
church, where they would be taught catechism. More attention would be
given to the principales, (as well as a few lower class children), who often
lived in the convent, were given a strict regimen of discipline and silent
prayer, attended all the setvices of the missionaries, and were taught
reading, writing and singing, in addition to the catechism.23 These children
would eventually become the missionaries strongest allies in the
evangelization effort, for as they returned to their villages, they presented
a friendly face of the new, foreign religion, and their importance among
the Spanish would grant them increased status.
Besides the catechism, children were taught reading and writing, as
well as rudimentary mathematics. All instruction was in native tongues,
transcribed into the Latin alphabet. In the first century of the colony,
Spanish was seldom taught at all, particularly in rural regions.

Education In Oaxaca. Education in Oaxaca was first undertaken by the

monastic orders, and later became the domain of the secular clergy,
spearheaded by the cathedral Chapter. Numerous schools, colleges,
seminaries and universities were founded throughout the region during the
colonial period. A prime example is the Dominican mission of Y anhuitlan,
on the outskirts of Oaxaca, which provided instruction for over 400 pupils
and which was headed by Fray Jordan de Santa Catalina. Children were
23 Ibid., pp. 98-99.
168

169
taught reading, writing, singing and the playing of musical instruments.24
Moreover, it also continuously trained 50 to 60 young men in Christian
doctrine. They undeiWent seven years of studies and one year of
examinations, participating in masses and offices, and left the seminary
perfectly prepared for parochial duties.2S Upon graduation, some remained
in the city, but most continued the evangelical mission in the Oaxacan
countryside.
In the 1570s, Bishop Bernardo de Albuquerque founded a religious
convent, for the education of Spanish and Indian girls. They were taught
Christian doctrine as well as reading and writing, and singing was an
important part of the curriculum. The young women would subsequently
return to their villages to spread knowledge and education. Another
important institution was the Colegio de San Bartolome, founded by Bishop
Bartolome de Ledesma in the early seventeenth century. It offered a
curriculum of philosophy, theology and art, and was frequented by
Oaxaca's distinguished and wealthy families.

In the first part of the eighteenth century, a concerted effort was

made by a succession of clerics, including Bishops Maldonado, Calder6n,
Montaiio, G6mez de Angulo and Blanco y Elguero, to raise the education
level both of the clergy and of the inhabitants of Oaxaca. In 1734, the
Diocese maintained over three hundred schools whose primary purpose
was to teach Spanish to the Indians.26 Unlike the education policies of the
church in the early years of the colony, education in Spanish had been a
primary goal of the Oaxaca Bishops, for knowledge of the language was
p. 210.
25 Canterla, op. ciL, p. 121.
26 Ibid., p. 92.
24 Ibid..

169

170

deemed necessary to the true comprehension of Christian doctrine. By

teaching the Spanish tongue to rural inhabitants, the secular priests were
implicitly (and occasionally explicitly) attempting to limit the influence of
the Dominican missionaries, whose linguistic achievements were
undeniable, thus making their presence essential in the evangelical effort.
In any event, the controversy over bi-lingual education was greatly debated
in the colonial period, and the debate has continued in the lands formerly
occupied by Spain, even to the present day.
Bishop Montano sought to raise the cultural and moral education of
the clergy, and held several conferences to that end He also established
scholarships at the Colegio de San lldefonso, which could take morally and
intellectually qualified recipients to the highest levels of the priesthood.27
His successor, Gomez de Angulo was also concerned with the education of
youth, and he founded as many schools as possible throughout the Diocese.
To optimize the academic preparation of the priesthood, Gomez de Angulo
established in 1751, and with permission from the Council of Indies,
several academic chairs in the Seminary College in Oaxaca. To the existing
professorship in morality, Gomez de Angulo added two in scholastic
theology, two in philosophy, and two in grammar. In addition, he
attempted to elevate the Seminary College to the rank of University, since
the long distance to the Capital discouraged many students from pursuing
higher education. He argued that the University of Huamanga in Peni was

as distant from Lima as Oaxaca was from Mexico, and that moreover, the
University of Cuzco had been established a mere 80 leagues from that of

27 Ibid., p. 93.
170

171

Huamanga. In spite of these arguments, the Mexico City University was

opposed to the new institution, and the request that was denied.28

In 1756, Bishop Blanco y Elguero further established Spanish

schools in 28 parishes in the Mixtec region, ordering that children in
remote areas be boarded in those parishes.29 G6mez de Angulo also
received by Royal decree the authorization to found the Colegio del
Santisimo Sacramento, established in the Cathedral itself, with the purpose
of formally instructing the twelve seises, whose education heretofore had
been informally undertaken by the chapelmaster.

28

Ibid. p. 99.

29 Ibid. p. 101.
171

172

Chapter 6
New Spain's Separate Path

Many historians have characterized the evolution of Neo-Hispanic

culture as

~~lagging"

behind that of Spain and the rest of Europe:

Just as Spanish architecture in Mexico remained Baroque far into the

[eighteenth] century, the whole culture, under a veneer of fashion,
lagged at least a century behind developments in Western nations.
Technology and design were out of date. 1
This cultural perception imposes the assumption that the artistic
achievements in Spain and the rest of Europe are the "correct" progression
of human aesthetics, and that by failing to keep up with European
developments, colonial thought and artistic achievements are somehow less
valid. Yet, this view judges colonial culture based on assumptions that very
rarely applied to the New World. From the very beginning, Nee-Hispanic
culture began operating under a paradigm far removed from that of

Europe, as diverse social, economic, artistic and political elements that

were not present in the Old World took the emerging civilization in new
directions. New Spain was not Spain (let alone France, England, or Italy),
and at any given time was home to relatively few Spaniards. The colonial
demographic makeup of Indians, Mestizos and Creoles, few of which had
ever been to Europe, provided a completely new set of circumstances, of
1 T.

R. Febrenbach. Fire&: Blood: A History of Mexico {New York: Da Capo~ 1995}. p. 288.

173

needs, of wants, dreams and aspirations that were worlds apart from those
in Spain and the rest of Europe. To presume that Neo-Hispanic civilization

should have followed the European cultural evolution to the letter is as

misdirected as if the presumption were applied to seventeenth century
Africa, China or India.
Eighteenth-century colonial polyphonic and polychoral modal
compositions are no less admirable--or valid--because Europe was by then
basking in the concerted music of Handel and Haydn. The musical identity
of New Spain was affected by political and religious circumstances, both
local and colony-wide, by the physical and cultural isolation home by
particular cities, by the racial and social identity of chapelmasters and other
composers, and by the diverse makeup of congregations and of choirs.
Thus, rather than attempting to measure the ''cultural lag" between Europe
and New Spain, a more fruitful academic endeavor would be to attempt to
trace the evolution of the colonial aesthetic on its own terms.
By the middle of the sixteenth century, Spain bad solidified its
empire in Mexico and in much of South America, and had achieved the
status of political and economic world power. But its ambitions went far
beyond mere military occupation. The Crown, which envisioned a wider,
more pervasive domination of the newly discovered territories and their
inhabitants, was aware that control of ideas was far more effective than
force in the domination of the new lands. Rooted in the philosophical
proclamations of the humanist Juan de Mal Lara (1524-1571), who asserted
that control of knowledge and information is necessary for the preservation
of an empire, the Crown very quickly moved to impose its culture on the

174

colonies.2 Like most occupying forces, Spain from the beginning held a
tight grip on the philosophical and artistic output in New Spain, directing
the systems of representation and signification in order to retain control of
the social consciousness.
The Hapsburg monarchy was largely driven by a steadfast reliance
on custom and tradition, and openly resisted change and innovation. This
philosophical approach was readily transferred to the New World, and as a
result, dramatically altered the colonial power structure. From the Viceroy
down to district and local leaders, the judicial courts, the church hierarchy,
the ranchers and land-owners, and even the natives and Mestizo societies,
were all infused with an institutionalized conservative mind-set that
affected the evolution of colonial thought and artistic achievement during
the first two centuries of the colony.
The conservatism imposed by the church and civil authorities was
meant, among others, to instill appropriate ideological and religious values

in all artistic manifestations. Any excessive h"beration of artistic modes of

expression might result in a proportionate destabilization of the status quo
and a questioning of the civil and spiritual authorities. This implicit-and
at times explicit-regulation of content bad a momentous effect on artistic
production throughout the colonies. Added to this was an undetermined
amount of self-censorship which undoubtedly infected the works of
colonial artists, philosophers and musicians, at least during the first century
of the occupation.
Spain, like all the other colonial powers of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, bad imposed what amounted to an economic
2 Colin M. Maci aghlan, Spain's Empire in the New World : TM Rok of ltkos in lnstitulional 01ld Social
Change (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California~ 1988), 28.

175

blockade on its possessions, in order to ensure exclusivity of production

and materials, and to provide a continued market for its own goods and
services. English, French, Dutch and Portuguese ships were forbidden
from trading in Spanish-owned ports, and often could not even dock there,
without permission. The economic blockade translated into a cultural
barrier which shielded New Spain from all other countries in Europe, and
their artistic and cultural developments. For the most part, social, political
and economic elements had to be filtered through Spain. The singular
cultural evolution of New Spain was the direct result of the natural
conservatism that was inherent in the society, compounded by its isolation.
This mind-set greatly contn"buted to the failed implementation of Baroque
thought, ideals and aesthetics to be implemented in the colonies until the
eighteenth century. Specifically, it wasn't until the early eighteenth century
that Italian and German influences began to infiltrate colonial music.
Neo-Hispanic Thought. After the Conquest, a great effort was made to
quickly bring to the colonies the high level of Spanish art and culture, and
to establish cultural centers that could rival those in Europe. No sooner
had the violence of the Spanish conquerors abated that an effort was made
to establish higher education in the new lands. The emphasis on education
and culture, begun with the Conquest, continued throughout the colonial
period. By the second half of the sixteenth century, the King himself,
Felipe II, made the education of his new subjects a priority by sending
learned men to teach in the colonies and by granting financial support and
privileges to educational institutions. Felipe II' s devotion to education was
as great in the musical realm, and he saw to it that many polyphonic works
of his day were sent across the ocean to enrich the colonies. Composers

176

such as Palestrina, then in the Spanish monarch's employ, would present

him with new compositions which were in tum forward to New Spain.3

Many Renaissance works ended up in the New World in this way.

The establishment of educational systems and institutions is not often
characteristic of conquering armies, which tend to leave the conquered
peoples in ignorance and isolation, the better to force them into submission.
The radical approach was partly the result of a compromise between the
Church and the Crown, in which the price that the monarchy had to pay
for the colonies was what it saw as the spiritual elevation and liberation of
its inhabitants. In essence, the exploitation and subjection of the natives was
justified by their spiritual salvation. While modem eyes might perceive this
arrangement with a certain amount of cynicism, it was a matter that was
taken seriously by the temporal and religious authorities on the European
continent, debated extensively by great philosophers of the time, and one
which took many years to resolve.
Renaissance Spain perceived the colonies and its inhabitants as virgin
intellectual territory, and, dismissing out-of-hand any native system of
thought, saw the new lands as an opportunity to explore and expand the
moral, philosophical and juridical matrix that had been developing on the
Iberian Peninsula for centuries. As a result the early years of the colony
saw competing developments in colonial thought.
The University of Mexico. From the very beginning of the Conquest,
Spain had intended to establish an institution of higher learning in New
Spain. As early as 1525, a petition was made to the king for the
3 Jesds Estrada, MUsica y nuisicos ck llllpoca virrdnal (Mexico City: Secrelaria de EducaciOO Pliblica,
1973), 53, citing personal communications from Monseftar Rafael Casimiri, researcher at the an:bives of

the church of SL John Lateran. in Rome.

177

establishment of a school where "the children of caciques and

gentlemen...would be taught reading, grammar, philosophy and the other
arts." Other calls were made for general studies in grammar, arts and

theology, not only for the sons of Spaniard noblemen, but for the sons of
the native nobility as well. The most enthusiastic advocate of a NeoHispanic university was Franciscan Juan de Ztunarraga, the first Bishop of
Mexico City (1527). He called for an institution that taught "all the faculties
and sciences that are read at all other universities, with and emphasis on the
arts and theology."s In a letter to the King, Ztunarraga cited the example of

Granada, where, despite the high level of education and enlightenment of

the Spanish people, the Crown had still seen the necessity for the
establishment of a university in order to facilitate the conversion of the
recently re-conquered Moors. New Spain, he argued, with so many more
new converts, should also benefit from such an institution.
As a result of intense lobbying from Zumarraga and others, Felipe II
issued a decree for the establishment of a new university on September 21,
1551. The decree was approved by Papal Bull, and on January 25, 1553,
The Real y Pontificia Universidad de la Ciudad de Mexico was founded.
Instruction began on June 3 of that year. Because of the Royal decree and
Papal Bull, the University had the same rank as the highest European
institutions. Its constitution was based on that of the University of
Salamanca, and all graduates of the new university were henceforth entitled
to the same rights and privileges as those of the Spanish institution.
Salamanca was one of the most prestigious universities in Spain, and its
constitution reflected the purest medieval tradition, going back to the Siete

4 David Mayagoitia. Ambioue jilos6fico tk /Q Nueva EspaiiiJ {Mexico City: Editorial Jus, 1945). 58.

s Ibid.. p. 59.

178

Partidas, promulgated by Alfonso el Sabio in 1263. The principles of

Alfonso emphasized a mutual respect between teachers and pupils in the
pursuit of knowledge and wisdom, a pursuit which included the study of
the arts, of grammar, logic, and rhetoric, of law and astronomy, of
arithmetic and geometry, and of music.
The University of Mexico was administered by the church, which
would retain that role unti11833. It was governed by the Claustra
(University Senate), consisting of faculty which included both doctores and

maestros. The Claustra elected a rector from its ranks, and the chancellor
was the maestre-escuela, an official in the Metropolitan Cathedral. From
the beginning, chairs were instituted in theology, sacred scriptures, canon
and civil law, liberal arts, rhetoric and grammar. Thereafter, chairs in
philosophy, medicine and surgery, astrology, and the Nahuatl and Otomi
languages were added to the curriculum. Indian pupils were taught
rhetoric, logic, music and philosophy, and soon began conversing in Latin.
Translations of the Bible into native languages were undertaken. By 1775,
almost 30, 000 graduates had received their bachelors degree from the
University of Mexico, and 1162 had received their Master's or Doctorate's
degrees.6
The University and the entire philosophical tradition that was
transplanted to New Spain had its roots in Medieval thought, developed
over more than a millennium. The Medieval spirit was present from the
start. Its foundations were in Plato and Aristotle, and its principal
contributors were Saint Clement of Alexandria, Saint Augustine, Boethius,
Saint Anselme, Abelard, Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas. In the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a number of great Renaissance Spanish
6

Ibid., p. 103.

179

philosophers emerged who revived a discipline which had seemed all but
dying at the end of the 14th century. This Golden Age of philosophy
(which coincided with Spain's Golden Age of music) included Francisco de
Vitoria (1480-1546) who wrote an important treatise on international law,

De Potestate Ecclesiae, Francisco Suarez (1548-1617) who wrote on public

law, Alfonso de Castro, who revamped the Penal code, and of course Saint
lgnacius of Loyola (1491-1556), founder of the Jesuit order.' These
thinkers envisioned the possibility of a modem Christian state, which
sacrificed power and authority in favor of the integration of morality and
ethics. The philosophical discourse, on its face in contravention to the
authority of the Spanish state, nevertheless engendered much open
discussion and debate. This philosophical openness permitted the
questioning of Spanish colonial policy in the early sixteenth century, the
best example being Las Casas's challenge of the treatment of the Indians.
The openness, however, would not last long, and by 1600, philosophical
discourse was forcibly returned to a safer, less subversive path by the
secular and religious authorities.
New Spain was thus the heir to a long and distinguished scholastic
tradition, and sixteenth-century Mexican thought was for the most part
very much in line with the intellectual life of the Golden Age in Spain.
Imbued with the long-standing ideas of Aristotle and Aquinas, it relied
heavily on Christian theology, as well as the rule of law. As in Medieval
universities, scholasticism dominated the curriculum, and methods of
teaching included didactic exposition and syllogistic argument. Many of the
intellectual founders of Mexican thought, whether lay or religious, were
disciples of some of the greatest Spanish minds of the sixteenth century.
7 Ibid,

p. 44.

180
The first chair in philosophy, the Catedra de Santo Tomas, was founded

and held by Fray Alonso de Ia Veracruz, disciple of Francisco de Vitoria in

Salamanca and the first to publish a philosophical treatise in the New
World. Fray Alonso and his successors, which included Francisco Naranjo,
Jose de Herrera, Tomas Mercado and Pedro y Paz Basconcelos, infused
Mexican thought with an intellectual character that rivaled that of Europe.
Important seventeenth-century theologians included Juan L6pez de Agurto
de Ia Mata and Bernardo de Bazan, who wrote important treatises on the
Summa Theologia.

The University of Mexico was only the first of several institutions of

higher learning established by the Crown in New Spain and in the rest of
the Spanish dominions. Moreover, the church, which viewed itself as a
receptacle of knowledge and of intellectual activity, also provided higher
education to the inhabitants of the colony.
[T]he church entered into every phase of the political and economic
life in New Spain, in the field of education, from parish school to the
university, the priest was master...There were no fewer than forty
colleges and seminaries in New Spain by the end of the Spanish
regime. All of them were ecclesiastical, serving as training schools
for the priesthood, but they also had a large enrollment of lay
students preparing to enter the university. 8
One of the main philosophical thrusts of the church was to combat
the influences of Lutheranism, Anglicanism and other Protestant
denominations that predominated in Northern Europe and that would
eventually come to envelop the American continent north of the Rio

g Lesley Byrd Simpson, Mmry Muicos (Bezkeley and Los Angeles: University of California, 1953), 157,
cited in Virginia Mounce. An Archivist's Guide to the Catholic Cluuch in Mexico (Palo Alto: R cl E

Research Associates. 1919), 67-68.

181

Grande. As the colony progressed, the refutation of Protestant philosophers

became an important objective, just as it had in the Iberian peninsula.
Even before the Reformation, a new brand of humanism had begun
arriving from the mother country, and the thoughts and philosophies of
such thinkers as Erasmus and Thomas More greatly influenced the NeoHispanic church. The works of both philosophers had been widely read in
Spain, supported by important figures such as the poet Lazaro Bejarno, and
were carried by conquerors and missionaries throughout the New World,
including Carlos de Aragon, Thomas More spoke of Utopia, the perfect
society, and had placed it on the American continent. Erasmus spoke of the
social and moral corruption of Europe and of the failure of Europe to
achieve Christian goals.

In the Erasmian view, a kingdom should be governed like a family

with a monarch as paterfamilias. Just as God required no recompense
for His beneficial gifts, so should the king undertake works of
kindness without thought of compensation of glory ... Erasmus
reflected the concern of sixteenth-century humanists that
individualism threatened the community and warned that the ideal
monarch should not gauge the state of the kingdom in material
terms.9
For many New World ecclesiastics, these philosophies translated into
a different view of the aborigines, that they too were capable of greatness,
and that the best way to achieve this was through uncorrupted,
unadulterated Christianity. America was now a challenging, virgin
laboratory, and if Utopia was to be achieved, the native raw materials

9 Colin M. Macl.aghlan, Spain's Empire in tM New World: TM Role of Ideas inlnstitJUiofllll and Social
Chlllage (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988). 6.

182

would not only have to be conve~ but civilized, educated and purified as
well.
The principal Neo-Hispanic proponents of the new ideas were Vasco
de Quiroga, who would later become Bishop of Michoa~ and Znmarraga
himself, who was heavily influenced by Erasmus. Zumirraga owned a copy

of the Utopia, which he annotated and in which he wrote notes to Vasco de

Quiroga.lO As Bishop of Mexico, zumarraga was responsible for
establishing most of the missionary policy, and his humanist teachings,
imbued with a strong sense of social awareness, were in evidence in the
capital, as well as in the curriculum at the University. Vasco de Quiroga set
out to recreate More's Utopia in New Spain, forming communities with
representative government, where labor and property ownership were
communal, and where order and divine harmony were the rule. These
communities were self-sufficient, and included hospitals, schools, and
agricultural work collectives.11 For the most part successful, these
communities were imbued with a sense of fairness and individual respect,
and came to exemplify Christian-humanist thought to a greater extent than
any in Renaissance Europe.12
The new humanistic currents were in direct opposition to the
traditional scholastic thought that had pervaded the Iberian peninsula for
centuries, and that was now invading colonial ideas as well. At issue was
the dominance of natural law as the moral basis for political authority.

See Silvio ~vala. La "Utopia" de Tomtfs Moro

enla Nueva Espana, y otros estudios (Mexico City. 1937).
11 Silvio Zavala. La "Utopia" de Tomtfs Moro en Ia Nueva Espaiill y otros estudios (Mexico City, 1937).
12 Vasco de Quiroga's Humanistic experiments would be repealed by the Jesuits in Paraguay at the
10 Tbe copy survives. and bas been reprinted in facsimile.

beginning of the seventeenth cenbn'y, also with great success Fcr a comprehensive view of Humanism in
tbe SJIIDisb colonies. see Carlos Herrej6n, ed. Humanismo y ciDu:ia enlaformaciOn de Mbico (Zamora.
Micboac4n, 1984).

183

Scholastic thought provided secular authority with the philosophical

means to defend its supremacy without dispensing with the politically
unifying functions of Christianity. A monarch's activities, directed
toward the common good, did not require supervision because the
monarch functioned in accordance with natural law.13
Any deviation from this rigid formulation was interpreted as an attempt on
the authority of the temporal power of the monarchy and the established
order of things. The traditionally communal ownership of land by the
Indian became unacceptable to the Crown, as it prohibited the accumulation
of individual wealth. The decision to allow forced labor was not de facto,
but had resulted from much deliberation, and was only reached (in 1503)
after it was determined to be in concordance with Christian and natural
law.14 Private property and individual wage labor became staples of the
new economic order.
As a result, by the end of the sixteenth century, the Crown cracked
down on colonial humanistic experiments, and its control over the colonial
thought grew to an unprecedented degree. The Counter-Reformation
brought a new wave of intellectual suppression to the colonies, as Spanish
philosophers sought, for the most part successfully, to impose on university
and religious life their particular brand of Scholastic thought, which
emphasized the concept of natural law that had ruled Spain since the Middle
Ages, and which remained the principal philosophical basis of the Spanish
presence in America.
Spain's stubborn clinging to medieval tradition prevented the
infusion of new scientific method and discovery both on the peninsula and
in the New World. The forcible imposition of medieval thought hampered
13
14

Macl.agblan, op. ciL. pp. ~7.

Ibid.. p. 49.

184

the colonies from engaging in free inquiry, in social and economic

advances, in scientific experimentation based on empirical evidence, or in
the evolution of political and theological thought. In the minds of the
Scholastics, the divine order superseded the human order, theology always
overruled science, ''revealed" knowledge was superior to "acquired"
knowledge, and human reason, seen as an imperfect reflection of the mind
of God, was thus subordinate to it.
The liberalization of religious and political institutions was difficult
under these conditions. Ultimately, this artificial chilling of colonial society
came to be reflected in its scientific pursuits, in its artistic expression, in its
art

and literature, and in its music.

The seventeenth-century colonial mind, to which were forbidden the
new critical and experimental methods coming into vogue in Europe,
was unable to determine the exact boundaries between the different
sciences. Its concept of knowledge was a piling up of data rather than
a synthesis. The rigidly deductive method of scholasticism did not
equip colonial intellectuals with the systematic mind that could
understand the special case or could determine the concrete meaning
concealed behind a screen of cliches and figures of speech. Is
The intellectual control of the colonies and the forcible imposition of

scholasticism, pervasive as it was, was nonetheless not uniform and

absolute. Pockets of intellectual resistance survived here and there, fueled
by Enlightenment works surreptitiously smuggled into New Spain by
Creoles returning from Spain or by English and Dutch trading ships. The
most powerful advocate of modernism, however, was an institution known

IS Mariano Pic6n-Salas,

A CultuTal History of Spanish America: From Conquest to Independence, ttans.

Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965). 98-99.

185

for its progressive thought, and one whose wealth, power and influence
placed it virtually beyond attack: The Order of the Company of Jesus.
The Jesuits. They had been sent to the New World by Felipe II, charged
with extending the educational missions that they bad undertaken
throughout Europe. The original Jesuit mission to the Americas was aimed
at the Florida Peninsula, where they arrived in 1566. But when hostility by
the natives caused a high mortality rate among the missionaries, the Jesuits
redirected their efforts to New Spain. They arrived in Mexico City in
1572, led by Fray Pedro Sanchez (1529-1609), learned professor from the
University of Alcala. Therein began the most enlightened chapter of
missionary and educational worlc in the colonies, one that would end with
the forceful removal of the Company of Jesus from the New World two
centuries later. Within a year of their arrival, the Jesuits had built one of
the largest churches in the land, as well as the Colegio de Santa Maria de

Todos los Santos, which immediately began instructing students in Latin,

theology and philosophy. Thereafter, the Jesuits established several colleges
(and later universities), providing education for the young priests arriving
from Spain as well as for the sons of the Creoles and of the native nobility.
The Jesuit institutions included the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y San

Pablo, founded in 1576, and the prestigious Colegio de San lldefonso,

founded in 1583. The alumni of these institutions constitute a veritable
who's who of Mexico's intellectual life, not only during the colony, but in
subsequent eras as well.I6 In addition to the colleges in Mexico City, a
myriad of Jesuit educational institutions were also founded at many other

16 See David Mayagoitia., Aml1k111e filos6fico

de Ia Nueva Espaiia (Mexico City: Editorial Jus, 1945}, 142.

186

cities and towns throughout New Spain, most notably, that of Oaxaca,
founded in 1574.17
A century after the Conquest, only two universities existed in the
entire American continent: those in Mexico and Lima. In the early
seventeenth century, the Jesuits received approval from the Pope to
establish graduate institutions, to complement the University of Mexico.
The Jesuits thus founded universities in Merida, Guatemala, Guadalajara
and Puebla. These institutions usually offered the core curriculum
(Facultades Mayores) which consisted of Theology, Law and Sacred

Scripture, as well as complete courses in philosophy and liberal arts. These

included grammar, humanities, rhetoric, liberal arts, philosophy,
mathematics, astronomy and physics, as well as music.
The Jesuit teachings were not only meant for Creoles and Spaniards
but for Indians as well. All Indians were given rudimentary education,
those who excelled were given the opportunity to advance to one of the
colleges, as attested by a 1585 letter:
First and foremost to be taught is the Christian Doctrine.
Afterwards, reading and writing. Then singing, so that they may
work in the churches, a job which belongs, in this land to the gente
principal [Indian middle-class]. Others will be taught other
occupations, in the same college, such as painting, instrumentplaying, woodworking, etc. The ones that are notably gifted will be
made to study.18

17

Others include P4lzcuaro {1573), three in Pueb1a {1578, 17CYJ. and 1751), VaDadolid {1578). Tepotz0d4n
{1585), Guadalajara {1586), Zantecas {1593), Durango {1596), Guatemala {1601), Mmda {1618). San Luis
Pototsi {1621), Queretaro (1625), Veracruz {1639), Parral (1651), Chiapas {1681), Moorerrey (1714).
Campeche {1716), Chihuahua (1718), Celaya (1720). Havana {1722), Puerto Principe (1744). Le6n (1731).
and Guanajuaro (1732).
18 Alfred Lemo~ "Los Jesuitas y Ia mlisica colonial en Mexico." Heterofonfa (November 1976): 9.

187

The Jesuits pedagogical system, developed by St. Ignatius during his

years at the University of Paris, relied on reflection, experience and
prayer, placing more importance on practical experience than on theory.
The Spanish poet and historian Menendez Pelayo described Loyola as
follows:
[Loyola] is the liveliest personification of the Spanish spirit in the
Golden Age...No learned man so influenced the world...God gave
rise to the Company of Jesus to defend human hrerty which was
denied by the Protestants with savage fierceness; to purify the
Renaissance of the pagan dregs; to cultivate under the aegis of
religion all lineage of science and discipline, and to indoctrinate in
these all youth; to extend the evangelical life to the coarsest and most
remote heathens. The order adapted to the necessities of the century,
and had to live in the century, as learned as the most learned, as
skilled as the most skilled, always ready for battle and never lagging
in any intellectual advance. There, the geometrist, the philosopher
and the critic could find fellowship.t9
Other influential Jesuits in New Spain included Pedro Ortigosa (15471626), and Antonio Rubio (1548-1615), who wrote a philosophical text,
LOgica Mexicana (1577), a scholastic treatise expounding of the precepts of

Aristotle. The volume became a standard not only in the New World, but
in Europe as well. Another was Fray Juan Maria de Salvatierra, who

founded the mission in Baja California, and who was by all accounts a
master vihuelist.20
Like many of the other orders in New Spain, the Jesuits made
extensive use of music in their services. A 1578 letter to King Felipe II

19 Man:elino Menmdez Pelayo. Historia de los Heterodozos Espaiioks (Madrid. 1911). vol 4. p. 29 and
vol S. p. 394. cited in David Mayagoitia. Ambienle jilos6fico de Ia Nueva Espoiia (Mexico City: Edilorial
Jus, 1945). 446.
20 See Alfred Lem~ "Los Jesuitas y Ia mUsica colonial en Mbico... Heterofonla (November 1976): 9.

188

descn"bed the reception and procession to celebrate the arrival in Oaxaca of

the Jesuit Provincial father, who brought with him a number of holy relics:
A very solemn procession was formed, with a crowd of people
never-before seen, and accompanied by missionaries, clerics,
religious platforms, crossed and standards, and all types of music;
the streets of the procession were adorned with arches, tapestries and
flowers, and the holy relics were carried by hand by prebends of the
holy church.2
In contrast to the Dominicans who had had constant struggles with

the Diocese, the Jesuits had mostly maintained a cordial relationships with
the various Bishops for the better part of two centuries, and most of the
members of the Oaxaca Chapter had been at one time or another pupils of
the Jesuits at their College in Oaxaca. In 1758, Bishop Blanco y Elguero
had even attempted to transfer one of the professorships in Philosophy
from the Seminary College to the Jesuit College, though this was blocked
by the Council of Indies, leery of the growing power of the order.
The Jesuits represented the cutting edge of enlightenment in NeeHispanic culture, a position they held until they were forcibly expelled
from the Americas by the Bourbon monarchy in 1767. Bishop Alvarez de
Abreu had the unpleasant task of enforcing the decree banning the Jesuits
from the New World, and oversaw the expulsion of the Company from
Oaxaca in 1767.
The expulsion of the Jesuits from Mexico in 1767 destroyed the only
element in the Mexican Church that was free of medievalism. The
Bourbon officials meant to erase a competing institution, but the true
effect was the destruction of all educational standards in New Spain.n

21 Ibid., p. 8.
22 T. R. Fehrenbach, Fire

cl Blood: A History of Mexico (New York: Da Capo Press, 1995), 289.

189

The Printing Press. The development of Colonial thought and aesthetics

was also greatly influenced by the advent of the printing press in the New
World. Zumarraga had attempted to introduce printing to New Spain as
early as 1533. The first known press was that of Esteban Martin, whose
first volume was a Spanish translation of San Juan Clfmaco's Escala
Espiritual, printed in 1535.23 No copies of this volume survive. The first
imprint that can be confirmed was the result of a collaboration between the
German Juan Cronberger and the Italian Juan Pablos, who came to New
Spain in 1539 by way of Seville. The press was established on June 12 of
that year, and the frrst volume was a Christian doctrine in Nahuatl tongue,
the Breve y mas compendiosa Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua Mexicana y
Castellana. In the first century of the Colony, over 200 works were
printed, including works on Christian doctrine, linguistics, law,.
philosophy, theology, history, medicine and surgery,. arithmetic, botany
and natural history, as well as military and navigational treatises.24 Twelve
of these books contained music and several others were cancioneros, or
collections of song texts. The various sixteenth century musical imprints
have been discussed at length by Robert Stevenson.2S
Oaxaca was the third city in New Spain to have a printing press,
following Mexico City and Puebla (Pedro de Quiiiones, 1642). The oldest
Oaxacan imprint was a funeral sermon given by the Dominican Sebastian
de Santander in 1720.26 The printing press in Mexico City, Puebla, Oaxaca

23 Juan B. lguiniz, La imprentiJ en IaN~ Espana (Mexico City: Editorial Porrua. 1938), 9-10.
24 Antonio Pompa y Pompa, 450 aiios de Ia imprell/a tipogr6fica en Mbico (Mexico City, Associaci6n
Nacimal de Libreros. 1988), 21.

2S Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico: A Historical SIITVey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952). 6881.
Pompa. op. CIL,,
. p. 22.

26

190

and other colonial cities was instrumental in disseminating the evolving

Neo-Hispanic culture.

The Seventeenth Century. By the seventeenth century, Spain was in

trouble. Its economy was faltering, its agriculture was declining, and even
its military might was waning, unable to keep up with warfare technology.
The riches of its dominions had gone to finance years of war against the
French and the British-wars which it lost-rather than to building up the
Spanish economy and investing in the long-term infrastructure. The failure
to unite Europe under a Catholic flag, and the defeat of the Spanish
Armada in 1588 confirmed in everyone's mind the decline of the Empire.
A new pessimistic malaise enveloped the Iberian Peninsula, and in turn
jumped across the Atlantic to the Spanish Dominions. The decline in
political and economic power in Spain was accompanied by a perceived
diminishment in character and virtue both of the Spanish monarchy, and to
a certain extent of the Spanish people. This dual disintegration was
mirrored in the New World.
The early years of the period of Conquest had been seen as a
glorious epoch both in Spain and in the colonies. The sixteenth century had
provided a panoply of emotions which pervaded every aspect of the newfound civilization. Spaniards and Creoles traveled the range of human
extremes: on the one hand, they were governed by qualities such as courage
and virtue that would make them legendary; on the other, they sank to
depths of cruelty and inhumanity that would forever consign them to
infamy. This duality of material and spiritual goals, often contradictory, is
reflected in accounts that speak simultaneously of saving and killing, of
honor and dishonor, of altruism and selfishness. The Conquistadors had

191

demonstrated an almost superhuman determination to overcome obstacles

and a supreme indifference to difficulties. The spirit of individualism was
embodied in the quest for glory on earth, which, according to Spanish
medieval theology, would bring on glory in heaven. Life and death had
become a iiXation in the culture. Their special brand of colonial attitude
towards life infused with Spanish arrogance and Native fatalism pervaded
the period of Conquest itself, and lingered throughout the colonial period
By the seventeenth century, however, an atmosphere of pessimism
had emerged, exacerbated by the economic and social upheavals of the
second half of the century. After 1600, the purely Spanish (and European)
presence started to gradually wane in cultural, political and religious
affairs. The Spanish institutions that did remain in control, namely the
political bureaucracy and the church, had a vested interest in taking a
conservative track in their colonial management. Increased secularization
was seen as a threat to the Crown's and the Church's control over the
native populations, and even over the Creoles.
The result was a dramatic slow-down, even an interruption, of the
stylistic and artistic evolution that was expected to mirror the developments
in Europe. The Crown and the church, the missionaries and the
philosophers had all foreseen an offspring society, one which would
preserve, sustain and expand on the intellectual, scientific and artistic
achievements of the mother country. They had neglected to take into
account a crucial difference: that New Spain was not the mother country,
and that it functioned under a completely different set of dynamics. This
fact was not recognized while most of the ruling class had been born in
Spain. But by the seventeenth century, a whole new generation of Creoles,
who had never been to Spain, had come to power. The impetus to make

192

things "just like home" had disappeared, since Spain was now an abstract
concept, to be distantly considered, and eventually to be resented. The rise
to

power of the Creoles, mostly rich landowners forced to pay taxes to the

homeland, contributed to an increased resentment of Spain and its

economic and political stronghold on the colony.
After the initial periods of Conquest, colonization and missionary
work, the colony became increasingly self-reliant, gradually following an
autonomous path that would eventually lead to independence in 1821. By
the seventeenth century, the Creole population had grown to the point
where massive migration from the mother country was no longer required.
The flow of immigrants from Spain decreased considerably, and the colony
was thus deprived of artists, musicians and writers who were in tune with
the changing aesthetics on the European continent. Moreover, after their
initial decimation in the early part of the Conquest, mostly due to disease,
the native population, along with the emerging Mestizo class, began making
a comeback, gradually becoming an important element in the evolving
colonial society. Educated Indians and Mestizos were not uncommon and
while the positions of power, to be sure, were still held by Creoles, the
natives began assuming important roles in the lower and middle echelons of
society. Many became priests, bureaucrats, overseers, even property
owners and chapelmasters.
The geographical demographics altered the transformation of the
colony as well. In the sixteenth century, the religious orders and political
bureaucracies had been concerned with a population, both indigenous and
Spanish that was mostly rural and agriculturally oriented. The missionaries
had seen an opportunity to practice their Christianity in a simple,

193

wholesome atmosphere, unaffected by the perils of a modem and urban

civilization which in their eyes had corrupted much of Europe. By
contrast, the seventeenth century saw a marked shift towards a more urban,
cosmopolitan existence within the ranks of the Spaniards and Creoles, who
increasingly longed for comforts and culture. Whereas the Conquistadors
had lived a life of action, toughened by the rigors of war and adverse
conditions, and stimulated by optimism and boundless energy, their
descendants had reverted to a more sedentary life, intent on becoming
respectable family men. To the dismay, and often angry resentment, of the
old guard,27 the new generation was softened by an abundance of slave
labor, and was intent on enjoying the fruits gloriously won by their
ancestors. A dynamic society dominated by arrogant soldiers, greedy
ranchers and humble Franciscan and Dominican clerics, gave way to an
indolent one whose principal players were urban-dwelling bureaucrats,
merchants, upper-secular priests, and artists. The civil bureaucracy grew
and became increasingly bloated, with unnecessary workers performing
unnecessary functions. The growth a parsitical middle-class exacerbated the
problems of an already corrupt society. A decadent lifestyle emerged,
dedicated to the excesses of courtly entertainment, bacchanal pleasures and
sins of the flesh. Ironically, these were the same people who chastised the
natives, complaining of their indolent nature and their propensity for
drunkenness. As Creole society became increasingly urban, the major
cities, Mexico, Oaxaca, Puebla, Guadalajara, V alladolid all founded in the
first half of the sixteenth century, now came to the fore as important

rr See the angry missive from Lope de Aguirre to Felipe n lamenting the character of the recent immigranas
in Mariano Pic6n-Salas, A Cult11Tal History of Spanish America: From Conqut!st to Independence. trans.
Irving A. Leonard (Berkeley and LDs Angeles: University of California Press, 1965). 70-71.

194

cultural centers, as did dozens of smaller cities and towns throughout the

colony.
Seventeenth century Creole society, though not adverse to wealth,
disdained the commercial and capitalistic culture which was increasingly
taking hold in the rest of Europe, particularly in the northern countries.
Their scholastic and medieval natures inhibited them from engaging in
wide-spread commerce and money-lending. At the heart of every Creole
was the desire to become a gentilhombre, a gentleman of refinement first,
and of means only secondly. This attitude pervaded both Spain and the
Spanish colonies throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, so
that by time technical industrialization exploded in the nineteenth century,
they were unable to compete with the rest of Europe.
The make-up of the religious mission itself reveals a shift in the
seventeenth century. The missionary period was mostly over, and the
evangelical task of the monks was concentrated in the peripheries of the
colony: Sonora, New Mexico, and eventually California. The regular
clergy stubbornly clung on to the missions it had founded in the early days
of the colony, but their role increasingly came into question. The relative
poverty and humility of the regular orders in the sixteenth century was
replaced by a secular church which had become vastly wealthy through
huge gifts and legacies, dowries, parish fees and through the tithes and hard
work of its parishioners. For the most part, this wealth remained locked up
in Church vaults, static and unproductive. "According to the conservative

estimates of Lucas AJaman, by the end of the colonial period at least half of
all property, urban and rural, in the Viceroyalty of Mexico alone was thus
controlled. ''28 The Franciscans and Dominicans of earlier times, who
28 Pican-Salas, op. ciL. pp. 74-75.

195

roamed the Mixtecas in bare feet, and who established collective work

farms and humanistic communities, were now replaced by a class of clerics

who preferred the comforts of the cathedrals and convents in the large
cities, and who concentrated on the splendor of ceremony at the expense of
the simplicity of unencumbered faith. They were more interested in
ministering the spiritual needs of the wealthy Creole society than in the
salvation of the remaining unconverted Indians. This reversal greatly
affected the evolution of the emerging Creole culture, as the newly
empowered secular priests had a much larger role in the development of
every-day life than had the missionaries before them, whose concentration
was almost exclusively on the spiritual well-being of their flock. Gone
were the attempts to understand the native mind, and the attempts by the
likes of Las Casas to integrate the Indians into society. By and large, the
rural Indian populations reverted to precisely the state that Vasco de
Quiroga and Pedro de Gante had desperately tried to avoid: that of
disenfranchised field workers and miners. Many friars lamented the advent
of the new century, perceiving defeat of their mission in the awareness that
the native populations were more hispanicized than christianized.29
Yet conflicts among the religious institutions continued unabated:
Franciscans were pitted against Dominicans, regulars against seculars, the
religious hierarchy again the civil bureaucracy, and everybody against the
Jesuits. Conflicts arose over the serious questions of jurisdiction and
control of a parish, and thus of its wealth. Many other conflicts involved
petty matters of ceremony and hierarchy, with easily-insulted church

officials playing games of one-upmanship. The atmosphere was one of

29 Iestis Esuada, MUska y nuisicos de Ia ipoca virr~inal (Mexico City: Secretaria de Educaci6n PUblica,
1973), 103.

196

social intrigue and social gossip which sometimes reached across tbe ocean

to the King's ear. The seventeenth century saw a marked increase in the
activities of the Inquisition, at a time when its influence was dying down in
Spain and the rest of Europe. Mariano Pic6n-Salas has rendered a
blistering indictment of the activities of the Inquisition during the colonial
period. ''1be Inquisition, like no other institution, exemplifies the defensive
character of the seventeenth century colonial culture, its narrowness and
spiritual sterility.''3o Pic6n-Salas describes a pattern of abuse of power,
derived from the fact that the Inquisition answered to no one and that its
decisions were not subject to appeal. Mere accusations were deemed
sufficient evidence for convictions. He presents evidence of contraband, of
illicit trafficking, and of irregularities regarding confiscated property
which all lend credence to his assertion that it was an inherently corrupt
institution, whose fanatic religious decisions did more to undermine the
confidence and security of Neo-Hispanic society than even its suspect
enrichment. Worse, says Mariano Picon-Salas, the role and even the
presence of the Inquisition in the New World was completely unnecessary.
[The Inquisition] did not have to deal with any important matters of
dogma. Heresy was almost unknown in the colonies, and the most
important indication of freedom of thought ... was a faint tinge of
Erasmus's ideas limited to a small group of scholars. Moreover, until
the Council of Trent, Erasmian though was not definitely banned by
the Church. The Inquisition must be censured for its childish and
stupid attitude, its total lack of feeling or understanding in dealing
with a complex Indo-Spanish society, as well as for its torture racks
and lugubrious secret chambers ... 3t

30 Pic6n-Salas.
3l Ibid.. p. 78.

op. cit.. p. 77.

197

In the wake of the Counter-Reformation, the Inquisition was charged

with preventing even the slightest element of Protestantism to reach the
colonies, and thus engaged in wholesale censorship. By specific decree in
the Leyes de lndias, books were not allowed to be printed or brought into
the colonies without prior consent of the Consejo. In practice, however,
this official prohibition was not always enforced, and was often
circumscribed by the black market in banned books. The result was that
very few books actually prevented from entering the colonies. "Recent
studies have demonstrated, with abundant documentary evidence, that
books of all kinds, save Lutheran Bibles, tracts and other protestant
literature, plus a few secular works mainly of geographical nature,
circulated with remarkable freedom ... "32

Seventeenth Century Aesthetics. Given the evolution of Neo-Hispanic

society, it is no surprise that around 1600, the European and colonial
intellectual and artistic paths parted ways. Increasingly, what was occurring
in Europe had no bearing on the events in the colonies. Though
communications never broke down, they were slowed down considerably.
European influence was delayed, often transformed and distorted, rarely
truly accepted. In tum, colonial artistic achievements seldom found their
way back across the Atlantic after 1600, and when they did, they were
often dismissed as exotic curiosities. On occasion, great colonial works
were recognized in Europe, such as the poetry of Sor Juana lnes de Ia
Cruz, but these were the exceptions rather than the rule, and even they
failed to significantly influence the European cultural tradition.

32 Ibid.,

p. 82.

198

A new philosophical matrix came to envelop the colonies. The ideas

which governed the New World in the seventeenth century were an odd
mixture, drawn from Spain and the rest of Europe, and complemented by

colonial thinkers who started to exert some influence as well, though they
tended to elaborate on traditional theories rather than foraying into new
intellectual territory. Zumarraga' s philosophical experiments had come to
an end with the Counter-Reformation, and by 1700, Erasmian Humanism
came to be totally discredited. Unlike the English colonies, where
democracy could be found in the town meetings, and which harbored the
stirrings of representative government, no systematic embracing of
democratic principles developed in the Spanish colonies. Indeed, the few
vestiges of communal government that could be found in municipal
autonomy were gradually eroded, and ultimately disappeared. NeoHispanic culture dismissed any doctrine promoting individual rights, so
valued north of the Rio Grande. Among the Creoles, Mestizos and Indians,
there emerged more a concern for one's honor and one's dignity than for
one's freedom.
Charles Gibson has argued that, with a few exception, the artistic
inclinations of Creole society in the seventeenth century were excessive and
extravagant. His ideas merit extensive quoting:
Writing became complex, stylized, lavish and convoluted. Ambiguity
and elaborate metaphor were preferred to simple clarity.
Aristocratic cleverness became fashionable, and ordinary language
was despised as too literal, too practical, too common.... [l]t was
preoccupied with cryptic ways of disguising the fact that it had
nothing to say. Such a judgment could be connected with the
cultivated Creole's attitude toward peninsular values, an attitude in
which respect, fear, envy and distrust mingled with intense dislike of
the patronizing peninsular&.

199

In the second century of colonial life, insignificant matters

assumed significance. In religion, the vestments, the detail of ritual,
the degree of obeisance to an archbishop, the route to be followed by
a procession became more important than the basic tenets of religion.
In the state, protocol, hierarchy, rank and its symbols became more
important than government. In drama and poetry, the intricacies of a
contrived syntax prevailed over and obliterated meaning. In
architecture, external decoration was prized above plan and
structure ...Trivialities were exalted. Everywhere prominent issues
were petty ones ....One of the striking features of the developed
colonial society is the extension of Baroque attitudes, originally
derived from Spain but given more ample opportunity in the Creole
atmosphere of Spanish America, through all creative activities and
all public manifestations of the society.
The term 'baroque' implies a proliferation or refinement or
intensification of what is already present, and this is what occurred
in Spanish America in the seventeenth century. The 'liberal'
tendencies of European thought and action either were unknown or
affected Spanish America only superficially...Students who have
sought manifestations of 'enlightened' thought in Spanish America
prior to the middle eighteenth century have succeeded only in
detailing a limited inventory of superficial and disconnected
instances. 'Avoid Innovation' was the expressed or tacit message of
innumerable Spanish and Spanish-American laws through the
seventeenth century to the eve of independence ...The historian's
general impression is that the middle period of colonial history was a
period of very slow change.33

Gibson's image of artistic life in seventeenth century New Spain falls

into the trap, decried at the beginning of this chapter, of judging colonial
culture by European standards rather than on their its own terms.
Nevertheless, Gibson is not wrong in his assessment of colonial aesthetics,
for even a more objective overview confirms that by the seventeenth
century, a significant portion of artistic achievements was in fact becoming
tired and unoriginal.

33 Charles G~ Spain in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1966). 132-135.

200

Architecture: Chapter 4 discussed the architectural achievement during

the early years of the colony which combined the intricate native art with
the equally intricate Churrigurresco style imported from Spain, to create a

magnificent outpouring of sumptuousness and ornamentation. By the

second half of the sixteenth century, however, New Spain experienced a
sharp decline and decadence in architecture. The encomenderos and other
Creoles who were essentially footing the bill for the construction and
maintenance of the churches, reacted and demanded a halt to the opulence.
A decree from V alladolid, Spain, dated September 1, 1548, held that
''churches and monasteries were to be built with funds from the Crown
when they were built on the King's property, and with money from the
Crown and the encomenderos when the building was on the latter's
property. In both cases, the Indians had to help since the churches were for
their benefit."34 A second decree from Valladolid, dated April16, 1550,
ordered that "monasteries were to be humble and moderate so that the

encomenderos would not be noticeably hurt by their maintenance."3S A

previous decree had already come from Spain
prohibiting the Dominicans from having large churches and
monasteries, not necessarily to save the encomenderos money but to
save the Indians from excessive toil. .. The Royal Tribunal gave
orders to suspend the building of churches, basing their actions on
the resolutions made by inspector Valderrama in 1560 which
determined that if the King or encomendero refused to contribute to
the building of temples, the work would remain suspended.... lay
brothers and natives lost interest in continuing to build good temples,
and during the next forty years (between 1560 and 1600), New Spain
suffered architectural decadence.36

34 Eleanor Friend Sleight. The Many Faces of Cuilapan (Orlando. Fla.: Pueblo Press Inc.. 1988). p. 84.

35 Ibid.
36Jbid.

201

The decline in religious architecture was never as pronounced as it was in

some of the other arts, given that the church and monastic orders became
increasingly wealthy during the colonial period. Churches and cathedrals
were fundamental to the mission of the church, and the monarchy was well
aware of this fact. As a result, and in spite of the general decline and the
decadent attitude of Neo-Hispanic builders, some of the more magnificent
structures continued to be built even during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, not least of which were the cathedrals of Mexico City and
Oaxaca.

Literature and Poetry: In the sixteenth century, the favorite literary

genres had been epic and lyric poetry, genres influenced by Renaissance
Italy, and in particular by the works of Ludovico Ariosto, which were well
known in the colonies. Popular sixteenth century Neo-Hispanic poets
included Pedro de Trejo, Francisco de Terrazas and Gutierrez de Cetina.
The Venezuelan poet and historian Mariano Picon-Salas identified an
emerging Neo-Hispanic character in the literary works of the sixteenth
century:
Contact with the new world began to put a distinctive stamp on
traditional forms of Spanish poetry: ballads, Christmas carols, and
medleys in honor of some saint. This is evident in the ingenious
freshness of such poets as Hernan Gonzalez de Eslava, one of the
early creators of religious drama in New Spain; the Jesuit Pedro de
Hortigosa; and Rosas de Oquendo, the first to sing of the Mestizo
elements. This new poetry helped to spread the Catholic faith by
supplying symbols comprehensive to the people, and also contributed
to the new linguistic sensitivity that the Spanish language was
acquiring on the Mexican plateau, as is plainly seen in the work of
Rosas de Oquendo. Even poets of purely Spanish origin, such as Juan
de Ia Cueva and Eugenio de Salazar, had caught some of the

202

mysterious lure of the new words designating fruits, trees, and foods
in their songs to Mexico. -n
As the accomplishments of the early Spaniards faded, however, so
did its artistic output. The transformation of Neo-Hispanic society was
reflected in its literary achievements, and whereas sixteenth-century works
tended to be action oriented, descn"bing the glorious and tragic feats and
accomplishments of the period of Conquest, the seventeenth century
literary aesthetic evolved to reflect the increasingly urban and sedentary
nature of the colonies. In works by poets and writers in the 1700s, such as
Bernardo de Balbuena, action gave way to contemplation, epic content gave
way to lyrical color and clever form. Literature became courtly and
aristocratic, and became florid, sensual and repetitive. Poetry was
characterized by intense emotion, picturesque detail, and excessive verbal
decoration, with a convoluted style that relied on affectation and more
often than not obscured meaning. Reality was sacrificed for facile fantasy.
Convoluted complexity refuted the classic simplicity and clarity that had
pervaded the Renaissance.
In Spanish America universities and convents became experimental
laboratories of aesthetic debasement. With its labyrinthian syntax and
word play and its lush effusion of verbal contrivances the Baroque
fashion overwhelmed the pulpits, university chairs of law and
theology, and scholastic dissertations with a dense growth of
verbiage.38

The colonial aesthetic was peculiar in that it attempted to

superimpose an artificial cultural refinement on a territory that was still
'n PiccSn-Salas. op. cit.. p. 54.
38 Ibid.. p. 98.

203

mostly wild and untamed, and was still physically and psychologically
brutally violent. A quest for the exotic, in New Spain, in Pem, in Rio de Ia
Plata, in the Philippines obfuscated the reality of political domination and
colonialism. The situation was not helped by the increasingly powerful
Inquisition, whose censorship inhibited much original thought. Thus, for
example, novels concerning the natives were forbidden.
Yet this pervasive superficiality in Neo-Hispanic culture concealed an
undercurrent of spiritual passion that occasionally rose from convention.
The most prominent exception to the mechanicalness of seventeenthcentury literary aesthetics were the works of Sigiienza y G6ngora and Sor
Juana Ines de Ia Cruz, which have been analyzed and discussed at length by
numerous critics and historians.39 In particular Sor Juana displayed a
degree of passion and intellectual content that would have stood out even
within a society whose overall literary aesthetic was far more advanced
than that of New Spain. Yet because she functioned in this vacuous
environment, her poetry, her philosophy, her theology and her music
contrasted sharply against the works of her contemporaries, further placing
her on the pinnacle of Neo-Hispanic literature. "No other artist suffered
nor better expressed the tragic drama of the artificiality and repression of
our Spanish American Baroque than did this extraordinary Mexican nun. "40

Neo-Hispanic Music. The increasingly diverging artistic path between

the two continents was particularly felt in music, though the shift became
readily apparent only after 1600. The apogee of Spanish music, which
occurred during the seventy-five year period between 1525 and 1600,
39 See in particular Ocravio Paz. Sor IUDM Inis de Ia Cruz. o las trampas de /afe (Barcelona: Seix Banal,

1982.)
Pic6n-Salas. op. cit.. p. lOS.

40

204

coincided almost exactly with the age of Spanish empire-building. As a

result, the New World received numerous musicians and composers whose
early years had been spent in extraordinary musical surroundings. During
the sixteenth century, music was essentially dictated by Spaniards who had
emigrated from the home country, who had been trained in Europe, and
who were thus familiar with the European musical tradition, particularly
that of Spain and the Flemish countries. The musical luminaries of the
sixteenth century included Pedro de Gante, born in Flanders in 1480; Juan
Xuarez, born in Spain, who became Mexico City's first chapelmaster in
1539; Lazaro del Alamo, who graduated from the University Salamanca,
and who became chapelmaster in 1556; Juan de Victoria, from Burgos,
who became chapelmaster in 1570; Juan Navarro, born in Cadiz in 1550,
and Hernando Franco, born in Extremadura in 1532. Of the sixteenthcentury composers in New Spain, it was Franco who achieved the greatest
quality and sophistication. His works are on par, and often superior to,
many of his Renaissance counterparts across the Ocean.
In the early year of the colony, musical activity emulated Spanish
tradition, and the repertoire was mostly Spanish, complemented with
occasional Italian and Flemish works.
During Spain's heroic period, music in the colony prospered. Not
only were the works of Morales, Guerrero and Cabez6n immediately
imported and performed, but also excellently trained musicians from
such universities as Salamanca implanted a living tradition in the
New World. Furthermore, the musical standards of the Mexico and
Puebla cathedrals were deliberately set with the purpose of rivaling
the highest standards in any Spanish cathedral.41

41

Robert Stevensoo, Music in Mexico: A Historical SIUVey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. 1952). 158.

205

In 1534, Bishop ZlliiWraga brought from Spain several choirbooks

of masses and motets that formed the core repertoire of the Cathedral in
Mexico City. A few years later, more choirbooks were procured from the
Seville cathedral. Even a quick glance at Robert Stevenson's monumental
Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americfls42 will reveal that

Mexican archives were littered with works by Morales, Guerrero,

Victoria, Juan Esquivel, Alonso Lobo, as well as works by Palestrina and
others. In Oaxaca, compositions by Victoria can be found in the archives,
and Lobo's 1602 Masses were reportedly seen there in 1949, though they
are no longer to be found. 43 Renaissance style in tum was emulated by
Neo-Hispanic composers, at first by the Spanish immigrants, later by
Creoles born in the colonies.
Yet in spite of this devotion to counterpoint and polyphony,
composers in New Spain did not evolve in the same way as their European
counterparts. For one thing, the Tridentine reforms didn't reach New
Spain until the middle of the seventeenth century. And when Europe,
sparked by Monteverdi's forward-looking works, embraced the new
Baroque style, the colonies (including those in Central and South America)
scarcely seemed to notice. The conquest of homophony over counterpoint,
of the tonal system over modality, the rise of instrumentation over a
cappella polyphony, of increasingly sophisticated dissonance, the

development of new genres, including opera and the concerto, and most of
all the rapid secularization of aesthetics, did not make their way across the

ocean until the following century. In an age where Baroque composers

were writing vocal and instrumental homophonic compositions across the
42 Robert Stevenson, Ren.aissance and Baroque

Secretariat. OAS. 1970).

43

Ibid.. p. 204.

Musical Sources in the Americas {WashingtOn: General

206

ocean, vocal imitative polyphony based on plainchant motives, a mainstay

of the Renaissance, was still the norm in the colonies.
A major contributing factor for the lack early of Baroque influences
in New Spain was the fact that Spain itself was for a long time resistant to
new influences. The advent of the Baroque saw the decline of the Golden
Age of music in Spain, and while Spanish masters continued to flourish
after 1600, they still placed an inordinate amount of emphasis on
counterpoint and polyphonic writing. The exdmen de oposicwn at the
Zaragoza Cathedral in the seventeenth century make plain what was
required of Spanish Baroque composers:
It was the ability to add unpremeditated counterpoints to a given
cantus, florid or plain, that made or broke the candidate. The same
drastic emphasis on what would now be called pyrotechnical
contrapuntal display continued in vogue until at least the latter part
of the eighteenth century in all Spanish Dominion Cathedrals....
However much the Italians, imported in droves by the eighteenthcentury Spanish Bourbons, might ridicule the system, they succeeded
in intruding themselves only into appointive court posts, never into
competitive cathedral posts. The wall over which they could not leap
was the antiquated tests in counterpoint required of all cathedral
postulants.44
Much of the conservative bent of art and music was inherited from a
similar attitude in Spain. uEverywhere evident in colonial American
cathedrals was this 'sick' idolizing of counterpoint that so annoyed
Eximeneo. The 'blind worship' in the New World mirrored in particular
Sevillian use." 45

44 Robert Srevenson. Christmlls Music from Baroque Mexico {Belkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press. 1974). ZT.
4S Ibid. p. 26.

'11T1

Some scholars, including Jose L6pez Calo,46 and Yolanda Morenos

Rivas,47 have attempted to explain why the Neo-Hispanic musical tradition
did not adopt the innovations of the Baroque period at the same time as the
Europeans. The causes include:
the isolation of Spain and its colonies with respect to the rest
of Europe.
a powerful Catholic Church at the center of musical life, more
resistant than elsewhere to the onslaught of the Reformation.
the resistance of cathedral dioceses to newer styles that
challenged the established order.
The prohibition of solo and operatic singing in the Spanish
liturgy.
From a purely utilitarian point of view, music fulfilled very specific
functions, addressing the needs of society at large. For the Spanish
missionaries and priests, it served to evangelize and later to sustain
Christian ideology. For the civil authorities, music was used to
commemorate specific events such as the arrival of a viceroy or
archbishop, or the death of a monarch. For the natives, and later for a
growing number of Mestizos, music was a spiritual conduit, but also a
form of entertainment and public diversion from an often brutal existence.
The encomenderos profited from both the religious aspect and the
entertainment aspect of music, as they both served to appease their work
force and to preserve political control and authority over them.

46

1~ L6pez-Calo, Historia de Ia mdsica Espaiiola, siglo XVH {Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1983).

47 Yolanda Moreno Rivas, Rostros deliUidonalismo en Ia mUsica Mexican.a (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura
Econ6mica, 1989).

208

Thus, music contributed strongly to the preservation of a rigid

system of domination, a system into which the music itself, in tum, was
rigidly ensconced. After the musically-enlightened attitudes of some of the
early figures of the Conquest, namely Zumarraga and Pedro de Gante,
intolerant church officials-and often the tolerant ones as well-resisted
any musical development which might have altered the established order.
Spain's political and economic domination of the colonies depended greatly
on its ability to control its religious activity, and as a result, h"beralization
of religious institutions, including musical traditions, was discouraged and
curtailed. The necessity to preserve the social, religious and political status
quo, at least for the first 150 years of the colony, prevented the artistic
styles from freely evolving as they did in Spain and the rest of Europe,
where politics, economics, philosophy and social mores were constantly
changing and affecting the aesthetic and musical traditions at large.
Moreover, New Spain's geographical and cultural isolation erected
an artistic barrier which forced colonial music to pursue its own path quite
separate from that of the homeland. While many musicians-and musical
styles-traveled freely within the colonies during the seventeenth-century,
they were for the most part cut off from new developments in Europe. In
contrast to the days when Felipe II enthusiastically forwarded to the New
World Palestrina's latest works, few Italian, German and French
innovations accomplished the transatlantic journey, and those that did were
filtered through Spain's conservative vision. It wasn't until the early 1700s
that Italian and German Baroque influences began to infiltrate colonial
music. The first solo cantatas, and the first Italian-style operas only
occurred with the advent of the Bourbon kings.

209

This conservative tendency was formalized in the ideals of theorists

whose works circulated in the New World. Most prominent among them
was the Italian Pietro (or Pedro) Cerone, the most influential theorist in the
colonies. His treatise, El Melopeo y Maestro, published in Naples in 1613,
was widely read, and even Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz owned a copy of it,
which she annotated and used before 1695.48 Antonio de Salazar, in his
1708 examination of the candidates for the chapelmastership of the Oaxaca
Cathedral, quoted Cerone to show that one of the candidates was not
qualified for the post. (See chapter 7). Other influential treatises that
circulated in the Spanish dominions included El Porque de Ia Mllsica, by
Andres Lorente (Alcala de Henares, 1672) and Arte de canto llano by
Francisco de Montanos (Madrid, 1648).
The accessibility of these books in Mexico City during the latter part
of the seventeenth century proves a certain diffusion of music
knowledge in the colony; had there not been a rather persistent
demand for serious theoretical treatises no commercial seller would
have stocked such books.49
It was mostly Cerone's theories, though, that guided the evolution of
Neo-Hispanic music. Robert Stevenson has previously noted Cerone's
widespread influence in Spain and the colonies:
Whether Cerone's precepts are dismissed as pedantic and
precious ... or whether they are lauded as 'free of mathematical and
philosophical pedantry to an astonishing degree, essentially human,
broad, scholarly, clear and sincere' depends in no small measure on
taste .... But whatever one's taste, no one can rightly dispute the

48 Srev~ Renaissance allll Baroque Sources. 135.

49

Stevenson. Music in Mexico. 142.

210

enormity of Cerone!J s influence in both the Peninsula and the

Americas.so
Cerone s pronouncements on music centered around the supremacy
lJ

of contrapuntal music and the emphasis on vocal lines. Instrumental music

should be subordinate to vocal lines at all costs, and should never
overshadow them. If they exist at all, instrumental lines should remain in
the background, as a accompaniment to the principal melodies in the
voices. Moreover, instrumental lines should be written to allow the voice to
carry it.
Cerone's demand that instruments attempt only what can be
done by the noblest of all instruments-the voice-stymied for
a long time any attempts at idiomatic writing for such
instruments as "Sacabuches, Fagotes o Baxones, Doblados,
Flautas, Dul~amayas, Cometas!J Comamusas, Comamudas ...
Vihuelas de arco, Violones, Rabeles, Rabequinas.s
As a result of the social, political, economic and religious factors that
enveloped the colony, seventeenth-century music followed closely the rules
of conservative theorists like Cerone. Conservative harmonies were the
norm, with dissonances prepared by step-wise passing tones or by
suspensions. Modulations were rare, and composers continued to rely on
modality. Melodies were syllabic, rhythms tended to be ternary, leaps
rarely exceeded a fifth, and syncopations were common. Most of the
seventeenth-century Neo-Hispanic masters adhered in one way or another
to the rigid rules of Cerone, included: Francisco de Vidales, (1630-1702)
so Srevenson. ChristmDs Music, 27. citing Ruth Hannas, "Cerone. Phiiosopber and Teadler." MIISical
~IIQI'tD'Iy 21,110. 4 (October 1935): 421.
1 Srevensoo. ChristmtJs Music, 30 n.3. citing

and L. Nucci, 1613). 1069.

Pedro Cerone, El Melopeo y Maestro {Naples: J.B. Gargano

211

Fabian Perez Ximeno (1648-1654) Antonio de Salazar (1650-1715), Juan

Mathias (d. 1667), Matheo Vallados (1668-1707), Pedro Bermudez, Juan

Guttierrez de Padilla (d. 1673), and Francisco L6pez Capillas (fl. 1645).
New Spain's musical isolation, of course, was not complete, and the
colonies were occasionally infused with new compositions from Europe.
The innovations of the Baroque era belatedly manage to get through. As
the seventeenth century progressed, the colonies began experiencing a dual
musical personality, still hanging on to the polyphonic traditions of the
Renaissance, but also slowly accepting the newer harmonic and melodic
language, the homophonic tendencies, the use of continuo and orchestral
instruments. Moreover, Neo-Hispanic music was the recipient of other
aesthetic elements that made up for the lack of European influences. As
discussed in chapter 4, the infusion of native, Mestizo or black influence
took music in new directions that were impossible in the homeland,
touching on themes and making use of language and rhythmic patterns that
were beyond European sensibilities-and capabilities.
The assertion that the artistic development in the colonies did not
duplicate the path followed by Europe does not imply that the development
was in any way static. The colonial musicians's almost absolute reliance on
theory and counterpoint allowed the society as a whole to achieve a highly
developed and refined compositional technique that was particular only to
New Spain, and in many cases, to a single region or even a single city.
Thus, the intricate polychoral style of New Spain, originally derived from
the sixteenth century works of Adrian Willaert and the Venetian school,
eventually came to surpass its Italian progenitors in terms of artistry and
sophistication. Polychoral compositions by Antonio de Salazar (Mexico
City), Juan Guttierrez de Padilla (Puebla) or Francisco Martinez de Ia

212

Costa (Oaxaca) represent an advanced achievement in this style, to a degree

that was not reached in Europe during the Renaissance. In a very real
sense, because New Spain was not as concerned with the innovations of the
Baroque, its musicians were able to extend the ideals of the Renaissance to
a degree that was no longer possible in Europe. New Spain had an
additional century-and-a-half to further explore the possibilities of
modality, counterpoint, polyphony and polychorality.
The results were often brilliant. In Music in Mexico, Robert
Stevenson discussed a St. Matthew Passion by Guttierrez de Padilla,
comparing it favorably to a similar, contemporaneous Passion by Schutz.
He writes:
Padilla resorts to chromaticism to express emotion, whereas Schutz
resorts to rhythmic oppositions. Padilla's would engender perhaps a
more abstract reaction, Schutz's a more personal. Padilla's is the
more contemplative, Schutz's the more participative... [Padilla's]
command of canonic and fugal device as exhibited in the Masses and
Magnificats proves him to have been past master of the learning of
his epoch. It would not be overweening for us to set Padilla as a peer
of any Spanish Baroque composer between Juan Pujol and Jose
Nebra. 52
Chapter 7 describes the specific evolution of the Oaxaca style. In the
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Oaxacan compositions were for
the most part harmonically conservative, generally still relying on
renaissance modality. Dissonances were always prepared and always
resolved, often by suspension. Modulations were rare, and melodic leaps
rarely exceeded a fifth. Rhythms tended to be ternary, and syncopations

52 Stevenson, Music in

Mexico, 130.

213

were frequent. Yet by the turn of the century, tonal compositions began to
appear. Word-painting sometimes appeared.
Some enlightened church leaders and musicians were aware of the
generally conservative musical bent that pervaded the colonies, and sought
to redress it. In particular, the dioceses of Mexico City and Oaxaca were
not only willing to allow the modernization of their musical establishments,
but in many cases actively sought it. Oddly, in spite of the conservative
tendencies of the church, it was sometimes the musicians themselves who
were resistant to the changing style. Thus in Oaxaca, it was the diocese,
rather than the musical establishment, who was pushing for a
modernization of the musical style. The diocese attempted for more than
seventy years to break into the Baroque style, without much success. On at
least four occasions, in 1667, in 1708, in 1718 and again in 1726, it called
for an outsider to fill the chapelmastership, with the intent of bringing
Oaxaca more in line with the stylistic developments of the rest of the
colony. Modernization would finally come with Manuel de Sumaya, who,
after drastically revolutionizing the Mexico City chapel in the early
eighteenth century, proceeded to do it all over again in Oaxaca a few
decades later. That story is told in chapter 7.

214

Chapter 7
The Extimen de Oposici6n and
the Quest for a Modem Style

When a vacancy occurred in the chapelmastership of Mexican

cathedrals during the colonial period, the custom was to open a
competition, an examen de oposicion, inviting composers from near and
far to submit their works. The candidates would ''oppose" each other for a
chance to obtain what was usually the most prestigious musical appointment
in the region. By the seventeenth century, the competitive contest usually
required participants to show their skill at composition, counterpoint and
organ performance. A number of examenes de oposicion1 have recently
emerged from the archives of the Oaxaca Cathedral. They include
compositions by Mateo Vallados, Francisco de Herrera y Mota, Juan Perez
de GuzmAn, Luis Gutierrez, and two by Juan de Tobar Carrasco. These

works shed light on the process of selection at the cathedral, and on the
level of musical skill and sophistication of style expected by the Cabildo
and offered by the candidates. Table II (p. 215) gives a time-line of events
in the Oaxaca Cathedral, and shows the years in which vacancies in the
chapelmastership occurred.
The custom of evaluating candidates to high musical posts by the
composition of contrapuntal settings over given tenors can be traced back
to Spain and Italy, where the practice had been prevalent since the sixteenth

1 Hereafter. the term admen de oposit:Wn will refer both to the compositions submitted by tbe candidarcs
in the competition. and to the competition itself.

215

? -1655 Juan de Ribera (retired for health reasons; died soon after)
1655-1667 Juan Mathias (died in office)
1668-1707 Matheo Vallados (died in office)
1685:
1687:
1692:
1694:
1696:

Juan de Tobar Carrasco becomes chapel singer

Francisco Herrera y Mota becomes chapel singer
Juan Perez de Guzman becomes cbapel singer
Herrera y Mota promoted to instructor of children's choir
Cathedral destroyed by earthquake

1707-1708 Jose MontesdeOca (interim)

1708

Juan Perez de Guzman ???

1708-1719 Francisco Herrera y Mota (died in office)

1709-1711: Antonio de Salazar becomes organist ???

1719

Luiz Gutierrez (interim)

1719-1720 Jose Gabriel Gavino Diaz y Leal (resigned)

1720-1725 Luiz Gutierrez (died in office)
1725-1726 Francisco Mendez (interim)
1726-1745 Thomas Salgado (downsized to make room for Sumaya)
1733: current cathedral consecrated

1745-1755 Manuel de Sumaya (died in office)

1756-1765 Juan Mathias de los Reyes y Mapamundi (interim)
1765-1768 Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa (resigned)
1768-1779 Juan Mathias de los Reyes y Mapamundi (died in office)
1780-1785 Jose Filio (interim-died in office)
1785- ?

Jose Gris

Table II: Cbapelmasters of the Oaxaca Cathedral

216

century, and where it continued strongly into the Baroque period. The
examen de oposiciOn in Spain has been well documented by musicologists

and historians, including Sim6n de Ia Rosa y L6pez,a Antonio Lozano

Gonzales,3 Jose Artero,4 and Robert Stevenson, who obseiVed that "the
heart of Baroque Spanish church music pulsed in its Maestro de Capilla
system."s In 1904, Rosa y L6pez descn"bed the procedure of the examen in
the cathedral of Seville, on which most of the cathedrals in the New World
based their own traditions. The candidates were expected to:

(1) Add a counterpoint above a bass and below a treble cantus

firmus in C and meters (2) Do the same, using circle
mensuration. (3) Same, bisected circle mensuration. (4) Same,
hemiola. (5) Add a counterpoint below a florid treble in C and in
mensurations (6) Same, circle mensuration (7) Add a third
voice to a duo, then sing the third voice while simultaneously
pointing to the notes in the [Guidonian] hand that will make a
suitable fourth voice (8) Add a fourth voice to a given trio (9)
While the candidate conducts at the choirbook stand two or three
voice parts that increase to four or five-one of the said parts
being sung in proportion, some of the singers are to miss their
designated moment of entry to see whether he immediately
catches and rectifies the mistake (1 0) All but two voices are to
stop singing for an interval to see whether he can follow the
silent parts mentally and bring in anew the interrupted voices
(11) He is to make up a four-note canon that will work above a
given cantus firmus, singing the dux, pointing to the comes with
his hand; he is next to make up a cantus of minims and a cantus
of semibreves that will fit a given florid melody (12) One singer
is to skip a staff, whereupon he is to show the other singers how
to cover the first singer's mistakes by making compensating skips
without stopping the performance (13) One singer in the
2 SimOn de Ia Rosa y LOpez, Los seises de Ia catedral tk Sevilla (Seville: Francisco de P. Diaz, 1904).

Antonio Lozano~ La mUsica popular, rdigiosa y dram4tica en Zaragoza dade el siglo XVI hasta

nuestros dfas (Zaragoza: Julmn Sanz y Navmo, 1895).

4 J<R Art.ero, "Oposici6nes ai magisrerio de capiDa en F.spafta durante el siglo
~1947): 199-202.

xvm." Anuario MIISical n

Robelt Stevenson, Christmlls Music from Baroque Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1974), 25-27.

217

ensemble is to bring the other singers down to the first singer's

lower pitch level without changing the mode (14) To given texts,
he is to compose within twenty-four hours a motet based on a
particular musical passage, and also a chanzoneta.6
Antonio Lozano Gonzales descn"bed a similar process of the exdmen for the
chapelmastership at the Zaragoza Cathedral, which lasted six days.' After
studying the various examination processes in Spain, Robert Stevenson
concluded that:
[N]o present day Baroque specialist can continue doubting how
supremely important was fluency in written and improvised
counterpoint. It was the ability to add unpremeditated
counterpoints to a given cantos, florid or plain, that made or
broke the candidate. a
The emphasis on polyphony and counterpoint was inherited by the colonies,
and throughout the seventeenth- and eighteenth-centuries, Mexican
cathedrals followed the same procedures as their counterparts on the
Iberian Peninsula. The Aetas Capitulares of the Mexico City Cathedral
provided that the appointment of a chapelmaster had two purposes: ''To
praise God in a dignified way through music created by the leaders of the
musical chapel, and to guide, in the right way, the musical tastes of the
Mexican people."9 To this, end, the Diocese adopted the procedures it had
inherited from across the ocean. Jesus Estrada's study of the exdmen de
oposicion in Mexico City 10 reveals that the competition could consist of any

or all of the following:

6 Sim6n de Ia Rosa y L6pez. op. ciL. p. 151, quored in Stevenson. Christmas Music. 26.

7 Antonio Lozano Gonz4les. op. ciL

8 Stevenson, Christmas Music. p. '1:7.

9 Mexico Oty Ca!hedml: Aetas Capilularu. cited in Jeslis Esuada. MU.sica y nulsicos tkla ipoca virrdnal
~co City: Secretaria de Educaci6n Pu'blica. 1973). 63.
0 Esuada. op. ciL. p. 65.

218

an examination in music theory

counterpoint exercises over a plainchant in the bass, first in
compasillo (C =common time: two minims to a bar), then in
compas mayor (= cut time: four minims to the bar)
counterpoint exercises with the plainchant in the soprano, in
compasillo and in compas mayor
counterpoint exercises at the interval of a fifth (sexquitUtera)
a composition in 3/4 (ternaria) on a given plainchant,
spontaneously adding another voice above
an examination of canto de organo; counterpoint in common
and cut time, alternating every two measures, syncopated
minims; counterpoint exercises at the interval of a fifth (a
sexquialtera), in 3/4 (a ternario), first with voices in equal
proportion, then in diminished proportion; counterpoint
exercises at the interval of a minor third (a sexquincio)
the composition of a motet based on a cantus firmus, one in
free style, and a villancico in concordance with the given
text, that is, with the name of the musical note coinciding
with the appropriate syllable in the text. (See Carrasco's Yo
Ia vi, Yo la mire below.)

The Mexico City examination process reported by Estrada is thus

quite similar to that in Spain, though it is doubtful that the process ever
took as long as six days, as was the case in Zaragoza. In Mexico, the
competition traditionally lasted 24 hours, occasionally longer. When the
chapelmastership became vacant, the Archbishop himself would pass an
edict announcing an examination, establishing the rules of the competition,
and the works required of the candidates. By custom, it was a private
affair, though in the Mexico City contest of 1715, one of the candidates,
Francisco de Atienza y Pineda, predicting his own victory, demanded that

219

the competition be held publicly, so that the entire cathedral community

could see their error in thinking that his opponent, Manuel de Sumaya, was
a superior composer. The Cabildo demurred, the contest was held
privately, and Sumaya was declared the winner. No challenge to the
privacy of the examination was issued after this incident.tt
After an examination took place, the jury of examiners, which
usually consisted of members of the Diocese and which occasionally
included the Archbishop (in Oaxaca, the Bishop) would deliberate on the
merits of the candidate. After a decision was made, the Cabildo would
inform the winner. The requirements of the job were then spelled out, and
the matter of salary and benefits settled. The winning candidate would then
be appointed for life, not to be dismissed or removed unless he failed to
fulfill his obligations.

The examen de oposici6n quickly became a uniformly established

custom throughout the colonies: Mexico City, Oaxaca, Puebla, Guadalajara,
Valladolid, Durango and Guatemala were a few of the cities whose
cathedrals required a competition for the appointment of a chapelmaster. In
Mexico City, the examen de oposiciOn was established from the beginning,
when the Cathedral choir was created in 1530.In practice, however, no
competition was actually held until the seventeenth century, probably due
to the lack of qualified judges who could evaluate the candidates.u The
appointment of the most luminary Mexican composer in the sixteenth
century, Hernando Franco, was made by general agreement of the Diocese,
without benefit of competition. If in the earlier years of the colony, the
Diocese lacked sufficient skill or interest to run a competition, the situation
11 Ibid.. p. 112.
lllbid.. p. 65.

220

was rectified at the latest in 1648, when Francisco L6pez Capillas won the
post by competition. By this time, the examiners had developed sufficient
musical knowledge to recognize Capillas's skill and talenL
A simiJar situation must have occurred in the Oaxaca Cathedral,
which modeled itself on that of Mexico City. The Diocese, created in 1535,
probably called for an examination process similar to that of the capital.
The lack of records in Oaxaca prevents us from ascertaining when the

examen process was first instituted in the southern province, or even the
identity of its earliest chapelmasters. The first Oaxaca chapelmaster that we
know of was Juan de Ribera, who held that position since sometime before
1638, until his retirement for health reasons in 1655. Because the Aetas

Capitulares of the Cathedral do not go back beyond 1642, we are unable to

tell the exact date of Ribera's appointment, or the process which elevated
him to that posL
His successor was the famous Zapotec composer Juan Mathias, the
first indigenous musician anywhere to reach the position of chapelmaster.
Juan Mathias was born in 1618 in Zaapache, also know by its Spanish name
San Bartolo Coyotepec, a town known for its ecclesiastical musicians. A
Zapotec Indian, he joined the musical chapel at the Oaxaca cathedral early
on, under the auspices of Ribera. A phenomenal singer and organist, he
was adept at many instruments, including the clavichord, lute, viola and
flute, and as a result of his talent and musical abilities he quickly rose
alx>ve his peers. In 1638, at the age of twenty, he was scheduled to voyage
to Spain to be shown off as a curiosity at Court, though when his ship
failed to appear in Veracruz, he returned to Oaxaca.
As Ribera's health slowly decreased, Mathias had gradually taken
over his musical duties, and upon Ribera's retirement, Mathias was the

221

natural choice to take over the position. In spite of his obvious

qualifications9 an ex4men was required of the 37 year-old Zapotec
composer9 which in all probability was a mere formality9 given the high
respect that was accorded to him by the Cabildo and, not incidentally, by
Ribe~

whose opinion must have weighed heavily on their decision.

~1luring

the competition for the post that shortly ensued, Mathias

successfully competed against 'able and illustrious competitors from both

the capital city and from Puebla9 who offered themselves. Elected by
common acclamation, Mathias occupied the chapelmastership with
distinction for a space of fifteen years [until his death in 1667].n13
The absence of Mathias 9S examen de oposicion from the archives

even considering that many other such documents can be found, is not
surprising, given the fact that Mathias's entire output has disappeared from
the Cathedral. His only surviving works include an eight-voice villancico,
Quien sale aqueste dia disfr~ado,t4 found at the Guatemala Cathedral, and

fragments of a Stabat Mater.ts These compositions reflect a stark,

homophonic style with instrumental accompaniment, rather than the
contrapuntal style popular in his day.
No obvious successor was present after Mathias's death in 1667, and
the cathedral announced a competition for the vacant position. The Bishop
Thomas de Monterroso, perhaps already aware of the musical innovations
in other parts of the colony and of Oaxaca's increasingly antiquated style,
13 Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico: A Historical SIITVey (New York: Thomas Y. CroweD, 1952). 136,
citing Francisco de Burgoa. Geogr4phica ducripdOn tk Ill parte setentriofllll, tkl polo artico tk Ia Amhit:a.
voL 1 (Mexico City: Publicaciooes del Arcbivo General de Ia Naci6n. 1934). 416.
14 Tbe ally complete known wort by Mathias is a Villancico entitled "Ocho al Santissimo: Quien sale
aqueste dia disfrazado" which remains in the Guatemala Catbedral. It appears in fun II'8DSCripdon in Robert
Stevenson. "Baroque Music in lbe Oaxaca Catbedral." Imer-American Music Review 1, no. 2 (Sping-

Summer 1979): 185. See also Roben Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical SoUTces in the
Americas (Washington: General Secretariat. OAS, 1970). 90.
IS See Guillermo A. Esreva. La mUsica Ot~X~~qUeiia (Oaxaca. 1931). Fragments of the Stabat Mater also
appear in Stevenson. Music in Mexico. 136.

222

was seeking an outsider to fill the positi~ and saw to it that the
competition was advertised in Mexico City and Puebla. The search yielded
three candidates, one Jose Perez from out-of-town, and from Oaxaca,
NicoJls Perez and Mateo Vallados, a local young protege of Mathias, and
probably his most accomplished pupil Vallados had joined the Cathedral as
bajonero in 1663. The candidates were given a specific plainchant on which

they were expected to write a polyphonic setting. They then evaluated each
other's submission, after which the works were sent to Mexico City for
further evaluation.
There resulted only one candidate [from outside Oaxaca] who was
the bachiller Joseph Perez, and from this city Matheo Ballados and
Nicolas Perez, to whom, so that their aptitude could be determined,
were given a lamentation whose text they could set contrapuntally
following and adjusting to the plainchant; and it was ascertained that
the said candidates immediately went to the chapter office to execute
their examination, which was done in twenty-four hours under the
supervision of the secretary of the office of this chapter; and these
compositions having been examined, the one by Matheo Ballados was
given to the bachiller Joseph Perez so that he could find any errors
in it, and that of said Joseph Perez was given to Matheo Ballados so
that he could do the same, and evaluate the works that each
represented; and there being no one in this city who could in good
conscience evaluate them, his most Holy Excellency [Bishop
Monterrosso] sent them to Mexico for determination of the matter. 16

16 Oaxaca Cathedral. Aetas Capitulares, I, fol. 262vo. March 23, 1668: "resulto auer solo ono opositor que
fue el Br Joseph Perez y desla ciud Madleo de Ballados y N'100las Perez. a quienes para que DOS CODSiaSSe Ia
sufi~ que tenian seles seftaJo una lamenrasioo paraque Ia leua della Ia pusiessen en canto de organa
siguieodo el canto Uano en que estaba i ajusaandcse a ella. y determinado que los dhos opositores se fuesen
inmediaramre a Ia sala Capilllla a executar cada uno su oposision. i que dentro de winre i quatto oras se
ttugese como con efecto y asisrencia del secreUO desre eamdo se hizo. y visto dhas conposissiones se dio Ia
de Malheo BaDados al sr Joseph Perez puaque le pusiesse los obstaculos que en ella ballase y Ia de e1 dbo
Joseph Perez a Madleo Ballados paraque hisiesse Ia mismo, i vislar con los alegatos i defecros que cada IDlO
tepiesento u no aber en es1a Ciu" quien pudiese decir en consiensia Su ssa mma pam Ia delerminassioo deJa
matberia Ia remitio a Mex.co'"

223

The reliance on the judgement of the musicians at the Metropolitan

cathedral would set a precedent that would have far-reaching consequences
well into the next century. The reply from Mexico City gave the edge to
Vallados:
[T]he opinion of the Chapelmasters, learned men, was that the
work of each of the candidates was in great conformity with
the art, but that the composition of the Lamentation by Matheo
Ballados bad more sonority, smoothness and conformed better
to the text of the plainchant that was given for the contrapuntal
composition.11

Vallados assumed the post on March 23, 1668, at the age of 21 or 22.
His examen, a Sequence for the Dead, is one of the manuscripts which
survives in Oaxaca, though it is unfortunately incomplete. Though we do
not have the submissions of Vallados' s rivals in the competition, this work
alone speaks volumes of the quality expected by the Cabildo for the
position. In 1691, V allados composed several villancicos on texts by Sor
Juana Ines de la Cruz, which were performed in the cathedral on the
morning of November 25 with great success, but which were subsequently
lost.1a His examen, along with another work preserved in the Guatemala
Cathedral,19 remain V allados 's only musical legacy.
In addition to his skill in composition, Vallados was evidently a good
teacher, and his pupils were often subsequently employed by the Cathedral.
Thus, on March 13, 1685, one of Vallados's pupils, Juan de Tobar

17 Oaxaca~ Aetas Capindores. I. foL 262vo. March 23. 1668: "el parecer de los maesuos de
CapiDa ombres peritos dijeron que los defectos de cada IDlO delos dos opositores se auian pues10 eran mui
conformes al arte pero que Ia Composission de dha Lamelllasion que auia echo Malbeo BallaOOs em mas
sonora suave y conforme a Ia letta del canto Dano que se dio para Ia conposission del canto de organo...
18 Stevenson, MIUic in Mexico. 137.
19 De los sint:o senores ClliiiO. See Stevenson. Renaissance and Baroque SoUTces. 103.

224

Carrasco, was named singer in the Cathedral choir.20 Two years later,
Vallados named Francisco Herrera y Mota as a singer and bajonero.21 In
1692, Vallados recommended that Juan Perez de Guzman, who had been a
choirboy in the Mexico City Cathedral under Antonio de Salazar, be hired
as a singer.n In 1694, Herrera was promoted to Instructor of Children's
chorus.23 Thus, Carrasco, Herrera and Guzman were probably of the same
generation and of roughly the same age.
On August 11, 1706, the presbyter Don Nicholas de Santaella was

named Capellan de Coro (choir cbaplain).24 Santaella was evidently the first
in a succession of incompetent musicians who held the post, for by
December of that year, he was replaced by the Licenciado Don Agustin
Lariiiana,25 who himself would be gone by March of the following year.26
Luis de German was then appointed to the position in August of 1707 ;n
followed by Lie. Ram6n Duran on July 24, 1708.28 Three days later, and
possibly to put an end to the revolving position, two more chaplaincies

(Capellanias de Coro) were created for the choir, funded in perpetuity.29

On March 15, 1707, three Ministros del Coro (members of the

choir) demanded a raise in salary. Francisco de Leon's salary was

augmented ten pesos for a total of sixty. I oachin Ramirez's salary was
raised from forty to fifty pesos, and Gabriel de Mota (whose relationship

20 Oaxaca Cathedral. Aetas CapitulaTes, II.

21 Ibid., II. foL 205.

fol. 181 v.

22 Ibid., II, fol 250.

23 Ibid., III, fol. 21

24 Ibid., III, fol. 321

25 Ibid., m, fol. 327, December 30, 1706:

"Este dia eligio y Boto so Ssa. por Capellan de Cboro a el

Ucdo. Don Agustfn Lariftana Presbytero..Lo presento Manuel Antonio Mariano en quien pide se Je ororge
mas saJario del que tiene cnamJta pesos en cada afto."
26 Ibid.. III, fol 328.
rr Ibid, III, fol. 331, August 8, 1707: "-Y asi mismo bolaron para capeDan de Oloro a Luis de GeruWl,
Clerigo Diacouo."

28 Ibid, m. fol. 342. July 24, 1708.

29

Ibid, III, fol 342vo., July 27, 1708.

225
to

Francisco Herrera y Mota is unknown) began his tenure there at the

salary of 40 pesos.30 On August 8, 1707, the Cabildo recorded the death of

Marcos Surita, singer, choir assistant and librarian, and replaced him with
Francisco de Le6n. His responsibilities included assisting the choir at any
hour and taking care of the plainchant library.3t
The next vacancy in the chapelmastership occurred upon the death of
Vallados in 1707. There as been some question as to the exact date of
Vallados' s death. Robert Stevenson put his death as occurring sometime in
the fall of 1707.n But a careful examination of the Libros de Claveria
(accounting books) from 1707 pinpoints the date of Vallados 's death more
precisely. The accounting books recorded the salaries of the Cathedral
musicians, which were disbursed every three or six months. Thus, the
entry of January 1707 reveals that V allados 's annual salary was 300 pesos,
and that he received 150 pesos for his services during the second half of the
previous year. On March 27, he received another 90 pesos for the frrst
trimester of 1707. The entry on June 2 reveals that the chapelmaster had
died during the second trimester, and that 44 pesos were paid to the estate
of "Lie. Matheo Vallados, maestro de Capilla difunto," for the services
rendered during that period.33 Thus, Vallados passed away sometime
between March 27 and June 2. Moreover, because the balance of his salary
was pro-rated to the amount of days he served, we can pinpoint the date
30 Ibid.,

m. fol 328, March IS, 1707: " ..Abiendo leydo tres peticiones de los ministtos del coro arriba

mencionados, botaron sus seftorias. Se le aftadieron a Francisco de Le6n lOp mas de los SO que ya tiene y a

Gabriel de Mora, ministril que comienza a servir en esta Santa Iglesia se le seftala 40p de Renra, y a Joacbin
Ramirez se le afladieron lOp mas de os que ya tiene portal ministtil"
31 Ibid., m. fol. 331, August 8, 1707: " ..Para nombrar y elegir cantor que assista al choro, por fin y
muerte de Marcos Surita y asimismo para nombrar capelan de cboro per falta de declemente...Eligieron y
bolamn ministro del cboro al Lie. Francisco de Le6o, Presbytero, que a3Sista a1 dk:ho ciKXo a todas las
oras...cuidando della hlxeria de Canro llano pues asimismo a so cargo Ia tiene y debe tener para ello, para
ello tiene Ia Renta como su anrecesor.....
32 See Roben Stevenson, "Los successores de Juan Malbfas," Heterofonfa 65, vol 12, no. 2 (March-April
1979): 9.
33 Oaxaca Cathedral,Ubrosde Claverfa, f. 34,July 1707.

226

even further by calculating Vallados 's daily salary, which was about one
peso. Since he was paid 44 pesos for the 44 days beginning either on March
27 or Aprillst, we can deduce that his death occurred between May lOth
and May 14th, 1707.
The accounting books also give the salaries for the other members of
the choir, including Joseph Guzman (70 pesos annually), Luis Gutierrez
(54 pesos) Francisco Herrera de la Mota (78 pesos) and Juan de Tobar
Carrasco (98 pesos).
After Vallados 's death, the Cabildo named the Sochantre, Luis Jose
Montes de Oca, as interim Chapelmaster.34 Within a few months, a
competition was called to fill the position on a permanent basis. The contest
of 1708 is surprisingly well documented, as all four of the submissions
survive, as well as the comments of the judge, the Mexico City
chapelmaster Antonio de Salazar. In spite of this, some questions remain as
to the end result of the competition and the appointment made by the
Diocese. The surviving examenes that have emerged are, not surprisingly,
from members of Vallados's choir: Francisco de Herrera y Mota, Juan de
Tobar Carrasco, Luis Gutierrez, and Juan Perez de Guzman. All four of
their submissions appear in transcription in appendix 1. The candidates
composed their submissions in December 1707 or early January 1708.
Three of them presented their works in Oaxaca, while Guzman, who
happened to be in Mexico City at the time, did so at the Metropolitan
Cathedral. On January 13th, the Oaxaca Cabildo requested the assistance of
the Mexico City chapelmaster, Antonio de Salazar, to evaluate the entries.3s
34 Ibid.. 1707-1708.
3S Oaxaca~ Co"espondencia, January 13.

1708: "Por lo que a Nosotros toea y por baberse

COillpOIDeCido en nosouos el seftor Dean y Cabildo de Ia Sanaa Iglesia de Antequena como coosta de cana de
13 del presenr.e mes y afto. Remitimos las COOlposiciooes hechas en dicha ciudad por los ttes opositores que
coocurrieron a Ia oposicioo al maestro de Capilla..... For tbe complete original text, see appendix 3.

227

The Oaxaca Cabildo, looking to modernize its musical establishment,

recruited Salazar as much for his fame and prestige as for his musical
outlook. Though still embedded in an era of strict, orthodox counterpoint
and polyphony, an era which was rapidly slipping away, Salazar's freer
musical language nevertheless began the transition to a more modem style.
Within a few years, SaJazar would be replaced in Mexico City by Manuel
de Sumaya, who brought the capital into the Baroque era, and who would
do the same to Oaxaca decades later.
On January 30th, the Bishop of Oaxaca, Angel Maldonado personally
delivered the works to Salazar, who evaluated them and wrote his report
the following day. The correspondence between Salazar and Bishop
Maldonado survives in the archives in Oaxaca (fig. X).36 In addition,
Salazar also wrote comments and critiques on the compositions themselves,
either on the front cover or in the margins (fig. X) We will examine each
of the four submissions in turn.
Francisco de Herrera y Mota. Herrera's assignment was to compose a
four-voice introit a Nuestro Padre San Pedro, set over the given plainchant

Nunc scio vere, in a concerted style. This chant is sung at mass during the
feast of St. Peter the Apostle, which occurs on June 29. In addition,
Herrera was to compose a hymn for St. Peter, Decora lux, based on a chant
of that name, which is sung at Vespers during the same feast. This
composition was to have a polyphonic setting (en canto de 6rgano ). Finally,
a villancico de presici6n was requested on the text: yo Ia vi, yo Ia mire,
which unfortunately does not swvive.

36 Oaxaca Calhedral. Co"esponlkncitl. January 30-31. 1708. For tbe complete original text, see appendix 3.

228

The selection of the texts is unrelated to the date of the feast, which

occurs in mid-summer and thus six months after the date of the
examination. As seen in chapter 3, much of the repertoire of the Oaxaca
Cathedral centered around the celebration of the feasts of St. Peter and the
Virgin Mary. It is not surprising then, that these texts would be assigned to
the candidates.
Herrera's introit and hymn are written in individual parts. On the
front cover of the bass part in the manuscript, an inscription reads "Oficio
e himno de Nuestro Padre San Pedro a cuatro voces." There is also a
signature ''Francisco de Herrera Mota" and a date: "Aiio de 1708" (fig. X).
On the back cover, another signature appears with the words "Primer

Opositor" (fig. X).

Critique of Herrera. Salazar's report to Bishop Maldonado concerning

Herrera's composition is as follows:
The candidate did not do any of the three assignments
correctly. He began the introit differently from the plainchant,
since the plainchant begins in E: mi. mi, whereas he began in
F: a, fil, quite a substantial error, since the Ea.s change the
tone. The candidate committed in the introit two other errors,
which were the punctuation of the keys, and the lowering of
the B-naturals to B-flats. Since the plainchant is in the third
tone, the composer must not have been aware of Don Pedro
Cerone (classical author in our field), for he would have
known that the tone must be preserved, and the Bs lowered to
B-flats.37
37

Oaxaca Cathedral. Correspondolcia, January 30. 17~: " ..ninguoa de estas tres cosas acerto el dbo; por

que el intmito lo comenso em difqeocia el canto llano. de como el empiesa; pues es el principio del dbo
introilo en .cJami diciendo: mi. mi; y el dho. comenso enffaut diciendo: fa. fa. error mui subsrancial. porque
se varia con los tales f'f'a el tono. cometio el dbo en el mismo inttoito ottos dos yerros. que fueron Ia
punctuasim de las claves. y buer Ira los mi de bJbmi. siendo el canto llano de tercer tono. el dbo no
debe a~ visto a on Pedro Cerone (a1Wlr CJasico en nro arte) que allf viela lo que en dbo tono se debe
guardar en las enttadas de dbo tono. y en el mi de b.fb.mi. ..." F<r the complete original text see appendix 3.

229

Salazar's reference to the works of Cerone is striking, though not

unusual or even unexpecte<L and it confirms that the Italian theorist was
well-known and revered in the colonies, just as he had been in Spain.
Salazar then comments on the villancico de presici6n (which does not
survive), complaining that the syllables weren't illustrated by the correct
notes.3' The critique of the hymn follows:
In the hymn he committed another error, because since he
didn't follow the plainchant, he should have followed the tone
of the hymn, since it is the first tone, whereas he wrote it
(unnecessarily) in the second tone. It is obvious how little he
knows about this (and everything else).39

Salazar offers further critiques on the cover and margins of Herrera's

examen, which are also quite negative (fig. X):

Einl: that the plainchant is not the one in the introit, because the
author set it at his whim, with many disparities. Second: that the clefs
in the upper voices do not correspond to that of the bass. Third: that
the composition is like the knowledge that the author has of the clefs.
Fourth: that the hymn, which does not preserve the plain chant,
should at least preserve the tone, which is the first tone, and the
author (quite neglectfully) set it in second tone.40

38 Oaxaca Calhedral. Co"upondDrdtJ. January 30, 17~: .....en Ja Ietta de presissicSn entto diciendo en dos

voces. estas: ut. & mi. fa. y en esta solfa. no cabe esta 1etra: yo Ia vi: porque lo que en ese casso dim Ia
Jeua sera: yo mJii..." (in the text oft/re vil/ancico Ire ellleTS in twO voices, one Oil Ill.. a,liJi../JL and the
othu on so/fa, and the text does not fit: yo lq yi, bee~ in that case, the text should say yo m.mi). For
the complete original text, see appendix 3.

39 Oaxaca Calbedml, Co"upondDrcitJ. January 30, 1708:

.....en el himno comedO olro; porque ya JD&lHl

sipja ei canto Qaoo. debiera seguir el tono de que es dho himno, pues es de primer tono, y el dbo lo bizo
(sin nesessidad) de Segundo. bien se cooose en esto (yen IOdo) lo poco que sabe." For tbe complere original
text, see appendix 3.
40 Oaxaca Cathedral, Archivo Musical, 50cl53: '1.o Primero: que el caauo Llano noes ei del introito,
porque el alitor lo pusso a su conveniencia, con mucbos disparates. Lo segundo: tf las cJaves de las voces
no correspooden a Ia del bajo. Lo rercero: qe Ia composissioo es como el conosimiento que cl auror time de
las c1aves. Lo quarto: que el bimno no guardaodo canto Dano, a lo menos debiera guardar el ~ que es
primero tooo, y el autor lo bizo (bien desalenlado) a Segundo."

230

Regarding the first criticism, that the plainchant Herrera used was in
the wrong tone, it appears that Salazar was mistaken. The plainchant, as it
appears in the Graduale and Uber Usualis, does indeed begin on F. Why
did Salazar insist that it began on E? Herrera and Salazar were evidently
working from different versions of the chant, cast in different tones. This
conclusion is reinforced by the fact that Guzman, the candidate who was in
Mexico City and who was also assigned this particular chant, wrote it on E,
with the tacit approval of Salazar.
The discrepancy between the differences in tone remains
unexplained, and could be attributed to different chant traditions in Mexico
City and Oaxaca. The liturgy in Mexico was established before the Council
of Trent, and was based on a combination of the Roman and Toledan chant.
The Council of Trent drastically retooled the liturgy in Mexico (as it did in
Europe), but remnants of the old tradition survived locally in several
places throughout the colonies. It is quite possible that Salazar was working
from the Toledan version of the Chant, whereas the Oaxaca musicians had
already adopted the conciliar, that is to say Roman version.
In any event, Sa1azar's criticism on this point was unwarranted, and,

as explained below, may have contributed to the imal decision of the

Diocese as to its choice of chapelmasters. Beyond this odd discrepancy,
Herrera did indeed take liberties with the plainchant, thus defeating the
purpose of the examination, which was to set the three upper voices to the
unchanging bass line. On at least eight occasions, Herrera failed to follow
the melody of the chant. It is true that the chant has a few long pedal
points, at one point forcing the bass to remain on C for 13 straight
measures, thus limiting the harmonic content of the piece. Herrera's
divergences might be seen as attempts to add more interest to a work which

231

would otherwise contain excessively stagnant sections. Herrera also did not
handle the harmony of the tone effectively. Salazar correctly points out that
Herrera failed to add the accidental flats on B, which appear in the
manuscript as corrections in Salazar's hand.
The second critique refers to the disparity of the clefs in the himno
and the introit which are somewhat irregular. Specifically, Herrera
changed clefs in the bass part between the introit and the himno (fig. X).
Sa1azar was evidently trying to impress on the Cabildo that Herrera was
unfamiliar with the two systems of cleffing in practice at the time: claves

altas (g-2, c-2, c-3, c-4/f-3) and claves bajas (c-1, c-3, c-4, f-4). The third
point is a negative commentary on the compositional content of the work,
implying the author is not very erudite in composition, and is probably
unfair, given the quality of this piece.
The fourth point refers to the adoption of a new key for the himno.
The oficio has no flats in the key signature, and is in A. Salazar refers to it
as primer tono, though in polyphony it would be considered third tone, and
written with high clefs. The himno, by contrast, has a b-flat in the key
signature and is written in G, that is in the second mode, with low clefs.
Yet according to Salazar, the hymn should be in the f'trst mode, that is to
say D with low clefs. Since presumably no modal consistency was expected
to exist between the two pieces, Salazar was in all probably referring to
the lack of consistency between each setting and its chant. (Herre!'a also
forgot to put the B flat in the key signature of the alto, a detail that
undoubtedly was not lost on Salazar).
Herrera's examen is far more staid and conservative than Guzman's
or Carrasco's. Dissonances seem to reflect more awkward technique than
daring innovation. Points of imitation are mostly based on figures from the

232

chanL On occasion, elemental mistakes, such as parallel octaves

immediately preceding a cadence cast doubt on the competence of the
candidate. In spite of these technical problems, Herrera's composition often
displays passages of quality and talenL The musical lines in the upper
voices effectively reflect the contours of the chant, particularly the opening
figure, and the end result is a work that bespeaks a certain measure of
inspiration.

Juan de Tobar Carrasco. The second candidate was Juan de Tobar

Carrasco, who would compete again in 1726. Carrasco had been a member
of the chapel since 1685, when he had been hired and trained as a singer by
Matheo Vallados. His assignment was an introit for the Misa de Nuestra

Senora, on the chant Salve Sancta parens. This introit is sung at mass for
the feasts of the Blessed Virgin Mary, that is to say, the mass commonly
used in all of Mary's feasts. As this feast occurs several times throughout
the year, there is no specific date associated with the performance of this
chant. In addition, Carrasco was asked to submit a four-voice Benedictus,
and once again the villancico de precision yo Ia vi, yo Ia mire, which
(unlike Herrera's) does survive. The cover of the manuscript bears the title
uJuan de Thobar Carrasco, Segundo Opositor" (fig. X). The Introit and
Benedictus consist of tenor, alto and tiple parts, with the chant given in a
separate page. As with the other examinees, the assignment was to set the
three upper voices over the chant, which would be directly intoned as a

straight, unomamented bassline. Carrasco's introit is based on the first four

notes of the chant, a rising figure A-C-D-E which reappears throughout in
the upper voices, often in inversion. Carrasco also punctuates his melodic
contours with octave leaps liberally sprinkled throughout the piece.

233

Carrasco's other piece, Yo Ia vi, yo Ia mire is a villancico de

precisiOn, also known as the villancico de concordancia or de mettifora. Its

purpose is to make the composer write the appropriate notes over the
solfege syllables in the texL Thus, the syllables "Ia mire" in the title are
invariably illustrated by the notes A-E-D, creating a melodic motive that
pervades the piece (fig. X). This requirement put certain limitations on the
composers, forcing them to improvise and show their skill within a rigid
set of rules.

Critique of Carrasco. At the top of the pages of the Introit and

Benedictus, Salazar has written the following comments:

Esto es ageno
[This is somebody else's]
Esto es obra de otro autor
[This is the work of another author]
Esto es ageno y no se comparese con Ia letra de presission
[This is somebody else's and does not resemble the
handwriting of the villancico]
Esto es de otro sujeto y no se comparese con la letra de presission
[This is by another individual and does not resemble the
handwriting of the villancico]

By contrast, at the top of each page of the villancico, Salazar wrote:

Este si es del opositor

[This ~ by the candidate]
At the bottom of the alto part of the villancico, he wrote:

No tiene similitud esta letra con ellntroito y Benetlictus que el

234

autor ha demostrado. [This has no resemblance to the Introit and

Benedictus that the author has presented]
On the cover of the manuscript, Salazar has written his startling comments:

Este Introit y Benedictus no dicen con el Villanco de

presission. El autor quiso resusitar alP. Mathias. y le estuviera
mexor, porque no perdiera su credito.
[This Introit and Benedictus are not in accord with the
villancico. The author wanted to revive the Padre Mathias, and
it would have been better for him, for he would not have lost
his credit.]
Salazar's comments in his report to the Bishop are as follows:
The text of the villancico revealed to me the insufficiency of
this candidate, since it has several improportions, and as for
the Introit and Benedictus, it is my understanding that if Juan
Mathias returned from the dead he would say what Virgil said:
Hos ego versiculos feci. tullit alter honores. [I have written
these verses, another has taken the honors]. The candidate
should try to learn from the living, and leave the dead alone.41
Salazar is thus accusing Carrasco of cheating, explicitly asserting that
the Introit and Benedictus were written by Juan Mathias, in contrast to the
villancico which was indeed written by the candidate. He mentions Mathias
by name on two occasions, and punctuates the accusations with the damning
quote from Virgil. Juan Mathias was the famous Zapotec composer who
held the Oaxaca Chapelmastership a half-century earlier, from 1655 to
1667, and from whom only a few works survive. Mathias was legendary
throughout Mexico and even as far as Europe. Robert Stevenson, citing two
41 Oaxaca Calbedral. Co"espolllkncitJ. January 30.

17<ll: "La dba letra me descubrio Ia insuficiensia del dbo

pues es1a con bastantes improporciones. yen lo qe toea al inttoito, y benedicbJs. yo eotiendo que si Juan
Mathias resucitara avia de decir lo qe Virgilio dixo: bos em versjcglos feci. tulljt alter booores. el dho
oposiur puede trarar de aprender de los vivos. y dexar i los muertos." For the complete original rext. see
appendix 3.

235

entries in the Cathedral records42 which directed Mathias to deposit all of

his works in the archives, suggested that his works had circulated widely
and were in great demand:
No doubt Mathias was just then being constantly importuned by
Indian maestros from near and afar who wanted a slice of his
cathedral pie. By requiring him to place in the newly established
music archive everything that he had written since 1655, the
cathedral Chapter acted to disinfect him from a plague of
would-be borrowers.43
Thus, Carrasco's plagiarism of Mathias's works would not have been
the first. If Salazar's allegations are true, Carrasco was copying the style,
and perhaps even the works themselves, of the old Indian maestro. In so
doing he may have inadvertently done posterity a favor by setting down on
paper one of the only remaining complete works by Mathias.
Carrasco's long tenure in the chapel afforded him ample opportunity
to become familiar with Mathias's works, which were stored in the
cathedral archives. Moreover, Carrasco was the pupil of Vallados, who in
tum had been the pupil of Mathias. There was thus a direct connection

between the composers. Were Salazar's accusations indirectly aimed at the

deceased V allados ? Carrasco was undoubtedly counting on the fact that
Salazar would not have been familiar with Mathias's works. If so, he was
underestimating the veteran composer, who also would have known them,
and, born around 1650, may even have known Mathias personally. It was
Carrasco's miscalculation, (or perhaps simply his misfortune) that he would
submit a plagiarized work to a composer of the caliber of Salazar.

42 Oaxaca ~Aetas Capitllll:ues. I. fol 186. August 16. 1660.

43 Robert Stevenson. "Baroque Music in dle Oaxaca Cadledral,"lnter-A~Mrican Music Review 1. no. 2
(Spring-Summer 1979): 184.

236

The allegations of plagiarism are borne out by the difference in style

of the works, though JlQl by the handwriting, which on first impression
does appear somewhat different in both manuscripts, but which remains
inconclusive without more extensive handwriting analysis. Salazar's
accusations against Carrasco, whether or not they are deserved, fail to
comment on the quality of the compositions before him or the technical
abilities of the candidate. This is unfortunate, for the work is surprisingly
inspired and shows a measure of musical ability that is at least on par with,
if not greater than, the other candidates. Moreover, the musical language is

quite advanced, not what we would expect from a chapelmaster who lived a
half-century earlier, though we have no works of Mathias to compare it to.
The third candidate was Luis Gutierrez, whose assignment was a
concerted introit on the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, based on the
chant, Gaudeamus omnes, a four-voice hymn to St. Martina, and a
villancico de precisiOn on the text: el buelo apresurado. Only the introit
survives. The feast for St. Martina occurs on January 31, soon after the
date of the examen, suggesting that this particular assignment might have
been given for this purpose.
On the cover of Gutierrez's composition, Salazar has written, with a
dash of humor: "The author gives strong evidence that he is unaware of the
meaning of harmony (concierto ), in this Introit which is very disconcerting
(desconcertado)."44 Salazar's critique of Gutierrez's submission echoes

some of the complaints he had for Herrera is as follows:

44 Oaxaca Cathedral, Archivo Musical.

SOcl 53: " Bien da testimonio e1 autor que no sabe lo que es

coocierto. en inrorito que esta mui desconcenado...

237

The setting of the villancico is bad, because the voices are not
in their place; the hymn is not good, because he should have at
least followed the tone, since he didn't follow the plainchant.
The concert is very disconcerted, without steps, ligatures or
any rules that ought to be followed in concerts.4S
Though his submission is indeed less than inspiring, Gutierrez ironically
would twice assume the chapelmastership more than a decade after the
events of 1708. His tenure would be less than successful.
By-and-large, Salazar's critiques shed little insight into the quality of
the compositions, and they portray Herrera, Carrasco and Gutierrez as
somewhat clumsy and/or inexperienced, making silly mistakes that should
be beyond anyone aspiring to such an important post. Having harshly
panned the first three candidates, Salazar addresses himself to Bishop
Maldonado in general terms:
Most illustrious sir, these candidates are like those who don't
know how to read, but open a book, and without
understanding it, praise it, and it is thus: oculis laudator. mente
non comitor; as opposed to he who knows, understanding the
concept and praising the perfection of the characters. This
thought isn't mine, but that of a great doctor and a great
musician, St. Augustine, who concludes with these words
which are appropriate: qyod. qyi non didicit non potest. This
is the reason the candidates committed so many errors, that
they didn't learn the principle: qyi non didicit non potest. 46
45 Oaxaca Cathedral. Com!sponde~ January 30. 1708: " . .La dha letta es1a mala. porque las voces no
estan en

su Iugar; el himno no es bueno. porque avia de seguir a lo menos el tono ya que no siguio el canto
llano. el concierto esta mui desconcertado. sin passo.ligacioo ni ninguna regia de las que se deben obsenar
en concierto." For the complete original rext. see appendix 3.
46 Oaxaca Cathedral. Co"espo~ January 30. 1708: " .. mmo SO l esros oposiuxes 1es sussede Ie que
l uno que sin saber Jeer. abre on h"'bro. y sin entenderlo Io alaba, y es: oculis Jruutaror. mente non copitor.
al c:onttario al que sabe. porque entiende el concepro y alalia Ia perfecciOO de los caracteres. noes mfo el
peosamiento. sino de on grande Doctor. y grande Musico. e1 sor S. Agustin y concluye el Santo dando Ia
razon de Ia disparidad per esaas palabras mui del casso: guod. ggj non didicit non potest.. Pues esaa es Ia
raz6n de aver cometido los dhos opositores taJUos yenos. el no aver aprendido Ia facullad: gui gm didicjt
non potesL" For the complete original text. see appendix 3.

238

Salazar, always fond of quoting from the c1assics, does not pull any
punches in his critiques of the candidates. His references to Cerone, Virgil
and St. Augustine reflect the extent of his learning as well as his desire to
substantiate his judgement and conclusions with external authorities that
cannot be called into question.
Juan Perez de Guzman. The final candidate was Guzman, whose
assignment was similar to Herrera's. It consisted of the concerted fourvoice introit for the feast of St. Peter, nunc scio vere, and the villancico de

precision yo Ia vi, yo La mire. Thus, Herrera, Carrasco and Guzman were

all assigned the same villancico, though Carrasco's is the only one that
survives.
Guzman's examen was written in full score rather than in parts (fig.
X). At the top, the inscription reads: "Concierto a cuatro para la Oposici6n

del Maestro de Capilla de Ia Catedral de Oaxaca" and the single name

''Guzman."

Critique of Guzman. In contrast to his comments regarding the first

three composers, Salazar's critique of Guzman is glowing:

[Guzman] met all the requirements of a good candidate,

writing the villancico correctly, and writing the concert with
much rigor, as anyone who is unbiased can see in the
compositions he submitted for the competition, so for this
reason is the suitable person for the chapelmastership. This is
how I feel and I swear it in every way under the law. This is
my opinion.41
41 Oaxaca Calbedral. Co"espondenda, January 30.

1708: " .el dbo cmnpli6 con todas las ob6gmiones de

buen oposilor acertando e1 Villanclco. y coocenando e1 coocierto ccn mucbo rigor como qualquier
desapassiooado to podia veer en w demostraciones que presento para dha oposici6n. pr lo cual bayo sel' e1

239

Salazar also wrote a comment on the cover of the manuscript of

Guzman's examen, which reads:

Esta como debe en rigor de Mllsica.

[This is as it should be in terms of music].
Guzman had been trained in Mexico City, and had been a pupil of
Salazar. He was thus familiar with the freer style practiced there. His
submission is more daring than those of the other candidates, in terms of its
dissonances and melodic contours. In contrast to Herrera's and Gutierrez's
works, Guzman's composition follows the contours of the chant almost
exactly (and, significantly, with no feeling of harmonic stagnation), and
there are no discrepancies between clefs or key signatures. Points of
imitation appear regularly, and are treated competently. His favorite device
is a half note-whole note-half-note figure which moves up, then down a
half-step. On two occasions, the entire figure is repeated several times in a
descending sequence. Combinations of simple and dotted rhythms
contribute to a bolder language, and the liberal, but always orthodox, use
of accidentals attest to a freer harmonic content than that which had
prevailed in Oaxaca, and was more akin to the stylistic traits in evidence in
Mexico City at the time.
Salazar, having evaluated the candidates, thus made his
recommendation in person to ute Bishop Angel Maldonado, that Juan Perez
de Guzman be appointed chapelmaster of Oaxaca. Salazar assumed
(logically) that his recommendation would be enacted, and he entered
Guzman's appointment into the records. The Aetas Capitulares of the
mas idoneo para dbo Magisterio de Capilla assi lo siemo y juro en toda forma de derecho. este es mi
sentir " For die complete original text, see appendix 3.

240

Mexico City Cathedral reported that Juan Perez de Guzman was appointed
Oaxaca Chapelmaster on February 28, 1708.41 The Oaxaca records,
however, make no mention of Guzman's appointtnent. The Aetas de

Cabildo do not record his appointment, and the Libros de Claveria show
that he continued to receive his salary as a singer throughout 1708 and for
several years thereafter, and that Jose Montes de Oca continued to receive a
salary for his services as interim chapelmaster.
The questions which now arise are: Was Guzman appointed ? If so,
why did he not assume the position ? And if not, why not, given Salazar's
recommendation ? What would have made the Cabildo question the
judgement of the most respected and venerable musician in the land ?
The answers may lie in some of the rather irregular aspects
surrounding the exdmen, which cast a shadow of suspicion over its
outcome. Why, for example, was Guzman in Mexico City at the time of the
competition, rather than in Oaxaca with his fellow singers ? And was the
fact that Guzman was a former student of Salazar, and probably a good
friend as well, influential on the outcome ? Was Salazar rigging the contest
in favor of Guzman ? If so, why ? When these questions are considered,
Salazar's scathing evaluations now emerge in a different light. Was
Salazar's assertion that Herrera's plainchant began on the "wrong" tone
merely a ploy to discredit the Oaxaca candidate ? Conveniently, Guzman
used the chant in the tone demanded by Salazar, contrary to its traditional
form. And was Carrasco's submission really plagiarized? When it comes
right down to it, we only have Salazar's opinion to support such a claim.

41

Robert Srevenson, "Los successores de Juan Mathias," Heterofonfa 65, vol 12, no. 2 {Malch-April
1979): 12. n. 52, citing Mexico City, Aetas Capilularu, XXVI (1706-1710), fol 1S7vo.

241
In all probability, the outcries of protest from Herrera and Carrasco,

as well as Guzman's friendship with Salazar, made the Cabildo question the
old master's recommendation. In any event, either the Cabildo failed to
appoint Guzman, or if it did, then Guzman, for unknown reasons, failed to
accept the position. The search for a chapelmaster thus continued, and the
chapelmastership remained vacant for the first six months of 1708. The
Oaxaca Aetas Capitulares reveal that in August, Herrera was sent to Puebla
to be examined by Miguel de Ia Riva y Paz, the chapelmaster there.
Significantly, the Cabildo now avoided the input of the Mexico City
chapelmaster. On August 24, 1708 Riva approved of Herrera and sent him
back to Oaxaca with a letter extolling his musical virtues in glowing terms,
in contrast to Salazar's previous evaluation. The letter, copied verbatim
into the Aetas Capitulares, asserted that Herrera had much knowledge of
musical authorities, and had great musical talent:
Most illustrious Sir:
Don Miguel de Riva, Cbapelmaster of the holy cathedral of Puebla
de Los Angeles, do certify in the best manner possible, at the request
of Don Joseph Valero Grajera, treasurer of the holy Cathedral of
Oaxaca, that I have examined Don Francisco de Herrera y Ia Mota,
minister of that holy church; and having questioned him in music
theory, I was sufficiently satisfied and went on to examine him in
composition, to which end I gave him a text so that he could set it in
musical meter, in four voices, which he executed in a term of
twenty-four hours, though it was not a text de precision since this
was not requested. I declare that having carefully examined the
work, I recognized his great musical talent and his ability to
implement what is dictated by the books of our discipline. Although
what is now practiced in Spain and in this church is in a newer style,
the composition written by Don Francisco should not for that reason
be unappreciated or disregarded. I expect that with much effort and
diligence to our profession, and especially with my explanations and
instruction, he will learn the style that is practiced today, because of

242

his manner of observing and executing, his vigilance and his speed.
And thus I am certain that he will easily execute what is practiced
today, without obstacle, for his ability and diligence display this.
And I predict this not only from what I have said, but also because,
having asked him to perform contrapuntal improvisations, which are
taught to teachers of composition, particularly for the villancico, he
satisfied with timeliness, based on the treatises that he has read,
which establish the current requirements. This is my feeling, which
is unmoved by any passion. With your greatness, you will be able to
execute what you deem best and most convenient. God protect you
for several years. Puebla de los Angeles, August 24, 1708. 49
Herrera's examination in Puebla seems to have been more rigorous
than the previous one. Riva questioned the candidate on music theory,
composition and contrapuntal improvisations, and assigned him a text to set
in four parts.so Riva states that Herrera was quite learned in the art, having
read the treatises on the subject, and that his composition conformed to the
musical authorities of the time. Riva is alluding to the European theorists
which had a great influence on the colonies, such as Pietro Cerone
Francisco de Montanos and Andres Lorente. Riva does point out that by
this time, the theoretical writings to which Herrera ably conformed had
become antiquated in Spain and in Puebla (and by implication in the rest of
the colonies). This should not be a reproach on Herrera, says Riva, for
with a little coaching and hard work, he would quickly become adept in the
current style, one much more in accordance with the Baroque ideal.
As a result of this enthusiastic recommendation, Herrera, having
traveled to Puebla to prove his worth, finally assumed the post on
September 7, 1708.

49 Oaxaca Cadledlal. AcltiS Capitulares, ~ fol. 344vo. For the complete original text. see appendix 3.
50 Herrera's second Ex4nwa, composed in Puebla. in all likelihood is still in the archives there, if it

survives at all.

243

Whether or not Salazar acted improperly in the examen of 1708 will

probably never be know. But we can be our own judges of the competition,
and determine the most qualified candidate. It is true that Guzman's piece is
more up-to-date, while Carrasco's piece is more conservative and
traditional. In spite of this, Carrasco's entry can objectively be viewed as
superior to that of Herrera, Guzman and Gutierrez. The Cabildo 's rejection
of Salazar's recommendation had probably more to do with scandal and
controversy than with musical considerations. The selection of the more
traditional, tried-and-true style of Herrera, over the more cosmopolitan,
innovative and forward-looking style of Guzman, was probably not the
ideal result for the Cabildo, which was still attempting to modernize its
musical style, to bring it in line with the emerging freer style of Mexico
City and Puebla, not to mention Spain and the rest of Europe. When
Guzman became unavailable, and with Carrasco still under suspicion of
plagiarism, the Cabildo did not immediately appoint Herrera, but reopened
the competition. Herrera's unquestionable musical talent eventually won the
day, though not before the candidate was made aware of the Cabildo' s
concerns regarding his antiquated style. The Puebla examiner's emphasis
on Herrera's capacity to adapt to the new style suggests that there was
another agenda on the part of the Oaxaca Cabildo in sending the composer
to Puebla. More than a mere examination, the trip was probably a short
apprenticeship designed to expose Herrera to a more advanced style that
was pervasive in other parts of New Spain.
Oddly, the story as far as Salazar is concerned does not end there. A
curious wrinkle, recently uncovered by Aurelio Tello,st suggests that
51 Amelio Tello. ed.. Tesoro de Ia nuisica polif6nica en Mixico. vol 3. Tres obras del archivo de Ia caledral

de Oamca (Mexico City: C.E.N.I.D.I.M.. 1983). 6.

244

within a year of the examen de

chapelmaster~

oposicion~ Sa1azar~

the legendary

seems to have been hired as an organist in Oaxa~ a post he

would have held from 1709 to 1711.5'2 Tello~s contention is reinforced by

the fact that the organist was paid two hundred pesos annually, more than
double the salary of his predecessor, suggesting that only a musician with
the stature of SaJazar could have commanded such a high wage. Moreover,
at least seven (dateless) works by Salazar survive in the Oaxaca archives~
suggesting that they were written during his tenure in Oaxaca.
Why would a musician of his age and reputation take a provincial job
as an organist, which to him could only have been a step down ? Was his
presence there at all related to the events of the previous year ? Was his
friendship with Guzman a factor in any way ? To be sure, it was not
uncommon for musicians, particularly those commanding the respect that
Salazar did, to take extended leaves of absence. Advanced in years and with
increasingly failing health, Sa1azar might have simply taken advantage of
the more pleasant climate of the Southern regions, complementing his
earnings with the lucrative but not overly-demanding organist position.

In the end, it remains doubtful that the organist in Oaxaca was the
same musician as the elderly chapelmaster, particularly since the Mexico
City records occasionally reveal his presence in the capital during the
period in question. The organist and chapelmaster were in all probability
homonyms, a rather common situation in the Hispanic world.

Nevertheless~

the possibility that they were the same cannot be entirely dismissed, and if
true, would add another dimension to the saga of the Oaxaca chapelmasters.

52 Only one odler of his Oaxaca works bears a dale: 1704.

See Aurelio Tello. Archivo musical tk Ia

CIJledral tk Oaxaca: Car41ogo (Mexico City: C.E.N.LDJ.M.. 1990). 103-104.

245

Francisco Herrera y Mota remained chapelmaster in Oaxaca for ten

years, until his death in 1718. The other three candidates remained
members of the choir for several years. Juan Perez de Guzman eventually
returned to Mexico City, where he once again joined the musical
establishment, and eventually became the copyist for Manuel De Sumaya
when he became chapelmaster in 1715. Herrera did not take the Cabildo's
hint, and he failed to modify his subsequent style of composition to
conform to the changing musical climes. A report to the Diocese reveals

that on December twentieth, 1718, about two weeks after his death,
Herrera's papers were incorporated into the Cathedral Archives.S3 They
included:
Two sequences for Corpus Christi for seven voices.
One sequence for the Resurrection for six voices
Four notebooks of motets de Dolores.
Eleven notebooks of Hymns de Dolores.
Four notebooks of Adjuvanos
Seven notebooks of Vigilia y Invitatorio de Difuntos.

Of these, several survive in the archives in Oaxaca. In particular, one of

the adjuvanos (50.41), a loose page for a Sequence of Corpus Christi
which is probably by Herrera (50.44), and a motet a Ia concepcion. In
addition to this examen, ten more works of his have recently emerged from
the archive. However, these do not include the two works that Robert
Stevenson saw in 1967,54 and which, as Aurelio Tello has recently pointed

S3 Oaxaca~ Co"espondenda. 1718: "Se han entrada en e1 an:bivo los papeles del Maestto Mala
~ se ballaron ser de Ia Iglesia ...."

Robert Stevenson. Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas (WashingtOn: General
Secretariat. OAS. 1970). 205.

246

ou4ss could not be found in the Oaxaca archive in the late 1980s. Those
pieces are still missing.
The newly discovered Herrera works are a series of Matins, ten in
all, written throughout his tenure as Chapelmaster. They are still rather

staid and serious, still reflect the style that had dominated the Cathedral
throughout the previous century. It wasn't until1726, with Herrera's first
important successor Thomas Salgado, and ultimately with Sumaya in 1745,
that music in Oaxaca finally left behind its Renaissance roots and entered
the more progressive Baroque style that already flourished in the rest of
the colony.
Herrera died on December 2, 1718.56 Within a week, the bishop,
perhaps wanting to avoid the long delays that had occurred a decade
earlier, announced an exdmen de oposicion. The Cabildo appointed Luis
Gutierrez, one of the unsuccessful candidates in the contest of 1708, and
still a member of the choir, as interim chapelmaster for a term of 80 days,
the time it would take to undertake the exdmen. The announcement for the
competition of 1718 survives, and is reproduced in fig. 3 (p. 248). The text
of the announcement, in translation, is as follows:
By the illustrious Angel Maldonado, missionary of the great father
San Bernardo, Bishop of this Cathedral of Antequera, Valley of
Oaxaca, and its bishopric, and by the venerable Dean, and the
Diocese of the cathedral:
Because of the death of Francisco de Herrera de Mota, master
composer of the musical chapel, who belonged to the choir of this
holy church, and said chapelmastership being vacant, it is
appropriate that it be filled with someone capable, ideal and
sufficient in said art. Thus, and in accordance with the constitution of
ss TeUo. Catalogo. p. 15.

56 Robert Stevenson. "Los successores de Juan Mathfas." Heterofonfa 65. vol

1979): 9.

12. no. 2 {March-April

247

this holy church, we send forth the present documents, in which we

cite, call and summon any and all persons who wish to compete for
said chapelmastership of the musical chapel, and of composition of
plainchant, and of the organ of the choir of said holy church; so that
within sixty days, which begin on this day of this year, they should
appear before us and before the undersigned secretary, in person or
through their attorneys, to present their candidacies; and that within
another twenty days immediately following, they should appear
personally to the competition, and to the tests which must be passed,
as is called for in provisions of similar chapelmasterships. And for
said position is assigned the salary of three hundred and fifty pesos
fixed every year, which can be advanced in sufficient quantity, and
according to the aptitude of the individual; a burial plot is also
accorded among the founders of this holy church, as well as all
regular wages, earnings and compensations of a chapelmastership;
and with a timely appearance, and the fulfillment of their
obligations, we will be just: with a forewarning that after the passage
of said terms which we have assigned, we will proceed to the contest
of the chapelmastership without further calls or citations. To this end
we put forth the present document, signed by our hand, sealed with
the seal of our Diocese, and endorsed by the undersigned secretary in
this city of Antequera, Valley of Oaxaca, December 9th, J718.S7
The announcement, in the handwriting of the secretary, is signed by
the bishop, the other members of the Diocese, and the secretary himself. It
is followed by this postscript by the secretary:
On December lOth, 1718, I affixed this [document] onto one of the
pillars of this holy cathedral, which I then signed.

Like most job announcement in any era, the document descn"bes the
circumstances of the position and the requirements of the candidates. The
candidates had sixty days to apply for the position, either in person or
through their intermediaries, and twenty days after that in which they had
to pass the requirements of the examination. It also descn"bes the benefits of
57 Oaxaca ~ Co"espondencia. December 18. 1718. For the complete original text, see appendix 3.

248

Fig. 3: Announcement for the Extimen de Oposici6n of 1718

249

the position: 350 pesos annually, payable in advance, as well as a burial plot
among the luminaries of the Cathedral, an honor that would have assured
immortality, and would have been coveted by many aspiring musicians.
The announcement was placed on one of the pillars of the Cathedral, which
at that time was in the process of being rebuilt. Doubtless, similar
announcements would have been placed in other prominent places in the
city, and perhaps in other churches in the region. Given the Cabildo' s
penchant for modernization, similar announcements were also sent to other
major musical centers, including Mexico City and Puebla.
Unfortunately, none of the details of the competition itself survive,
and we do not know the identity of the candidates or the requirements of
the competition. However, it would be a safe to assume that both Luis
Gutierrez and Juan de Tobar Carrasco once again would have presented
themselves, the former to solidify his interim position into a more
permanent situation, the latter to dispel the lingering suspicions of
plagiarism that had eluded him for a decade. In either case, it was not to
be. The Cabildo, still pursuing its elusive goal of modernizing the musical
establishment, once again appointed a non-Oaxacan to the post, and a
youthful one at that: Jose Gabriel Gavino y Leal, who assumed the
chapelmastership on March 22, 1719. The 102 days which passed between
the examen announcement and Gavino y Leal's appointment is not too far
off the timetable established by Bishop Maldonado, attesting to the
Cabildo 's determination in finding a suitable leader for the musical chapel.
Like V allados before him, Gavino y Leal must have been no older
than 20 or 21 when he assumed the most important music post in southern
Mexico. Yet Gavino y Leal's tenure was short-lived. Within six months, he
left for Mexico City on a leave of absence, and never returned. His

250

resignation was received by the Cabildo on January 26, 1720.sa Gavino y

Leal would later become the most renowned chapelmaster of V alladolid
(now Morella), a post he occupied from 1732 to 1768. All evidence
suggests that he would have adequately fulfilled the Cabildo 's wishes of
bringing Oaxaca up to date stylistically. Indeed, several of his pieces
ranging from the 1730s to the 1760s survive in Morella, and reflect a more
concerted, Baroque style than that which was in evidence in Oaxaca in the
1710s and 1720s.s9 Like Guzman before him, however, Gavino y Leal
slipped through the Cabildo' s hands and Oaxaca had to settle for local
talent. Interestingly, Gavino y Leal's name emerges once more in 1741,
this time in Mexico City, where he presented himself as a candidate for the
Metropolitan chapelmastership, which had been vacated by Sumaya two
year earlier. The candidate was not as fortunate this time, as the examiner
deemed him "lacking in efficiency for the post," 60 and sent him back to
V alladolid.
Upon receiving Gavino y Leal's resignation, the Cabildo once again
named Luis Gutierrez as interim chapelmaster.6t He assumed the permanent
position on September 9, 1721, apparently without having undergone an

examen de oposici6n. If so, the Cabildo must have later regretted this
summary appointment, for the Aetas Capitulates contain numerous
complaints about Gutierrez's incompetence, which Robert Stevenson has
already recounted:
Gutierrez lacked the requisite ability to teach the boys, maintain
discipline, and prepare Latin works. On April, 9, 1723, the Chapter
sa Stevenson. "Successores de Juan Mathias," p. 10.
S9 Stevenson, Rellllissance and Baroque SoUTcu. p. 189.
60 Mexico City Calhedral. Aetas Capillllaru. cit.ed in JesUs Estrada. Mllsica y mllsicos tk Ia ipoca virrdMI
~co City: Seaetarfa de Educaci6n Pllblica., 1973). 122.
1 Oaxaca~ Aetas Capilularu. IV, fol. 199vo, 235.

251

reprimanded him for failing to provide music for Masses and

vespers and for poor teaching. ''The choirboys do not even know
which verse to sing, and the one or two that sing, bawl," the canons
complained. That same day they gave him four months to shape up
the boys and report back on improvements.62
We do not know if Gutierrez managed to get the choir back up to
par, or the condition of the musical chapel for the next several months.
There were no entries in the Aetas de Cabildo in the nine months between
September 30, 1724 and June 8, 1725. However, the Libros de Claveria
indicate that by May 1725, Gutierrez was already dead.63 Thus, and
contrary to Stevenson's assertion that Gutierrez was summarily dismissed
in 1726 for incompetence, the beleaguered chapelmaster had died in office
the previous year. His sole surviving composition is his less-than-successful
examen de oposicion of 1807.

Francisco Mendez, a singer in the choir, was appointed interim

chapelmaster while a new one was found.64 The choir did not improve
during this interim period, and in the next few months, more complaints
arose from the Diocese:
On July 16, 1726, the Chapter again complained of bad voices,
and this time also of bastards whose presence deterred
respectable families from enrolling their sons in the choir.65

Finally, in 1726, a new competition was announced to fill the vacant

chapelmastership. The contest pitted five candidates against each other,
only two of which are known: Thomas Salgado and Juan de Tobar
62 Stev~ "Successores de Juan

Malhfas." p. 10, citing Oaxaca Calbedral. Aetas Capitularu, IV. fol

199vo, 235.
61 Oaxaca Cathedral. Libros de Clavuia, June 1725.
641bid., 1726, f. 84.
65 Ste~ "Successores de Juan Malbfas." p. 10, citing Oaxaca Calhedral, Aetas Capilldaru, ~ fol

286.

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Carrasco, who has the dubious distinction of being the only candidate who
presented three unsuccessful bids to the chapelmastership, two of which
survive to the present day. Carrasco, who entered the services of the
cathedral in 1685, by now had been involved in the production of Oaxacan
music for forty-one years, and was probably past sixty years of age. Did he
now believe that his style had progressed enough to satisfy the demands of
the Cabildo, or did he simply believe that, as one of the longest-tenured
musicians in the establishment, his time had come, and he was owed his
due? He must have had bitter memories of the plagiarism scandal eighteen
years earlier, and was undoubtedly trying to finally clear his name.
Carrasco's second examen, which bears his signature, consists of
only one page. It contains the inscription "Concierto a 5 lntroito de
oposici6n de Tomas Carrasco" and the date: 1726. Because of the paucity
of materials from his examen, we are unable to tell much about the
improvement of Carrasco's style over the decades.
The other sutviving exdmen is by Thomas Salgado, a villancico de
precision for four voices and accompaniment entitled "'Sola Marfa" (fig.

X). Salgado's villancico contains numerous humorous and bizarre settings,

word paintings and plays-on-words, highlighting the composer's skill and
his understanding of both the text and the music. An in-depth analysis of
this work appears in chapter 9.
As had occurred in 1668 and 1708, the Cabildo once again requested
the appraisal of the Mexico City Cathedral, a move which might have
sealed Carrasco's fate, given his history with Metropolitan musicians. In
this case, the judges were Juan Francisco Orenze and the principal organist
Juan Tellez Gir6n.

253

Another apparent irregularity now arises in the quest for the

chapelmastership, reminiscent of some of the events of 1708. Within a few
weeks after the death of Luiz Gutierrez, the then-leaderless choir
demanded (and received) a general raise on June 8, 1725, including 150
pesos specifically requested for Salgado, who happened to be in Mexico
City at the time.66 Four months later, on October 10, another petition by
the choir arose requesting that another 100 pesos be sent to Salgado in the
capital.67 The question arises: why was Salgado conveniently in the capital
immediately after the death of the Chapelmaster ? Did he go there for an
apprenticeship, knowing a competition was soon to be announced ? Was his
an attempt to curry the favor from the judges in Mexico City, to lobby
them and ultimately to influence them in their decision, just as Guzman had
influenced Salazar in 1708 ? Or was his presence there coincidental ? The
fact remains that, just as Salazar had picked his friend Guzman in the
earlier contest, the two Mexico City judges now picked Salgado for the
position, and this time, the Cabildo went along with the decision. Thomas
Salgado was named chapelmaster on December 5, 1726. His salary
consisted of 300 pesos, plus 25 pesos for pens and paper and another 40 for
teaching the choirboys, 68 and at 365 pesos was slightly higher than the
salary advertised in the announcement of 1718. In 1731, his base salary was
raised to 328 pesos.

The Chapter's quest for a modem composer, started more than half a
century earlier, had finally yielded results, as the new chapelmaster readily
adopted the concerted style which had been introduced to Mexico City by
66 Oaxaca Catbedral, Aetas Capilulares.

Cinquenra pesos para

IV. fol. 275: "Los Minislros de Musica que pedian Sierlfo y

Tonms Salgado su compaftero que se aUa eo Ia Ciud. de Mex."

fiT Oaxaca Cadledral. Aetas Capilulares, IV, fol. 283: "Petici6n de los musicos 100 pesos para eoviar a Ia
ciudad de Mexico a 'I'bona; Salgado."
68 Oaxaca Catbedml. Aetas Capitulares, IV. fol. 292. Robert Srevenson interpeted Salgado's salary as
inclusi-ve of rhe costs of marerials. Srev~ "Successores de Juan M.adUas." p. 10.

254

Manuel de Sumaya in 1715. Prior to the discovery of Salgado's ex4men, his

output had been limited to the four works located in the Guatemala
Cathedral.69 Robert Stevenson examined these works in 1967, and reported
that:
Obviously, [Salgado] was more up to date than any of his Oaxaca
predecessors. His four frolicking villancicos in the Guatemala
Cathedral archive dated 1726 to 1738 prove how far removed he was
from Herrera y Mota's seriousness, by reason of their barlined 6/8
bounciness, perky string accompaniments, figured continuo, operatic
vocal solos, and dynamic markings. The first Oaxaca maestro to
require violin obbligatos, Salgado typified the kind of ebullient
composer against whom Feij6o y Montenegro (1679-1764) railed. A
good example of Salgado's frisky style is his C major ''Negro de
Navidad A Quatro Voces," Que tamben somo gente la Nengla. In the
string-accompanied estnbillo the tenor soloist calls on his friends to
join him in celebrating black pride ...the same African refrain word,
"zalamba," serves for the group response to the call in each of the
five coplas.10
Many changes occurred during Salgado's tenure. He was the
chapehnaster when the building that we know today was consecrated in
1733, and his tenure was illustrative of the musical changes that
accompanied the cathedral's inauguration. His more modem style
paralleled a shift from woodwinds to strings among the musical forces in
the Cathedral. In spite of Salgado's proven ability, and while he did succeed
in modernizing the chapel, he evidently did not reach the level of mastery
that should have accompanied the third or fourth most important musical
post in the land, if we can judge from the pieces that have emerged. He was
an innovator more than a perfectionist. His stylistic characteristics,
undeniably in tune with his musical surroundings, nevertheless were
69 Srevensoo. Retu:dssance and Baroq.u Sources. p. 99.
70 Stevenson. "Successores de Juan Marhfas," p. 10.

255

insufficient to place Salgado into the upper tier of colonial composers. New
works by Salgado might yet emerge that will contradict this evaluation, and
that will push him into that pantheon occupied by the likes of lgancio de
Jerusalem9 Juan Mathias de los Reyes and Manuel de Sumaya.
Appointed to the Mexico City chapelmastership before he was thirty
Manuel de Sumaya was probably the greatest colonial composer. (His

examen de oposiciOn for the Mexico City post is a villancico de precisiOn

entitled Sol-Fa de Pedro, and is a charming example of Sumaya's early
output.) He radically transformed the most important musical establishment
in the New World9 forcing it to surrender its polyphonic Renaissance
traditions in favor of the more concerted Baroque style that dominated
European music since the previous century. His influence on the evolution
of Neo-Hispanic music is described in detail in chapter 8.
In the late 1730s, Sumaya abruptly resigned the chapelmastership of
Mexico City and followed his friend and mentor, Tomas Montaiio, who
was the new bishop in Oaxaca from 1738 to 1742. Though there was no
question that Montaiio wanted Sumaya as chapelmaster, deference was
temporarily paid to the incumbent Salgado, and Sumaya was given a
succession of lesser positions, concentrating on religious rather than
musical duties. In 1745, however, Sumaya assumed the top musical post,
and Salgado was demoted to assistant chapelmaster, with his annual salary
reduced by 100 pesos. Certainly there was no question of requiring an

examen from Sumaya, probably the greatest colonial musician of his

generation, and who had spent the better part of three decades as student,
organist, and chapelmaster in the New World's most prestigious post.
Salgado of course had no say in the matter, and it is unlikely that he was

256

overjoyed at yielding the position he had occupied for almost two decades,
even to someone of the stature and ability of Sumaya.
Predictably, Sumaya took the Oaxaca Cathedral to great musical
heights, finally fulfilling the quest the Cabildo had pursued since the
previous century. His musical accomplishments have been well recorded
elsewhere, and need only a general consideration here.11 Over fifty of the
works in the cathedral archive belong to Sumaya. Among Sumaya' s
important works in Oaxaca are a number of Lauda Jerusalems, as well as
many solo and duet villancicos. The Sequentia in festo Corporis Christi,
from 1745, was probably composed in Oaxaca. The villancicos and cantatas
from 1725, 1728, 1729 and the Missa Te Joseph Celebrebrent, from 1714,
were composed in Mexico City, and were probably brought to Oaxaca
when the composer moved there:n In addition, six previously unknown
works have recently emerged from the archives, including a Lamentations

of Jeremiah, which appears in full transcription in appendix 1, with an indepth analysis in chapter 9.

Juan Mathias de los Reyes y Mapamundi. With Sumaya 's death in

1755, a vacancy was again created in the chapelmastership, one that was
slow to be filled. More than a year and a half later, the Cabildo was still
debating whether to hold an examen de oposicion to fill the position. They
decided instead to name an interim chapelmaster, Juan Mathias de los
Reyes.
As a youth, Mathias de los Reyes had been the organist for the
Guatemala Cathedral, where he worked under the chapelmaster Manuel
71

Robert Stevenson. Robert Snow. Craig Russel and Aurelio Tello have all wriuen important works oo
Sumaya. In a forthcoming volume. Tello bas examined the composer's output during his tenure in Oaxaca.
72 Tello. Catdlogo. p. 16.

257

Jose de Quiroz (1738-65), whose tenure was characterized by reforms

similar to those instituted by Sumaya in Oaxaca.73 Mathias de los Reyes
came to Oaxaca in 1750, and was examined by Sumaya,74 who hired him as
singer, harpist and organist, and who thereafter became his teacher and
mentor.
Upon Sumaya' s death, Mathias de los Reyes was named interim
chapelmaster on 7 May 1756. That only six year passed between his joining
the chapel and his appointment, replacing a man of great fame and prestige,
speaks highly of his musical accomplishments. Aurelio Tello argues that
Mathias was chosen over other more experienced musicians with longer
tenure so that he could continue the task, begun by Sumaya, of elevating the
musical establishment.1s In this, Mathias succeeded.
For a long time, Juan Mathias de los Reyes was confused with the
Zapotec composer Juan Mathias, who had held the chapelmastership a
century earlier, and who had been referred to as uel Indio Mathias" by both
Francisco de Burgoa76 and Jose Antonio Gay.n. The two composers were
perceived as one and the same, and many of the works by both composers
were misattributed to the other. For example, the identity of the author of
the Magnificat was problematic.
To complicate matters further, Robert Stevenson alluded to two
different composers in a 1979 article: Juan Guapamundi, who Stevenson
claimed was Sumaya's temporary replacement in 1756, and Juan Mathias de
73

Contrary to Tello's claim, Juan MadUas de los Reyes was not a bajonero in Oaxaca in 1726. Tello

mistook him for another musician, Juan Mathfas de Aguilar, who held that position begining in 1726. See
Tello, Tesoro m, p. 8. For references roJuan Malhfas deAguilar,seeOaxacaCadtedral,Ubrosde Clavufa,

1726, f. 84. et seq.

Ia ipoca virreinal (Mexico City: Secretaria de Educaci6n PUblica.

1973), 120.
1S Tello, Tesoro Ill, p. 8.
76 Francisco de Burgoa. Geogr4plrica descripciOn de Ia ptJTte setentriontJJ, del polo artico de Ia Amirica
~City: Publicaciooes del Arcbivo General de Ia Naci~ 1934).
1086 Anronio Gay, Historia de Oamca (Mexico City, Editorial PomJa, 1982), 326.
74 Jesds Eslrada, Mllsica y nWsicos de

2S8

los Reyes, purportedly appointed chapelmaster in 1760.78 In 1983, Aurelio

Tello, in the course of editing the catalogue of the archives of the Oaxaca
Cathedral, finally resolved the controversy. Juan Mathias de los Reyes y
Mapamundi was one single person, distinct from the Zapotec Juan Mathias,
and upon Sumaya's death, he was appointed chapelmaster in May 1756.
Tello, however made another assertion that now needs clarifying. Citing an
entry in the 1729 Ubro de Claveria, Tello contended that Juan Mathias de
los Reyes first joined the cathedral musical establishment in 1726 as a
bajonero.19 However, a further examination of the cited work, as well as of
subsequent volumes, indicates that this bajonero was neither the Indian
Mathias nor Mathias de los Reyes, but a third musician, whose the name
was Juan Mathias de Aguilar, and who remained a member of the chapel
for many years thereafter.so Thus Mathias de los Reyes had not been part of
the Oaxaca musical establishment in his youth, but came directly from the
Guatemala Cathedral.
The story does not end there, however. Tello correctly pointed out
the existence of yet a fourth individual named Juan de los Reyes, who
appeared in the cathedral records between 1750 and 1755, as singer and
assistant to the sochantre, at the same time as Juan Mathias de los Reyes,
who was hired as harpist in 175Q.st We thus have four individuals who
have similar names who were musicians in Oaxaca over a period of one
hundred years. If we add to this the fact that the records are inconsistent in
their references to the musicians, and that some of these names are often
misspelled, it is no wonder that the controversy surrounding the name of
78 Robert Stev~ "Manuel de Zumaya en Oa:~aca." Heterofonla 64, vol

12, no. 1 Qanuary-February

1979): 3-9.
79 Tello, Tesoro
p. 8, citing Oaxaca Calhedrai. Libros dt! Clavt!rla, 1726, f. 78.
80 Oaxaca Calbedral, Ubros dt! Clavuft.J, 1126, f. 84. et seq.
11 TeUo, Tesoro m, p. 8.

m.

259

Mathias has continued for more than a century. To summarize, there are
four individuals who bear similar names:

Juan Mathias: Zapotec chapelmaster from 1655-1667

Juan Mathias de Aguilar: Bajonero hired in 1726
Juan de los Reyes: Singer, assistant to the sochantre, hired in 1750
Juan Mathias de los Reyes y Mapamundi: harpist hired in 1750,
chapelmaster from 1768-1779

In spite of Mathias's success at the helm of the musical chapel, the

diocese twice attempted to fill the chapelmastership on a permanent basis.

In 1766, the opportunity arose to name Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa, a

gifted Spanish composer, to the chapelmastership, though the circumstances
that led to that appointment are still unknown. It is doubtful, however, that
an examen was held to replace the interim Mathias de los Reyes. Rather,
Martinez de Ia Costa's appointment was probably a fortuitous opportunity
to hire a superior European musician that would breath life into the
musical chapel. In any event, Martinez'schapelmastership lasted only three
years, and in 1768 he petitioned for a year's leave of absence in Spain.
Martinez de Ia Costa was obviously respected by the diocese, for they
granted his petition, and kept the position for him, even to the point of
extending his leave extended indefinitely. After it became clear that
Martinez de Ia Costa was not going to return, Juan Mathias de los Reyes
again assumed the interim position. In 1770, the diocese attempted to hire
Manuel Veron, but when the plans fell through, Mathias de los Reyes was
once again given the chapelmastership, this time on a permanent basis.
Mathias de los Reyes was successful in continuing the reforms of
Sumaya, and followed in his compositional wake. In addition to his duties
as chapelmaster, he taught the harp and the organ to the choir members,

260

and in 1763 was appointed second organist. At least eight works of his
survive in the archives of the cathedral, and they reflect an high
compositional talent worthy of a successor of Sumaya. His works include a
seven-voice Magnificat, an eight-voice Bonitatem F ecisti with violins, a Te

Deum, a four-voice motet for Palm Sunday, and a cantata with flutes,
Llega monstrando.
The decline of the musical establishment at this point has often been
remarked on,12 and the selection process bears this out. The reasons for this
decline has to do with the increasing closefistedness of the Cathedral, which
was unwilling to pay for competent musicians or for upkeep and repair of
the instruments. Thus, in 1781, the diocese refused to pay 1500 pesos for
the repair of the cathedral organs, which were in great disrepair.
Upon Mathias de los Reyes's death in 1779, the Cabildo did announce
a new examen de oposicion on October 6 of that year.83 But no worthy
candidates presented themselves for the low-paying position, and the
elderly Jose Filio was named interim chapelmaster, with no increase in his
salary as sochantre.84 Filio had been a violinist at the Cathedral since 1757,
and may have been a member of the chapel before that. With Filio' s own
death five years later, the Cabildo, strapped for funds, had no choice but to
name one of the singers of the choir, Jose Gris, to the top position, with no
increase in his salary of 100 pesos. This penury contrasts sharply with the
heyday of the musical chapel, when Sumaya had earned 400 pesos annually,
and Martinez de Ia Costa had earned as much as 600 pesos in a year.

82

Ibid., p. 9.

83 Oaxaca Cadledml, Aetas Capillllaru. vn. fol. 225.

84 Tello.

Tesoro m. p. 9.

261

With Oris's appointment, the custom of the exdmen de oposiciOn was

finally abandoned, though for all practical purposes it had ceased to serve
as a viable method of selection sixty years earlier. In retrospect, the last
important exdmen de oposiciOn in Oaxaca was the contest of 1726 which
elevated Thomas Salgado to the high post. This state of affairs mirrored the
fate of the examen in Mexico City, where the last meaningful contest was
that which elevated Ignacio Jerusalen to the position in 1750. By the second
half of the eighteenth century, in Oaxaca, in Mexico City, and probably in

most other musical centers in New Spain, the examen fell into disuse and
was effectively forgotten. Nevertheless, vestiges of the exdmen remain to
this day, as certain positions, such as that of organist, are still open to

competition in Mexico. At the Conservatorio Nacional de Mllsica and other

music schools in Mexico, students who wish to graduate are still required
to complete contrapuntal exercises reminiscent of the exdmen.
Part of the problem with the process of selection was that the
position of chapelmaster entailed much more than composition. The health
of the musical chapel depended on far more than the ability to complete
contrapuntal exercises, which is a scarce measure of the potential of an
effective leader. A successful chapelmaster had to be a good performer,
choir director, administrator, educator, artistic director and business
manager, and the examen failed to account for the multiple facets of the
position. The best chapelmasters, those who took their institutions to great
heights, managed to juggle all their obligations and still have time to write
noteworthy compositions. Yet the exdmen de oposicion only examined one
facet of the candidate, and if his compositional skill proved adequate, he
would then lead the musical chapel, sometimes for thirty or forty years,
regardless of his skills in other departments. As it happened, a few of the

262

Oaxaca chapelmasters proved to be incompetent, most notably Luis

Gutierrez. His ability as a composer, as gleamed from his 1708 exdmen,
was mediocre at best, and, as seen above, he was inadequate as an
administrator as well. Perhaps the demands of the position prevented him
for actively engaging in composition, to which he might have proven to be
effective had he had more time.
Three of the greatest musicians to hold the chapelmastership in

Oaxaca were not the result of an e.xamen, but rather were summarily
appointed without examination. The tenures of Sumaya, Mathias de los
Reyes and Martinez de Ia Costa were not the result of competitive exercises
involving contrapuntal composition over a given chant melody, but were
rather choices based on proven musical capability and experience. Those
chapelmasters that were selected through the examination process, Herrera
and Salgado, proved to be competent musicians at best, but they failed to
revolutionize the musical chapel, as was desired by the Cabildo, and they
didn't take it to the level of compositional mastery that would characterize
composers later in the century. The one exception was the Zapotec Juan
Mathias who competed against 'able and illustrious competitors from both
the capital city and from Puebla'. Unfortunately, we can only judge him by
reports of historians, which we are forced to take at their word. Though he
has been proclaimed as the greatest Oaxacan chapelmaster, his surviving

output is insufficient to confirm or deny this claim. Are these second-hand

accounts and his reputation enough to vindicate the exdmen de oposicion?

263

Chapter 8
Secularization: Sumaya Brings
New Spain into tbe Baroque

With the coronation of King Felipe V in 1700, the Bourbon lineage

replaced the extinct Spanish Hapsburg dynasty, and a new form of absolute
monarchy emerged on the Iberian Peninsula. The change in dynasties
engendered a transformation of thought, social interaction and political
power that would affect the entire Spanish empire, then at its peak of
power and magnitude. The reforms instituted by the Bourbons in the
eighteenth century have been well documented by scholars of Iberian and
colonial history. The vision of absolute monarchy that had engulfed Spain
and the colonies since the Conquest still held true, but now a dramatic
recasting of the power structure was undertaken.
The increasingly secular atmosphere in Europe forced the Spanish
monarchy, which previously derived its legitimacy from philosophical
notions and Christian precepts, to reevaluate its divine source of authority.
Changes were derived from a strikingly different interpretation of the state
and of the role of the monarchy. The Bourbons now asserted the legitimacy
of their authority on material rather than spiritual claims, and saw
themselves as a progressive force, embracing modem ideals at the expense
of traditional customs that had been in use for centuries. The economic
well-being of the state replaced its spiritual well-being as a justification for
power. New economic systems and new methods of analysis, designed to
1 See for example John Lynch. Bourbon Spain,l700-1808 (Oxford, England,

1989}. See also Jobn Lynch.

"LaseguodaconquistadeAm6rica: 1765-1808." Historia 16no.1 (1977}:60-70.

264

stimulate the Spanish economy, replaced outdated philosophical and

religious arguments that had kept the Spanish monarchy in place for
cennuies. In tum, the jurisdictions of civil and church authority became
more clearly defined. Centralization, efficiency and standardization were
preferred, and power was concentrated on royal governors, rather than
spread out among various overlapping figures of authority.
The parental metaphor of the 'Two Majesties '-with the crown as
father and the Church as mother of the Hispanic family, or the two
together as the collective head of the social body-gave way to a
fully masculine conception of politics, with only one head and one
parent, the King. Regalism-the subordination of Church
authority-became a hallmark of the Bourbon reformers.2

The progressive leanings of the Bourbon monarchy reconciled it to

the changing philosophical ambiance in the colonies, and rather than
attempting an ideological crackdown, which certainly would have occurred
with the Hapsburgs in the previous century, the crown "attempted with
some success to promote a moderate, practical Enlightenment that would
apply reason and the new science to the benefit of Bourbon absolutism. "3
The political, economic and religious reforms became almost
complete in the second half of the century, under the reign of Carlos

(1759-1788), who faced a succession of crises that forced a rapid recasting

of the relationship between the colonies and the mother country. The fall of
Havana in 1762, the transfer of Florida to England in 1763, as well as the
effects of the Seven Year war brought about a defensive reaction from the

2 William B. Taylm, Magistraks of the Sacred: Priuts and Parishioners in. Eighllllh-Cenlllry Mexico

~o Alto: Stanford University Press. 1996), 24.

Ibid., p. 23.

265

Crown. The political, social and aesthetic modernization that had been
underway since the beginning of the century were now accelerated, paving
the way for the wars of independence that would occur during the
following century.
The reforms in the eighteenth century had a profound effect on the
dynamics of colonial culture, as well as on the power-structure of the civil
and church hierarchies. They greatly affected the social, artistic and
intellectual development across the ocean, and gave New Spain the goahead in the long-delayed modernization of its political, religious, social
and aesthetic identity, a modernization that would steadily extend
throughout the centwy.
Yet the infusion of new thought which was ultimately to change the
nature of Neo-Hispanic society was not sudden. The Enlightenment, which
heretofore had stopped short at the borders of the Spanish Empire, now
cautiously infiltrated colonial thought, fueled by scientific and
philosophical treatises which were smuggled in by knowledgeable Creoles.
The gradual importation of Rousseau, Voltaire, Descartes and Newton
brought about a marked reform in intellectual and political life, though the
acceptance of new thoughts was at first more subtle than in Europe. A
home-grown attitude of skepticism emerged that increasingly challenged
the established social, political and religious order. Libertarian notions
which had lit fires throughout Europe finally took hold in the colonies, and
issues such as slavery and absolute monarchy began to be questioned.
Objective criteria, empirical data and scientific method were adopted as the
principal source of knowledge, at the expense of the ancient philosopher4 Ibid, p. 13. citing Stanley and Barbara Stein, The Colonial Heritage ofLatin. America; Essays on
Economic Depelllknce ill Perspective (New York. 1970). 88. 106. 113.

266

naturalists. Philosophers mistrusted the established order. The ancient

philosophical ideals of Aristotle and Aquinas began to crumble in the face
of the infiltration of modem systems of thought.
At the University of Mexico, where professor Benito de Gamarra
was once dismissed for his embracing of Leibnitz and Descartes, scholars
now openly abandoned the medieval scholastic approach to knowledge and
science that had guided the institution since its inception. Aristotle's
metaphysical precepts were discounted and decried as useless and even
harmful, and one student labeled the Greek philosopher a upervert," his
philosophy a ubottomless pit of error," and his authority uan irrational and
tyrannical yoke unequaled by that of any monarch."s Doctoral dissertations
began emerging which explored and supported the works of Descartes,
Voltaire, Spinoza and Locke, and in 1774, the University rector,
administration and faculty, in an official declaration, recognized the new
intellectual currents as the guiding principles of the institution:
We...certify and testify that these elements of modem philosophy ...
not only contain the healthiest and most appropriate doctrines, but
also the most important modem philosophies; therefore, after much
consideration, we have decided that for the good of our schools,
[these works] will henceforth serve our students of philosophy, so
that they may learn what can no longer be ignored or denied without
dishonor or shame.6
Proponents of scholasticism were entrenched in their defense of the
ancient system, but its shortcomings became increasingly obvious and its
dismantling soon became inevitable.
s Iobn Tare Lanning, Academic CultiiTe in tM Spanish Colonies (Oxford University Press. 1940), 67. cited
in David Mayagoitia, Ambienle filosOfico de Ia Nueva Espaiia. Mexico City: Editorial Jus, 1945), 116.
6 Emeterio Valven:le y T~Dez, ApllllltlCiones hist6ricas sobre lajilosoj(a en Mbico (Mexico City: Hem:o
Hermanos. 1896), quoted in Mayagoitia, Ambit!llle FilosOjico. p. 103.

267

Hand in hand with the demise of medieval scholasticism came an

increased questioning of authority, both civil and religious. Natural law,
which according to Aquinas gave the Church moral-and thus temporalauthority, was now challenged in the colonies, as it had been in Europe in
previous centuries. Predictably, the result was an ever-diminishing respect
for both civil and church authorities. At its simplest expression, the
adoption of reason as a standard of knowledge could only threaten a
civilization whose authority was derived from divine right. Enlightenment
concepts such as equality and individual liberty began challenging the
power structure of governing bodies at all levels, from the Viceroy and the
Archbishop to the local cacique and the country deacon.
At first, the new influences remained out of reach of the populace as
a whole, and were for the most part limited to the literate, intellectual
Creoles. It was precisely this segment of the population, however, that had
experienced a slow but steady increase in resentment, antipathy and even
hostility towards peninsulares, and the new ideas gave an intellectual
backbone to their grievances. While the philosophical revolution occurred
quietly in the minds of academics behind university walls, the
secularization it engendered caught fire and was manifested at all levels of
society, in the streets, in the fields, at the town halls, and most notably, in
the churches. Colonial society became freer. The process included a new
outlook regarding personal liberty, and a marked individualism gave the
first hints of the oncoming Romanticism of the next century. "By the end
of the eighteenth century, betrothed couples had begun giving romantic

268

love as their main reason for marriage, a fact that points to the growing
importance of free will and personal happiness as social goals.,.,
This period saw a drastic redefinition of the role of the colonial
Church, with an acknowledged decline of its temporal power. The necessity
for rigorous evangelization had all but vanished (except in California and
the Northwest), and the early system of encomienda had given way to the
more h"beral rule of the hacienda and the hacendado. The Bourbon reforms
included a series of edicts passed between the 1750s and 1790s that aimed
to curtail the judicial and administrative responsibility, independence,

economic clout, and property holdings of the colonial Church, while at the
same time demanding respect and obedience towards the state. From its
position as an almost equal partner in the civil administration of New
Spain, the Church now assumed a more passive role in colonial affairs.
Control of the parishes was delegated to royal governors, and civil
authorities, previously deferential to the wishes of the archbishop and the
religious bureaucracy, began a period of independent administration, at
times even hostile to the traditions of the Church.
This transformation was met with a great degree of resistance by the
spiritual authorities, though ironically, the upper echelons of the Church
generally supported the Bourbon reforms, which posed a greater threat to
the vast lower bureaucracy. The priests's loss of power did not come easy,
and skirmishes with civil administrators were not uncommon throughout
the eighteenth century. The Church's attempt to retain authority can be
seen in the increased effort to bring parishes controlled by the monastic
orders under secular control, an effort that, as we saw in chapter 5,
7 Taylor, Magistrates of 1M Sacred. p. 23, citing Ram6n A. Gulienez,

When Jesus Came. 1M Com

Mothers welll Away: Manitlge. SUIIIJlity and Power in New Mexico. 1500-1846 (Sranfonl, CA., 1991), p.
328.

269

engendered much conflict in Oaxaca throughout the century. The

Inquisition redoubled its efforts to establish control over the secularization
of the last bastion of its obsolete brand of Christianity, by swiftly enacting
prohibitions and regulations, which were just as swiftly ignored or
subverted. The colonial Church, never a solid monolith to begin with,
became increasingly fractured and unstable.
None of these efforts were able to turn the tide of secularization of
colonial institutions. In practical terms, the most drastic change occurred in
the priesthood, which was forced to redefine its nature as well as its
function. Abandoning the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century world-view
that placed the Church as a beacon of light in the morass of sin that
enveloped the human condition, the priests now assumed the role of kindhearted guides in an essentially Christian world. This theological shift, the
result of a more optimist outlook, was reflected in the artistic and
intellectual achievements of the period, both within and without the
Church.
Religious art, learned treatises in theology, and the bishops's pastoral
letters were presenting God less as a stem judge than as a loving
father, and the crucified Christ less as a wounded figure in agony
than as a sublime human form that anticipated the resurrected Lord.
The Ten Commandments and the epistles of Saint Paul came into new
prominence as guides to human potential and standards of charity,
love, and sociability. Fewer references were made to the Devil, to
the Seven Deadly Sins, and to Saint Augustine's sour view of the
human condition, all of which had been so prominent in the
seventeenth century.8
The redefinition of the role of the Church removed a key element in
the political system of checks and balances that bad been imposed on the
8 Taylor. Magistrates of the Sacred.

p. 19.

270

colony since the beginning of the Conquest. After the middle of the
eighteenth century, the Church no longer served as a built-in restraint on
civil authority, or as the mediator of disputes between the various ethnic,
racial, political and social interests of New Spain, crucial roles it had
successfully fulfilled for more than two centuries. The traditional role of
the priests now came under the jurisdiction of local bureaucracies. They
were no longer legislators or enforcers of public morality, but were now
relegated to the functions for which, in the eyes of the civil authorities,
they were most efficient: spiritual guides and educators.
[The priest's] overlapping, sometimes contradictory roles as father,
mother, brother, pastor, gardener, servant, judge, soldier, physician,
and ambassador, among others, were being circumscribed all the
while their role as teachers was being emphasized.9
The ensuing unbridled excesses of the Neo-Hispanic government would
have momentous consequences at the beginning of the nineteenth century,
consequences which would in tum affect the philosophical and artistic
outlook of the inhabitants of Mesoamerica.
The priests were also forced to yield to the civil authorities the
mantle of protectors and promoters of culture. Artistic and scientific
schools, previously the domain of the Church, were now founded by the
colonial government. Literary publications were given official stamps of
approval. The Real Academia de San Carlos, a school devoted to the unoble
arts" of painting, sculpture and architecture was founded in 1781 by

Viceroy Bernardo Galvez with the approval of the King.

9 Ibid., pp. 13-14.

10 Jeslis Esuada. MUsica y m4sicos de

1973). 151-152.

10

The Church's

Ia epoca virrdnal (Mexico City: Secretaria de Educacioo Ptlblica,

271

divestment in the cultural health of colonial society can best be seen in the
decline of its musical chapels across the land.
An important factor in the increased secularization of the colonies

was, ironically, the influence of the Jesuit order, which was constantly
revitalized by the advent of educated and progressive priests, who were
generally international travelers steeped in the intellectual traditions of
various parts of Europe. The Jesuits were familiar with the currents of the
Enlightenment that failed to find their way to Spain or to the Spanish
colonies. Jesuit writers and philosophers had progressed to the point where
they were very much in line with intellectual advances in Europe. They
embraced reason and experimentation, and praised the works of Bacon and
Descartes. As a result, Humanism and social reform once again began to be
felt in the colonies, as was the idea of human progress, the central tenet of
the Enlightenment. Even political concepts such as the social contract and
representative government found their way into their writings. II
Prominent Mexican Jesuits of the eighteenth century included Francisco
Xavier Alegre, Francisco Clavijero, Andres de Guevara, and the historian
Andres Cavo.
Additionally, since the Jesuits had achieved great economic and
political power, supported by huge land-holdings throughout the American
continent, their missions and seminaries became centers for intellectual
activity. Their liberal outlook also made them sympathetic to the
increasingly restless Creole bourgeoisie which was already whispering calls
for independence, even towards the middle of the eighteenth century. When
11

See generally Francisco Javier Alegre, HistoriiJ de Ia compaiiia ~ Jest1s en Nueva Espaiia (Mexico City:
1841-42).

ImprenradeJ.M.~

272

the Jesuit order was finally expelled from the American continent in 1767,
many of its members, exiled from what they considered their homeland,
now actively joined the call for independence from Spain.
The seeds of discontent and nationalism were slowly emerging
throughout the colonies. Fears about Spanish control became increasingly
loud, and cultural, political and economic dominance by Spain became the
subject of Creole gripes and complaints. Local uprisings continuously
challenged the civil and religious authorities, most notably that of Jacinto
Canek who, in 1765, led a Maya uprising in Yucatan and declared himself
king.

In the seventeenth century, the Church had acquired much land, and
within a few decades bad come to dominate a large percentage of usable
acreage throughout New Spain. The wealth of the Church was evident by
the sheer number of churches and cathedrals in New Spain, and by the
intricacy and beauty of their architecture. Yet the Bourbon reforms saw
the beginning of the decrease in the fortunes of the Church, and as its
income fell, previous preoccupations with theological questions were now
replaced with real and immediate concerns with politics, culture and the
economy. Economic factors affected not only the Church but the evolution
of all of Neo-Hispanic society:
Eighteenth-century New Spain experienced important demographic
and material changes-economic and population growth: migration
within and across districts, alterations in land use and tenure, the
reorganization of a declining textile industry, new tax demands by
the crown, the expansion and diversification of urban markets, and
an increase in wage labor and the use of cash.t2

12 Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred.

p. 20.

273

The sustained period of economic growth during the late colonial period

was negated by inflation and stagnant per-capita productivity. Distribution

of wealth became increasingly unequal. The Creole bourgeoisie did
experience a freer economic status, as banking, manufacture and trade
became liberalized Yet the taxes and tribute owed to the homeland rose
commesurately, decreasing actual income and fomenting discontent. The
intellectual restlessness of the educated classes, combined with the social
and economic dissatisfaction of the Indian and Mestizo classes, set society
on a path of transformation that would reach drastic proportions in the
nineteenth century.
In 1771, the Fourth Mexican Council was convoked by the
Archbishop of Mexico City Francisco Antonio de Lorenzana, the first in
almost two centuries. It was attended by most of the luminaries of the
Church, including Oaxaca's bishop Miguel Alvarez de Abreu. Ostensibly,
the purpose of the Council was to address the changes that had been
engendered by the Bourbon reforms, which were supported by the upper
echelons of the Church hierarchy , including the Archbishop and most of
the bishops. The expulsion of the Jesuits four years earlier put a damper on
the proceedings. The Council acknowledged that Spanish oppression was
still in evidence, a situation that still led many Indians to reject Christianity

in favor of their traditional religions. Further, the Council reported that

abuses by the Church, in the form of dispensations, were still transacted by
unscrupulous priests. The resolution of the Council called upon the colonial
members of the Church to recognize the civil authority, and to forego all
disputes with the administration, with the aim of producing a harmonious,

274

unified relationship between the temporal and secular states, and indeed
between Spain and the colonies.
In spite of this

repo~

the proceedings were essentially unproductive.

The breakdown of Church organization in the late eighteenth century is

reflected in the fact that no major declarations emerged from the Council,
which was not even approved by the Vatican. The contrast between the first
three Councils and the fourth is illustrative of the direction the Church
took in the eighteenth century. Whereas the sixteenth-century meetings
extolled progress, growth and development, and exuded hope and
optimism, by 1771 the Church was in the grips of disorganization and lack
of commitment to the principles that bad guided it for almost three
centuries. A pessimistic outlook permeated the Church hierarchy, which
prevented any real hope of reform. Meanwhile, the Spanish Church,
fighting secularization at home, and embroiled in its ongoing struggle with
the Jesuits, took virtually no notice of the few antiquated and meaningless
decrees that emerged from the Council, and in any event was not in a
position to reverse the decay of the colonial Church.
The New Colonial Aesthetic. By the eighteenth-century, the NeoHispanic mind-and with it its literature, art, and architecture-emerged
from the superficial, decadent, excessively-ornamented tendencies that bad
governed for a century, in favor of a more Classical approach, one which
emphasized logic and clarity, with well-defined concepts and structures.
The paintings of Balthazar de Echave, Maria Zumaya (Echave' s sister-inlaw and no relation to the composer) and Miguel Cabrera were taking art
into new directions. Eighteenth-century Poets and writers had taken the cue
of Sor Juana and embarked on a profound literary journey that would last

ZTS

until the period of independence. There was also a renewed interest in and
appreciation of pre-Colombian native culture. The Jesuit Pedro Jose
Marquez wrote several treatises extolling the virtues of native art and
architecture, and the poet Rafael Landivar (1731-1793), also a Jesuit and a
major contributor to the emerging secular Neo-Hispanic culture, praised
the native traditions, which he idealized in his poem Rusticatio Mexicana.
As Mexico City and Oaxaca were becoming aware of the first murmurs of
the Italian musical style, their cathedrals were being conceived, designed
and constructed as the greatest examples of colonial architectural style.
In music, at almost exactly the same time, the lingering polyphonic
style of the Renaissance was yielding to the concerted works of Sumaya and
others, works written in the style of European Baroque composers such as
Handel and Vivaldi. Thus, while Neo-Hispanic literature, art and
architecture were leaving their Baroque--the term in this context has
negative connotations- period behind, Neo-Hispanic music was
simultaneously entering its own Baroque period. The difference is
semantic, for the term has different meanings in each discipline, and refers
to different stylistic elements. In either case, the evolution marked a shift
towards increased clarity of form and style.

An important point-first made in chapter 6-must also be stressed

here: whereas many aspects of art and literature from the seventeenth
century are deemed decadent and vacuous by modem scholars, the same
criticism cannot apply to music, which evolved from one style to another,
and not, as in other disciplines, from a lesser to a greater style.
Yet this conclusion has only been reached in hindsight.
Various critics of the period condemned Spanish (and by extension
Neo-Hispanic) music as excessively reliant on the antiquated style,

'1:16

which they perceived as superficial and decadent. In 1806, Antonio

Eximeneo published a two-volume novel entitled Don Lazarillo

Vizcardi which contained a highly critical view of Spanish Baroque

aesthetics.t3 In the novel, one of the character by the name of
Raponso "perverted his native genius in working contrapuntal
puzzles", while another named Quiiiones ''blindly worshipped all the
twaddle of the ancient authorities on counterpoint. " 14 In tum, the
writer Felipe Pedrell used Eximeneo 's novel to discredit Spain's
musical past. IS Stevenson remarked that
It was precisely Spain's obsession with Cerone and Andres
Lorente' s rules of counterpoint that drove Antonio Eximeneo
y Pujades (1729-1808) into spasms of ridicule ... Even today,
the war waged against the Spanish Baroque by Eximeneo, and
his echo Pedrell, still causes much that was most typical in
Spanish Baroque musical practice-especially its contrapuntal
"excesses"-to remain hidden by the smoke of gun battle.t6

Eximeneo and Pedrell were influential in shaping modern perceptions of

Spanish and Neo-Hispanic music, perceptions that more often than not
portray it as conservative, orthodox, and unimaginative. The prejudices of
Eximeneo and Pedrell, Stevenson points out, have been adopted by many
modern historians and musicologists, notably Manfred Bukofzer who
claimed that "Spanish church music reflected in its hyperconservative

13 Antonio Eximeneo. Don LllzariUo V"ucardi (Madrid: Imp. de M. Rivadeneyra, 1872).

14 Robert SleVeiiSOO, Christmas Music from Baroque Muico {Belkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press. 1974). 26.
15 Felipe Pedrell. Anlonio ExiiMneo (Madrid: UniOn Musical Espaftola. 1920).
16 Stevenson.

Christmas Mtuic. p. 25.

277

attitude the spirit of severe orthodoxy that prevailed in Spain; the

innovations of the Baroque style were shunned"t7
Yet, the rich polyphonic compositions of Padilla, Capillas, Salazar
and others cannot be judged alongside the generally superficial literary and
artistic output of the seventeenth century merely because they were written
in an antiquated style.ta The contrary proposition, that Neo-Hispanic music
evolved from a greater to a lesser style, might even be true, since, as
shown below, the quality of the compositions written in the new Italian
style by Sumaya's successors was not necessarily greater than-and was
often inferior to-the polyphonic masterpieces written earlier in the
colonial period.
The evolution of the musical style was the result of a commensurate
liberation of aesthetic concepts and social, political and religious
institutions during the eighteenth century. Church music was assaulted on
two fronts. The first was the increase in popularity of popular/folk styles
and genres, favored by the ever-growing Mestizo class. Plainchant and
polyphonic sacred works were increasingly in competition with secular
villancicos, romances and chanzonetas, which inevitably had a transforming
influence on the traditional genres. The second was the preponderance of
European dramatic works which had finally found their way into New
Spain, and which were adopted enthusiastically by the Creole nobility.
These consisted essentially of Italian operas and Spanish zarzuelas,
vaudeville-style light opera in Spanish. By mid-century, Italian and Spanish

17 Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W. W. Nonon, 1947}, cited in Srevensoo,
Christmas Music, p. 32, n. 47.
181bat a similar revision of sevenreenth-century colooialliteranue and art will rehabiliwe dleir image is
enbrely possiblCy but is a question left for another day.

278

secular music was everywhere present in Spanish America, and opera

houses and theaters popped up in almost every major city, including the
Teatro del Coliseo, the main opera house in Mexico City, and in Oaxaca the
Teatro Macedonio Alcala, the Teatro Bado and the Teatro Noriega.
To be sure, church composers were still required to produce
complex a cappella polyphonic works, adhering to the enduring renaissance
style that relied on sixteenth century rules of counterpoint. But they were
also allowed to indulge in the new harmonic language of the Baroque, with
increased instrumentation and liberal use of the basso continuo. As Italian
music found its way across the Atlantic, church musicians increasingly
produced secular and dramatic works. Solo singing, which had been
forbidden-even in Spain-by the Spanish Church until the advent of the
Bourbon Kings, began appearing with a strong Italian, operatic emphasis,
and accompanied da capo arias and bel canto cantatas became prevalent.
Composers adopted a simpler, more homophonic approach, increased the
use of orchestral instruments, inevitable allowing the profane style to
invade and dominate musical life in the church, even in the midst of the
most solemn Catholic rituals.
The new secular style affected not only the compositional style of the
chapelmasters, but extended to virtually every aspect of music-making. The
growing secular character of religious celebrations became increasingly
evident to members of the Church. Irreverent processions, temporal plays
and musical pageants that reflected a more worldly, humanistic approach
began replacing the devout demonstrations of faith, the pious dramatic
representations, the musical events of a purely spiritual nature that had
hitherto been the norm.

279

The religious feasts, increasingly popular, would stress their

carousing character. They would be infiltrated by people and
motives which were profane in nature; musicians from the town,
with their sones and sonecitos in the new style and with steady
rhythms, would appear in processions and novenas that were sung in
the streets. 19
Jestis Estrada cited the complaints of one Jose Maximo Paredes, priest at
the Metropolitan Cathedral during the 1790s, who bitterly witnessed the
debasing of religious ceremonies:
Novenas were in fact posadas [i.e. popular parties], with singing
occurring during the processions in honor of Saint Joseph and the
Virgin; and many other similar scenes of popular religion which, in
his view, showed a lack of respect for the Church and its saints ...the
excesses were committed even before the holiest Sacrament in the
temples. 20
Paredes further complained that while he was celebrating a mass, the
organist began playing a popular son entitled upan de Manteca", and after
the priest sent him a written reprimand, the organist replied that he had
been paid by a member of the congregation who liked that particular
tune.21 Given this level of disrespect (and the priests that complained about
it were many), it is not surprising that the cathedral chapels all over New
Spain eventually declined, for it would have been nearly impossible for
serious music and art to thrive in this atmosphere.

19 Jesds Estrada. MUsica y

nu&icos Mia lpoca virrdnal (Mexico City: Secretaria de Educaci6n Pu'blica,

1973), 128.
20 Ibid., p. 154.
21 Marfa de Carmen VeiUquez. "El SigJo XVIn." Historia documDilalM Mbico, vol. 1 (Mexico City:
U.N.A.M., Instituto de Investigaciones Hist6ricas. 1964), 414, cited in Jesds Esttada, Mllsica y nu&icos de
Ia lpoca virreinal (Mexico City: Secrelarfa de Educacim Pllblica. 1973), ISS.

280

Though church leaders lamented the lack of decorum in the rites and
celebrations~

they were by-and-large not averse to the new

style~

as attested

by the hiring of Sumaya and the Italians Ignacio Jerusalem and Matheo
Tollis Della Rocca in Mexico City~ and of Sumaya and the Spaniard
Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa in Oaxaca.
Manuel de Sumaya. Music in Mexico City entered the Baroque era in
1715~

when a young Manuel de Sumaya beat out the Puebla chapelmaster

Francisco de Atienza in the e.xtlmen de oposicion to replace the elderly

Antonio de Salazar as chapelmaster at the cathedral. Sumaya was born in
Mexico City in 1648, and probably traveled to Italy early in his career,
where he learned Italian and became acquainted with the Baroque operatic
style that was prevalent there. By the time he entered the service of the
Mexico City cathedral in 1708, auditioning with Salazar, he had already
become a priest.
A comparison of Sumaya's and Atienza's exdmenes de oposicion
reveal the diametrically opposed outlook of the two composers.n Atienza
embraced the rich a cappella polyphonic tradition he had inherited at the
Puebla cathedral, while Sumaya championed the concerted style inherent in
da capo arias and cantatas. The choice of the diocese of Mexico City was a

clear indication of the direction the most influential musical establishment

in the land should take, and a mandate to Sumaya to fulfill it. Sumaya
eagerly accepted the challenge, and during the next twenty years, he
revolutionized the musical establishment in Mexico city, forcing it to
abandon its Renaissance traditions and bringing it well into the fold of the
22 Craig Russel. ""Ob, How Beautiful!: Sumaya and dle Concerted ViUancico in Eigbteendl-Century

Mexico... Paper read at the lmUIIIIIiofllll Conference on Mexican MKSic. Lawrence. Kansas, February 14-16.

1996.

281

Baroque. Though still required to compose a cappella works~ his concerted

style swept through the musical establishment in Mexico City, and from
there throughout the colonies.
In 1738, Sumaya resigned the most important musical position in

New Spain~ possibly out of exhaustio~ as Estrada bas

suggested~23

but more

likely at the insistence of Thomas Montaiio y Aaron, who had been dean of
the Mexico Cathedral, and who now became Bishop of Oaxaca. The exact
date of Sumaya~s arrival in Oaxaca is also in question,24 but the most
probable year is 1738, the year of Montaiio' s election as bishop.
Though there was no question that Montano wanted Sumaya as
chapelmaster, deference was temporarily paid to the incumbent Thomas
Salgado, and Sumaya was named Montano's personal chaplain. Salgado had
already begun the process of modernizing the Oaxaca chapel since 1726,
but in 1742, three years after Montano's death, Sumaya was appointed to
complete the task. Salgado was demoted to assistant chapelmaster, with a
commensurate cut in salary.2S In the 1740s and 50s, Sumaya accomplished
in Oaxaca what he had previously done in the capital. (The stylistic
evolution of the Oaxaca chapel is examined in depth in chapter 7 .) Sumaya
died in Oaxaca in 1755, at the age of 71.26
In his capacity as music critic, Jesus Estrada in 1970 characterized

Sumaya as follows:
Dynamic~ congruent, delicate, Sumaya was one of those musicians
who knew how to project music over a long range...The greatness of

23 Estrada. Mlisica y mllsicos. p. 119

24 For a discussion oftbe dale of Sumayas arrival in Oaxaca. see Amelio TeUo. ed.. Tesoro de Ia nul.sica
polif6nica en Mbico. vol 3. Tre.s obra.s del archivo Mia catt!dral de OQXIJCa (Mexico City: C.E.N.LDl.M..
1983). 6.
2S Robert Stevenson. "Manuel de Zumaya en Oaxaca." Hetuofonfa 64. vol 12. no. 1 (January-February
1979): 3-9.
26 For a description of the conttoversy surrolDlding Sumayas exact date of death. and a uanscription of his
death certifiacte. see Tello. Tesoro m. p. 7.

282

Sumaya does not reside in his technical or structural ability, but

rather in the universality of his imagination. His music goes beyond
its own time. After so much history, it appears to modem ears firm,
solid, ageless.rT
As chapelmaster of the Metropolitan cathedral, he was very
influential, not only on the musical establishment in Mexico City, but on
the entire colony as well. His modem style expanded the melodic and
harmonic language he inherited, and he engendered a move toward
tonality. His use of counterpoint was innovative and daring. He was the
first important composer to use instruments as a matter of course, and he
did so after he assumed the Mexico City chapelmastership, though his early
villancicos already made use of violins, bajones and the organ. He expanded
the make-up of the cathedral orchestra, not only to satisfy the demands of
European composers whose scores found their way across the ocean, but
also to accommodate his own progressive compositions, which often
require diverse combinations of instruments. By mid-century, the
instrumental style pervaded colonial music, both secular and religious, and
Neo-Hispanic orchestras began to assert independence from the choirs and
performing on their own.
If for nothing else, Sumaya' s achievement could rest on the fact that
he was the first Mexican composer of operas. Since the early years of the
eighteenth century, Sumaya had worked for the new viceroy, the Duque de
Linares, who was an avid fan of Italian opera. "Sumaya was commissioned
to translate Italian libretti and write new music for these libretti ... His
music thoroughly pleased the duke.''21 His opera entitled La Partenope,
premiered at the palace of the viceroy on 1 May 1711, was the first opera
rT Estrada. MMsica y mzlsicos, p.ll7
21 Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico: A Historical

Suney (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952), ISO.

283
composed and produced on American soil. He bad probably become
acquainted with the libretto, written by Silvio Stampiglia, during his travels

in Italy, and may have attended the performance of another opera on the
same bbretto by Luigi Manzo. Sumaya 's work, which does not survive, was
written in the Neapolitan style, and portrayed regal characters and themes,
obviously targeting Creole aristocracy. ''The Libretto of La Partenope was
printed with text in both Spanish and ItaJian, and although the music bas
not survived, it must have been thoroughly Italianate. Like the prevailing
Baroque plots, that of La Partenope was intricate in the extreme.''29
Sumaya' s villancicos and other works reflect a more European (and
in particular Italian) style than those of his contemporaries.30 His reliance
on cantatas with orchestral accompaniment and his solo parts which often
resemble operatic arias bear this observation out. Sumaya was certainly
aware of the works of his European contemporaries, since the music of
Vivaldi, Pergolesi, Corelli, Jommelli, Bononcini, Galuppi and Lully
traveled freely throughout the colonies, and found their way to cities such
as Mexico City and Lima.3t
Among the newly discovered works in the Oaxaca cathedral are six
by Sumaya, including the lAmentations of Jeremiah discussed in depth in
chapter 9 and transcribed in appendix 1. These works display Sumaya 's
Italian influence, and contain specific allusions to European works. Thus in
the Sequencia de Difuntos a 4, the Dies !rae movement heavily borrows
from the "0 Quam Tristis" movement of the Pergolesi Stabat Mater,
written in 1736. Later in the same movement, the text of the Tuba Mirum
29Jbid
30 See Yolanda Moreno Rivas, Rostros cklfUICionalismo en Ia mUsica MuiCIJIIIJ (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura

Econ6mica, 1989), 39.

31 See Andres Sas Orcbassal. La mUsica en Ia cotedral de Lima duranJe el virreinalo (Lima: Casa de Ia

Cultura del PerU. 1971). 187.

284

is illustrated by a quote from the "Quis est homo" movement of the same
piece, and the entire movement contains various allusions to Pergolesi.32
Sumaya had paved the way for the "Italian invasion", and his
successors symbolized the pinnacle of this onslaught. In Mexico City, Jose
de Torres '1"avored the music of the Italianized Spaniard Domingo
Terradellas (1713-51). "As is the case with certain works by Galuppi and
Jommelli, the only known score of the Terradellas Mass is today preserved
in Mexico. ''33 More important was the Italian Ignacio Jerusalem, who had
joined the Mexico City chapel choir in 1745 or 1746. Soon thereafter, he
petitioned the diocese that they remove the prohibition against cathedral
musicians participating in secular musical entertainment-meaning opera.
The diocese ultimately lifted the ban, but not before warning Jerusalem that
he not neglect his chapel duties.34
Jerusalem became chapelmaster in Mexico City in 1764 after
undergoing an examen de oposici6n.35 He quickly incorporated his Italian
style into the chapel, and in so doing met with much success and popularity.
After his appointment, Jerusalem continued to compose for the Teatro del
Coliseo, at a yearly salary of 800 pesos. But his duties at the cathedral must
have been so overwhelming that within a year, he was dismissed from the
opera house for non-performance.36
Jerusalem died on December 15, 1769, and was succeeded by his
compatriot Matheo Tollis Della Rocca. The two Italians had been rivals, the
former being threatened by the latter's rise to the position of "second
32 My tbanks to Brian Link for pointing out the allusion to Pergolesi.
33 Stevenson, Music in Mexico, p. ISS.
34 Esuada, Mllsica y MUsicos, p. 128.
35 The ex4mtm consisred of a hymn composed on the chant 0 Em~D~~~ele Rex, and of a villancico de
~6o A Ia milagrosa esc~~ela.
Esuada, Mllsica y MMsicos, p. 137.

285
chapelmaste~

without benefit of examination, and even without the

knowledge and consent of Jerusalem. A power struggle had ensued in the

1750s, which resulted in the confirmation of Jerusalem's authority, but also
in Della Rocca's retention in the services of the cathedral37 After
Jerusalem's death, Della Rocca became interim chapelmaster, though he
retained the position until his death in 1780, the diocese being unwilling to
open a competition to replace him. Another composer who divided his time
between the theater (specifically the Teatro del Coliseo) and the cathedral
was Jose Maria Aldana, who worked at the end of the eighteenth century.
"His Mass in D .. . follows the pattern of the usual Italian Mass of the late
eighteenth century ... the style of this work can be taken to have appealed
more to nineteenth-century Mexicans than the style of anterior colonial
composers such as L6pez y Capillas and Padilla''3s
The infiltration of Mexico's holiest temple by Italian opera
composers could leave no doubt that the Baroque had not only arrived in
the New World, but that it had reached a level comparable to that of
Europe. Both Jerusalem and Della Rocca had spent their youth in Italy, and
were quite aware of the eighteenth century Italian operatic style.
Moreover, by the time they entered the services of the cathedral, the works
of Italian composers such as Logroscino, Cimarosa, Galuppi, Goldoni, and
Paisiello were commonly performed at the Teatro del Coliseo and other
theaters throughout New Spain.
In Oaxaca, the importation of secular Baroque works from Europe,
as well as the prevalence of folk idioms, also resulted in an increased
secularization of the musical chapel, a process that is described in depth in
37 Ibid.. pp. 141-144.
38 Srevenson. Music in Mexico.

pp. 155-57.

286

chapter 7. The Oaxaca chapebnasters Salgado, Sumaya, Mathias de los

Reyes and Martinez de Ia Costa all espoused the Baroque aesthetic, some
more successfully than others. The chapel itself, whose singers and
musicians took part in the musical night-life of the city in their spare time,
could not resist the influence of the secular musical activity which
surrounded it, and many of the works in the archive reflect this.

The music of Jerusalem, Della Rocca and Martinez de Ia Costa was

the continuation of the process begun by Sumaya, Salgado, and others. Like
many of their predecessors and contemporaries, they were advocates of bel

canto, expressing a preference for sophisticated melodic lines over

harmonic integrity and orchestral effects. However, though the works of
Sumaya are almost universally praised, those of his successors are not
always seen in the same light. Robert Stevenson offered this sharp rebuke
of the infiltration of the Italian style into the Neo-Hispanic tradition:
The weaknesses that beset Spanish music during the eighteenth
century were precisely those which beset Mexico--the influx of
second-rate Italian musicians exercising the most deleterious
influence. Ignacio Jerusalem provides but one especially conspicuous
example of a second-rate Italian who, graduating from the orchestra
pit at the Coliseo de Mexico, carried into the cathedral the vapid
inanities of Italian opera at its worst. He did further harm by
selfishly opposing the University rector who wanted an independent
university capilla de mwica (singing traditional polyphony).39

Stevenson speaks of Aldana in terms that are slightly more complimentary:

39 Ibid., p. 155, citing Isabel Pope, "Documentos Relacionados con Ia Historia de Ia MUsica en W~"
NIII!SITa Mllsica (1st trimester' 1951).

'1K1

He had lived through an epoch when bad taste prevailed everywhere

in Spanish and Neo-Hispanic music. Although he adapted himself
perforce to the shallow taste of his epoch, his own musical instincts
were healthier than those of his audiences.40

While Sumaya's successors in Mexico City thus seemed to have

inherited some of the more mediocre qualities from the concerted Baroque
tradition, the same cannot be said of his successors in Oaxaca, for at least
two of them, Juan Mathlas de los Reyes and Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa
were first-rate composers, if not quite up to the level of the master himself.
They readily continued the concerted style Sumaya had brought with him
to the southern city, and infused it with their own language. The quality of

their output has been generally acknowledged, including by Stevenson

1010

himself, who praised one of Mathfas 's Cantatas as delicious," and who
called the villancicos of Martfuez de Ia Costa "transitional works of great
charm. "41 Though he was not Italian but rather Spanish, Martinez de Ia
Costa nevertheless reflected the positive stylistic traits of Italian bel canto

in his church music and villancicos. Like Aldana's Mass, Martinez de Ia

Costa's Credidi a 6, examined in depth in chapter 9, can be favorably
compared to the Italian liturgical tradition.

After the death of Jerusalem in Mexico City (1769) and Mathias de

los Reyes in Oaxaca (1779), no great composers ever held the
chapelmastership of either city. In the capital, Della Rocca was less
effective than his predecessor both in composition and in the management
of the chapel, and his tenure marks the decline of the Mexico City
40

Ibid., p. 158.

41 Robert Stevenson. "Manuel de Zumaya en Oaxaca," H~terofoniiJ 64, vol 12. no. 1 Qanuary-February

1979): 7.

288

Cathedral, virtually simultaneously with the one in Oaxaca. The half-

century period between their deaths and the end of the colonial period was
erratic and disorderly, with only a few bright spots, notably the works of
Aldana in Mexico City.
Secularization was taking its toll on the cathedral music of New
Spain. The collapse of the colonial institutions and ideals was precipitating
the fall of a tradition and an aesthetic that had evolved for almost three
centuries. The financial conditions and the philosophical crisis of the
colonial Church both contributed to the demise of its once-great musical
establishments. Shifting economic, social and political factors also
contributed. When the ecclesiastical musical tradition in the Spanish
colonies disintegrated, the practice of villancico writing was also lost. Its
death knell was the fatal prohibition by the Bourbon kings at the end of the
eighteenth century. Stevenson also identified an inherent lack of music
education in New Spain as a major factor in the musical decline of
cathedral music:
No really effective schools for imparting music instruction on a
broad professional level developed in Mexico, and the lack of
schools, rather than the lack of musicians, proved ultimately the most
harmful result of homeland domination.. Although choir-schools
such as those at Mexico City, Puebla and Morella continued to train
adequate cathedral singers, and although certain convent music
schools prepared efficient female teachers of music, schools that
could give sufficiently broad preparation for such responsibilities as
chapelmaster were lacking.42
Yet, if cathedral music in Mexico was in decline after the 1760s, the
same cannot be said of the other arts~r indeed of other types of music-

42 Sre~ Music ill Mexico,

p. 158.

289

which not only

survive~

but often flourished. The Classical era, which in

Europe was witnessing masterpieces by Mozart and Haydn, also had an

impact in Mexico. The operatic tradition, begun with Sumaya in the early
part of the century, continued to evolve with the importation of ltaJian
dramas and Spanish zarzuela. The nineteenth century would see a glorious
rise in Mexican opera, as sumptuous theaters throughout Mexico produced

the great European works, as well as quality Romantic dramas by Mexican

composers. The 1nUsica de salon, so important in nineteenth century
Mexican society, had its beginnings at the tail end of the colonial period,
and composers such as Antonio Sarrier and Mariano Elmzaga were
redefining the cultural identity of the Creole ruling class.43 After three
centuries of colonial rule-and the music that accompanied it-Mexico was
about to enter a new era, an era colored by an often-violent struggle for
independence, and by a proud nationalism that would inspire its own
particular brand of Romanticism

43

See the forthcoming works of Ricardo Miranda of C.E.N.ID.I.M. for his research on the Mexican

C1&1sical period.

290

Chapter 9
The Oaxaca Musical Style

The main thesis of this work argues that music in colonial Mexico
underwent a distinct individual path, removed from that of Spain, yet at the
same time influenced by the Baroque developments in Europe during the
eighteenth century (see chapter 10). Moreover, historical, ethnological and
sociological factors specific to Oaxaca created a regional style distinct from
that of Mexico City, Puebla, and other important musical centers in New
Spain. In this respect, the evolution of Oaxaca's musical style can best be
discerned from a closer look at specific works from the archives of the
cathedral. The five works this chapter will examine are the following:

Oficio de Nuestro Senor San Pedro: Nunc Scio Vere, by Francisco

de Herrera y Mota (Examen de OposiciOn, 1708)
Himno de Nuestro Senor San Pedro: Decora Lux, by Francisco de
Herrera y Mota (Examen de Oposicion, 1708)
Sola Maria, by Thomas Salgado (Extimen de OposiciOn, 1726)
Lamentaciones de Jeremias del Jueves Santo, by Manuel de Sumaya
(ca. 1750)
Credidi a 6 con violines, by Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa (ca.
1768)

These pieces, which span the eighteenth century, are representative

of the musical establishment and of its stylistic proclivities, and shed much

291

light on the evolution of the Esn1o Oaxaqueiio. Transcriptions of these

pieces can be found in appendix 1.
Francisco de Herrera y Mota: Ojicio: Nunc Scio Vere, 1708. The
circumstances surrounding the composition of the first three works have
been discussed at length in chapter 7. This Oficio, which is part of Herrera
y Mota's examen de oposicion, is a four-voice composition based on the
chant of the same name, which appears in whole notes in the bass, as
required by the competition. The Oficio, which has no flats in the key
signature, is in the first mode on A. As mentioned in chapter 7, Herrera
took some liberties with the plainchant, since on at least eight occasions, the
melody diverges slightly from the chant. The work is divided into three
sections, clearly marked by fermatas. The first is Nunc Scio Vere, which
cadences on E at m. 104. (The last eight measures of the tenor in the first
section are missing in the manuscript, but are easily reconstructed.) The
second part, Tu Cognovisti, is shorter, cadencing on A atm. 129. The
piece ends with the obligatory Sicut erat, again ending with a cadence on A.
In practice, the Sicut Erat would be preceded by an intonation on Gloria

Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto.

The principal motive of the piece is melodic rather than rhythmic:
half-notes (and sometimes whole notes) which go down a third, then back
up, either to the original note, or up a fourth. This follows the opening
figure of the bass and of the chant: F-D-G. Thus, in the opening measure,
the tiple descends from A to F and back to A, while a few measures later,
the tenor and the alto begin on F-D-F and A-F-A respectively. The pattern
is repeated at various points throughout the piece, most prominently on

Quia Misit at mm. 16-20, and at the beginning of the Tu Cognovisti

292

section, at mm. 106-108, though in this last case, Herrera changes the
rhythmic pattern by making the second pitch a dotted half-note. Herrera
also uses the principal motive in the Sicut erat, though not at the beginning
of the phrase, but rather at isolated spots within the section: et nunc (mm.
138-139) leaps down a fourth and then back up (C-0-C), repeated two
measures later on et semper. Despite the fact that the bass (A-0-A) follows
a motion similar to the principal motive in the first section, the Sicut erat
makes use of an unrelated rising figure, beginning with two quarter notes
and followed by half notes, that is prominent throughout the section.
The other important motive that pervades the work is the rising
four-note figure that continues the opening of the chant: E-0-A-C. Herrera
uses variations of this rising figure throughout the composition, transposed,
inverted, in sequence, in diminution. He often presents two (but never all
three) upper-voices singing the ascending or descending figure in a series

of parallel thirds, for example the tiple (E-D-C-B) and the alto (C-B-A-0)
over a C-G pedal-point atm. 13, repeated atm. 14, and again (though now
exchanging octaves) atm. 15. This reliance on parallel thirds lends the
piece stability (perhaps too much so, given the unwavering bass), but also
highlights the dissonances when they do appear. Other important features
are successive thirds delineating an arpeggio, and octave leaps, both of
which occur several times throughout the composition.
Because of the set bass, the composition necessarily acquires a certain
stiffness melodically, harmonically and rhythmically. Long pedal-points on
C, dictated by the chant in the bass, robbed Herrera of the possibilities of
harmonic adventures, preventing him from exploring directions he might
have otherwise undertaken. At the same time, as mentioned in chapter 7,

293

this requirement forced Herrera to become original within the harmonic

confines of the chant, proving in this way his worth as a composer.
Thus, the bass has a pedal-point on C from m. 13 tom. 17 (actually
m. 20, discounting the temporary D at m. 18). The longest pedal-point
appears in the Tu Cognovisti, between mm. 108 and 123. Essentially, the
entire section rests on C before cadencing on A. Similarly, in the Sicut

erat, the bass maintains a C pedal-point for ten measures. These pedalpoints forced Herrera to maintain interest throughout this long stable
passage. The Tu Cognovisti section begins with the principal motive,
falling a third, then rising again stepwise. Much of the texture of this
passage is derived from the second motive, the four pitches rising or
descending in parallel thirds. This ensures consonance on the strong beats
(which almost invariable fall on C, E or G), but also provides passing note
dissonances on the weak beats. The result is a succession of alternating
consonances and dissonances over an unmoving pedal-point for almost
twenty measures, providing a certain degree of interest and variety.
To counter the excessive stagnation, Herrera occasionally withholds
the full chord (e.g. atm. 110). When the harmony is fmally set free atm.
124, all four voices are in unison on A, accentuating the delayed departure
from C. At this point, the section quickly comes to a cadence on A, and the
Piccardy C# also provides a welcome change from the C that had
dominated the section.
Numerous (though not always particularly interesting) dissonances
occur at various points, including sevenths that do not necessarily resolve
(e.g. atm. 7) as well as suspensions (e.g. atm. 10). In all three end
cadences, the third (G# in the first, C# in the last two) is raised in the
score, but only on the final chord, while in the preceding measures, they

294

are implied as ficta. In ail three cadences~ the thir~ in the

tiple~

is

approached from above. A closer scrutiny reveals that the accidentals were
added by Antonio de Sa1azar~ the chapelmaster who corrected these
compositions~

and who chided Herrera for having omitted them (see

chapter 7). Many of the accidental& that appear in the manuscript are
Herrera's; others are corrections in Salazar's hand.
The cadence of the first section contains a sharp dissonance that is
undoubtedly an error on the composer's part: atm. 103, the bass has a long
F, the tenor has an F-0-A figure, the alto D-C-0 and the tiple C-B-A. The
tiple and alto thus clash inappropriately. In all probability, Herrera meant
the alto to read F-E-D, a correction adopted in the transcription.
The phrases that make up the composition are short but elegant, with
enough rests to allow the listener to distinguish between them. Stark points
of imitation appear regularly. The range of the voices is compact. In the
first section, the tiple reaches high E only on a few occasions, though in the
second section, it actually starts onE (though never surpasses it), and
spends a good deal of time in the upper register. Conversely, it reaches as
low as middle C on a few occasions. The ranges of the alto and tenor are
almost identical (F toG for the tenor, F to A for the alto). As a result, the
two voices often cross, and even the tiple finds itself below the other two
on occasion. Thus, at m. 17, the tiple is in unison with the bass on C, while
the alto and tenor are on E above.

Francisco de Herrera y Mota: Himno: Decora Lux, 1708. The

second composition in Herrera's examen de oposici6n is the hymn Decora

Lux. The work has no restrictions on the bass, resulting in a far superior
composition. The long unmoving pedal-points now disappear, ailowing the

295

work to explore harmonic areas that were out of bounds in the first piece.
The bass is now an equal partner with the other voices, in contrast to the

almost drone-like quality it demonstrated earlier. Notably, the points of

imitation are now expanded, and the choir can now be divided in two
opposing forces, assuming a more antiphonal quality.
Herrera changed clefs in the bass part between the oficio and the

himno, switching from a C clef (mirroring the chant itself)

to the standard

F bass clef. As mentioned in chapter 7, Herrera also forgot to place the Bflat in the key signature in the alto part, which earned him a disapproving
remark from Salazar. The piece is in the first mode on G, with one flat and
low clefs, as opposed to the Oficio, which is on A with no flats. At 68
measures, the himno is shorter than the oficio, and has no major divisions.
The thematic material in the himno is taken not from the principal
chant in the liturgy, but from the alternate one. The opening motive of the
chant (D-E-C-F) opens the work in all four voices. It appears first in the
alto, then bass, then tenor at a new pitch (G-A-F-Bb), and finally in the
tiple, at two or three measure intervals. The motive appears again a few
more times (notably atm. 16), but is essentially abandoned after the
opening in favor of other motivic figures. Another important figure, this
time in quarter notes is seen in m. 3, and consists of a stepwise ascent to the
third, followed by a return (F-G-A-F). It appears about a dozen times,
transposed and in inversion. This figure is also related to the first piece, as
it appears there frequently in all three sections. The Beatis motive (0-F-FD in whole notes) corresponds to the figure that underlies that word in the
chant (nun. 22, 29). The himno also makes extensive use of the arpeggios
found in the oficio, for example on the word Apostolorum (C-E-G at m.
36; A-C-E at m. 38). In addition, the bass has six octave leaps in both

296

directions, the only voice to do so in the piece. The himno and oficio are
thus thematically unified by the quarter note figure, the rising third figure
and by the prominent octave leaps.
The piece starts out in D, comes to a phrygian cadence on D in the
lower two voices, at m. 11, before ending on G major. Again, some of the
accidentals in the manuscript appear in Herrera's hand, others in SaJazar' s.
The piece contains some interesting (though not always successful)
dissonances. Thus, atm. 10, A-Gin the tiple sing against Bb-A in the alto,
which, with a Bb and D in the lower voices, form a Bb chord with a major
seventh and the fifth withheld Other unusual effects can be found with the
addition of a natural sign (in SaJazar's hand) in the tenor at mm. 15 and 19.
The closing cadence also contains some unusual harmonies. The piece
ends on a G major chord at m. 68. Beginning at m. 62, the cadential
progression would be notated in tonal terms as iv-V -1-iv-i-iv-1. Again, it
was Salazar, correcting Herrera's work, who raised the third on the final
chord (which is to be expected) and also on the tonic at m. 64 (raising the
Bb in the tenor).
The second piece of Herrera's examen de oposicion is objectively
more interesting and more successful that the oficio that preceded iL
Herrera's first piece, to be sure, is an anomaly, dictated by the
circumstances of its composition. It never would have been (and never was
intended to be) performed as written. It is thus an unfair work by which to
judge Herrera's skill, and, as mentioned in chapter 7, it provides more an
insight into the competition itself than into the composer. The second piece,
by contrast, does stand on its own, and does convey the level of skill of the
candidate, which, I submit, was of a high caliber. To be sure, it still
follows a style popular in previous centuries, still embraces four-voice a

297

cappella polyphony, and in this respect, remains somewhat antiquated, an

assessment shared by the Oaxaca diocese.
Yet his mastery of this style, contrary to Salazar's critiques, is
nonetheless unquestioned. Herrera's contrapuntal language flourishes in the

himno, its harmonic language is interesting, and the short work unfolds
successfully before coming to its satisfying conclusion. It must be
remembered that this music was utilitarian in nature, not the creation of a
tormented Romantic haunted by his art. Its purpose was to maintain and
nourish the faith of the congregation in Oaxaca, and while no ageless
masterpiece, Herrera's himno rose to the demands of its time, adequately
fultilling the needs of the Oaxacan musical chapel at the beginning of the
eighteenth century. In this respect, Herrera's work satisfied, and as a
reward, Herrera was given the chapelmastership, a post he would hold for
more than a decade.
Thomas Salgado: Villancico Sola M ariiJ, 1726. The practice of
requiring a villancico de precisiOn on an exdmen de oposicion was wellestablished in Mexico, and probably had its antecedents in Spain. Yet this
and other examples demonstrates the extent to which the practice had
flourished in Oaxaca. The purpose of the exercise was to require the
candidates to set appropriate words in the text to their corresponding
solfege syllables, thus putting certain limitations on the composer, forcing
him to improvise and show his skill within a rigid set of rules. Salgado's

villancico contains numerous humorous and bizarre settings, word

paintings and plays-on-words, highlighting the composer's skill and his
understanding of both the text and the music.

298

The work contains three cop/as (verses) and the estribillo (refrain),
the standard form of the villancico before Sumaya transformed it into a
more cantata-like genre. It is written for four voices (tiple 1, tiple 2, alto,
tenor) and continuo accompaniment. Though the author of the text is
unknown, he was probably commissioned by the cathedral specifically for
this examination, and may even have been a member of the diocese. The
text of the work is presented below:

Copla la

Verse 1

Sola Maria quando sube,

del utero de Ia humanidad,
Por el Re-Mi de la gracia,
le dize al diablo Ia Fa.

When Mary rises alone,

from the uterus of humanity,
With my King of grace,
she tells the devil her faith.

Estribillo

Refrain

Suba suba el sol

Suba ut la aurora alum.!Jrar
que pienza subir, supo bajar.

Rise, rise 0 sun,

Rise to light the dawn
For he who yearns to rise,
knows how to descend.

Copla 2a

Verse 2

Es compasillo lo humilde,
y en cronuitico le dan.
Uno no dura al infiemo;
suave asi es Ia eternidad.

Compassion is humility,
given chromatically.
One does not last in hell;
for thus is eternity smooth.

Copla 3a
De la tierra en canto llano,

Verse 3

se dio Ia culpa de Adan

Quando Maria el contrapunto,
haze oy con su Magestad

From the earth and the plains,

she assumed Adam's guilt
Which Mary asserts
today with her Majesty.

The first verse is in 3/2, and the motivic material is dictated by the
opening words of the text: Sola Maria is set to the notes "Sol-La", or G-A
(followed by a descent on G-F-E). All four voices enter in points of

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imitation one measure apart, though the tiple 1 enters not: on G-A but a

fifth above, on D-E, as is to be expected. All four voices rise step-wise on

the word sube, a rather obvious musical artifice, but this is followed by a
rather clever (and somewhat bizarre) allusion. As the text refers to the
womb of the Virgin Mary, Salgado illustrates the ''Uterus of Humanity" by
strongly emphasizing the first syllable (Ut) on C. In all four voices, there is
then a downward leap of a fourth, once again a measure apart, first in the
upper voices from C to G, then in the lower ones from F to C. This figure

is followed by an upward leap of a sixth, before coming to a cadence. The

following phrase contains the words Re Mi (an abbreviation of Rey Mio, or
"My King"), and is thus illustrated with a D-E figure that nicely echoes the
opening motive from the beginning (0-A), now conveniently on the
dominant.
The closing line of the verse alludes to the devil, and is illustrated by
accidentals and dissonances, with a sudden (and rather jarring) shift to A
major. The modulation is never completed, however, as the struggle
between supremacy of keys parallels the conflict between cosmic forces.
G#, which here symbolizes the devil, only briefly manages to establish the
key of A, and is quickly foiled by a persistent F# on the word Fa (a
distorted version of Fe, or faith). Ultimately, the F# manages to insure the
victory of G at the cadence, thus ensuring the defeat of the Prince of
Darkness.
The second verse begins with a play on words. The word compasiOn
("compassion") is distorted as compasillo, which means common time. The
verse indeed begins in 4/4 in rapid eighth notes for three measures, before
returning to the 3(1. meter that pervades most of the villancico. The second
phrase contains the word cromatico, underscored by a rising chromatic

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motive in all voices, and filled with numerous accidentals. The tiple 1 rises
on B-C-C#-0-Eb-E, the tiple 2 rises on A-Bb-B-C, and the alto rises on EF-F#-G. Thus, in the space of ten measures, all twelve pitches of the
chromatic scale are represented except one: G#, which, as mentioned
earlier, represents the devil, and thus is not part of the smooth road to
heaven. Meanwhile, the tenor and continuo have a mostly diatonic descent
while the upper voices ascend chromatically, implying that a smooth
chromatic ascent leads to heaven, and not to hell. The section finally comes
to a cadence on D.
The next phrase plays on the word dura, which can mean either the
verb "to last" or the adjective ''hard", and in the latter sense is often used as
a sharped note (e.g., in German notation). Salgado uses this to his
advantage, and as he conjures up visions of hell, dura is illustrated by
several sharp accidentals, particularly G#, the now ubiquitous devil tone.
The reference to hell is illustrated by a commensurate tonal pandemonium,
as D#s, F#s and G#s vie for cosmic domination. When the music arrives at
a weak cadence on E major, the G# seems to have imposed itself. Yet, the
struggle is ultimately resolved in the last phrase of the verse, on the word

suave (the opposite of dura, and also with a double-meaning: "smooth" or

"flat"), as the piece smoothly modulates back, with prominent G naturals
and F#s emphasizing the return to G major. The message is clear: while
hell is harsh and dissonant ("sharp"), the eternal kingdom of heaven is
smooth and pleasant ("flat" or "natural").
The third verse begins with another play on words. The Spanish
noun llano indicates a plain, that is a flat land expanse, and as an adjective,
it means simple and unadorned (the play on words also works in English.)
Thus, canto llano equals plain chant. Mary inhabits the earth and the plains,

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and the music underneath is a plainchant, set contrapuntally. The chant

Salgado uses to illustrate the text is the Gradual for the feast of the Blessed
Virgin of Mount Carmel As noted in chapter 2, this feast was one of the
most important in the Oaxaca region, as it was the Christian incarnation of
the ancient Zapotec ceremony called Guelaguetza, still celebrated on July
16. It was only appropriate that, in a villancico dedicated to the Virgin
Mary, Salgado would make use of a chant on the same subject. He cleverly
sets two of the melodies from the same chant contrapuntally, in a loose
double fugue structure. The second Alleluia from the chant appears in
imitation in the alto (G-A-F#-G) and tiple 1 at the dominant (0-E-C#-D).
Meanwhile, the theme from the first verse of the chant, Per te Dei
Genitrix, appears in imitation in the tiple 2 (0-A-G#-A-G) and, somewhat

altered, in the tenor (D-E-A-0-F#-G). The passage is mostly in whole

notes and half-notes, and comes to a weak cadence on C after only seven
measures. The next phrase describes Mary's assumption of Adam's sin, and
the presence of accidental sharps once again indicates the struggle between
good and evil. At the fmish, the music once again resolves on a cadence on
G major, now firmly established as the key of salvation.
The second half of the verse suddenly switches to common time, as
in the beginning of verse 2, though in this case it lasts until the end of the
verse, whereas the earlier example had lasted only three measures. Nothing
in the text indicates the reason for this change, unless the opening word
quando is meant to be heard as a distortion of cuatro ("four"). What is

evident is the contrapuntal nature of the passage, underlying the word

contrapunto, used in the text in the sense of ' 4 assertion" or "affirmation,"

and interpreted in the music in its polyphonic sense. The ensuing eleven
measures contain the most elaborate contrapuntal material of the piece, at a

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faster pace than anything heard so far. The descending arpeggiated motive

in quarter notes (D-B-G), which leaps back up and descends again stepwise
in eighth-notes, appears first in the tiple 1, then a beat later in the tiple 2,
followed a beat after that in the alto, and finally an entire measure later in
the tenor (now G-E-C). The eighth-note motive, first descending then
ascending, permeates the passage which comes to a cadence on G major on
the word Magestad.
The refrain also contains obvious word paintings. As the passage
descn'bes the rising and setting sun (an allusion to Christ who came down
to earth and then rose up again), the music rises and falls commensurably.
This is illustrated by opening step-wise ascent in quarter notes on the word

suba, as well as the leap of a fourth and, of course, the setting of the word
Sol ("Sun") on G, and the final cadence on G, the key of salvation.
Because of the many disparate elements in the text that were set to
music, the villancico of course cannot claim any stylistic unity or
consistency, which in any case is provided by the return of the refrain
between each verse. The nature of the villancico de precision dictates the
curious and idiosyncratic character of Salgado's work, as it does of all
similar exercises. Salgado meets the textual challenges well, with cleverness
and humor, and his villancico is greatly enhanced by the tonal episodes that
underlie the three verses and chorus. A wonderful touch is the allusion to
the chant of the Virgin in the last verse, a detail that would not have been
lost on the diocese, or on the Mexico City examiners Orenze and GirOn,
and, as it demonstrates both Salgado's skill and erudition in music, was
undoubtedly a factor in his selection as chapelmaster.

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Manuel de Sumaya: Lamentaciones de Jeremias del Jueves Santo (ca.

1850). Among the newly discovered works in the Oaxaca cathedral are six
compositions which, though they lack attribution, are with little doubt by
Sumaya, based on stylistic and handwriting comparisons. The works are:

Visperas de Difuntos a 6, Sequencia de Difuntos a 4, Dixit Dominus a 6,

Dona eis Domine a 4, Missa a Duo, and the Lamentations ofJeremiah
under consideration. Sumaya' s Lamentations were undoubtedly the ones
that Gonzalo Angulo Romero listed in his brief survey of Sumaya works in
Oaxaca in 1977, but which Aurelio Tello was unable to find in the
cathedral in the 1980s.t In all probability, these six works were taken to
Mexico City in the 1970s to be catalogued, and were returned to a different
part of the then-disorganized archive (See chapter 1).
These works contll'IIl (if any confirmation were needed) that Sumaya
had an intimate knowledge of European-and in particular Italian-music,
and that he incorporated this style into his own compositions. Sumaya even
alludes to specific composers and compositions in these works. A striking
example is the Sequencia de Difuntos a 4. In the Dies /rae movement of
that piece, there is a heavy borrowing of the "0 Quam Tristis" movement
of the Pergolesi Stabat Mater, written in 1736. Later in the same
movement, the words Tuba Mirum are illustrated by a quote from the
"Quis est homo" movement of the same piece, and the entire movement
contains various allusions to Pergolesi, proving the Italian master was
known in Oaxaca, at least to Sumaya himself.l
As in Europe, it was the custom to read the entire book of

Lamentations in the first noctum of Matins over the three days of the
1 Aurelio Tello, Archivo II'UISical de Ia

catedral de OtlXIlCa: Cat6logo (Mexico City: c.E.Nl.Dl.M., 1990),

lS.
2 My

thanks to Brian Link foe pointing out the allusion to Pergolesi

304

triadum sacrum, that is Maundy Thursday, Good Friday and Holy

Saturday. The number of complete and incomplete sets of Lamentations in
the archives of the Oaxaca Cathedral attest to the fact that the practice was
still strong as late as the Eighteenth century. Sumaya' s Lamentations
incorporate the traditional text from the first reading (Lectio Prima) and
part of the second reading (Lectio Secunda) of Good Friday (Feria Sexta),
in spite of the fact that the title designates the work for Mauday Thursday
(Jueves Santo). The work is divided into ten sections, as follows:

1. (1 - 26)
2. (27- 33)
3. (34- 56)
4. (58- 60)
5. (61 - 85)
6. (86- 94)
7. (95- 162)
8. (163- 174)
9. (175 - 231)
10. (232 - 259)

Exordium: De Lamentatione
Beth
Cogitavit Dominus
Teth
Defixae sunt
Jod
Sederunt in terra
Caph
Defecerunt prae lacrimis
Jerusalem convertere

Andante
Allegretto
Andante
Andante
Andante
Allegretto
Andante
Allegretto
Allegretto
Despacio

4/4
2/4
3/4
3/4
3/4
2/4
4/4
3/8
2/2
2/2

The scheme follows the traditional form of the genre: the exordium,
announcing the beginning of the Lamentations, followed by the standard
Hebrew alphabet letters (Heth, Teth, Jod, Caph) and their respective verses.
Sections 3, 4 and 5 are more or less contiguous, with nothing but a brief
pause between them. Unlike the other ''alphabet" sections, Section 4 (Teth)
is but two measures long, and is nothing more than a brief transitional
passage between the two verses of the text. At the end, the traditional
conclusion of the Lamentations: Jerusalem, Jerusalem convertere. This
setting is a somewhat unusual, as it contains all of the verses of the Lectio

305

Prima (Heth, Teth, Jod), but also the first verse of the Lectio Secunda
(Caph) before reaching the conclusion.

The text Sumaya uses for the incipit and the Lectio I is standard
Roman use, while the text for the Feria VI is the standard Jerusalem JC
text. The selection of text settings for Lamentations bas been a subject that
bas been explored at great length in recent years. In her recent study of
Spanish Lamentations, Jane Morlet Hardie bas identified regional patterns
in the choice of texts, and the number of verses used for each reading in
different parts of the Iberian Peninsula.l It was the selection of text-rather
than the configuration of the chant-which was indicative of a geographical

tradition. The specific tradition of each region was thus defined by the
overall shape of the text. Similarly, Robert Snow has found that the Spanish
Lamentations traditions were continued on the American continent.4
Sumaya' s is but one of the many Lamentations that exist in the
archives of the Oaxaca cathedral, works which combine texts and verses in
a variety of ways. Further studies of the texts of these works might reveal a
"Oaxacan" configuration, or perhaps one specific to New Spain as a whole.
Stylistically, Sumaya's work does not conform to the Spanish
tradition of Lamentations, the prime examples of which are works by
Morales (1564) and Victoria (1581). Rather, Sumaya seems to emulate the
monodic settings of the Italian Baroque composers. His arioso style, his use
of chromaticism and dissonance, and his dark characterization of sorrow
conform more to the Lamentations of Scarlatti, Porpora and J ommelli than

Lamenta1ions Chant Revisited". papc2' read at the Meeting of

tM ~rican Musicological Society, Baltimore, Md., November 1996.
4 Robert 1. Snow, A New World Collection of Polyphony for Holy Week flllll 1M Salve Service: GfiiiiDnllla
City, CaiMdral Archive MS 4 (University of Chicago Press, 1997).

l]ane Morlet Hardie, "Weeping and Wailing:

306

to those of the Spanish composers (though a direct link to those Italian

works has yet to be established).

Sumaya's Lamentations are in Eb major, though much of the work is
in fact inC minor, the relative minor. The piece is scored for tiple, alto,
tenor and bajete (that is, a small bass or baritone), two flutes, two
trombones, two violins and continuo, though there are no figured bass
notations. The instrumental introduction begins with an antiphonal
exchange between violins and trombones on the one hand, and flutes on the
other. The text begins at m. 12 in the bass, while the accompaniment echoes
the opening measures. The entire choir then comes in at m. 18, in static
tones that remain virtually unchanged during the entire section. The
ensemble outlines an Eb major chord, with only the bajete providing
motion between Eb and Bb. The little harmonic movement that exists in the
opening section is confined to a tonic-dominant alternation, until the climax
of the section is reached at m. 22. At this point, a diminished chord with a
minor seventh on the tritone (A-C-Eb-0) increases the tension, adding to
the lugubrious nature of the piece. The effect is enhanced by half-step
tremolos in the strings, before the chord resolves up a half-step top the
dominant (Bb) and then cadences on Eb at mm. 25-27.
Sumaya doess not appear to rely on any of the standard Lamentations
chants in his melodic material. Many of the chants for the Lamentations
have intricate melismatic settings of the Hebrew letters that begin the
various verses, a practice that was continued by Renaissance composers.
Sumaya here goes to the opposite extreme, as the musical treatment of the
four Hebrew letters in this piece is stark, syllabic and homophonic. The
interest lies instead in the simple harmonic contrasts and in the instrumental
figures which accompany each section. All four sections that set the

3f1l

Hebrew letters are in C minor, and involve mostly tonic-dominant motion,

with a marked subdominant function in the penultimate chord of each
section. Thus, Heth (m. 27) moves between C minor and G major, with a
iv7 chord before the cadence. At m. 58, Teth has a similar harmonic
rhythm, but now goes to a diminished chord on the tritone (F#-A-C)

before moving up to the dominant. The tonality in this section is

ambiguous, as the root (C) is withheld from the tonic chord. The odd F#A-C chord thus could also be viewed as a D7 chord with the root withheld.
In either case, the effect remains powerful. ThoughJod (m. 86) is also inC

minor, its penultimate sonority is an augmented sixth chord (Ab-C-Eb-F#),

echoing the climax of the introductory section, though here it does not slide
up to Bb (as it did before), but rather down toG major. Finally, the end of

Caph (m. 163) involves a simple i-iv-V-i motion.

The verses are only slightly more polyphonic than the Hebrew letter
sections, and retain their overall syllabic nature. Few points of imitation
can be found, and rarely do any of the voices venture forth alone. Pairs of
voices are the norm, and the inner voices are usually heard together. Thus,
section 7 is written exclusively for alto and tenor, the tiple and bajete being
omitted altogether from this passage. There are occasional polyphonic
passages (e.g. m. 122), yet, as in Italian Lamentations of the period, the
piece is by-and-large homophonic in nature.
Sumaya conveys expression through extended use of dynamic
markings. His use of static harmonies and textures provide a haunting
effect that conveys the darkness of the text. The text is enhanced by
imaginative instrumental passages, which sometimes take center stage, for
example in the trombones solo sections at mm. 127 and 250. The piece
relies heavily on dotted rhythms in all sections, which enhance its slow,

308

majestic darkness. In his fresh treatment of an age-old genre, Sumaya thus

manages to infuse new life into it, and, though the work is heavily
influenced by the Italian style, it nonetheless exhibits an original musical
language that was becoming increasingly widespread within New Spain,
due mostly to the efforts of Sumaya himself. Beyond this, however, this
work is representative of the high level of skill and artistry of the Mexican
composer, and it is his individual achievement that surpasses any relative
considerations of geographic style and influence. Whether Spanish, NeoHispanic, Italian, or any combination thereof, Sumaya' s works are
masterpieces that stand on their own and that belie any assertion that NeoHispanic aesthetics were superficial and derivative.

Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa: Credidi a 6 con violines (ca. 1768).

As reported in chapter 7, the author of this work was a Spaniard who
became available to head the musical establishment in Oaxaca in 1765. Not
much is known about his appointment, and his tenure in Oaxaca lasted only

three years before he returned to his homeland. Yet in this short period, he
was able to infuse the Oaxacan style with fresh ideas from Europe.
Undoubtedly the other musicians in the musical chapel, notably Juan
Mathias de los Reyes, who was both his predecessor and successor,
benefited greatly from Martinez de Ia Costa's input.
His Credidi a 6 con violines is a work for alto and tenor soloists,
tiple/alto/tenor/bass choir, and two violins and continuo. It is based on
Psalm 116, which begins: Credidi propter quod locUlUs sum eI believed,
therefore have I spoken"). Written in the 1760s, the piece reflects a style
and language that continued to distance itself from the four-part a cappella
polyphony that was still the norm earlier in the century. The Italian

309

influence is mmistakable, as the work follows the usual pattern of Italian

chwch music of the eighteenth century, with short essentially homophonic
choruses interspersed with solos and duets. The idiomatic string writing is
reminiscent of Italian works of a generation earlier, for instance that of
Vivaldi or Scarlatti.
The notation in Martinez de Ia Costa's manuscript is more modem
than that of some of his predecessors. He uses tonal key signatures (D

major with two sharps), and his rhythmic notation is standard, including
the use of bar-lines. The continuo part contains only a handful of figured
bass notations.
The work is divided in two section: the Credidi (mm. 1-134) and the
obligatory Gloria Patri (mm. 135-190). Clearly, the principal attraction of
this work are the soloists who stand out and display the concerted style of

the high Baroque, further emphasized by the violin lines. The alto and
tenor soloists complement each other well, at times presenting a strong
front in unison, at other times playing against each other contrapuntally.
The range of the alto (G to B) and the tenor (A to G) are similar, resulting
in much voice crossing. Indeed, the tenor's highest note (G, at m. 46) is an
octave above the alto's lowest note (atm. 59).
While the soloists unquestionably are the stars of the piece, there is
often an antiphonal texture between them and the soloists. At times, the
choir merely offers homophonic support (mm. 16-18). More often,
though, it contributes polyphonically, resulting in a six-voice contrapuntal
texture. Martinez de la Costa provides a compelling and varied interplay
between forces that maintains the interest by continually combining and
opposing the voices in the work. For example, atm. 19, all six voices
successively have a point of imitation on omnis homo: first the alto solo,

310

then the tenor solo, followed two measures later by the alto and tenor in
the choir, a measure later in the bass, and a measure after that in the tiple.
Yet after the cadence (m. 28), the choir is silent as the soloists (and the
instrumental accompaniment) appear with identical rhythms and in parallel
motion, creating a homophonic texture that greatly contrasts with the
previous passage. Ten measures later (m. 39), all voices reappear in block
chords, followed by an antiphonal passage between soloists and choir that
ultimately cadences at m. 58. During this passage, starting at m. 48, the
tiple has a long, slow melody in whole notes, reminiscent of a cantus
firmus, though it does not conform to any of the chants set for this
particular psalm. (Another 'cantus firmus" passage appears in the tiple at

m. 103).
Martinez de Ia Costa ably provides stark rhythmic figures, and
interesting syncopations occur throughout the piece (e.g., at nun. 35, 38).
Dotted rhythms and the rhythmic figure long-short-long are prevalent
throughout the composition, most notably in the opening motive which
occurs in all six voices. Martinez de la Costa prefers this dotted-rhythm
scheme when setting three-syllable words such as Credidi in the opening,

calicem (m. 39), Domino (m. 107), as well as Gloria (m. 135). For two
syllable words, he prefers the scheme short-short-long-short, for example
on ego dixi (m.16), omnis homo (m. 19) vota mea (m. 56). Four syllable
words also follow this general short-short-long short pattern: invocabo (m.
49), pretiosa (m. 67), dirupisti (m. 86).
The Credidi is in D major, and Martinez de Ia Costa explores most
of the related keys in this work, which contains a number of interesting
modulations and tonally ambiguous passages. The first important cadence
occurs at m. 28, in the tonic, followed by a modulatory passage on the

311

words Quid retribuam Domino, pro omnibus quae retribuit mihi? ("What
shall I render unto the lord for all his benefits toward me?"). The passage
goest to a secondary dominant (m.

33)~

before going to C major (IV/IV)

and ultimately G (m. 37). The tonal instability effectively illustrates the
questioning nature of the

tex~

and sets the tone for the answer to the

question which follows.

The cadence is followed by a full measure of silence~ to emphasize
the lack of tonal resolution and to accentuate the response. When the music
starts again, the tone has

changed~

become more dark and solemn on the

words Calicem salutaris accipiam (ul will take the cup of salvation"). The
violins have static chords in whole notes as all six voices enter in an almost
declamatory manner, with conspicuous dotted rhythms. The short solemn
passage (mm. 39-45) is also

modulatory~

as it starts in G major, moves

through various chord progressions to E minor before coming to a rest on

B major atm. 45. Martinez de Ia Costa has succeeded in contrasting these
two sections in terms of texture,

harmony~

instrumentation and tone color,

effectively underscoring the most important textual passage in Psalm 116.

The solemn, homophonic passage is followed by a resumption of
contrapuntal and antiphonal language (m. 46)~ as the soloists~ and then the
choir, successively explore a new motive: B-G-D# (the passage is still in B
major). The motive, which leaps up a sixth then down a

fourth~

is heard

first in the tenor, then the alto, then the choir. The descent of the

fourth~

particular, stands out and reappears at various points throughout the

in

piece~

particularly during the Amen in the closing measures. Here, the motive is
developed extensively. At m. 59, it is even presented in inversion in a
passage the seems to mirror the earlier one: now the alto presents it fli'S~
as it goes down a fifth then up an octave, and is then imitated by the tenor.

312

The motive at m. 46 contains the highest note reached by the tenor (G),
while its inversion at m. 59 contains the lowest by the alto (also G).
Another interesting harmonic passage occurs at mm. 96-108. After a
cadence in the dominant A major at m. 95, the passage soon modulates,
touching on B major, E major, F# major before emphasizing C# major as
the soloists sing the word lnvocabo atm. 102. The soloists repeat their plea
in sequence, atm. 106 in B major, then four measures after that in A
major, before finally cadencing back on D atm. 113. This tonal adventure
comes in between passages of stability that mostly center on the tonic and
dominant.
The Gloria Patri, a much shorter section than the Credidi, begins on
the tonic but quickly comes to a cadence in B minor at m. 146. Thus, the

Sicut erat that follows begins in B minor, quickly returns to D, and

cadences on Gat m. 155. This cadence also contains some interesting
harmonies, such as the F#7 diminished chord atm. 153 which goes to B
minor (vi) before finding the G. A few measures later, the music moves to
C major (IV/IV) atm. 161, falls toG (IV) atm. 163, finally returning to
D atm. 167.
In these and many other passages, Martinez de Ia Costa has evidenced
a preference for his motion to the subdominant, and cadences on G are
common. After m. 167, however, he goes in the opposite direction, moving
up through the circle of ilfths: D (m. 167), A (m. 169), E minor (m. 171),
B minor (m. 173), F# (m. 175), touching on C# before returning to D at
m. 177. After that, the long cadence on D brings the piece to its conclusion.
A striking characteristic of the closing measures of the piece is the
presence of falling Amens which descend the interval of a fourth, either
stepwise or directly. This descent becomes the principal motive of the

313

closing section, and it contrasts nicely with the figure on the words et in

saecula saeculorum which gently rises a third. When the choir comes in at
m. 168, the bass and the tiple (and soon the entire choir) have succeeding
descending fourths, and as the piece approaches the final cadence a
veritable cascade of falling intervals brings the piece to its conclusion.
What is most striking about the Credidi is the fast pacing which
Martinez de Ia Costa has infused into his composition. There is enough
occurring at any given moment to more than hold the listeners' interest.
The opposing forces-the soloists together and against each other, the choir
alone or against the soloists, the violins and continuo----create a musical
panoply that unfolds briskly and never lags. By the end of the piece, which
lasts around five or six minutes, the listener is left wanting more. One gets
the feeling that Martinez de Ia Costa himself is yearning to continue, that he

has more to say.

These five works effectively demonstrate the evolution of the Oaxaca
musical style recounted in chapter 7, and illustrate the secularization and
the infusion of European influences described at length in chapter 8. The
transition, from Herrera to Salgado to Sumaya to Martinez de Ia Costa,
outlines a journey from four-part a cappella polyphony, to accompanied
villancicos that border on cantata style, to concerted religious works in the
style reminiscent of the Italian Baroque. The idiomatic use of instruments
rises and evolves throughout the century, as do the harmonic and melodic
innovations of these composers. The bel canto operatic style is apparent,
particularly in the work of Martinez de Ia Costa.
Yet the evolution is not only stylistic. In the first part of the century,
and particularly after the influence of Sumaya, music from the Oaxaca

314

chapel broke out of its purely utilitarian mold, and moved closer to a more
aesthetic role. Though not yet in the vein of the Beethovenian Romantic
artist, Sumaya can be seen as the first Neo-Hispanic composer to break
away from the concept of music as an exclusively liturgical tool, in favor
of one that explores other aesthetic considerations. By the 1760s, other
Oaxaca composers such as Mathias de los Reyes and Martinez de Ia Costa
continued on this path. The latter's Credidi was not conceived merely to
enhance the faith of the listeners, but to appeal to their aesthetic and artistic
natures as well.
Though it did benefit from European-and in particular Italianinfluences, the music of Oaxaca was far from being derivative of European
styles, and in tum reveals a quality that can equal the most sustained
accomplishments of Spain and Europe in the same period. Taken as a
whole, these works are evidence of individual creativity and stylistic
coherence and continuity that support a theory of a regional-and perhaps
even national-colonial musical language.

315

Chapter 10
Conclusions

Because of its established formal organization and its evangelical

mission, the Oaxaca cathedral, and specifically its musical establishment,
was able to thrive for many centuries, dispensing both salvation and music
to the believers of the southern region. The formation of a rigid church
bureaucracy had proven to be successful in Spain, and to the extent it
fulfilled the objectives of the Church and the Crown, its exportation to the
New World, as the Oaxaca repertoire proves, was equally successful.
Paradoxically, the Church, so rigid in its structure, was often quite
flexible in its outlook, a necessary trait which allowed it to survive and
prosper throughout the colonial period. The strict bureaucracy, the
imposing hierarchy and the inflexible set of spiritual and social constraints
allowed it to function under a challenging environment. At the same time,
it was faced with a set of circumstances that were completely new and
different from those in Spain. It was thus able to alter its aims and its
needs, even its intellectual outlook, to adapt itself to the singular and unique
world of New Spain. The Oaxaca diocese was forced to confront challenges
that wouldn't have applied in Seville or in Madrid: a sharply divided feudal
society; an Indian underclass which eventually came to hold a variety of
cathedral posts, including the chapelmastership; a non-Christian population
forcibly converted; the continuous presence of paganism and idolatry; and
an ever-increasing discontentment, not only among the Indians, but among
the Creoles as well, whose resentment of the influence of the "mother"
country would ultimately lead them to national matricide.

316

The advent of the independence movement in the nineteenth century

was tumultuous for all, and was particularly harsh on the Mexican Church.
The anti-religious backlash that accompanied independence eventually led
to the expropriation of most church-owned property around the middle of
the century. A forced separation of church and state was imposed (and
continues to this day), depriving most churches and cathedrals of much of
the financial support they had enjoyed for three centuries. With very few
exceptions, religious musical institutions throughout the country collapsed
and disappeared, often laying to waste musical traditions that had operated
continuously since the Conquest. Such was the case of Oaxaca, where the
musical chapel fell apart by the beginning of the century. The
chaplemastership eventually disintegrated, salaries were cut or eliminated
altogether, and music ceased to be a factor in the business of sustaining the
faith.
The Oaxaca diocese nevertheless survived the upheavals, and even
experienced a resurgence towards the end of the 19th century. In 1891,
Oaxaca was elevated to the status of archdiocese, and the first archbishop,
Eulogio Gregorio Gillow y Zavala, remained at that position for more than
30 years. In the 20th century~ the Oaxaca cathedral continued to prosper,
even occasionally reestablishing a temporary musical life. But it would
never again reach the level of musical creativity that had sustained the
institution throughout the colonial period.

This work, then, has examined the specific cultural elements which
contributed to the emergence of a musical style. There remains a rich field
of study to be pursued in this area, not only within Mexico, but in other
countries throughout Latin America and indeed the rest of the world. A

317

similar study could be done of the music in Colombia, Peru, Bolivia and
Argentina, the Philippines, as well as many parts of Central America and
the Caribbean.
The question of a synchretization (not only musical, but also artistic,
literary, political, etc.) can and should be applied to any convergence of
cultures. Yet the current view of the music of this place and time tends to
distort the importance of Spanish musical domination, and often dismisses
outright the influence and even the existence of native musical traits.
Moreover, the current view tends to reduce the accomplishments of
colonial artists to a sub-category of European art. In laying out the basic
musical parameters of the source cultures, and in delineating the resulting
musical synthesis, I have offered, I believe, an accurate glimpse of the
musical life in Oaxaca, one that can stand on its own, and as such challenges
and transcends the traditional view.

318

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333

Appendix 1
Transcription of Selected Works

334

Lamentaci6n de Jeremias
del Jueves Santo
_,II

Tiple

..,

Alto

"'
..,

Tenor

ADdante
I

,,
.

Bajete
~

Flautal

- 1

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..

"'

Flauta2

t"&l

Tromba I

.. ! ..

Tromba2
~

~~~

Violin [

Violin U

Andante

..,

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. . ..

~.

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...
..

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"'

Lamcntaci6n

.... ...

335

,.,,.
TiP-

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,.
A Ito

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,.

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,
.
...

,,.
AL I

...

I'-

... -

-.,-

,.,

AL 2
~

Trb. I

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..

...
"_/1_

Vn. I

".

{Lf"-P.

_L

..,

liiiiiiiiiiiiii-liiiiiiiiliiiii

II

Vn. II

""iT

Bajo

p.

P-

....

...

..

....
lamenllleion

. ..

.,; ~~ ;j..J

--

336

Jll

Tip.
~

II

Alto
~

II

Ten.

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'
I-'ll
FILl
~

II

II

FIL2
1'-~

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.

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~

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.
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~

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l..amcntacic'in

337

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fl

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.
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~"

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.

~~~

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338

,., II

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II

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II

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,
.

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De

Ia

- - ,_

~~

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......................
.
.

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II

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larncntacJOn

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339

""li
Tip.

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.
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-

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re

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le

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----

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It

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.

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l...amcmacu>n

340

Tip.

""

.,

De
~

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men .

ta - ti

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men

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ne

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.

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f
umcni<ICIOO

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341

-'fl

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Tip.

Je-re - mi

pro-pbe

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te

phe

te

Je-n:-mi

phe

te

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e pro-phe

te

Je-re-mi - e pro-

phe

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phe

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lamcnllleic'in

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li
Vn. II

,_ ,_ ,_

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342

"II

Tip.
eJ

II

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re

phe

re

phe

re

re

II

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phe

r-

---

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phe

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-----

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II

Vn. II
eJ

Bajo

~~iiiiiiOOiiOOii----

- -

~~~

--

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Llmcntacion

~~

~~~

.---.--.

343

Allegrdto
"'II

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..,

...

Helh

Helh

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Helh_

Heda

II

..,

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II

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Baj.

'
i--ll
ALl

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.
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"II

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344

Titp.

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I

eJ

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tJ

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--

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tJ

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~

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-~~-~~

vll
v n.l

tJ

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.... I

v n.U
tJ

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trW "

r-..

......
Llmcntaculn

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,.....,

345

Tip.

"""..,

Andante

f
di- ssi

"

..,

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Co

"

Ten.

gi

ta

vir

.
Dom

mi-nus

.
Co

gi

ta

vir

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di- ssi

mi-nus

di- ssi

f
Baj.

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di- ssi

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I
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l.amcnt:ICion

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f

346

,.,,.

Tip.
~

pa

re

mu

rum

fi

fl
~

pa

re

mu

rum

fi

li-z Si - on

li-z Si - on

Te-ren-dit fu-

fl

Ten..

"

pa

h..

pa

i--fl

li-z Si - on

Alto

Baj.

re

..

mu

re

mu

..
-

..

rom

fi

fi

Te-ren-dit fu-

h-.

rum

li-z Si - on

ALl

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,_

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fl .

AL2

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....
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~

h.;----;.

------

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r:

347
f

"'li

..,

Tip.

ft.

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AIIO

"'et non a. ver

I

ft.

..

et non a-ver

urn

ni- cu-lum su

etnona- ver

urn

ll
FIL2

Trb. I

am

ti

ma-num

su

am

ti

ma-num

su

am

am

--

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ti

ma-num

su

p.

p.

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su

et non a-ver

.,

FILl

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ti

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.
ni- cu-lum su

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.

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.

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:

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----

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- - -

348

~"

.,

Tip.

per

.,"

Alto

,"

ti-oa

--

ti-oa

di

lu- xit- que

lu- xit- que

an-te mu - ra - le

per

di

Baj.

FILl

di-ti-oa

per

Ten.

"'

per

~"

.,

.
di

an-te mu - ra - le

ti-oa

Et

e
f

_f

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FlL2

r--'
~

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,....
*

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_.-ot

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~"

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Vn.ll

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~~{fL-. ..

.,

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:

Bajo

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.....,._

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==

==

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*

L..amcn1aeicin

349

Tip.

r~hb

jv

niS

mu

niS

et

mu

niS

..

C1

et

"

Ten.

Baj.
~

""..,

At2

"
.....
~

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mu

At I

mu

et

"

Alto

pa

niS

ri

--

ler

di-ssi-pa-tus

est et

mu

..
.

niS

.
:

.
!

Trb. 2

I"
~~~

Vn.l

Vn.ll

..,
"
..,

===
~

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-

Bajo

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-~

~f'-1'-~

-~

.....

....

~:::--..... ~

Larnen~aei6n

f'-

(L.,f'-

- .............
-
~

..

f'-.f'-

350

_,II

Tip.

.
pa

.....__.
di

ssi

pa

ri- ter

bJS

est

ri- ter

di

ssi

pa

bJS

est

ri- ter

di

ssi

pa

bJS

est

... ...

...

..

ri- ter

di .

ssi

el

II

Alto
el

.
pa

,
II

Ten.

Baj.

.
pa

...

...
pa

I--ll

... ..

.
-

pa

est

bJS

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el

II

At.2

~.,

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..

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.... .......

I--ll
Vn. I

.,

.,
:

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=--

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IlL

- - LamcnlaCi6n

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~iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiiiiliiiO

t:::=S

lil!iliJ

II

Vn.ll

t;;:I;JI

351

,.,,.,
Tip.
e.J

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fl

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Tcth

,.,,

Ten.

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Teth

P...---_

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I"

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Teth

Baj.

I"
~fl

At. I

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~

-.,-

fl

At.2

t--J
~

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~

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fl

Vn.II

Bajo

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l,.....E5Ei=l

.. .

.
~

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1f

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Lamcntacicin

I"

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352

Tip.

"'"
..,

1':\

,.

in rer

Teth

"
..,

A liD

----

De-li- xi

Teth

,"

Ten..

Baj.

t"

ALl

1':\

1':\

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!---..

Teth

sunt in rer

Teth _ _ _

rain rer...

"

1':\

f
rainrer

:_---f

in rer

~~~~1':\

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1':\

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sunt in rer

_._ ....

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AL2

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t"e.J
1.Trb. I

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r-~,..,..

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.,._.,.

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353

Tip.

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e)

por-tle e

ra
p

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e)

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Ten..

Baj.

All

--

.......,

por - tie

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por - rae

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e- jus por-lae e

jus

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f~

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ra

ra

ra

por-lae e

jus

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e)

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**lf-'7!1

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.If

f
umen~aeion

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354

Tip.

"'"
...

1'1
Alto

...

per

1'1

Ten.

- -

di - dit

per

di - dit

et con-ni

et con-ni

.. ...._.., - , .._..,
.

vit

vit

vee

tes_

vee

Baj.

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ALl

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:

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---L:uncnlacion

tes_

355

,.,,.,
Tip.
I

e)

gem

,.,

re

gem

re

gem

P"

re

jus

et

jus

et

jus

et

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e)

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Baj.

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.........----;. ._

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356

,.,,.,
Trp.
I

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jus

in

ci

pes

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prin

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:"'

prin

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pes_

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FIL2

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ll.

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e)

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-

==== __r::::"El

EiiEEi EEiii

Lamcntac:i6n

357

Tip.

"'".,

r
in

gen

ti- bus

gen

II.

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.,
II.

Ten.

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.

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in

ti- bus

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est

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II

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If'.

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358

-'1'1

Tip.
el

lex

pro

ct

pbe

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JUS

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el

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ct

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pbe

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el

Bajo

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umcnlaeion

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359

""'II '-

Tip.
el

vi
II

----

el

ne- runt vi-si

......

II

ne- runt vi-si

~nema

.tJ

--

Do-mi- no vi

nema Do-mi-no

si

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Do-mi-no vi

Baj.

si

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Ten.

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si

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vi

"II

si

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1'-1'-

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~ ~~,._

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II

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L.amcntao:i6n

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p

360

Tip.

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361

-"II

.,

Tip.

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II

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Ten.

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t::

~~

.,
r

Trb. 1

ll

AL2

.
.

Trb.2
~

,,.
Vn. I

.,
ll

Vn.Il

.,

(\,)~

it

it

Bajo

......

l..amcntaci6n

394

"II

Tip.

.
I

e)

Do- mi-num

De

um

lU -

um

e)

--

Do- mi-num

"'

Ten.

Baj.

r-

De

um

lU-

um

Je

. Do- mi-num

De

tu-um

am

De

~~

um tu - um

Je

e)

II

Trb. I

....,

":

Trb. 2

r--

~II

Vn. I
eJ

II

Vn.U
e)

Bajo

.
~-

Je

ALl

AL2

Do- mi-num

~II

II

Alto

Je

.......

....
L:unemaci6n

395

Jl\

.,

Tip.

ru

sa-lem

Je

ru

sa-lem

sa-lem

Je -

sa-lem

Ie-

.._Jf!:._

sa-lem

Ie-

Je-

,..

Alto
&I

ru

sa-lem

ru

sa-lem

Je

I.

ru

Je

,._.

~b.

b.

ru

lo.

sa-lem

ru

~,..

Baj

I'

Je

"

Ten.

.
.

ru

... ..

At. I

..

&I

,..
At. 2

1'-&1

Trb. I

.
r

"" .
I

I
:

Trb. 2

I'
~~~

Vn. I

.,

.........
-

II

Vn. ([
&I

.. ,.

Bajo

- -

"'
l..amentaci6n

396

Tip.

"'"

...

Ten.

con ver re-rc

JL

_.,.

.,.

con - ver . re-rc

ad

Do- mi-num

- .. ..

.,

FIL2

Solo

Solo

Trb.2
~

"A
Vn.l

...

JL.

....

I!

.,

Vn.II

Bajo

.
Do- mi-num

.,.

.,.. .. ~

Do- mi-num

ad

"li

Trb. I

ad

con - ver- re-rc

ru- sa-lem

ru - sa-lem

I!

Do- mi-num

con - ver- re-rc

'
FILl

ad

.
ru- sa-lem

Baj.

...
"

ru sa-lem

"

Alto

'
lamcntaci6n

,.

..

.. .,.

- .. . .
I

397

,.,,.
Tip.
eJ

De

urn

II

.. .. -

AIIO
eJ

De

Ten.

,
.

Baj.
~

urn

ru

De

um

De

um

um

f
um

De

...

,.

urn

ru-urn

De

urn

urn

ru - um

De

um

1'-

lb.

.,.

De

"_/j_ L

ru-

ALl
~

AL2
'CI

Trb. I

Trb.2
~

~ f:. f:. ~-~

~~~

Vn.l
eJ

fl

Vn.U
eJ

Bajo

"

.......
Lamc:nliiCu)n

398

Tip.

,.,,..
..,
tu
I'J

Alto

,...
"

Ten.

tu

tu

tu

um

--.
um

um

Baj.

:"'

1.-n
At. I

b.&

um
II-

a._,..__

- -

..,
"

At.2

r-..,

1.Trb. I

IL

~ ~

;t

;t

...

--.

...

Trb. 2

t--

1-o-I'J

a. ____

- -- ......

Vn.l

tJ

Vn.ll

"
..,
:

Bajo

"'

"-

- -tpt-~;t~~

Lamentac:i6n

399

Credidi a 6 con violines

Fr:msico Martinez de Ia Costa

"'" ~

Alto

ere

~
A~

di-t.

ere

di-di

prop

ter

quod

lo

Cre

di-di

prop

ter

quod

lo-cu-lUS

Tenor

t'-11
i--11~

cu - IUS

Tiple
~

ere

di-di

ere

di-di

ere

di-di

ere

di-di

ere

di-di

ere

di-di

Cre

di-di

.:n:

di-di

A~

Alto
~
~~~

Tenor

Bajo

1'A

~.

Violin
~

Accomp.

"'A~

ere

sum.
II~

-.

di-di.

ere

di-di.

ere

di di.

..,.

ere

sum.

di - di.

'AlL

.,
ere

.,"""

"

.
ere

ere
~~~

di - di

ere

di-di

prop

di - di

ere

di- di.

prop

di - di

ere

di- di

di- di

di- di

.
ere

...d.JL

.~~.

ere

_._

.,

r I r

~.

Cn:didi

ter- quod lo - cu

rer_ quod lo-cu-t:

tus

prop

ter

quod lo- cu

tus

prop

ter

quod lo - cu

tus

400

"'M

....

_,._.

go _ _

au

..,

re-m
e

'A

...

hu-mi-li - a

......,
-

go _ _ au

tus hu- mi - li

- a-~:m~ -

hu-mi-li

~em

a- tussumru

SUDL

Ill

...

SUDL

_M

I'

_,._.

SUDL

SUDL

...

..

..
.._

~: f :~!.:~: ;;~;-;;; ~ : :
hu-mi-li - a - IUS sum ni

mis.

- mis.

XI

in

ex

di

xi

in

ex

di

xi

in

ex

di

xi

in

ex

E-go

di

E-go

E-go

I_

E-go

Cn:didi

..

401

"'A

-'-

.,
Om- nis

ho

All
~

Om-nis

bc.-mo om-nis bo-mo men

I--A
u

ccs

su

me

ccs

su

me

ccs

su

me

o.

ccs

su

me

o.

.,""
All

,
~

Aa

dax.

om

dax. om-Dis

o.

- o.

- -

men

1110

Om-nis

'All

u
nis

ho- mo

men

mo_

men

AA

~
i--All

ho

da.'t.

4i-

dax..

"'All
"'

r ' .,;

.. -

?: - - -

dax.

Omnis - 1mo omnis ho-mo men

,...

AJl

homo om.flis ho-mo men

All

.,

Om nis - !Kwno. omnis IKHno men

.. -

RIS

ho-

1110

dax.-

.......

......

om - nis

om - nis

ho -

Cralidi

dax.

IKwno omnis IKwno men

oo

men- dax.

... ..... .. .. ,.. ....

Omnis
..h..

om

.. h..

1110

0111-niS

..

402
"II
I'

II
"1'

Quid

n: - tri - bu.am

Quid

n:

..

..

"II
<

dax.

om- Dis

ho

mo

men

dax..

men

dax..

tri - bu-am

II"'
<
ho

mo

dax.

OIIHiis

II

"
to-

men

..

cfax._

..

ho-mo oi!Hlis bo-mo men

1&-1&

ho-mo oiiHlis bo-mo men

II

men

dax..

I&

dax~

men

dax..

<

~-

"il' --

..,;

..,,. ..
I'

Do- mi

no.

Quid

n:

tri

tri

bu am

- ~-

mi

pro

no.

om

1'1'

Do - rru

i--11

- no.

Quid

n:

bu am

Do-mi

pro

no.

om

<

II"'
<

,. .

"
F-h
<

...

"d

lJ

ni-

ni-

II

....

..

.
r

Cn:didi

... ...

"d

403

-'It

.,
bus

ca

n: tri bu- it :ni - bi?

I
ca

- -

n: tri- bu- it mi. bi"

quae

A..L

..,

bus

quae

li . c:em

ca

li .

,.

- -

c:em

ca

li .

li c:em.

cal

li .

ti

'""

.,
.,""

ca

- -

.""
I"

li c:em.

cal

li

I
ca

I
IIi c:em.

ca

l(i

li c:em.

ca

li .

ca

.,""

...

..

6
43

ca

.J

:;

~-

.,
_It_.

r'1'

~lh

cem

cem

.,

Et

cern

sa . lu

Ia

cem

~
sa - lu

Ia

cem

sa lu

Ia

cem

sa lu

Ia

cis

ac

. ci

.,

-,;

cis

ac

-~

,""

cis

ac

. ci

cis

ac

""

.,

I
~6

C1

,..

pi

~-

pi

am.

pi

am.

"d
h

Cn:didi

no- men

pi am.

It

. am.

...

Et

404

Do-mi-ni

an-vo-ca

...

bo.

Do - mi-:U

an-vo-ca

bo.

.,
110 -

::,

II&

Do - mi ni

Et

Do

no

mi-

.-

in- vo- ca

bo.

Do - mi-ni

in-vo-ca

!xJ.

Do . mi-ni

in- vo-ca

Et

no - men

Do - mi-ni

Et

no - men

no - men

:: : : : ::

bo.

: : :: : ::

'II
eJ

bo.

bo.

in-vo-ca

II&

r'

in-vo-ca

'II"

bo

bo

bo

in-vo-ca

bo.

in-vo-ca

in- vo-c:a

in-v::

.,
ni

ca

us

in

II&
eJ

et

:~.
no- men Do -nu-ru

C:l

no-men Do-mi-ni

C:l

Cl

no- men Do-mi-ni

C:l

no- men Do-mi-ni

et

C:l

no- men Do-mi-ni

et

no- men Do-mi-ni

II

I'
II
eJ

......

c:l

Cn:didi

405
"~

.;:

bo.

bo.

in-vo-ca

bo.

; ; ; - .1.
- DU-I1l

in- vo- ca

no- men Do- mi-oi

in-vo-c:a

bo,

in- vo- ca

.;0- i

me

..,

in-vo-ca

me

Vo- ta

~Jh

.,

bo.

.,

no- men Do- mi-oi

,
r-

no- men

..

ft

.,

'rl

""ft

.,

mi-no_ rai-dam

cor-ram om -

r:
01

po - pu- lo

ius

ni

po- pu-lo

_lU

..,

Do

mi -

110 -

rat - dam

~ram

om

co-ram om

'ft

.,
fta

.,
~

'ft

.,

..
Credidi

..

~
Dl

406

""A a

.,

.. ..

po-pu-lo e
Aa

~
~A

ius co- llUil om - ni

a

ius.

..

po-pu-lo e

ius.

.,
pre

ti

sa

in con - spe - ctu

sa

in con - spe - ctu

ft&
.

- - .. - -

.,

pre

Aa

"
fta

..

.,

ti

pre

sa

in con - spe - ctu

pre

- ti -

sa

in con - spe - ctu

.e.

.,;

~: :
~A

.,
Do

r
mi-ni

mors San - cro - rum

Do

mi-ni

mors San - cro - rum

Do

mi-ni

mors San - cto - rum

Do

mi-ni

mors San - cto - rum

iu.~

mors San - cto - rum

ius.

mors San - cto - rum

ius.

mors San - cto - rum

ius.

IU.~.

mors San - cto - rum

ius.

..

ius.

fta

.,

ius.

ft&

"
""

.,

14

.-

..
I

Credidi

--

"'"a

.,

Do

mi- oe.

.~

r'1'

Do

mi- oe_

qui

e - go_ ser

Jr

Do

us

mi-oe.

Do

mi- oe_

qui

e - go_

lo-ft a

.,
fta

.,
~

,
...

fta

..

.,

..

..

.. .. - -

..
..,

.,;

"""a

..,
tu
.A.Jl

..,

us.

go sh- us':

Dl-:

go ser - vus

Dl- us:

ser- us_ tu- us.

Et

fi

fi

Et _ _ _

- ..

li-us

an - cil- lae

li-us

an

IU

cil- lae

tu

, "a

.,
fta

.,
A_

,
...

"
..,

.,

..

..

Cn:didi

..
..

408

"'""
el

Et_

ae.

li

ii.:

an

cil - lae

.m

cil- lae

Ill

II

ae.

Et_ li

~~~.

li

us

bl

el

ae.

ae.

Di-ru - pi

sti

vin

Di-ru - pi

sti

vin

D i-ru - pi

sti

.. ..

~
su_

""
el

...

Di-ru- pi

A.IL

..

...

14' ' a

11] J; J

)j
-

Di-ru-pi

sti_ vin

a&

Di-ru-pi

~~~-

...

sti

VIR

cu-la me

:
I"

ti

me- a:

-ti

bi sa-cri

li

ca

bi sa-cri

-li

ca

bo sa-cri - li

bo sa-en

ti

hlsa-cri

li

ca

- bo

me- a:

ti

bi sa-cri

li

ca

,.

_,.

---

Cn:didi

- - - -- - - -

me- a:
t'-

_,

_,_

. ,. ,.

vin-cu- Ia

II

...

- cu-la..

..

me- a:

II

vin

a:

...

cu-la

""
~

..
I

J )J J IJ
a:
lame

cu-la

_.tt._

li

sa-cri lfi

- .. .
-

bo sa-cri - li

409
...~

.,
bo

sti-am

Ia

dis.

ho

sti-am

Ia

dis.

II&

~
~

'.,
Jl&

.,

ca - bo

Et

.. ..

ca - bo

Et

ca - bo

Et

II&

,.

I"

ca

bo

II&

.,

Et

:A&

.,

Ju

...,
'II&

.,
DO

men Do

mi- ni

in. vo- ca

- mi- ni

in-vo-ca

mi- ni

in

Do - mi- ni

in

II&

.,
no- men

Do

.A.&

,.

I"

DO-

men

no- men

Do

in- vo-ca

bo

in-vo-ca

bo_ in-vo-ca

bo_ in-vo-ca

bo

vo- ca - bo

in

VO

in

vo

vo- ca

_II"

bo

- ca ca

bo

in

.,

Cn:dida

in

bo

vo

VO

410

,,. ..
..._

eJ

,. ..

..,

,,. .
eJ

YO

in

YO

ca

- ~-

ca

bo.

bo.

be,_

Do

mi-

Vo

ra

Aa

..,
_ll_.f,_

,._

ca

bo.

Do

ltU -

ca

bo.

Do

mi-

fta

..,

,.

c: : : ::-;-; :- :; : :
.

in-Yo-ca

Ibo

mi

no

~"-

..,

me

Do

"'"
eJ

dam

Do -

mi - no

red

red

dam

Do

mi- no

red

red

dam

Do

no

red

no

no

ft&

,
~

II&

..,

....

11"

lli

lli

.
Credidi

11"

,.
mi - no

red

411

'"""
...

in - vo - ca

bo

in-con-spe

Clll_

in - YO - ca

bo

in-con- spe

Clll_

II a

~
~~~-

...
""
...

,""

red

dam

- mi-no-

red

Do

red

Do

- mi-no

dam

Do

dam

dam

mi-no

..,

dam

"'"
...

"""

...

-.-

--

om-oi.i

in - COIWpe - Clll_

om-nis

in-con- spe -

II&

..,
II a

...

~
ID-COiloSpe - Cbl

Clll -

red

e- ius:

-.

e- ius:

dam

om-ms po-pu-li

om-nis po-pu-li

dam

om- DIS

po

pu- li

e- ius:

om-nis

po

pu- li

e- ius:

pu- li

e- ius:

pu- li

e- ius:

a - tti- is do- mus

in

II a

...

in-con-spe-Clll

....tt...

- ..

in-am- spe - cru_ om- nis

iiKOn- spe - cru_ om- nis

""

...

po

..

po

- Credidi

412
"A&

.,

Do

me-di-o

io

mi-ni.

IU

. i Je- ru - sa

ft&

..,.

lri-is do

mus

Do

mi-ni.

me-dt-o IU . i

in

in

lem

me-di-

Je ru . sa-lem. Je

'"

.,

ft&

.,
_ILS

,.

fts

.,

""

.,

. ..
IU

Je- ru

sa .

..

in

lem.

lri- is do- mus

fts

..,.

ru

Do-mini.

sa. lem.

in

lri- is do- mus

Do- mi-ni.

'As

.,
in

lri- is do- mus

Do

in

lri. is do- mus

Do

in

lri. is do- mus

Do

mi-ni.

in

In IS do-

Do

mi-ni.

"'"

.,

mi-ni.

in

in

mi-!

me-di-o

fts

,.

fts

...

mus

in

~-

-- -

C-J

Cn:didi

413

'A.Il

.,

'4t

q.-

in

me - di- o

bl

me- di-o

in

sa- lcm.

Je- 111

~-

..,

tu-

Je- 111

sa-lem.

-~-

.,

""
.,

me

di -

Je- 111 - sa

tu -

,""

in

me. di-o

me-di-o

1!: : :

,,.

tu

Je

IU

lem.

in

tu-

Je - 111 - sa

me

di - o

Je-111- sa

in

me-di-o

lem.

di-o

:: :.: : : ::. : :

-. -

in

me- di-o

di-o

in

tu-

Je-

rd

..,

IJ

in

me

ID

-.

f) J
di- 0

bl

J IJ J9 J J J 1 ..

Je - 111

sa

me

di- 0

IU

II

lem.
I!\

Je - 111

sa

lem.
I!\

'""
.,

sa

lcm.

Je

111

Iem.

sa

I!\

""
.,
lcm.

Je

111

tu

sa-lem.

me- di.

111

sa

Je - 111- sa-lem.

Je- 111

AlL

sa-lem.

sa-lem.

I:\

Iem.

Je

111

Je

111

I!\

~-lem.
I!\

II

.,

sa-

Ie-111

..

me

AlL

',

tu-

in

me

in

lcm.

111

'4t

Cn:didi

.
I!\

414

Gloria patti
~

Despacio

.,
..,""
~~~-

.,

Glo

ri

pa

_jb

.,

lri

fi

ct

Glo

I_

-a

pa

ui

ct

..

fi
,_ -

Glo

.,""

li

ri

-~

--- -

Glo

,""

li - o.

Glo

-a

pa

.
ri

pa

tn

lit
ct

pa

lri

ct

ct

fi

li

ri

!rio

ct

... JI.&

.,

""
~
~~~-

.,

fi

.,""

..
fi

:,""
r-

.,""

li

fi

et

li

fi

et 5pi

- ri -

ct

li

li

lU -

et ~i- ri

spi

tu - i

et spi

.. - -

san

ri

lU -

san

ri

cto.

san

cto.

...
lU -

san

CIO.

"d

"1ft

...
Credidi

cto.

415

.,,u.

.,

Si - cut

e - m

in prin-ci

Si- cut

e - m

in prin-ci

_A_&

...,
1<-Aa

~'

. -. - -

pl - 0

nunc:

nunc ct

pi-o

ct nUDC

nUDe ct

sean

per

per

sean

.,
ct DUDe

ct DUDe

ct DUDe

ct DUDe

.,
A

Aa

.,

..

..

.,;

--

'j

,..
.

Ill

Aa

...,
.. ,.
.,

sem- per sean

A&

.,
scm- per
A

scm

per

Cl

nunc

Cl

nunc

Cl

per

st

DUDC

Cl

nwx:

Cl

sem - per

ct

nunc

ct

nunc

st

nunc

Cl

nunc

per

sem

per

Cl

scm

per

ct

s:'m

sean

"

sean- per

scm- per

scm

Aa

per

Ill

Cralid1

Ti

per

416

'AJO

.,
el

Aa

..,

"A

.,

- - --cu-la

cu

lo -

rum.

in

sz- cu-la

- - cu

lo-

men.

.,
A

,
I"

A"

.,

Et in

sz- cu-la sae- cu - lo- rum.

rum.

e(

in

417

"""'

...

men

1111:11

men

~ -

men

1111:11

""'
"1'

..

men

..

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455

Appendix 2
An Addendum to Aurelio Tello's Catalogue
of the Music Archives of the Oaxaca Cathedral

In 1990, after years of research at the Oaxaca cathedral, and under

the auspices of the Centro Nacional de Jnvestigaci6n, Documentaci6n e
lnformaci6n Musical (C.E.N.I.D.I.M.), the Peruvian musicologist Aurelio
Tello published the catalogue of the musical archives of the cathedral. I The
catalogue, which is discussed at length in chapter 1, is an invaluable volume
which brings to light one of the finest collection of polyphonic music in the
Western Hemisphere. In conjunction with Tello's work, C.E.N.ID.I.M. in
the late 1980's made microfilms of every musical item in the archive
known up to that time.
Beginning in 1995, I made several trips to Oaxaca in an attempt to
piece together a little more of the Oaxaca music puzzle. The archivist, the
venerable Padre Fernando Vazquez, has been at the helm of the archives
since the early 1960s, and is thus familiar with its every aspect. At one
point, Padre Vazquez brought to my attention a bundle of documents he
had found "behind a box" a few years earlier. The bundle contained
twenty-five works or fragments by various composers from the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In September of 1997, an additional
number of musical manuscripts were brought to my attention by Padre
Vazquez' assistant Jesus Lizama Quijano. None of these compositions were
examined by either Robert Stevenson or Aurelio Tello, or evidently by
anyone else, and thus are not listed in Tello's catalogue.
1 Amelio Tello. Archivo tniiSical tk Ia c~dral tk Oaxaca: Cat4logo {Mexico City: C.E.N.I.DJ.M.. 1990).

456

Many of the newly discovered works have now been transcn"bed and
performed. They include a number of Examenes de Oposici6n,
examinations for the post of chapehnaster in Oaxaca, which are discussed at
length in chapter 7.
Some of the newly-discovered works by Francisco Herrera y Mota
are mentioned in the Aetas de Cabildo of the Oaxaca Cathedral. A report
to the Oaxaca Diocese reveals that on December 20th, 1718, about two
weeks after the composer's death, Mota's papers and compositions were
incorporated into the Cathedral Archives.2 The works mentioned in the

Aetas are:
Two sequences for Corpus Christi for seven voices.
One sequence for the Resurrection for six voices
Four notebooks of motets de Dolores.
Eleven notebooks of Hymns de Dolores.
Four notebooks of Adjuvanos
Seven notebooks of Vigilia y lnvitatorio de Difuntos.
Several of the works mentioned in the records coincide with the newlydiscovered works, including one of the adjuvanos (50.41 ), a loose page for
a Sequence of Corpus Christi (50.44 ), and a motet a la Concepcion (50.48).
Of particular interest in the new works are the six anonymous

compositions, numbered 50.57 through 50.62, which in all probability are

by Manuel de Sumaya. These are choral compositions from the mideighteenth century with intricate orchestral accompaniment. Their highly
dissonant and chromatic style reflects a strong Italian influence. These
works attest to the level of sophistication reached by Oaxaca musicians in
the eighteenth century.
2 Oaxaca Calbedral. Co"espondetu:e:DioCUtiiiOIGobiemollnformes, 1718: "Se ban enttado en el an:hivo los
papeles del Maestto Moca que se haJlaron ser de Ia Iglesia._".

457

Only one of the newly-discovered works appears to be among the

works that Robert Stevenson saw in Oaxaca in 1967,3 but which Aurelio
Tello could not find in the archives in the late 1980s.4 That work is the

Lametations of Jeremiah (50.59) by Manuel de Sumaya. The other works

are still missing:
Martinez de Ia Costa: Los Celestes parafinos; Villancico a 6 con
violines y trompas A Ia Asumpci6n de Nuestra Senora.
Juan Herrera Mota: Beata Mater et intacta Virgo. Motete a 4.
Juan Herrera Mota: Regina celi laetare.
Manuel de Sumaya: Atenci6n que en Ia Nave que rige Pedro. A 12.
Manuel de Sumaya: 0 cielo dichoso. Cantada con violines.
Manuel de Sumaya: Magnificat.
[Manuel de Sumaya: Lamentaciones de Jeremias; Serle 6.]
The newly-uncovered works were integrated by Padre V8zquez and
myself into the musical archive. As with the original works, the new
additions were inserted individually into folders, and each was assigned an
identification number which consists of the number of the case, the number
of the folder within that case, and where appropriate, the number of items
within that folder. This addendum records the additions to the musical
archive and incorporates all the newly-found works into Tello's catalogue.
In compiling the addendum, I have followed Tello's form, organizational

plan and structure to presetve continuity with the original. The addendum
takes up where Tello left off. The last entry in the catalogue is 50.40.18.,
indicating that in case number 50, in the folder number 40, there are 18
items. The first new entry is thus 50.41., which refers to the forty-first

3 See Robert Stevenson. Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the AmeriCIIS (WashingtOn: General

Seaerarial, OAS. 1970). 205.

op. cit.. p. lS.

4 See Tello.

458

folder in case number fifty. The following indications are relevant to the
organization of the catalogue:

1. Catalogue Number. The first number indicates the case, the

second the number of the folder. Since all the newly-discovered
works were integrated in case number 50, they all begin with that
number.
2. Author. Where the author is not indicated, "Anonymous" is noted.
3. Title. The tide is taken either from the tide page or from the
incipit.
4. Year. Only those worlcs on which the date is present are indicated.
5. Parts. Indicates the parts that have survived.

459

Catalogue
Number
50.41.
50.42.
50.43.
50.44.
50.45.
50.46.
50.47.
50.48.
50.49.
50.50.
50.51.
50.52.
50.53.
50.54.
50.55.
50.56.

Author

Title

Adjuva Nos Deus

Tenora4
Carrasco
Concerto a 5
Introit de ()posici6n
Villancico a 4 Sube
Salgado
Maria
(Pagina Suelta)
Anonimo
Mathias De los Reye tMotete a 4 para
procesi6n Palmas
Herrera y Mota
Maitines a San Lorenzo
Bajo a duo y a 4 .
Herrera y Mota
Herrera y Mota
Motete a 1a ConceJXa6n
Herrera y Mota
Maitines al Serafino Sn.
Juan
Herrera y Mota
Maitines a 1a Asunci6n
a Ntro. Seiior
Vallados
Secuencia de difuntos a
8
Guzman
Concierto a 4 para Ia
()posicion
Herrera y Mota
Of a Ntro Padre sn
Pedro para ()posici6n
Herrera y Mota
Maitines a Ia
Concepcion a due
Herrera y Mota
Guion a duo y a 6 a
Ntra Seiiora
Carrasco/Mathias
Introit y Benedictus
Motete yo Ia vi
Herrera y Mota

Year
1717
1726

1757
1716
1717
1709
1714
1716

1708

1711
1713

Parts

460

50.57.

An6nimo
(Sumaya?)

Visperas de difuntos a
6

50.58.

An6nimo
(Sumaya?)

Sequentia de Difuntos a
4

50.59.

An6nimo
(Sumaya?)

Lamentaciones de
Jeremias del Jueves
Santo

50.60.

An6nimo
(Sumaya?)

Dixit Dominus

Primer coro:
Alto
Tenor
Segundo coro:
Tiple
Alto
Tenor
Bajo
Flauta la.
Flauta 2a.
Violin
Acomp.
Tiple
Alto
Tenor
Bajo
Violin lo.
Violin 2o.
Viola
Acomp.
Bajo
Tiple lo
Alto
Tenor
Bajete
Flauta la.
Flauta 2a.
Violin lo.
Violin 2o.
Bajo
(incompleto)
Primer coro:
Alto
Tenor
Segundo Coro
Tiple
Alto
Tenor
Bajo
Violin lo.
Violin 2o.
Gui6n general

461

50.61.

An6nimo
(Sumaya?)

Dona eis Domine

50.62.

An6nimo
(Sumaya?)

MissaaDuo

50.63.
50.64.

An6nimo
An6nimo

50.65.

An6nimo

Libro de motetes
Cuademo de canto
2re2oriano
Libro de motetes

No
Herrera y Mota
Number
No
Herrera y Mota
Number
No
Herrera y Mota
Number
No
Herrera y Mota
Number

Tiple 1o.
Alto 1o.
Tenor 1o.
Bajo cantable
Flauta 1a.
Flauta 2a.
Violin 1o.
Violin 2o.
Baio 2o.
Tiple 1o.
Tiple 2o.
Trompa
Violin 1o.
Violin 2o.
Bajo cifrado
Bajo sin cifrar

Maitines a Ia
1715
Concepci6n de Nuestra
Senora
Maitines a Ia Imaculada 1720
Concepci6n
Maitines de Navidad
1721
Maitines de Ia
Asumpci6n de Nuestra
Senora

1720

Atlo lo, Tiple

1o.
Tiple, Tenor,
Gui6n
Tiple 2o,
Tenor 2o.
Tiple 2o Coro

462

Appendix 3
Documents and Correspondence
from the Oaxaca Cathedral

Letter from Bishop Angel Maldonado to Mexico City

Chapelmaster Antonio de Salazar, January 30, 1708:1
Mexico, y Enero 30 de 1708
Por lo que Nos

t~

y por averse comprometido a Nos el Ven. Dean, y

Cavildo de Ia Sta Iglesia de Antequera, como consta de Carta de trece del

presente mes y aiio. Remitimos las composiciones hechas en dha Ciudad,
por los tres opositores q. concurrieron a Ia oposic6n del Magisterio de
Capilla de dha. sta Iglesia en dha Ciudad, y las que compuso el pr Joseph de
Guzman en esta Ciudad de Mexico, quien represento ante Nos, y de que
dimos noticias a dho Vene Dean, y Cavildo a on Antonio de Salazar, Mtro
de Capilla de esta sta Iglesia Metropolitana, a quien por Nos, y en nombre
de dho Vene Cavildo, cometemos la Censura de dichas composici6nes para
que segun su grande inteligencia las Censure, diciendonos debajo de
Juramento, cual de dhos opositores es mas dextro, para con su vista
proveer lo que convenga: El mmo y DIDO Mao. on Angel Maldonado,
Obispo de Ia sta Iglesia de Antequera, del Concejo de esta sta mison. asi lo
decreto y jur6
Fr. Ang Obispo de Anteqa.
Antemi Joseph Diaz Secret<>.
1 Oaxaca Catbedml. Co"upondence, CabildciGobi~ January 30, 17~.

463

Mexico, January 30,1708

As is oUT duty, and having entrusted in us the Venerable Dean, and Chapter
of the Holy Cathedral of Antequera, as recorded in the letter from the
thirteenth of the present month and year, we remit the compositions
written in said city by the three candidates that presented themselves for the
competition for the position of chapelmaster of said Holy Cathedral, and
the one composed by Joseph de Guzman in Mexico City, who presented
himself before us, and on whom we gave a report to the said Venerable
Dean and Chapter, to Don Antonio Salazar, Chapelmaster of this
Metropolitan Cathedral, to whom, in oUT name and in the name of said
Venerable Chapter, we entrust the critique of said compositions so that,
according to his great intelligence, he may critique them, telling us under
oath, which of the said candidates is the most adept, so that with his input
we may provide what is convenient: The most illustrious Chapelmaster.
Angel Maldonado, Bishop of the Holy Cathedral of Antequera, from the
Council of this Holy Cathedral. I hereby order and swear.
Fr. Angel, Bishop of Antequera.
Before me, Joseph Diaz, Secretary.

Letter from Mexico City Capelmaster Antonio de Salazar to

Bishop Angel Maldonado, January 31, 1708:2

mmo y HODO sor

464

Honrarme Vssa nma mandandome que vea, y reconosca las demostraciones

que ban echo a Ia opposssi6n del Magisterio de Ia Santa Iglea de Ia Ciudad

de Oaxaca Franco de herrera Mota, Juan de Tobar Carrasco, Luis

Gutierres, y Joseph Perez de Gusman, y que vistas y reconocidas de mi
censura y parecer, para elegir de los dhos oppositores, el mas idoneo para
dho Magisterios. Y cumpliendo no solo con Ia obligaci6n de obedecer avsa

lllma, sino de censor de dhas composici6nes musicales digo: que el primer

oppositor en numero, es Franco de herrera mota a quien se le pidio para

dha opposissi6n el introito de N. P.

sor S. Pedro, que comiensa: nunc scio

Rm de concierto a quatro voces, sobre el bajo, el himno del mismo Sto en

canto de organo, y una letra de N.

sra que comienza: yo Ia vi, yo Ia mire

Lea. ninguna de estas tres cosas acerto el dho; por que el introito lo
comenso con diferencia el canto llano, de como el empiesa; pues es el
principia del dho introito en elami diciendo: mi, mi; y el dho. comenso
enffaut diciendo: fib

m. error mui substancial, porque se varia con los tales

ffGl el tono. cometio el dho en el mismo introito otros dos yerros, que
fueron Ia punctuasi6n de las claves, y haser ~ los mies de b.tbmi. siendo
el canto llano de tercer tono. el dho no debe aver visto a

on Pedro Cerone

(autor Clasico en nro arte) que alii viera lo que en dho tono se debe
guardar en las entradas de dho tono, y en el mi de b.fb.mi. en Ia letra de
presissi6n entro diciendo en dos voces, estas: ut, ~ mi, fa. y en esta solfa,
no cabe esta letra: yo Ia vi : porqe lo que en esse casso diri Ia Ietra sera: yo

ll3Di. en el himno cometio otto; porque ya gue no sipio el canto llano,

debiera seguir el tono de que es dho himno, pues es de primer tono, y el
dho lo hizo (sin nesessidad) de Segundo. bien se conose en esto (yen todo)
lo poco que sabe.

= el segundo Oppositor es Juan de Tobar Carrasco a

quien se le pidio el introito de Ia missa de N.

sra Salve Sancta parens, un

46S

Benedictus i quatro voces, y las misma letra de presisi6n yo Ia vi Lea. La

dha letra me descubrio Ia insuficiensia del dho pues esta con bastantes
improporciones, y en lo qe toea al introito, y benedictps, yo entiendo que si
Juan Mathias resucitara avia de decir lo qe Virgilio dixo: hos eeo versiculos
feci. mJJit alter bonores. el dho oppositor puede tratar de aprender de los
vivos, y dexar i los muertos. El tercer oppositor es Luis Gutierres, a quien
se le pidio para dba opposissi6n el introito de Ia Asumpci6n de N.

sra

Gaudeamus omnes Lea a concierto sobre el bajo, el himno de Sta Martina, y

una letra que dice: el bvelo apresurado Lea La dha letra esta mala, porque
las voces no estan en su Iugar; el himno no es bueno, porque avia de seguir

a lo menos el tono ya que no siguio el canto llano. el concierto esta mui

desconcertado, sin passo, ligaci6n ni ninguna regia de las que se deben
observar en concierto.

mmo sor i

estos oppositores les sussede le que i uno

que sin saber leer, abre un libro, y sin entenderlo lo alaba, yes: oculis
laudator, mente non

co~itor.

al contrario al que sabe, porque entiende el

concepto y alaba Ia perfecci6n de los caracteres. no es mio el pensamiento,

sino de un grande Doctor, y grande Musico, el sor S. Agustin y concluye el
Santo dando Ia razon de Ia disparidad por estas palabras mui del casso:
QDod. gui non didicit non potest. Pues esta es Ia raz6n de aver cometido los

dhos oppositores tantos yerros, el no aver aprendido Ia facultad: qyi non

didicit non potest. Finalmente, el quarto oppositor es Joseph Perez de
Gusman, a quien se le pidio el introito deN. P. S. Pedro de concierto a
quatro voces, y el Villancico de Ia letra de presission yo

Ia vi Lea el dho

cumplio con todas las obligasiones de buen oppositor acertando el

Villancico, y concertando el concierto con mucho rigor como qualquier
desapassionado lo podra veer en las demostraciones que presento para dha
opposici6n. por lo cual hayo ser el mas idoneo para dho Magisterio de

466

Capilla assi lo siento y juro en toda forma de derecho. este es mi sentir

salvo Lea Mexco y henero 31 de 1708.
Mo Antonio de Salazar.

Most Illustrious and Honorable Sir,

Your excellency honors me in sending me. so that I may see and evaluate,
the compositions that have been made for candidacy for the chaplemastership
for the Holy Cathedral of the city of Oaxaca, by Francisco de Herrera y
Mota, Juan de Tobar Carrasco, Luis Gutierres. and Joseph Perez de Gusman,
and so that, seen and recognized by my critique and opinion, I may choose
from said candidates the most suitable for said chaplemastership. And having
fulfilled my obligation not only to obey your most illustrious honor. but also
to critique said musical compositions, I declare:

That the first candidate is Francisco de Herera y Mota, who was required for
said competition the introit of Our Father St. Peter, which begins nunc scio

uu. concerted for four voices over the bass, the hymn from the same Saint
in counterpoint, and a text of Our Lady which begins yo la yi. yo la mire.
The candidate did not do any of the three assignments co"ectly. He began the
introit differently from the plainchant, since the plainchant begins in E: mL

mL whereas he began in F: /J;L/JL quite a substantial error, since the Em

change the tone. The candidate committed in the introit two other e"ors,
which were the punctuation of the keys, and the lowering of the B-naturals to
B-flats. Since the plainchant is in the third tone, the composer must not have
been aware of Don Pedro Cerone (classical author in our field), for he would

467

have known that the tone must be preserved, and the Bs lowered to B-flats. In
the text of the villancico he enters in two voices. one on ML u.. mL/JL and the
other on solfa, and the text does not fir: yo Ia yi, because in that case. the text
should say yo CJ:l!Ji.. In the hymn he committed another error. because since
he didn't follow the plainchant, he should have followed the tone of the
hymn, since it is the first tone, whereas he wrote it (unnecessarily) in second
tone. It is obvious how little he knows about this (and everything else).
The second candidate is Juan de Tobar Carrasco from whom was required
the introit for the Mass of Our Lady Salve Sancra parens, a Benedictusfor
four voices and the same text de precision yo Ia vi. The text of the
villancico revealed to me the insufficiency of this candidate, since it has
several improportions, and as for the Introit and Benedictus, it is my
understanding that if Juan Mathias returned from the dead he would say
what Virgil said: I have written these verses. another has taken the honors.
The candidate should try to learn from the living, and leave the dead alone.
The third candidate is Luis Gutierres, from whom was required for said
competition the introit for the Assumption of Our Lady Gautleamus omnes
concerted over the bass, the hymn for St. Martina, and a text which begins.
el buelo apresurado. The setting of the villancico is bad, because the voices
are not in their place; the hymn is not good, because he should have at least
followed the tone, since he didn't follow the plainchant. The concert is very
disconcerted, without steps, ligatures or any rules that ought to be followed
in concerts.

468

Most IUustrious Sir, these candidates are like those who don't know how to
read, but open a book, and without understanding it, praise it, and it is
thus: the eye praises. but the mind does not understand, as opposed to he
who knows, understanding the concept and praising the perfection of the
characters. This thought isn't mine, but that of a great doctor and a great
musician, St. Augustine, who concludes with these words which are
appropriate: he who bas not learned. cannot do. This is the reason the
candidates committed so many e"ors, that they didn't learn the principle:
who has not learned. cannot do.

Finally, the fourth candidate is Joseph Perez de Guzman, from whom was
requested the introit of Our Father St. Peter, concerted for four voices,
and the villancico with the text de presission yo Ia vi. The candidate

fulfilled all the obligations of a good candidate, writing the villancico

co"ectly, and writing the concert with much accuracy. as anyone who is
unbiased can see in the compositions he submitted for the competition, so
for this reason is the suitable person for the chapelmastership. This is how
I feel and I swear it in every way under the law. This is my opinion.
Mexico, January 31 1708.
Maestro Antonio de Salazar.

Public Announcement of the Examen de Opposicion of 1718

December 9, 1718

469

Por el Dmo.

1)11

Fr. Angel Maldonado, Monge del Gran pe. Sn Bernardo,

Obispo de esta sta. Iglesia Catedral de Anteq.ra V.ede Oax.ca y su obispado,

y el Benerable Dean, y cavildo de Ella, Est.a

Porq.to por muerte de Fran.co de Herrera de Mota, Mtro compositor, y

capilla de Musica, que fue del choro de esta Santa lg.a y baJiandose vaco
dho. magisterio, conviene proveerle en persona capaz idonea, y suficiente
de dho. Arte. Por tanto conformandonos con Ia Ereccion de Dba Santa lg.a
mandamos despachar las presentes, por cuio tenor citamos, Jlamamos y
emplazamos a todas y qualesquiera personas que pretendan hazer
opossici6n a dho magisterio capilla de musica, y compossicion de canto
llano, y de Organo del choro de Dha Santa lg.a para que dentro de sesenta
dias, que had de empezar a correr, y contarse desde el dia de Ia Fha de este
aiio, parezcan por si, o sus Procuradores ante nos, y el infraescrito
secretario a hazer sus oposiziones, y dentro de otros veinte dias immediatos
siguientes comparezcan personalmente al Examen, y actos, que para dho
exercicio deben hazerce, y se hazen en las provissiones de semejantes
magisterios; y para dho exercicio esta assignada Ia renta de trescientos y
cinquenta pessos fixos cada aiio los cuales se adelantaran basta en cantidad
suficiente, y conforme Ia aptitud del sujeto reconociere; Iugar de entierro
de los primeros de esta santa lg.a y demas proventos, emolum.tos, y
obenziones de capilla de musica fundamental; y pareciendo en tpo., y
cumpliendo con las funciones de su obligaci6n les guardaremos Justizia:
con apercivim. to que passados los dichos terminos, que assi les asignamos
procederemos a lo demas que para Ia provision de dho. magisterio se
requiera sin mas citasiones, ni llamadas que por las presenttes les cittamos,
y Jlamamos como mas aya Iugar en dcho. En Testimonio de lo cual dimos

470
el press.te firmado de ora. mano, sellado con el sello de nro. Cavildo, y
refrendado de nro. infraescrito secrett.o en esta ciudad de Antequera valle

de Oax.ca en nueve de Diz.e de mill settes.s, y diez y ocho aiios.

Fr. Ang Obpo de Anteq.a
on Benito Lopez
Lie.do [???] Medina
on [???] Acero
on Henrico Angulo
Por [???] y Venerable Dean y Cavildo
[???] sso de Cavildo
En I 0 de Diz.e de 1718 fixe este en uno de los pilares de esta Sta Ig)a Cath.l
y con este le finne.
[???] sso

Edictto Citatt.o a ttodas las personas que quizieran hacer Op.on a1 Mag.o
Capilla de Musica y composiz. 0 del choro dela sta Ig.a catth.l de Antteq.ra

ve de Oax.ca con term.o de 60 dias convoctt.os y 20 peremptorios, que se

q.tan desde el dia de Ia tba.

By the Illustrious Angel Maldonado, missionary of the great father San

Bernardo, Bihop of this Cathedral of Antequera, Valley of Oaxaca, and its
bishopry, and by the venerable Dean, and the diocese of the cathedral.

Because of the death of Francisco de He"era de Mota, master composer of

the musical chapel, who belonged to the choir of this holy church, and said
chapelmasterhip being vacant, it is appropriate that it be filled with
someone capable, ideal and sufficient in said art. Thus, and in accordance
with the constitution of this holy church, we send forth the present

471

documents, in which we cite, call and summon any and all persons who
wish to compete for said chapelmastership of the musical chapel, and of
composition ofplainchant, and of the organ of the choir of said holy
church; so that within sixty days, which begin on this day of this year, they
should appear before us and before the undersigned secretary, in person or
through their attorneys, to present their candidacies; and that within
another twenty days immediately following, they should appear personally
to the competition, and to the tests which must be passed, as is called for in

provisions of similar chapelmasterships. And for said position is assigned

the salary of three hundred andfifty pesos fixed every year, which can be
advanced in sufficient quantity, and according to the aptitude of the
individual; a burial plot is also accorded among the founders of this holy
church, as well as all regular wages, earnings and compensations of a
chapelmasterhip; and with a timely appearance, and the fulfillment of their
obligations, we will be just: with a forewarning that after the passage of
said terms which we have assigned, we will proceed to the contest of the
chapelmastership without further calls or citations. To this end we put
forth the present document, signed by our hand, sealed with the seal of our
diocese, and endorsed by the undersigned secretary in this city of
Antequera, Valley of Oaxaca, December 9th, 1718.

[Signature of the Bishop Angel Maldonado, the secretary, and the members
of the Diocese.]
On December lOth 1718, I affixed this onto one of the pillars of this holy
cathedral, which I then signed.

[Signature of the Secretary]

472

Edict citing all persons who wish to present themselves as candidates to the
chapelmastership of the musical chapel and composition of the choir of this
holy cathedral of Antequera, Valley of Oaxaca, with term of 60 days of
convocation and 20 peremptory days, beginning on the day of this posting.

Letter from Puebla Capelmaster Miguel de Ia Riva y Paz, to

Bishop Angel Maldonado, August 24, 1708, copied into the
Oaxaca Aetas Capitulares on September 7, 1708 3

mmo sor D Migl de Riva MO de Capilla de Ia Ciud

de los AngS Certifico en

Ia mexor forma que puedo y devo que de encargo de el sor sr D. Joseph

Valero grajera Thesso de Ia Sta lglecia Cathl de oaxa E examinado aD
Franco de Herrera y Ia mota ministro de dha Sta Jgla. Y aviendole hecho
algunas Preguntas, en lo theorico de Ia mocica me satisfiso sufisientemente
Y pazido a examinarlo el modo de Componer, para Cuio Efecto le di Una
letra pa que Ia pociesse en metro mocico,

aCuatro Vosses que lo Ejecuto,

en termino de beinte y Cuatro Oras, aunque no fue de precison por no tener

Orden pa Ello. Digo que aviendo Visto Con todo Cuidado y Reconosido, Ia
obra, que es por lo de su mucha inclinazOD a Ia mucica i aplicaz0 a lo que
dictan los libros de nro Arte, que aunque Ia aora se practica en espaiia Y en
esta lgla es modo nuebo, no por esso se deve despreciar ni desestimar lo
que obra dho D. Franco antes si se puede esperar que con mocha aplicazion
E inclinazon a nra Profecion, se instruira en el Estilo que se practica aora Y
mas Cuando a mis explicaziones E instruziones, Y modo de observar y
ejecutar; a adquirido sin travaxo ninguno, antes si con mocha VigiJanzia y
3 Oaxaca Calbedral, Aetas Capiluliues,

m. foL 344vo.

473

puntualidad; Y asi tengo Por sierto que con mucha facilidad, Ejecutara lo
que oi se practica, sin atajarle a Ello Cossa alguna, pues Su avilidad y
aplicasion asi lo manifes~ Y asi lo infiero no solo delo que llevo dho sino
tamvien por que aviendo preguntado algunos Conciertos de Contra Puncto,
que son los que enseiian a los Maestros Conpossion particularmente para
Villancicos, Satisfisso con puntualidad, en Virtud de los h"bros que a leido,
pa lo Cual, di el modod que tener en estos tiempos, este es mi sentir, aque
no me muebe pazion ilguna. VS Con su grandessa podra Ejecutar lo que
mejor le pareciere Y mas Conveniente. Dios ge a vsa nucgis aiios. Angs y
agosto beinte y Cuatro de mil setecientos y ocho.

Most Illustrious Sir:

Don Miguel de Riva, Chapelmaster of the holy cathedral of Puebla de Los
Angeles, do certify in the best manner possible, at the request of Don
Joseph Valero Grajera, treasurer of the holy Cathedral of Oaxaca, that I
have examined Don Francisco de Herrera y Ia Mota, minister of that holy
church; and having questioned him in music theory, I was sufficiently
satisfied and went on to examine him in composition, to which end I gave
him a text so that he could set it in musical meter, in four voices, which he
executed in a term of twenty-four hours, though it was not a text de
precissi6n since this was not requested. I declare that having carefully

examined the work, I recognized his great musical talent and his ability to
implement what is dictated by the books of our discipline. Although what is
now practiced in Spain and in this church is in a newer style, the
composition written by Don Francisco should not for that reason be
unappreciated or disregarded. I expect that with much effort and diligence

474
to

our profession. and especially with my explanations and instruction, he

will learn the style that is practiced today, because of his manner of
observing and executing. his vigilance and his speed. And thus I am certain
that he will easily execute what is practiced today, without obstacle, for his
ability and diligence display this. And I predict this not only from what I
have said, but also because, having asked him to perform contrapuntal
improvisations, which are taught to teachers of composition. particularly
for the villancico, he satisfied with timeliness, based on the treatises that he
has read, which establish the current requirements. This is my feeling,

which is unmoved by any passion. With your greatness. you will be able to
execute what you deem best and most convenient. God protect you for
several years.
Puebla de los Angeles, August 24, 1708.

475

Appendix 4

Illustrations

476

Fig. 4: The God of Death Mictlantecuhtli

Monte Alban, Oaxaca, dated ca. 1450

477

Fig. 5 Iglesia de San Francisco Javier, Tepozotlan

478

Fig. 6:

~fayan

"Iglesia" Temple, Chichen Itza, Yucatan

11th Century

479

Fig. 7: Zacatecas Cathedral

NOTE TO USERS

Page(s) not included in the original manuscript are

unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript
was microfilmed as received.

UMI

481

Fig. 9: Mexico City Cathedral, Altar, Chapel of the Kings

482

Fig. 10: Altar of the Santuario de Nuestra Sefiora,

Ocotlan, Tlaxcala

483

Fig. 11: San Francisco de Acatepec, Puebla

484

Fig. 12: Nuttall Codex, ~fixtec, ca. 1450

485

Fig: 13: Detail, Church of Santa Maria de Tonazintla, Puebla

486

Fig. 14: Choral Book Illustration by Nahuatl Copyist Luis

Lagarto, ca. 1586, Puebla Cathedral

487

Appendix 5
Published Works from the Oaxaca Cathedral

Gaspar Fernandez:

Botay Fora do Portal 1

Pois con Tanta gr~a 2
Dame albricia mano Anton 3
Elegit eum Dominus 4
En un portalejo pobre s
Eso rigor e repente 6
Oy descubra Ia grandeza 7
Si nos emprestara oy Dios a
Tan taran tan a Ia guerra van 9
Tleycantimo choquiliya to
Tururu farara con son 11
Xicochi xicochi conetzintle 12
Mi nino dulce y sagrado t3
Toquen as sonajas t4
Tane Gil tu tamborino ts

Juan Mathias

Stabat Mater (fragment)t6

1 Robert Saevenson, "Puebla Chapelmasaers and Organists: Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Part U...
ln~er American

llbid.
3

Music Review 6, no. I (Falll984): 29-139.

Robert Stevenson. ed.,/n~er American Music Review 1. no. I {Falll985): 3-25.

41bid.
slbid.
61bid.
71bid.
I Ibid.
91bid.

10 Ibid.
11 Ibid.

121bicf.
13Amelio Tello. ed. Tesoro t21a mUsica polif6nica en Mhico. Vol. 4, Arcllivo mMSicalt21a caledral t2

OQXIJCa: Anlologfa t2 obras. Mexico City: C.E.NJ.DJ.M.. 1990).

14Jbicf.
IS Ibid.
16 Though Ibis work is not found in the archives of the cathedm1. it is included here because of the
composer's importance in the history of the musical institution. see Guillermo A. Esrcva. La mUsica
Oamqueiia (Oaxaca, 1931). 9-10. See also Robert Stevenson. Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New
York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952), 136.

488

Ocho al Santissimo '~Quien sale aqueste dia

disfrazado" 11
Juan Mathias de los Reyes
Assi de Ia deidad (recording only)ll
Magnificat a 7 19
Jose Mariano Mora

Misa de Sacris Solemnis 20

Manuel de Sumaya

Alegres luzes del dia (recording only)21

Si ya aquella nave (recording only)22
0 muro
que humano (recording only)23
Como Aunque Culpa 24
Como glorias elfuego de Pedro canta 2S
El de Pedro Solamente 26
Celebren, publiquen rr
Lauda Jerusalem (listed as anonymous}21

mas

Antonio de Salazar

Motete de Senor San Jose

~~Joseph

Fili David"

29

Fancisco Lopez Capillas Laudate Dominum 30

171be manuscript for this work is found in tbe Guaremala calhedral. It is included here because of tbe
composer's imponance in tbe history of tbe musical institution. See Robert M. SteveDson, "Baroque
Music in tbe Oaxaca Calhedral." IIIler ~rican Music Review 1. no. 2 (Spring-SUJDJDel' 1979): 179-203.
18 Recorded in Mllsica y-,eyno~ Muicana. MN-9. transcribed and anaged by Jeslis Esttada. Olquesla de
C*nara de Ia UNAM. Dir. Luis Herrem de Ia Fueme (Dir. GraL de Difusi6a Cullural. U.N~ 1974).
Unfonunarely. Esttadas ttanscripcioos ha-ve not been published

19fbid.

20Ibid.
21 Recmled in Mllsica V"ureynal Muicana., MN-9. Transcribed and arraged by Jesds Esttada. Orquesaa de
C*nara de Ia UNAM. Dir. Luis Herrem de Ia Fuente (Dir. Gral. de Difusi6n Cu1twa1. UNAM. 1974).
Unfonunarely. Esttadas ttanscripcioos ba-ve not been published.
21 Recorded in Trayt!ctoria de Ia Mlisica en Mhico. Epoca Colonial. Serie MUsica Nueva MN-23.
Extensi6n Cultural. Direcci6n EditoriaJ/Voz Viva, Proyecto y Coordinaci6n: Uwe ~ MCW:o. UN~
Escuela Nacional de MUsica. Serie I. No. 1. 1982. Unfortunately. Esttadas transcriplions have not been
ooblished..
~Ibid.

24Jaime Gonzales Qui1lones.. ~ Moi'UIInentos de Ia nulsica MhicQIIIJ (M&ico City: U.N.A.M.. Escuela
Naciollal de MUsica. Serie 1. no. 1. 1982).
25 Karl Bellingbaus. "lU canlalaS desconocidas de Sumaya." Heterofonla 18. vol 15. no. 3 Quly~ 1982): 39-40.
261bid.

Aurelio Tello. ed.. Tesoro de Ia nul.sica polif6nit:a m Mhico. Vol3. Tru obras del archivo de Ia
catedral de Oamca (Mexico Oty: C.E.N.LDJ.M.. 1983).
28 Aurelio Tello. ed.. Tesoro de Ia mUsica polif6nica en Mhico. Vol4.Arclrivo musit:al de Ia Cllledral de
Oaxaca: Anlologkl de obras (Mexico City: C.E.NJ.Dl.M. 1990).
29Ibid.
30fbid.
rT

489

Works published in this dissertation:

Francisco de Herrera y Mota:
Oficio de Nuestro Senor San Pedro: Nunc Scio
Vere (Exdmen de Oposicwn, 1708)
Himno de Nuestro Senor San Pedro: Decora Lux,
(Examen de Oposicion, 1708)

Thomas Salgado

Sola Marla (Examen de Oposicwn, 1726)

Manuel de Sumaya

Lamentaciones de Jeremias del Jueves Santo

Francisco Martinez de Ia Costa

Credidi a 6 con violines
Juan de Tobar Carrasco lntoit y Benedictus a Ia misa de Nuestra Senora
Juan Perez de Guzman

Concierto a 4 para Oposicion

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