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PH.D. 1984
BY
YOUSEF FARHAN BADER
B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f J o r d a n , 1976
A.M., U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s , 1982
THESIS
S u b m i t t e d in p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t of t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s
f o r t h e degree o f Doctor of Philosophy i n L i n g u i s t i c s
in t h e Graduate C o l l e g e of t h e
U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s a t Urbana-Champaign, 1984
Urbana,
Illinois
MARCH 1984
OUTSTANDING ISSUES
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Mad,
ilUi^A-^
A twAuo
fyrtfcuoh
Chairman
Head of Department
Ill
Acknowledgments
IV
Table of Contents
Chapter 1;
Introduction
1. Framework
2 . Why Kabyle?
4. Outline
Notes
10
12
0. I n t r o d u c t i o n
12
13
15
3. "Concrete" Analysis
4. S y l l a b l e Structure Analysis
23
33
34
38
74
80
84
Notes
85
87
0. Introduction
87
88
88
88
90
90
1 . 3 . 1 . 1 . Reduction Hypothesis
92
1 . 3 . 1 . 1 . Syncope Hypothesis
93
1 . 3 . 2 . Syllable S t r u c t u r e Analysis
103
1 . 3 . 3 . I n i t i a l Vowel Retention
109
113
120
132
Chapter 4:
Ill
135
2 . 1 . Introduction
135
136
2 . 3 . Feminine Nouns
140
147
3 . Conclus i o n
155
Notes
156
Sandhi Rules
159
0. Introduction
159
1. Vowel Sandhi
."
160
162
1 . 1 . 1 . Precedence-Based Elision
163
1 . 1 . 2 . Vowel Quality-Based E l i s i o n
173
1.2. G l i d e - I n s e r t i o n
177
1.3. Gemination
180
vi
2. Consonant Sandhi
183
184
187
192
194
3. Conclusion
Notes
201
o
202
204
0. Introduction
204
1. Autosegmental Approach
208
208
211
221
229
1.4.1. Consonantism
1.4.2. Vocalism
1.5. Nominal Derivatives of Verbs
238
.
260
269
1.5.1. Agentives
271
277
2. Lexical Approach
284
286
289
3. Conclusion
302
Notes
304
Appendix A
305
Bibliography
319
Vita
324
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
1.
Framework
This study is intended t o be a d e s c r i p t i v e l y adequate account of the most
important phonological and morphological processes operating in a Berber l a n guage, -Kabyle-, spoken in p a r t s of Algeria.
It w i l l be conducted within t h e
The s y l -
in Kabyle by following the model devised by McCarthy (1979, 1982) for Semitic
t a l phonology by allowing reference within phonological theory to l e v e l s of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n or t i e r s ocher than the surface segmental r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a s t r i n g .
Second, I w i ll attempt to explain the same a l t e r n a t i o n s within the framework of
Lieber (1980) who argues that the morphological a l t e r n a t i o n s (allomorphs) of a
verbal r o o t have t o be l i s t e d in the lexicon, with r e l a t i o n s h i p s among them expressed by means of devices c a l l e d morpholexical r u l e s .
Each a n a l y s i s w i l l be
Why Kabyle?
While works on Berber were abundant in the French language before the advent
1951; Basset, 1929, 1945, 1959; Basset & P i c a r d , 1948; D a l l e t , 1953; De Vincennes
& D a l l e t,
speaking branch of l i n g u i s t i c s .
go beyond l i s t i n g the facts of Berber phonology and morphology; hardly any attempt
was made t o go beyond the v i s i b l e facts and look for a deeper account of the a l t e r n a t i o n s exhibited by Berber d a t a .
logy in Chomsky and H a l l e ' s The Sound Patter n of English (1968), no more than a
handful of works have been dedicated to Berber.
These include:
Abdel-Massih's
3
dialect within the framework of generative phonology as articulated in Chomsky
and Halle (1968) and as subsequently modified in a number of later studies (up
to 1975).
Guerssel (1977, 1978) discusses problems related to the schwa and geminates in
Berber and provides insightful explanations but stops short of giving an analysis
based on recent phonological theories.
terms of a composite feature matrix which contains all the phonetic information
of all the shapes of a particular morpheme.
(1983) discusses the problem of the Construct State in Berber (cf. Chapter 3
of this dissertation).
A few remarks are in order concerning the previous scholarship on Berber
within the generative approach.
dialect.
here and there (cf. Vergnaud & Halle, 1978; Guerssel, 1979), there is no work
which discusses Berber in a comprehensive manner.
fill the gap in this regard.
3.
dissertation.
transcriptions
which, as far as these vowel changes are concerned, w i l l r e f l e c t the morphophonemic composition of the s t r i n g s .
succinctly investigated.
F i r s t , i t appears t h a t a high front vowel undergoes lowering when i t occurs
before any of the following consonants:
^be-
comes the mid front e_ (here t r a n s c r i b e d as E_ t o avoid confusing i t with e_, which
stands f o r schwa) when i t is before any of the above consonants provided that
they are i n s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n .
(1) a .
/ulig/-> ulEg
' I climbed'
b.
/eSSix/->- esSEx
'chief
c.
/essrih/->- essrEh
d.
(cf. y u l i
'he climbed')
'smell'
(cf. essriheG
'village
chief)
/9ulid/-t- GulEd
'you climbed'
f.
/eitt/-)- 9Ett
g.
( c f . 9uli
' s h e climbed*)
'eye'
'he did n o t d i s t o r t '
(cf. ur e9wizen
'they did not d i s t o r t ' )
be a phoneme of the language because i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n i s r e s t r i c t e d t o a s p e c i fic environment, namely, before the consonants mentioned above when t h e l a t t e r
occur in s y l l a b l e - f i n a l p o s i t i o n .
for the change to take place.
The l a t t e r r e s t r i c t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l in order
Thus, / e s s r i h e S /
[^Ph J J
+cons ."1 \
(2)
Second, the back c o u n t e r p a r t of _i, namely, u_, undergoes lowering but before
a more r e s t r i c t e d set o f consonants, i . e . , g., h., 9_, d, and t .
The examples in
(3) i l l u s t r a t e t h i s change:
(3) a.
/Beddug/-> Beddog
' I begin'
b.
/ r u n / * roh
'leave'
c.
/OBeddud/-*- SBeddod
d.
/Ga9ebbutt/->- 9a9ebbott
(cf.
(cf. ruble
'you begin'
iBeddu
'he b e g i n s ' )
'small stomach'
'she b e g i n s ' )
6
Although a sequence of u_ and 9_ could not be thought of, a hypothetical example
such as /zu9/ was realized as zo9 by native speakers. It is to be stressed here
also that this change is restricted to syllable-final environments since a form
like /ruheG/ 'leave' (imp. pi.) is phonetically ruheG and not *roheO, whereas
/run/ 'leave' (imp. sg.) is realized as roh. Moreover, o_ can not be a phoneme
of the language because its distribution is limited to the environment stated
above, namely, before the five consonants mentioned earlier.
If we refer to
these sounds by the symbol (+Lj, the rule accounting for the change of u_ into
o_ can be formulated as follows:
(4)
> 0/
|"+cons
|_+L
J
a*
The third rule concerns the schwa, which will be shown in Chapter 2 to be
inserted b y rule. Before r_, g., h_, and 9_, it changes into a_. Illustrations are
given below:
(5) a.
/zer/-*- zar
'he saw'
(cf. ezrig
b.
/ejneg/-*- ejnag
'I slept'
c.
/emseh/-+- ems'ah
'lick'
d.
/e0Be9/-> e9Ba9
'follow'
'I saw')
(cf. ijen
(cf. meshe9
(cf. 9eB9e9
'he slept')
'lick' (imp pi.))
'follow' (imp. pi.))
Notice that the underlying vowel in the forms above is schwa and not a because if it were a it would not delete in the plural forms (cf. Ban 'appear'
and Bane9/*eBne9 'appear' (imp. pi.)) or the form for 'I saw" (cf. iBan 'he appeared' and Baneg/*eBneg 'I appeared').
four consonants in front of which the change happens by the symbol Q+RJ, the
rule can b e formulated as follows:
[+R
+cons ."J
7
A fourth r u l e is r e l a t e d to the consonants with a l a b i o v e l a r q u a l i t y such
W
as j
W
and c .
i n (7) c l e a r l y show:
(7) a .
/ a j em/->- ajum
b.
'fetch water'
/ a l g em/-*- algum
'camel'
(cf. a j me0
(cf. i l e g men
(8)
Cu
(9) a .
b.
/ y u j em/->- yujem
(cf. ac i
(cf.
'be awake')
a j em
'fetch water')
CW
C/u
> V/
Outline
The remainder of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n w i l l be divided as follows.
I t w i l l be shown
I t will
In the same
F i n a l l y , the problem of
the schwa in another Berber d i a l e c t , Ayt Ndhir, will be discussed and shown to
f i t e a s i l y within t h e s y l l a b l e - b u i l d i n g rules of that language.
In Chapter 3, t h e problem of the noun in t h e Free (unbound) and Construct
(bound) s t a t e s is d e a l t w i t h .
I t will be shown
An important r e -
9
in a row, finds i t s explanation if reference is made to a simple constrain t on
possible s y l l a b l e shapes in the language.
An i n t e r e s t i n g case of consonant
A segmental as w e l l as a
In the f i r s t ,
1980; McCarthy,
and D j i l a l i Mankour, who comes from Sidi-Aich (near Bejaia (ex-Bougie)), were
a l s o consulted on some of the data.
10
The Kabyles are a group of the Berber people who l i v e in the Algerian Jurjur a
range of mountains t o the s o u t h - e a s t and east of the c a p i t a l c i t y , A l g i e r s .
area where they live has come to be called "Kabylie" by the French.
themselves speak different d i a l e c t s .
The
The Kabyles
I t i s con-
For a
f a i r l y comprehensive look a t the Berber people, t h e i r language, and t h e i r geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n among t h e North African s t a t e s , t h e reader is r e f e r r e d to
Saib (1976).
In t r a n s c r i p t i o n s , Che following symbols a r e used:
B is t h e voiced b i l a b i a l
t s , dz are p a l a t o - a l v e o l a r a f f r i c a t e s ;
l e s s uvular s t o p ; e_ r e p r e s e n t s schwa.
q is a voice-
11
Notes
Notice that schwa can not occur in an open syllable in Berber. Syllable
shapes like Ce are not allowed whereas those like (C)eC are the only ones
permitted. As a result of this constraint, unlike rules (2) and (4),
rule (6) does not require the syllable boundary specification in its formulation.
12
Chapter 2
THE PROBLEM OF THE SCHWA
0.
Introduction
The problem of the behavior and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the schwa vowel has been
Saib (1976)
He acknowledges, however, t h a t
He s t a t e s the matter f a i r l y
13
voked every time a sequence of segments does not conform to the suggested template.
This analysis w i l l assume that schwas are not present i n the underlying
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of Kabyle forms.
In the f i n a l s e c t i o n , the s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e
fre-
14
(1) a.
jen
'to sleep1
ettes
'to s l e e p '
zer
'to see'
ellef
'to r e p u d i a t e '
ger
ekkes
'to take'
zed
zed
'to pulverise'
ezzer
' t o drown o n e s e l f
'to weave'
effeg
' t o go o u t '
exdem
'to work'
Beddel
' t o change'
efeel
'to roll
hezzeB
' t o be c a r e f u l '
ferfer
'to f l y '
couscous'
efder
to lunch'
ejzem
'to cut'
ecSem
'to enter'
He
a l s o remarks t h a t whereas a l l other vowels occur in both closed and open s y l l a b l e s , schwa occurs only in closed s y l l a b l e s i n Northern Berber d i a l e c t s ,
as
closed s y l l a b l e
a.
aS
' t o you'
irs
umlil
b.
eS
'to give'
'tongue'
ers
'to land'
'white'
emlul
'to be white'
15
(2)
continued
open s y l l a b l e
a.
Sa
'something'
b.
*e
ini
' t o say'
*eni, * i n e , *ene
eddu
' t o go'
*edde
underlying r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s .
section 3 .
Both
"Abstract" ( I n s e r t i o n ) Analysis
This a n a l y s i s considers a l l schwas in Berber i n s e r t e d by r u l e and p o s i t s
a r e given in ( 3 ) .
(3) a.
jn
zr
zd
b.
tts
xdm
d.
llf
f01
hzzB
kks
fdr
frfr
zzr
jzm
ffg
c,s*m
Bddl
zd
16
(Condition:
d i r e c t i o n a l i t y of a p p l i c a t i o n is
3
r i g h t - t o - l e f t , counting segments)
A sample
//
C#
NA
b.
C//
//xdem//
c.
//
CC
//exdem//
d.
CC
NA
First,
' t o leave
In a d d i t i o n ,
As stated in ( 4 ) , this
It
coulu give the c o r r e c t output for the verbs of the f i r s t type ( i . e . , z e r ) and for
17
one pronunciation of the third type (i.e., neg but not eng). Rule (4), however,
does not yield the correct surface forms for verbs such as ejj (and ens 'to wear'
with one possible pronunciation in the Ayt Ndhir dialect, according to Saib
(1976)).
If this con-
eds (and ens in Ayt Ndhir), a number of alternatives can be suggested in order to
get the correct results.
One alternative would be to let (4i) apply yielding neg and des (and nes in
the case of Ayt Ndhir), and have a schwa movement (or metathesis) rule apply after
(4i) to move the vowel to the position before the two root consonants.
This rule,
which is not explicitly phrasedas far as I knowin any of the preceding works
on Berber, can be presumably formulated as follows:
(6)
C+cont .}
1
Qi-cont .3
2
- 2
1 3
Metathesis would be optional for some forms and its application obligatory in
other cases. As illustrations, the derivations for eng, eds, and ens are given
below:
(7)
/ng/
/da/
/ns/
(URs)
neg
des
nes
(4i)
eng
eds
ens
(Metathesis)
The problem with this analysis is that it requires that all verb stems (biconsonantals and their derivatives) which do not undergo the metathesis rule be
18
marked as such i n the lexicon.
Alter-
A third
Thus,
i s allowed and t h e schwa occurs before the two consonants ( e . g . , /nz/ ' t o be on
s a l e ' is pronounced enz, never * n e z ) .
f o r many forms.
pronunciations for the verb ' t o k i l l ' , namely, neg and eng.
There is yet another complication with the above analysis f i r s t considered by
Saib (1976), namely, the occurrence of the schwas in different positions in the
p a s t and i n t e n s i v e conjugations of these verbs.
t h e personal a f f i x e s added.
19
Singular
(8)
1.
Plural
X
1.
2m. 6
2f. e
m(
3m. i
3m.
3f.
3f.
n(
2.
The full conjugation of the verb /xdm/ 'to work' in the past is given i n (9).
(9)
Singular
Plural
1.
xedmex
1.
nexdem
2.
9exdemd
2m. eGxedmem
2f. e0xedmem9
3m.
ixdem
3m. xedmen
3f.
9exdem
3f. xedmenG
Rule (4) can d e r i v e the correct surface forms in (9) except the forms for the
2 p . s g . , the 2 p . f . p l . and the 3 p . f . p l .
r e c t result for the second person s i n g u l a r if the boundary (+) is used before t h a t
suffix:
(10)
//>0+xdm+d#/
(UR)
6xdmed
(4i)
9xedmed
(4ii)
e9xeemed
(4ii)
*e9xedmed
20
In order to obtain the correct output, a stronger boundary (//) is needed before the suffix d_, and an even stronger boundary (##) after it:
(11)
///9+xdm//d#/
(UR)
9+xdem//d#
(4i)
9exdem//d#
(4ii)
Sexdemd
The same kind of boundary is required in order to derive the correct forms of
the 2p.f.pl. and 3p.f.pl.
The past forms corresponding to those in (9) differ a bit in Kabyle.
In the
case of this language, however, a strong boundary (#//) has to be posited before
the 2p. prefix (singular and plural) as well as a boundary (#) before the suffix
of the 2 and 3p.f.pl. and a stronger boundary (////) after it. The full paradigm
in Kabyle is given in (12) below.
(12)
Singular
Plural
1.
xedmeg
1.
nexdem
2.
9xedmed
2m. 9xedmem
2f. Gxedmemt
3m. yexdem
3m. xedmen
3f. Bexdem
3f. xedment
Notice Chat in Kabyle the boundaries (//) and (##) are not needed before and
after the 2p.sg. suffix, unlike in Ayt Ndhir.
and the 3p.m.sg. prefix are g and y in Kabyle whereas they show up as x and i,
respectively, in Ayt Ndhir.
21
Plural
1.
ejneg
1.
njen
2.
9ejned
2m. 9ejnem
2f. Gejnemt
3m. i j e n
3m. ej'nen
3f. Gjen
3f. efnent
fact t h a t the suffixes do not require such a provision, except the t_ of t h e 2 and
3 p . f . p l . which w i l l be seen t o have a s p e c i a l s t a t u s .
epenthesis rule as formulated in (4) does not include t h e strong boundary symbol
(//#).
22
boundaries
Such a solution l o o k s
artificial.
To sum up, we c a n say t h a t while t h e epenthesis a n a l y s i s seems to make t h e
The problem of a b s t r a c t n e s s
in
23
viable solution.
reader i s referre d to Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1979) who give a fair and b a l anced account of the controversy underlying t h i s i s s u e .
3.
"Concrete" Analysis
The a n a l y s i s discussed i n the previous s e c t i o n was motivated by an important
multiple d i f f i c u l t i e s and i s unable to account for a l l the data without the use
of ad hoc d e v i c e s .
In
account for a large portion of the data in Ayt Ndhir and Kabyle without r e s o r t ing to ad hoc and a r t i f i c i a l devices.
those in (1) above, that i s the phonetic shape of the verb in t h e imperative
singula-"-, as underlying forms is motivated by a general tendency:
the l e a s t mor-
The second
24
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of Berber forms.
jen
zer
b.
ettes
c.
exdem
d.
Beddel
ellef
ef9el
hezzeB
ger
ekkes
efder
ferfer
zed
ezzer
ejzem
zed
effeg
ecSem
An important question to be asked here would be whether or not the verb shapes
in (14) are paralleled by other verbs having the same canonical root shape.
In
other words, if the UR for the verbs in (14), for instance, is CeC and schwa is a
phoneme on a par with a,
i_, and u_, then, other things being equal, one would ex-
pect to find verbs of the shapes CaC, CiC, and CuC, and similarly for the other
root shapes in (14), namely, eC.C.eC, eCCeC, CeC.C.eC, and CeCCeC.
As a matter of
fact, verbs of the shape CVC, where V = a_, _i, or u_, could be found, as is evidenced
25
(14d) were a v a i l a b l e .
be found.
could
In sum,
b.
lal
be born'
Ban
appear'
siB
become grey'
Sfih
abandon'
run
leave'
9um
swim'
izwig
'become red'
iwrig
'become yellow'
For Saib, the affixes will also appear with their supporting schwas, except
for the suffix of the second person singular, which has a special status. The
affixes proposed for Ayt Ndhir (Saib, 1976:138) are listed in (16):
(16)
Personal
Subject A f f Lxes
Singular
1.
2.
0e+
Plural
tea
1.
+d
2m. 9e+
+em
2f.
+em+9
ne+
9e+
3m.
i+
3m.
+en
3f.
0e+
3f.
+en+9
26
Saib claims t h a t the forms of t h e affixes p o s i t e d in (16) are i n accordance
with the second general p r i n c i p le motivating the concrete a n a l y s i s .
To support
However, a mere
look a t the conjugations of the verbs /xdm/ 'to w o r k ' and / j n / ' t o sleep' in
Kabyle in (12) and (13) above will i n d i c a t e facts contrary to S a i b ' s assertion .
In both conjugations, we f i n d a f f i x e s which do not appear with v o c a l i c support.
Hence, the a u t h o r ' s a s s e r t i o n can n o t be considered true of a l l Berber d a t a .
To
Underlying
Phonetic
/exdem/
exdem
/exdem+ex/
xedmex
/9e+exdem+d/
Gexdemd
3m.
/i+exdem/
ixdem
3f.
/9e+exdem/
Gexdem
pl.l.
/ne+exdem/
nexdem
2m.
/9e+exdem+em/
eBxedmem
2f.
/9e+exdem+em+9/
e8xedmem6
3m.
/exdem+en/
xedmen
3f.
/exdem+en+9
xedmenG
sg.l.
2.
Most of the forms above require a rule of schwa deletion like the one in (18),
27
(19)
> 0/V
( p . 139)
Phonetic
Representation
a.
b.
Underlying
Gloss
Representation
amen
/amen/
'to believe
9umen
/0e+umen/
'she believed'
numen
/ne+umen/
'we believed'
Gumnem
/9e+umen+em/
ger
/ger/
egrig
/geri+eg
Gegram
/9e+gera+em/
egran
/gera+en/
'they m. read
Beside the rule in (18), some of the forms in (17) and (19) require the
application of the rules given in (20) and (21), reproduced from Saib (1976:
139):
(20)
0/
(21)
e/
CV
CCV
28
in-
person
t h a t g i v e n i n (22) below:
( 2 2 ) a.
///exdem+ex#/
///9e+exdem+em+9///
exd m ex
(by 2 0 )
0e exd m em 9
(by 20)
exedm ex
(by 2 1 )
9 exd m em 9
(by 18)
xedm ex
(by 2 0 )
0 exedm em 9
(by 21)
9 xedm em 9
(by 20)
e 9 xedm em 9
(by 21)
xedmex
e9xedmem9
S a i b remarks t h a t , f i r s t , u n l i k e t h e a b s t r a c t a n a l y s i s , t h e c o n c r e t e
does n o t r e q u i r e t h e use of d i f f e r e n t boundary u n i t s for some s u f f i x e s .
analysis
Second,
He
into
i n t h e l e x i c o n w i t h the vowel i n t h e a p p r o p r i a t e p o s i t i o n .
Recall
zer 'to
just
that
see',
I t has a l r e a d y been
shown l a t e r , however, t h a t t h e l a t t e r s h a p e o c -
involved.
29
t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n is met and that the c o r r e c t r e s u l t s would then be
obtained.
However, i n s e r t i o n
The f i r s t objection i s
This would mean a l s o that Berber native speakers can not make a l l the
himself.
This i s n o t , however, the only d i f f i c u l t y with the concrete a n a l y s i s .
An-
30
otherwise.
motivated only by the need to make Che analysis work and produce the c o r r e c t
phonetic outputs.
However, the need for chis second rule would not a r i s e if we did not
In order t o
At t h i s p o i n t , a
31
This
This observation
This
10
Notice t h a t the
/exdem/
b.
/jen/
/exdem+eg/
/jen+eg/
/9e+exdem+ed/
/9e+jen+ed/
3m.
/y+exdem/
/y+jen/
3f.
/9e+exdem/
/e+jen/
32
(23)
continued
pl.l
/ne+exdem/
/ne+jen/
2m.
/9e+exdem+em/
/0e+jen+em/
2f.
/9e+exdem+em+0/
/Ge+jen+em+9/
3m.
/exdem+en/
/jen+en/
3f.
/exdem+en+9/
/jen+en+9/
The provisions made by the concrete analysis can derive most of the phonetic
forms of these two verbs from the underlying representations in (23). This analysis fails, however, to derive the correct phonetic forms for the second person
singular and plural of the verb 'to work' and the third person feminine and first
person plural of the verb 'to sleep'.
worked', *e9xedmero 'you m.pl. worked', *e9xedmem0 'you f.pl. worked', *e9jen 'she
slept', and *enjen 'we slept'.
to the concrete analysis, we will have to postulate special provisions for Kabyle,
such as restricting the application of the insertion rule in (21) to certain segments and excluding other segments from the domain of its application.
Another
All these
devices, which we do not need to discuss in detail, are ad hoc and complicate the
concrete analysis to an undesirable degree. Needless to repeat, the use of such
ad hoc devices was one of the main reasons which led Saib to reject the abstract
analysis.
We see, however, that the concrete analysis itself can not account for
all the data without Che use of such devices. Hence, ic can be concluded Chat it
33
as Saib himself
Instead, he suggested
an a l t e r n a t i v e a n a l y s i s which assumed t h a t schwas a r e present i n underlying r e p r e s e n t a t i o ns and devised t h r e e rules of d e l e t i on and insertion i n order to derive
the correct phonetic forms.
I will rely p r i n c i p a l l y on
34
The s k e l e t a l t i e r serves
t h e immediate c o n s t i t u e n t s of the s y l l a b l e .
t h e schwa in Kabyle and another Berber d i a l e c t (Ayt Ndhir) can be handled quite
e a s i l y in terms of s y l l a b l e - b u i l d i n g r u l es of these languages.
This section w i l l be divided into s e v e r a l p a r t s .
F i r s t , a sketch of the r e -
It w i l l be a r -
Syllable S t r u c t u r e Theory
I t i s a common b e l i e f among l i n g u i s t i c s t h a t the s y l l a b l e as a u n i v e r s a l pho-
Even though
t h e phonological theory developed in Chomsky and Halle (1968) failed t o take cognizance of che notion of the s y l l a b l e , recognizing instead morphological c o n s t i t u e n t s delimited by square brackets and boundary symbols, arguments that t h i s theory
i s inadequate have been abundant (Kahn, 1976, for English and o t h e r s ) .
The focus
35
of these arguments has been t h a t the phonological systems of many languages can
not be properly explained and described without reference t o syllable s and even
higher level u n i t s .
F i r s t , many phonological
More r e c e n t l y ,
"liquid
conditioning environments and t o the elimination of the need to have the various
well-known boundary u n i t s in t h e formulation of such r u l e s .
At another l e v e l , i t has been f a i r l y w e l l established t h a t suprasegmental or
36
prosodic u n i t s , e s p e c i a l l y s t r e s s , a f f e c t syllables r a t h e r than s i n g l e segments
or other constituents such as morphemes or words, and t h a t , t h e r e f o r e , the s y l lable must be the domain on which such u n i t s are defined (Goldsmith,
1980; H a r r i s , 1983, among o t h e r s ) .
1976; Hayes,
has argued that s t r e s s in Tiberian Hebrew and several Arabic d i a l e c t s can best
be described in terms of r e l a t i v e prominence among s y l l a b l e s .
In g e n e r a l terms,
I n Latin,
(24)).
amaavisti
b.
amaatus
c.
amor
d.
amaaverit
e.
amaaveritis
( i . e . , what c o n s t i t u t e s a
1979; Halle
I t has been
The o b l i g a t o r y c o n s t i t u e n t i s usu-
37
tier.
The consonant or
According t o
oda)
Halle and Vergnaud's (1980) approach to s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e maintains that phon o l o g i c a l segments are best r e p r e s e n t ed in terms of three separat e t i e r s :
a tier
(26) below, where 0, R, and A stand for Onset, Rime, and Appendix, r e s p e c t i v e l y .
(26)
38
Arabic, English, and Malayalam that the Appendix should be treated as a separate
extrametrical constituent of the syllable rather than as an integral part of the
Rime.
Their basic argument in this regard stems from the fact that in these three
languages Appendices do not appear freely in all positions of the word but are
limited to word-final syllables. This remark will receive further confirmation
from Kabyle as we shall see in the next section.
4.2.
On the basis of most data in Kabyle, I will assume that the basic syllable
structure in this language consists of Onsets and Rimes and, consequently, adopt
the syllable template in (27) for the purposes of this Berber language.
(27)
Oc)
The data in (28), which are fairly representative of the Kabyle's most common word structures, seem to confirm the validity of the template in (27). Furthermore, they illustrate the possible syllable structures of this language.
It
is worth noticing that the Rime dominating one V-slot is the only obligatory
constituent in Kabyle (compare this with Arabic, for example, where the Onset,
which must dominate at least one C-slot, is also an obligatory constituent of the
syllable).
This means that there is one type of syllable in Kabyle that may con-
sist of just a single constituent, namely, the Rime dominating one V-slot.
This
explains another fact of Kabyle and other Berber languages: words in these Ian-
39
geminate, or u n l i k e ) , the f i r s t
second with a following vowel.
(28) a.
agur, i s a f f e n , adan,
. A ,
b.
VC
/\
A.,,.,, A
t\.
h. (h . IK th (K
c.
CVC
d.
CV
BaBa, s e k s u , a s t i l u
If we exclude for the time being the s y l l a b l e s involving schwa, we can assume,
on the basis of the d a t a and t h e s t i p u l a t i o n s given above, the following s y l l a b l e building rules for Kabyle:
a)
b)
c)
d)
e)
a)
b)
C/
0
C C C C
c)
..
e)
(0) R
d)
. .
IU V
(0)
for
(29)
r,
a r g a z,
r ruuhh
I [ I t IU
t
>
F>
f1 F g
,1 ,1,
*
( r u l e a)
f gu
kkORR
( r u l e c)
( r u l e e)
6 R
( r u l e b)
g r r
7
10RR
: f
f C
OR
( r u l e d)
u h
C V
OR
41
At this point, we are ready to tackle the problem posed by the syllables
involving schwas.
for the insertion of the schwa at the segmental level, it will be shown that a
simple rule for its insertion fits easily well within the syllable-building rules
of the language.
nating a V-slot, i.e., a syllable structure which does not conform to the template
in (27) above, a provision has to be made in order to ensure that an unacceptable
syllable structure will not be obtained. More specifically, the appearance of the
schwa in different forms is simply a reflex of the general Kabyle scheme for imposing a syllable structure on a string of consonants.
a string of four consonants, rule (c) will assign them to alternating Rime and
Onset positions starting from the right end.
mniii
o^
( r u l e c)
inappl.
3L>
(rule e)
(rule d)
Given the ill-forme d d e r i v a t i o n in (30) above, a s p e c i a l provision has to be made
in order to avoid i t s g e n e r a t i o n .
s e r t i o n i s formulated.
42
a)
b)
\ C
or
V/
b)
syllabification
r u l e has b e e n r e t i t l e d rule ( g ) :
a) a s s i g n a vowel to a Rime; b) assign a prevocalic consonant t o an
Onset; c ) assign a s t r i n g of one or more unassigned consonants to
a l t e r n a t i n g Rime and Onset positions s t a r t i n g from the r i g h t end of
the s t r i n g ; d) j o i n under one Rime node two consecutive Rime p o s i t i o n s ; e ) if a Rime node f a i l s to dominate a vowel s l o t , a d j o i n a Vslot a s a left daughter t o the Rime; f) s p e l l out a V-slot t h a t is
unlinked to a segment i n the phonemic core as schwa; g) f i n a l
syllabi-
43
(31)
(URs)
II III
inappl.
(rule a)
(rules b and c)
inappl.
inappl.
(rule d)
xs ?xs
V
(rule e)
jen
CV(
(rule f)
(rule g)
13
44
irtirtr
(32)
inappl.
( r u l e s a and b)
OR
J
R0
( r u l e c)
OR
R0R
( r u l e e)
( r u l e d)
i i*
(rule f)
( r u l e g)
The only cases which seem not to conform t o the template in (27) a r e (almost
exclusively) those words which include the following segments:
a) the feminine
The ex-
feminine s u f f i x :
9a
cat
fem.
Saqzunt
'bitch'
9agyul
'donkey' fem.
ifKl
ufant
9i9Bir
fem.
45
b.
i s best illustrated by the following past conjugation of the verb lul 'to be
born':
Singular
1.
Plural
\ / \
luleg
!. Gluled
1.
Qluiem
m.
Slulerat
f.
llul
m.
lulen
m.
lul
f.
tAi
f.
Here, I assume that the t (derived from 9) of the 2 and 3 feminine plural is
a feminine marker and not a subject suffix.
c.
:
geminate clusters:
eggall
eggall
'to swear'
ezzall
to pray
xeadmeg
'I work'
ineqq
'he kills'
46
The data relative to the feminine suffix can be easily accounted for by adopting Halle and Vergnaud's notion of the Appendix to the syllable.
Thus, we can
This restric-
tion itself is indicative of the special status of the Appendix and is a further
confirmation of Halle and Vergnaud's position that the Appendix is to be considered
a separate extrametrical constituent of the syllable rather than an integral part
of the Rime.
final syllables. Given this stipulation, the syllable template for Kabyle can be
modified as in (34) below.
(34)
Given the template in (34), words like 9ams'iS9 and ufant can be syllabified as
in (35).
(35)
9amsis
l&t
Notice that the Appendix node may only dominate a 9_ sound which represents the
feminine suffix.
If a word ends in the same sound but is not the feminine suffix,
Compare the data in (33) with those in (36), where the final 0 is
47
either part of the root or the suffix of the second person plural of the imperative.
(36)
we0
ew9e9
exdem
'work'
xedme
jen
'sleep'
ejne
The rule assigning the feminine suffix 9_ to an Appendix node can be formalized as follows:
(37)
These are
the direct object clitics, consisting of bare consonants and usually suffixed to
the verbal form.
48
(38) a.
9ufid
'you found'
9ufitt
ufigts
Qufidts
ufigk
ufig
'I found'
ufigO
b.
Qfem./dir.obj. suffix]
[fem./dir.obj.
suffix}
below:
(40)
HS
(rules a and b)
As i l l u s -
( r u l e 39)
m2
(rule d)
49
(40)
continued
;ti!iirtii
inappl.
(rules e and f)
(rule g)
The data in (33b) present a more serious problem to the syllable template
represented in (27). Here, we notice that some forms (those which include the
personal subject prefixes 9 anu n) can begin with a cluster of two consonants.
However, two facts are indicative of the special status of such forms and suggest
that they should be treated by a specifically idiosyncratic provision. First,
the only words which begin with a consonant cluster in Kabyle are those which include the personal subject prefixes mentioned above. Se^oi.'., if these forms occur
phrase-internally, the syllable boundaries are affected in a radical way.
In fact, if forms like these are preceded by other words in the phrase, the
syllable break is usually after the prefixes.
are preceded by words ending in a vowel, the subject prefixes will syllabify with
the preceding vowel; if they are preceded by words ending in a consonant, a new
syllable is created in which the subject prefixes form part of the Rime and the
final consonant of the preceding word forms the Onset of the new syllable.
The
way in which this syllable is created will be discussed later in this section.
The point to be stressed here is that an Onset consisting of a consonant cluster
can not occur phrase-internally.
forms beginning with personal subject prefixes occur phrase-internally and are
preceded by either vowel-final or consonant-final words.
50
(41) a.
b.
c.
Gxeddmed
'you work'
ara
ira Gxed
Gxeddmed
nxeddem
'we work'
ara nxeddem
Gjen
'she slept1
.MX
yasmin eGjen
the object clitics were considered 'Appendices' to the syllable, I shall refer to
the subject prefixes as 'Prependices' to the syllable.
an Appendix constituent of the syllable is allowed after the Rime, one might expect to find, all other things being equal, a 'Prependix' constituent of the syllable consisting of any subsequence of consonants preceding the Onset.
Given
that the subject prefixes are assigned to a Prependix only phrase-initially (the
examples in (41) above clearly indicate that they can not be considered prependices phrase-internally), the rule which assigns them to a Prependix should contain the restriction that this assignment occurs only after a pause.
This rule,
which should be ordered after rule (b) of the syllable-building rules, will look
51
like t h e following:
(42)
fpausel
F i r s t , i t i s to
These facts a r e i n d i c a t i v e ,
15
Kabyle i s the one in (27) and that t h e syllable template i n (43) is i n fact a
' d e r i v e d ' one which a r i s e s only when an affixational
(morphological) process
52
takes p l a c e .
Geminate c l u s t e r s i n word-final p o s i t i o n or immediately followed by a consonantal segment are not covered by the template in ( 4 3 ) .
At l e a s t two s o l u t i o n s w i l l be considered:
t h e f i r s t will
i.xed.dem.
Consider now the d a t a in (44) which seem to pose a problem for t h e analysis
given so far in the sense that no schwa appears before the l a s t segments of some
of t h e forms, contrary to what our s y l l a b l e - b u i l d i n g r u l e s p r e d i c t .
(44)
enz/nez
' t o be on s a l e '
ens/nes
erz/rez
'to break'
erg/reg
eng/neg
'to kill'
eds
'to laugh'
ecs
'to shepherd'
16
53
In the f i r s t s i x forms, with two possible phonetic r e a l i z a t i o n s each, we not i c e that the f i r s t consonant i s a sonorant whereas the second i s a f r i c a t i v e
(obstruent).
To
g e n e r a l i z e , we can say that in these few verbs which seem t o pose a problem for
our a n a l y s i s , the second consonant is always Q-sonorantJ whereas the f i r s t
car-
r i e s the feature [+ or - s o n o r a n t ] .
Before t r y i n g t o account for the apparently anomalous behavior of t h e forms
in ( 4 4 ) , l e t us consider the d a t a in (45J below which i l l u s t r a t e the shapes of a
few samples of the verbs in (44) when used in a phrase:
(45) a.
b.
rez 0 i f e r f e r 9 / * e r z
break kite
c.
laugh at him
GiferferG
*
'break the kite'
des f e l l a s / * e d s
d.
' k i l l Rashid'
fellas
'laugh at him'
One way of accounting for the irregular behavior of t h e verbs in (.44) above
would be to assign the final consonants to Appendix nodes.
Hence, if
54
are to be postulated at a l l , they should include t h e r e s t r i c t i o n that this a s s i g n ment is limited to environments involving a pause.
l i z e d as follows:
(46)
[+contJ
{pause]
* fc-cont} / [+contJ
I t can
be formulated as follows:
(47)
Ii
+sonor "|
-lateral
+coronal]
C+cont]
(pause]
(optional)
ir
inappl.
( r u l e s a and b)
A
(47) (46)
(c)
(e and f)
(g)
55
Notice t h a t the b i - r a d i c a l verbs in (44) are not the only forms which are subject t o rules (46) and (47).
'to make spend the n i g h t ' , esserg 'to b u r n ' , and emmeng ' t o k i l l each o t h e r ' , and
other nouns such as the word for ' t r e a s u r e ' kenz, have similar s t r u c t u r e s and,
hence, the derivation o f the l a t t e r forms would n e c e s s a r i ly involve t h e rule in
(47).
If we take
a verb like enze9 'to d i g u p ' , for instance, one would expect to find, when a suffix c o n s i s t i n g of one consonant i s added t o i t , forms of the shape enz9eC, where
would be assigned to an Appendix and the remaining consonantal segments to a l t e r nating Rime and Onset p o s i t i o n s s t a r t i n g from the r i g h t end of the s t r i n g .
How-
ever, a form l i k e *enz9eC never occurs; i n s t e a d , we find forms like nez9eC, where
the z_ i s c l e a r l y assigned to a Rime p o s i t i o n .
nez9e0/*enz9eG
' d i g up' ( i m p e r . p l . )
nez9eg/*enz9eg
follows:
(50)
56
(P)
PJ (0) R (A)
To sum up the discussion related to the sounds s_, z_, and & in word-final position (and other restrictions mentioned above (see (47))), the feminine suffix 9_,
the object clitics G, ts, and k, and the personal subject prefixes 0 and ti, the
following rule can be added to the syllable-building rules stated earlier:
(52)
Rule (52) has to be ordered before rule (c) of the syllable-building rules
phrased above, i.e., before the rule which assigns a string of unassigned consonants to alternating Rime and Onset positions. Given this new rule and the other
syllable-building rules given above, the derivations for words like Gasif0 'small
river', njen 'we slept', and ufigG 'I found him' will proceed as follows:
(53)
nm
9 a s l f
i:
,r
i) i.
inappl.
u f
(rules a and b)
(rule 52)
57
(53)
continued
(rule c)
in
(rule d)
inappl.
(later rules)
These rules
58
nants in xeddmeg 'I work' and eggall 'to swear' because the geminates will be
assigned to a Rime node, as illustrated in (54).
(54)
(rule e)
(rules f and g)
Here, I follow Halle and Vergnaud in assuming that
is phonetically
However, Vergnaud and Halle's assumption that geminates be invariably analyzed as forming part of the Rime does not seem to conform to native speakers'
intuitions in the case of intervocalic geminates. According to the latter, the
syllable break in a word like eggall is eg.gall and not *egg.all. This means
that for intervocalic geminates, the first member of the cluster forms part of
the Rime of the preceding syllable whereas the second forms an Onset to the following syllable.
59
'cat'.
as follows:
( a , b , c)
(d)
(e)
(f,
g)
( a , b , c)
(d)
(d again)
60
and *eggalel.
to assume that the schwa occupies the phonemic tier (cf. Kenstowicz et al., 1982).
If this is done, we have a formal explanation for the strong tendency not to
separate geminate consonants.
have to assume the existence of an intermediate rule splitting apart the segmental
phoneme to, in effect, provide a space for the schwa, as suggested below.
v - n - II
(57)
CVC
CVC
Hence, languages
Cf,.j .
This rule f a i l s ,
?imm / *?imim
'mother'
?imm-na / *?imim-na
b.
sitt / *sitit
'our mother'
'grandmother'
sitt-kum / *sitit-kum
'your grandmother'
This immunity of geminate consonants to epenthesis rules has been the subject
of various s t u d i e s , so t h a t quite a few analyses, each with d i f f e r e n t claims,
have been proposed to account for the failure of epenthesis t o dissolve the geminates.
61
Identity Constraint" stipulating that a phonological rule can alter the adjacency
of the two members of a geminate cluster if and only if it alters the identity
of one of them.
(59)
Adjacency-Identity Constraint
Given two segments A. A where A. = A , a phonological rule
can alter the adjacency of A.A if and only if it alters the
identity of A. or A,,
In order to account for data like those in (58), Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1979)
argue that there exists in Arabic a "general rule that degeminates consonants at
the end of a word" (p. 231). Even though Abu-Salim (1982) seems to argue against
Kenstowicz and Kisseberth's assertion, Kabyle native speakers' intuitions are
that geminate clusters degeminate not only in word-final position but also when
they stand before another consonant.
I believe that all the theories discussed above can account in a satisfactory
manner for the failure of schwa insertion to separate geminates.
In terms of
the theory of syllable structure proposed earlier, however, I believe that Vergnaud and Halle's stipulation that geminates be analyzed as forming part of the
Rime of the syllable does not conform to the templates proposed in (27) and (43).
For the purpose of simplicity and in order not to have to modify once more the
templates sketched earlier, I will suggest assigning to an Appendix node the
second member of a geminate cluster as was done with the feminine suffix and the
personal subject prefixes.
rated by the schwa insertion rule since this rule states that a V-slot is adjoined
as a left daughter to a Rime only and not to an Appendix.
All we have to do at
this point is to modify the relevant portion of the rule in (52) as in (60):
62
(60)
III
it
i11
( r u l e s a and b)
(rule 60)
2
IRA
(rule c)
inappl.
(rule d)
63
(61)
continued
(rule e )
(later rules)
( r u l e 60)
( r u l e e)
? }?1
tm WW
( r u l e f)
(rule g)
64
In (62), final syllabification suggests that the syllable breaks for these two
words are as follows:
nates constitute Appendices to the preceding Rime nodes. However, native speakers' intuitions indicate that the breaks occur between the two members of the
geminate clusters as follows:
conforms indeed to the kind of syllabification which occurs when the geminate
cluster is adjacent to real vowels as in 9ad.dar9 and eg.gall, where the second
members of the geminates constitute Onsets to the second syllables.
What we
need in order to get the correct syllable breaks in forms like ellef and hezzeB
is a mechanism or a rule which would change an Appendix node (and alsoas will
become obviousa Prependix node) into an Onset node in case it immediately
precedes a Rime node dominating a schwa. This rule, which should be ordered
just before final syllabification, can be formalized as follows:
(63)
rr
C
+ C/
(A)
(P)
Given the above rule, final syllabification for the forms in (62) can be represented as in (64) below:
(64)
65
The above rule predicts that an Appendix will become an Onset (in the proper
environment) not only when it dominates the second member of a geminate segment
but also when it dominates the various other consonants which can be assigned to
an Appendix node, such as the feminine suffix 6, the object clitics G, ts_, and k
as well as the sounds s_, z_, and in word-final position.
stipulation for a Prependix node.
since for phrases like GamsiSG ettmettuG 'woman's fem. cat' (see following chapter for the way possessive constructions are obtained and the phonological alternations associated with them) and Gezzenz ettmettuG 'the woman sold' the syllable
breaks are Gam.Sis'.Gett.met.tuG and Gez.zen.zett.met.tu0, respectively, and not
*9am.s*is*6.ett.met.tu6 and *0.ezz.enz.ett.met.tu9.
of Qamsis'G, as well as the 6 and the second and last z_ of Gezzenz, which are initially assigned to Appendix or Prependix nodes, will have to be reassigned to
Onset nodes.
cept the hypothesis which will be discussed in 4.3. below that syllabification
is assigned at the phrase level, the derivations for the above phrases will proceed as follows:
nun IIU
(65)
(rules a and b)
( r u l e 60)
66
(65)
continued
(rule c)
(rule d)
(rules e and f)
(rule 63)
(rule g)
Notice that the _ of Gezzenz has, p r a c t i c a l l y speaking, t o end up as the Onset
t o the f i r s t s y l l a b l e in t h i s word because i t is t h e only consonantal segment immediately preceding the Rime.
However,
r u l e (63) already predicts this kin d of change as w e l l as the change of an Append i x into an Onset node.
the Prependix nodes.
67
Before concluding this s e c t i o n , i t might be useful to point out once again the
advantages of the analysis which assigns the r i g h t halves of t h e geminate c l u s t e r s
to Appendix nodes.
be avoided.
*g a 1
Second,
whereas our analysis predicts the correct s y l l a b l e breaks for words l i k e 0addar0
and e g g a l l , namely, 0ad.dar0 and e g . g a l l , r e s p e c t i v e l y , Halle and Vergnaud's
suggestion p r e d i c t s that the breaks for the same forms would be the following:
Gadd.arG and e g g . a l l .
conform to n a t i v e speakers' i n t u i t i o n s .
where the rightmost C-slot dominated by the Rime is intended t o provide a space
for the second half of the geminate.
Consequently,
68
of a rule like the one below, ordered immediately after rule (b) of the syllablebuilding rules.
(b')
The test for such a hypothesis will be whether or not it can handle the different cases involving geminates without further substantial complications. Let
us now examine in light of the present hypothesis the various forms involving
geminates discussed earlier.
nate is followed by two C-slots) and eggall (where the geminate is followed by a
V-slot), the derivations would proceed as follows:
(67)
(rules a and b)
(rule c)
(rule b')
(rule 60)
(rule d (iterative))
(rules e, f, g)
69
Notice that t h i s analysi s presents an improvement over Halle and Vergnaud's handling of the same problem i n the s e n s e that r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s l i k e
*g a ]. (cf.
(56)
;C7C
above) never a r i s e .
t h a t t h i s kind of analysis gives us the correct d e r i v a t i o n s for the cases involving geminates i n word-final p o s i t i o n or followed by a vowel (eggall) as well as
when followed by two C-slots (Gxeddmed).
i f ! LI
inappl.
(rules a and b)
(rule b ' )
(rule c )
(rule d)
Already i t i s c l e a r
t h a t a schwa may not be inserted before the last consonant, contrary t o the actual
phonetic forms.
Another r e s t r i c t i o n
w i l l be needed a l s o , namely, that a Rime node may dominate a maximum of two C-slots
in addition to t h e V - s l o t .
70
If the two r e s t r i c t i o n s
(rule d w i t h the
(rules e and f)
restrictions
( r u l e g)
stated above)
What i s needed in
This can be achieved by means of a rule l i k e Che one in (70) below which
following the geminate be in f a c t a srhwa because if i t was a r e a l vowel, the preceding half of t h e geminate would be already assigned to an Onset by v i r t u e of
rule (b) of the s y l l a b l e - b u i l d i n g r u l e s , and no need for the rule in (.70) would
a r i s e (cf. d e r i v a t i o n f o r e g g a l l ) .
(70)
71
If the rule above is applied just before final syllabification (rule g ) , the correct representations can be obtained, as illustrated below:
(rule 70)
(rules e and f)
j/ V,
V,
(rule g)
From this discussion, it can be concluded that the analysis which assigns the
right half of a geminate cluster to a Rime accounts for the nature of geminates
in the sense that it does not consider them extrametrical units.
However, the
correct derivations can only be obtained at a high price, namely, the imposition
of restrictions on certain rules (e.g., rule d) and the addition of a resyllabification rule (cf. (70) above).
the second half of a geminate cluster to an Appenaix derives the correct forms
without complicating the grammar with further rules and restrictions on rules.
But the analysis itself is weakened by the fact that it considers the geminates
extrametrical segments on a par with the 9 of the feminine suffix and the object
clitics 9_, ts, and k_. Given this situation, I will not choose between them here
and will consider both of them possible approaches to the problem of geminates
in Kabyle even though each has its own shortcomings.
Supplement:
seems to avoid the difficulties raised by the various analyses given above, was
suggested recently by Michael Kenstowicz (personal communication). It relies on
the fact that, as is obvious from the examples involving geminate clusters given
earlier, the first half of a geminate sound always ends up assigned to a Rime.
Hence, a rule which assigns the left member of a geminate to a Rime is quite
72
plausible.
A"
Since r u l e (b) a l -
This r u l e w i l l be
Cf
As i l l u s t r a t i o n s , the d e r i v a t i o n s for e g g a l l ,
73
(72)
inappl.
inappl.
(rule a )
(rule a ' )
iiurM-ufjiuru
inappl. P (5 R
(rule b " )
inappl.
(rule 60)
inappl.
(rule c)
(rule d (iterative))
A h
'ft
(rules e and f)
(rule g)
Unlike the analysis which assigns the right half of a geminate cluster to an
Appendix, this solution does not consider the geminates extrametrical units.
Hence, it accounts in a better way for the nature of these sounds. Also, unlike
the analysis which assigns the right half of a geminate to a Rime, this solution
does not require the addition of new corrective rules or the imposition of restrictions on certain rules. Therefore, it can be considered simpler.
In subse-
74
s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n across word boundaries seems to lead t o a wholesale reorganizat i o n of the s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e of the preceding word.
(73)
/exdem axxam/
/xedmeg axxam/
To i l l u s t r a t e
If syllable struc-
Obvious-
75
(rules a and b)
(rule c)
(rule d)
( r u l e e)
(rules f and g)
Notice also t h a t if s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n is assigned at the word level and then
remade at the l e v e l of the phrase, a complete reshuffling of the Onset and Rime
p o s i t i o n s in the verbal form must be imposed.
(rule c)
(rule e)
(rule f)
(rule g)
jjrajpra*,-.a.
76
In sum, this reshuffling, together with the rule needed for schwa deletion,
contribute to the complication of the grammar and are incompatible with the principle of phonological simplicity.
syllabification were assigned once and for all at the phrase level.
Another piece of evidence which argues in favor of syllabification at the
phrase level can be adduced from the examples in (76):
(76) a.
b.
It must be
ordered before the syllable-building rule which gathers under one Rime node two
consecutive Rime positions.
the underlying glide is assigned to an Onset and, hence, surfaces at the phonetic
level.
Therefore, v_
must be assigned to a Rime, either by the reshuffling of Rime and Onset positions
lif we assume that syllabification is made at the word level and then remade at
the phrase level) or by direct assignment to a Rime if we assume that syllabification is assigned at the phrase level. Now, in (76b), the inverse operation
seems to have occurred.
if we adopt the position that syllabification is assigned at the word level and
then remade at the phrase level, in order to derive yejnurumi, we would need a
rule of devocalization which would change the i. of ijen into y_.
However, if
syllabification is allowed to be made once and for all at the phrase level, no
77
need for such a rule will arise since underlying y_ will be directly assigned to
an Onset and, thus, fail to undergo vocalization.
u
(77)
mum
II
n w r
1 1 '
r :
(rules a and b)
(rule e)
(rule
0 Rc)0 R 0
(vocalization)
(rule f)
Thus, we can say that the grammar of Kabyle will be much simpler if syllabification is assigned at the phrase level.
of Rime and Onset positions and a rule of schwa deletion, but in addition, a rule
of devocalization, which will be made necessary if we assume that syllabification
is first assigned at the word level, will not be needed.
Therefore, we conclude
that the hypothesis which claims that syllabification is assigned at the phrase
level is to be preferred.
sequent chapters.
Some might claim, however, that an analysis which requires that syllabification be assigned once and for all at the phrase level is too strong a position.
Moreover, it can be argued that such a procedure is not common in other languages
of the world.
which would allow certain rules to apply on both word and phrase levels while the
remainder of the syllable-building rules would apply at the phrase level. In
78
fact, if such a solution yields the correct results and does not require a reshuffling of Onset and Rime positions or additional rules of schwa deletion and
devocalization, it can be considered a viable solution.
that if rules (a) and (bj of the syllable-building rules are allowed to apply
first at the word level and then to reapply at the phrase level together with
the remainder of the rules, no reshuffling of Onset and Rime nodes is necessary
and no additional rules of schwa deletion and devocalization are required.
As
illustrations, the derivations of xedmaxxam 'fix the house' (compare with exdem
'fix') and ixedmaxxam 'he fixed the house' (compare with yexdem 'he fixed') are
given below:
(78) a.
xdmaxam
b.
yxdmaxam
word level
(a)
(b)
nnin
inappl.
iiiniii
inappl.
phrase level
(a)
(b)
^Tffnw,"--ft- -*
KI*TII
79
(78)
continued
(c)
I!
inappl.
(vocalization)
(d)
(.subsequent rules)
We thus see t h a t this a n a l y s i s gives us the c o r r e c t output without r e s o r t i n g
to a d d i t i o n a l r u l e s not independently motivated in t h e grammar of the language.
Hence, i t can be considered as good as the analysis which assigns
syllabification
SPHsra*.--*. '
80
5.
This
i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the d a t a in (79).
(79) a.
amazig
b.
VC
arg'az,
exdem,
c.
CVC
Biadei,
arg'az,
d.
CV
e°
exdJm
Qamazig9, amkizig
The template proposed i n (27) for Kabyle seems t o account a l s o for the b a s i c syll a b l e types in Ayt Ndhir.
ence.
(80)
81
On the o t h e r
However,
I suggest t o t r e a t i t , on a par w i t h
t h e feminine suffix 0 , the z_ and s_ sounds, and the second member of a geminate
c l u s t e r , as an Appendix to the s y l l a b l e Rime.
0addilvG,
(81) a.
b.
GamazigG
ekk
, klUkl
(82)
1.
Singular
Plural
xedmex
nexdem
:. exdernd
eOxedmem
eGxed:
3m.
ixdem
3f. eexdem
xedmen
xedmene
f.
82
(83) below.
(83)
It should be stressed again that the Appendix node in (83) may dominate only a
C-slot mapped onto a consonant which is either the feminine suffix 0, the sounds
and s in word-final position, the second member of a geminate cluster in word-final
position, or the subject suffix d_. Notice that all the sounds involved belong to a
restricted category, i.e., they are all dental fricatives (geminates excepted).
Hence, the rule which will be needed to account for these segments will look much
simpler than the one devised for the Kabyle data in (60) above. Such a rule can be
phrased as in (84).
(84) assign to an Appendix node a dental fricative in word-final
position as well as any C-slot which is the right member of
a pair of C-slots mapped onto a geminate cluster
With Che help of rule (84) and the other syllable-building rules proposed in
the previous section for Kabyle, the derivations of GaddarG, ekk, enz and 9exdemd
will proceed as in (85).
83
(85)
minii inn
inappl.
inappl.
uuun
im
i
I
(rules a and b)
(rule 84)
(rule c)
a a a
inappl.
inappl.
(rule d)
inappi.
Yv9 YP f
9Y? W
(rule e )
fft ?? f
1 1
fff ff
M l .
(subsequent rules)
84
6.
Onset
F i r s t , unlike both a n a l y s e s , i t
a n a l y s i s , eliminates redundancy from the lexicon and accounts for native speakers'
a b i l i t y to make generalizations about t h e i r language.
85
Notes
According to Prasse (1960), schwa can occur in open syllables in some forms
of Twareg, such as in awlelu ' b r a c e l e t ' , tehunt 'big rock' and egen ' t o
squat'.
This r u l e is reproduced from Saib (1976:127). The discussion which follows
in t h i s section r e f l e c t s p r i m a r i ly the position of t h a t B e r b e r i s t .
The immunity of geminates t o epenthesis rules w i l l be discussed in section
4 of t h i s chapter.
I t seems, however, that the sonoracy hierarchy of segments is to be taken
i n t o consideration when t r y i n g to account for forms l i k e eng. An a l t e r n a t i v e solution for the problem posed by verbs like eds and ecs w i l l be given
in section 4 i n terms of t h e notion of Appendix to the s y l l a b l e .
In Kabyle 6 hardens into t h e corresponding stop when i t occurs a f t e r nasals
and 1_, as evidenced by the following examples which i l l u s t r a t e the derivat i o n of some feminine forms from their masculine correspondents (a feminine
noun is derived by prefixing 0 and, in many i n s t a n c e s , suffixing another 0_
t o the masculine form):
Masculine
Feminine
Gloss
i0Bir
amSiS
amazig
aqzun
azrem
agyul
0i9Bir9
'dove'
'cat'
'Berber person
'dog'
' snake'
'donkey'
earns" is*9
9amaz ig9
GaqSunt
9azremt
9agyult
86
10
13
Compare the derivation of ejneg from underlying / j u g / according t o the s y l lable s t r u c t u r e analysis with the derivation of t h e same form i n terms of
the concrete analysis in section 3 above. The l a t t e r analysis would p o s i t
underlying / j e n - e g / ; t h e n, by a r u l e of d e l e t i o n , i . e . , ( 2 0 ) , and another of
i n s e r t i o n , i . e . , (21), t h e correct form i s obtained. The analysis based
on s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e would derive the correct phonetic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of
t h i s form in terms of the s y l l a b l e - b u i l d i n g rules of the language without
having t o devise new r u l e s .
14
manner-of-articulation a s s i m i l a t i o n ) , change of A into C before t ( r e g r e s sive voicing a s s i m i l a t i o n ) , and spreading of emphasis Co the f i n a l t_.
15 Nocice t h a t when a word conCaining Che feminine s u f f i x 9 i s followed by
another word in a phrase, t h i s sounc' s y l l a b i f i e s with the f i r s t segment of
the following word in normal r a t e speech, as evidenced by the example b e low:
JUYJ&
9amazig9 e Bjen
16 The b i - r a d i c a l verb efk ' t o g i v e ' seems t o behave like the last two forms
in (44). However, i t d i f f e r s from the l a t t e r two in the fact t h a t i t cons i s t s of a f r i c a t i v e sound followed by a stop. I t may be accounted for i n
terms of the Sonoracy Hierarchy P r i n c i p l e (where f^ is more sonorant than k)
or in terms of t h e notion of Appendix to the s y l l a b l e .
17
87
Chapter 3
FREE (UNBOUND) AND CONSTRUCT (BOUND) STATES
0.
Introduction
In t h i s chapter we look at another equally puzzling problem of Berber phono-
has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y called the 'bound' or ' c o n s t r u c t ' s t a t e (French ' e t a t consCruiC 1 ) and Che 'unbound' or ' f r e e ' s t a t e (French ' e t a t l i b r e ' ) .
Like other
It w i l l be shown t h a t an
analysis based on the s y l l a b l e structure theory presented in the preceding chapter is able to account for a very widespread r u l e of v o c a l i z a t i o n in Kabyle.
Moreover, i t w i l l be suggested that Kabyle, and Berber in general, might have
two c a s e s , corresponding to what is today known as free and construct s t a t e
(henceforth, CS).
In t h e second section of t h i s chapter, a r e l a t e d problem, namely, the r e l a tionship of possession between two nouns, is i n v e s t i g a t e d .
(Basset,
As i s commonly held
88
in the genitive construction is clearly the CS (cf. asif 'river'; aman ebbWasif
'river's water').
construction exhibits a great deal of phonological variation, since the preposition 11 does not show up on the surface in a large number of cases.
I will consi-
der several analyses for the various alternations based on the concepts of deletion, assimilation, or empty slot filling.
superior.
1. Free and Construct States
1.1.
The Problem
In all Berber dialects nouns vary in their surface form depending on the construction of which they are a part. This alternation, which affects the first
syllable of the noun, appears to be similar to a case marking.
But because it
Accusative NP:
(1) yezzenz
he sold
B.
ataksi
car
Topicalized NP:
(2) argaz
man
yezzenz
sold
ataksi
car
89
C.
(4)
B.
. 4
yezzenz wergaz a t a k s i
sold
man
car
After
(6) a. numerals:
yiwen wergaz
b.
one man
sin yergazen
e01a9a yergazen
three men'
yiwe9 GeqJSis'G
sne9 SeqSiSin
eGlada GeqSiSin
three g i r l s '
'girls')
90
D.
d-9askari wergaz
i s ( ? ) - s o l d i e r man
b.
c.
ulaS-i9
wegyul
no l o n g e r - i t
donkey
etsmeqqleg
fell-as
utuqQan-aggi
I am looking
for-him
f a t one-that
w i l l be discussed i n a separate s e c t i o n .
given in 1.2.
b.
iruh
left
c.
ijen
slept
cat
'the c a t d i e d '
'the b i r d s l e p t '
91
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
yarrez
broke
pen
ruhen
left
men
emmGen
died
cats
ejnen
slept
birds
ejnen
slept
dogs
What is clear from the examples in (8) is that a glide (w or y_) is prefixed
to the masculine nouns
in the CS.
nouns which begin with and take w in the CS. The examples in (9) confirm the
analysis which would stipulate that w is prefixed to all words (whether singular
or plural) beginning with and y_ to all nouns (singular and plural) which begin
with i_.
iruh
left
fiance*
*iruh wesli
b.
ruhen
left
fiance's
92
c.
yarrez
yiSSar
; iSSar
broke
fingernail
'fingernail'
' t h e f i n g e r n a i l broke'
*yarrez wiSSar
d.
arrzen
waSSaren
; aSSaren
broke
fingernails
'fingernails'
'the f i n g e r n a i l s broke'
*arrzen yaS's'aren
e.
ejnen
slept
boys
*ejnen yarras"
What happens to the vowel following t h e prefix of the CS seems t o be more
puzzling and i n t r i c a t e .
Reduction Hypothesis
Given that a schwa appears in the CS instead of the i n i t i a l vowels, one might
speculate that a process reducing i n i t i a l vowels t o schwa occurs in the CS ( S a i b ,
1976) a f t e r the prefixes w and y_.
case.
the g l i d e s are not the prefixes of the CS) which do not undergo the reduction
process (cf.
(10) a .
(10c-e)).
muqqer
yimi
is b i g
mouth
*muqqer yemi
; imi 'mouth'
'the mouth i s b i g '
93
b.
muqqren
are big
mouths
*muqqren yemawen
c. walan 'they saw' ; iwala 'he saw'
*welan
d.
*iwela
yiwen 'one'
*yewen
e.
Thus we see that the reduction hypothesis can not be maintained on phonological grounds.
similation.
One would more naturally expect i_ rather than after v_. Of course,
one might still hold that the reduction process occurs only in a certain category
of nouns, namely, those whose initial vowel alternates between the singular and
the plural. However, Chere are instances where the initial vowel does alternate
but no reduction takes place (e.g., asif 'river', isaffen 'rivers'; but ifad
wasif/*wesif 'the river overflowed').
that Saib's hypothesis follows from his assumption that schwa is a phoneme.
This
Syncope Hypothesis
Since the reduction hypothesis can not be maintained on empirical and principled grounds, a better hypothesis must be sought. Before formulating such a
hypothesis, let us look at more examples of masculine nouns in the CS.
(11) a.
arumi
'Frenchman, European'
.,. .
.8
ijen urumi/ijnurumi
slept Frenchman
94
b.
c.
afus 'hand'
yarrez ufus-iw/yarrzufusiw
broke hand-my 'my hand broke'
d.
ifassen 'hands'
arrzen ifassen/arreznifassen
broke hands
e.
adad 'finger'
yarrez udad/yarrzudad
broke finger
f.
idudan 'fingers'
arrzen idudan/arreznidudan
broke fingers 'the fingers broke'
g.
h.
idaren
'legs'
arrzen
idaren/arreznidaren
broke legs
i.
akursi
'chair'
yarrez ukarsi/yarrzukursi
broke chair
95
j.
ataksi
'car'
yenza u t a k s i / y e n z u t a k s i
was-sold c a r
beginning with _i and p l u r a l s which begin with as can be seen from some examples
in (9) and (10) above and in (12) below.
b.
c.
d.
ass 'day'
e.
96
It can be said, however, that in most cases singular nouns begin with whereas
plural nouns begin with . This assumption led many Berberists co consider a
singular marker and i_ a plural marker.
this point:
the initial vowels could be considered not as number markers only but
also as free state markers. This implies that the initial vowels would disappear
if the noun occurred in the CS.
all Berber nouns (except proper names and non-nativized nouns) carry a state
marker.
simply say that the initial vowel of many nouns syncopates in the CS.
If we adopt
this analysis (which involves also the vocalization of the glide of the CS in certain environments), the derivation of a word like urumi would proceed as in (13).
(13)
/w-arumi/
(UR)
w-rumi
( i n i t i a l vowel syncope)
u-rumi
(vocalization)
urumi
(PR)
The v o c a l i z a t i o n r u l e can be t e n t a t i v e l y s t a t e d as in ( 1 4 ) :
(14)
u/#
CV
In
This i s i l l u s -
97
(15) a.
b.
*wzaren
c.
*wzameg
As for examples like ejnen irumyen 'the Frenchmen slept', the same analysis
followed for the singular counterpart of this sentence in (13) can be shown to
give the correct form.
initial vowel syncope first applies to give us /y-rumyen/; then, the vocalization
rule applies to derive the correct output irumyen.
> i/0
CV
Evidence for such a rule can also be obtained by showing that there are no
sequences like ///yCV/ in the language.
//fiCV/. Additional evidence in support of this rule comes from words involving
the use of the third person singular subject prefix.
before a verbal stem beginning with a consonant cluster (with a schwa, inserted
by rule, separating the glide from the cluster) and as i before verbal stems beginning with one consonant only.
fact.
(17) a.
'he worked'
'he slept'
98
b.
iruh
(from /ruh/)
'he left'
ijen
(from /jn/)
'he slept'
'he/it collapsed'
The examples in (17) suggest that the underlying form for the third person
singular subject prefix is /y-/.
The cluster
resulting from the glide and the following sounds is then broken by the application of the well-known rule of schwa-insertion (see Chapter 2 ) . The glide
changes, however, into i_ if it is followed by a CV sequence (cf. rule (16)).
It
can not be said that the 3rd person subject prefix is underlyingly the high front
vowel i_ because if it were i_ there would be no need to change it into y_ and then
allow the rule of schwa-insertion to apply.
like /iCC/, where i_ does not become y_, as in the examples in (18).
(18)
izwig/*yezwig
iwrig/*yewrig
iwsir/*yewsir
Hence, we have to assume that the 3rd personal prefix is in underlying form
a glide which undergoes vocalization if the environment is appropriate.
Notice that the environments in rules (14) and (16) are alike. Therefore,
we can collapse them in rule (19):
(19) |2 o S ]
frvocj/ir'
CV
Vocalization
99
/y-irumyen/
(Intermediate Representation)
y-rumyen
i-rumyen
(vocalization)
irumyen
(PR)
The derivations for ufusiw 'my hand' and ifassen 'hands' in (lie) and (lid),
respectively, would proceed as those for urumi and irumyen in (13) and (20).
Illustrations are given in (21).
(21) a.
/w-afusiw/
b.
/y-ifassen/
(Intermediate Representation)
w-fusiw
y-fassen
u-fusiw
i-fassen
(vocalization)
ufusiw
ifassen
(PRs)
The derivations given so far have dealt solely with nouns having one single
consonant after the initial vowel.
If we adopt the
We just
need the rule of schwa epenthesis as developed in the preceding chapter to enter
into play in order to account for the presence of the schwa after the CS prefixes
y_ and w.
I assume by now that the reader is familiar with the way this rule ope-
rates. Hence, the syllabification process as demonstrated at length in the preceding chapter will not be redeveloped.
requires that a V-slot be adjoined as a left daughter to a Rime if the Rime fails
100
in (8a) and (8e) from underlying /w-argaz/ and /y-irgaz-n/ would proceed as
follows:
(22) a.
/w-argaz/
w- rgaz
b.
/y-irgaz-n/
y- rgaz-n
(URs)
(initial vowel syncope)
(vocalization)
w-ergaz
y-ergaz-en
(schwa insertion)
wergaz
yergazen
(PRs)
The derivations for all other forms in (8) above proceed in the same manner.
As for the singular nouns beginning with i_ and plurals beginning with ,
the derivations would proceed in the same way without difficulty.
Examples of
such nouns and samples of their derivations are given in (23) and (24) below:
(23) a.
c.
101
(24) a.
/y-iBkki/
b.
c.
/y-isla-n/
/w-acrar-n/
(URs)
y - Bkki
y- sla-n
w- c r a r - n
(IVS)
y-Bekki
y-esla-n
w-ecrar-en
(schwa i n s e r t . )
i-Bekki
(voc.)
iBekki
yeslan
wecraren
(PRs)
We w i l l s e e l a t e r ,
however,
1.3.2. below).
For t h e purposes of t h e p r e s e n t a n a l y s i s ,
however, I s h a l l o r d e r schwa i n s e r t i o n b e f o r e
vocalization.
'house'.
ihudd wexxam/*uxxam
' t h e house
hudden yexxammen/*ixxammen
(26)
a.
/w-axxam/
b.
collapsed'
' t h e houses
collapsed'
/y-ixxamm-n/
(URs)
w - xxam
y - xxamra-n
(IVS)
w-exxam
y-exxamm-en
(schwa i n s e r t i o n )
(vocalization)
wexxam
cluster
a r e given in ( 2 6 ) :
(25)
initial
yexxammen
(PRs)
102
The conclusion to be drawn from the examples and their derivations in (25)
and (26) above is that a geminate cluster behaves like a cluster of two unlike
consonants with regard to the rules of vocalization and schwa insertion as formulated earlier.
consonant, vocalization would apply changing the preceding glide into the corresponding vowel, unless a special provision is made to block its application
before such consonants. Thus, if geminates were not considered sequences of
two identical consonants, we would get the following incorrect results:
(27) a.
/y-ixxamm-n/
(URs)
y- xxamm-n
(IVS)
y- xxamm-en
(schwa insertion)
u- xxam
i- xxamm-en
(vocalization)
*uxxam
* ixxammen
(PRs)
/w-axxam/
b.
w- xxam
Observe that the same phenomenon occurs in some verbal forms such as yettes
'he slept' and yebbi 'he pinched', where y is the 3rd person subject marker and
/tts/ and /bbi/, respectively, the verbal roots. The geminates tt and bb must
be considered sequences of two identical consonants; otherwise, we obtain the
incorrect output as illustrated below:
(28) a.
/y-tts/
b.
'y-bbi/
y-ttes
(URs)
(schwa insertion)
i-ttes
i-bbi
(vocalization)
*ittes
*ibbi
(PRs)
103
On the other hand, if geminates are treated like clusters of two (identical) consonants, the correct results can be obtained as illustrated below:
(29) a.
/y-tts/
b.
y-ettes
/y-bbi/
y-ebbi
(URs)
(schwa insertion)
(vocalization)
yettes
*
yebbi
(PRs)
The illustrations for yexdem 'he worked' and yefGel 'he rolled couscous' in
(30) are intended to show that the behavior of geminates is similar to that of
clusters of unlike consonants:
(30) a.
/y-xdm/
b.
y-exdem
/y-f01/
y-efGel
(URs)
(schwa insertion)
(vocalization)
yexdem
yefGel
(PRs)
In contrast, the verbs which begin with one consonant undergo vocalization as
illustrated below for iruh 'he left':
(31)
/y-ruh/
(UR)
(schwa insertion)
1.3.2.
i-ruh
(vocalization)
iruh
(PR)
104
rule within the syllable-buildin g rules of Kabyle.
The new r u l e w i l l s t i p u l a t e
that any glide assigned to a Rime node be changed into the corresponding high
vowel.
This rule, which must be ordered after the syllable-building rule which
assigns a s t r i n g of unassigned consonants to a l t e r n a t i n g Rime and Onset p o s i tions s t a r t i n g from the r i g h t end of the word, w i l l be shown to yield the correct outputs for a l l the forms given above.
are assigned to C - s l o t s .
b.
c.
d.
assign a s t r i n g of one or more unassigned consonants t o a l t e r n a t ing Rime and Onset positions s t a r t i n g from the right end of t h e
string;
e.
f.
g.
h.
105
i.
/y
w/y
u/i
u/i
IV
w/
or
V/
1
R
The latter rule can be said to have the effect of changing a C-slot into a V-slot
immediately triggering the change of y/w into i/u.
Given the above rules, the derivations for forms like urumi and irumyen from
underlying /w-rumy/ and /y-rumy-n/ would proceed as in (34) below.
I assume chat
(34) a.
w r u my
b.
(rules a , b , c , d )
(rule e)
urn
inappl.
R0
R 6 R
(rule f)
(34)
continued
nm
rc
inappl.
( r u l e s g and h)
u r u
C V
IV
( r u l e i)
The derivation s for forms like wergaz and yergazen, which i l l u s t r a t e the
f nouns beginning with consonant c l u s t e r s , are given below:
(35) a.
b.
rttr
(rules a,b,c,d)
nni
inappl.
F
IIIIII
inappl.
( r u l e e)
im
inappl.
( r u l e f)
( r u l e s g and h)
( r u l e i)
107
The derivations for iBekki and iBekkan from underlying /y-Bkky/ and /y-Bkka-n/
in (36) demonstrate that vocalization takes place even though its environment at
the segmental level (//
(36) a.
(rules a,b,c,d)
( r u l e e)
Ukl
( r u l e f)
inappl.
( r u l e s g and h)
Notice that for proper final s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n we need to invoke the r u l e developed
in the preceding chapter which changes an Appendix node into an Onset node when
immediately followed by a Rime node.
(rule i)
108
The behavior of the conjunction /w/ 'and', apparently borrowed from Arabic,
seems to confirm our analysis that a glide vocalizes into the corresponding
vowel when assigned to a Rime node,
Interestingly
enough, as illustrated by the derivations given in (39,) below, it seems that /w/
shows up as w when assigned to an Onset whereas it surfaces as u when assigned to
a Rime node.
b.
c.
d.
(39) a.
b.
(rules a,b,c,d)
III
inappl.
( r u l e e)
im
inappl.
inn
inappl.
( r u l e f)
109
(39)
continued
(rules g and h)
(rule i)
Notice that each of the underlying forms corresponding to uyexdem and wiruh
contains a glide sequence /wy/.
vocalization whereas in the second, it is the second glide which changes into the
corresponding high vowel.
dicts this state of affairs, since the glides in the first form are assigned to
Onset and Rime nodes which are the opposite of those to which Che glides in Che
other form are assigned.
the opposite process takes place, namely, /w/ is assigned to an Onset and /y/ to
a Rime node, and, hence, we get the vocalization of the latter glide.
1.3.3.
The analysis given so far has assumed that the initial vowel of masculine
nouns drops out when the CS prefix is added.
whichthe initial vowel does not delete. Examples are given in (40):
(40) a.
110
(40)
continued
b.
a s if ' r i v e r '
; isaffen
'rivers'
'the r i v e r s overflowed'
*yisaffen
c.
imi 'mouth'
rauqqer yimi ' t h e mouth i s b i g '
*imi
d.
a j j a l 'widower' ; a j j a l e n 'widowers'
i j e n wajjal
*ujjal
ejnen wajjalen ' t h e widowers s l e p t '
*ujjalen
e.
uzzu 'bush'
yerga wuzzu * the bush burned'
f.
Ill
(41)
The data in (40) clearly suggest that the initial vowel of the nouns does not
drop out when the CS prefix is added.
the initial vowel of some nouns to syncopate in the CS and to remain in the case
of other nouns?
in the literature.
1.3.3.1.
there are in fact nouns without a plural which undergo the change (cf.
Qabaga 'tobacco') and others with an alternating vowel which do not (cf. as if
'river'; isaffen 'rivers'; ass 'day'; ussan 'days').
to account for some data which do not follow the rule (those whose initial vowel
112
is i in both the singular and the plural and which undergo the change), Basset had
to posit two distinct "series" of /i's/:
This
distinction can be made, however, only through the use of arbitrary marking and
ad hoc devices.
Saib (1976) dismisses Basset's analysis and proposes instead an analysis based
on syllable structure and "motivated by a search for phonological conditioning"
(p.169).
He states that the initial vowel of the noun undergoes changes in the
b.
Even though Saib's analysis seems to account for most of the data at hand, it
does not account for some nouns, and Saib himself recognizes that his analysis is
not "totally free of problems" (p.180).
exceptional cases especially among disyllabic nouns (cf. axxam 'house' in Kabyle).
In sum, Saib's analysis can not explain the behavior of some nouns in the CS without resorting to the use of arbitrary marking and ad hoc devices.
But it is
V+X
versus VX
This dis-
113
The author
We w i ll see that
Guerssel r s analysis resembles in more than one respect the hypothesis made in
1.3.3.2. below.
1.3.3.2.
If we compare the data in (40) and (41) with those in (8), (11) , and (23),
we notice t h a t no significant phonological difference e x i s t s between the features
of t h e consonants which follow the i n i t i a l vowels in t h e two groups.
The table
in (43)which is by no means completeillustrates a random sample of the v a r i ous consonants or consonant c l u s t e r s which follow the i n i t i a l vowel divided
according to whether that vowel is subject to deletion or not.
(43)
Vowel syncopates
-rg
-rr
-ms"
-zz
-qS
-st
"jj
-
-fr
-ss
-si
-x
-cr
-s
-XX
-g
-m
-B
-f
-d
a
-r
-k
-t
-s
-q
114
The table in (43) does not allow us to determine whether the syncope or nonsyncope of the initial vowel in the CS is based on the nature of the consonant(s)
which follow(s).
count for the syncope of the initial vowel by making a distinction based on
phonological features or syllable structure (e.g., Saib's hypothesis concerning
open and closed syllables), one might suggest a hypothesis involving the nature
and origin of the vowels which syncopate and those which do not.
Recall that
the initial vowel of nouns is considered by many Berberists (cf. Basset & Picard,
1948; Hanoteau, 1976) as a kind of prefix marking number.
In a paper devoted to
the historical origin of the CS forms and the genitive particle /n/, Pennacchietti
(1979) indicates that this prefix was historically the definite article and was
later cliticized to the noun now forming an indivisible unit with it. The author
specifies that these articles were for masculine singular, ta (0a in Kabyle and
other spirantizing dialects)
a feminine marker; given also that some initial vowels in the CS do syncopate
while others do not, we can say that the vowels which delete are in fact prefixes
of some sort which are not part of the stem, while those which are retained constitute part of the noun stem.
language into those which begin with a vowel and those which begin with a consonant.
Accordingly, we can claim that a noun which began with a consonant has
retained the vowel which was the number or definiteness marker and has formed
with it one single unit. As for those nouns which originally began with a vowel,
they did not retain the prefix because of an independently motivated constraint
of Berber phonology, namely, that two vowels can not occur next to each other in
the language. There are no surface instances of two consecutive vowels in Berber.
115
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
ennig 'I said'; ennigas 'I said to him'; ennigac 'I said to you'
g.
yenna 'he said'; yennayas 'he said to him'; yennayac, 'he said to you'
The data above clearly suggest that two vowels can not occur consecutively in
Kabyle.
account for the cases involving deletion of one of two vowels which occur in a
sequence.
(J/V
This
If two vowels
116
vowels but was retained in those which began with a consonant. What seems to be
happening in the CS, then, is that the vowel which is a true prefix (definiteness
or number marker) syncopates whereas the vowel which is not a true prefix (but is
rather part of the stem) does not syncopate.
vowels in the examples in (40) and (41) do not syncopate because they are part of
the stem.
The problem now arises as to how to tell whether the initial vowel is a true
prefix or part of the stem.
are looking for is a way of predicting the syncopating nouns from the non-syncopating ones)would be to say that if the vowel syncopates it is a prefix, and if
it does not it is part of the stem.
the history and etymology of the words or their derivatives in order to determine
whether the initial vowel forms part of the root or not.
some words in a straightforward manner.
akursi, axxam, and astilu, it is easy to show that they are borrowings from Latin,
French, and Arabic, and have undergone a process of nativization.
most probably taken from Latin /roman-us/, French (or English) /taxi/, Arabic
/kursi/ 'chair' and /xaym-ah/ 'tent', and French /stylo/ 'pen'. We notice that
the initial vowel in the Berber forms is an idiosyncrasy of the language.
these words then, we might conclude that it is a prefix of some sort.
For
More re-
search is needed in order Co determine whether the initial vowel of other words
is really a prefix or part of the stem.
117
some nouns with the verbs derived from them (denominal verbs).
An example of a
noun derived from a verb is the noun axeddam 'worker', from the verbal root /xdm/
'to work'.
What we have to do
at this point is to check whether the initial vowel of this noun syncopates in the
CS or not; if it does this means that our hypothesis, which stipulates that initial vowels which are true prefixes syncopate in the CS, will be correct; if it
does not our hypothesis will be incorrect.
tial vowel in axeddam drops out in the CS, indicating that our hypothesis makes
the correct prediction.
prefix is amengi 'battle', derived from /mmng/ 'to kill each other'. This noun
again undergoes vowel syncope in the CS (46b).
(46) a.
b.
If we
take nouns like agur 'moon' and asif 'river' in which a is considered part of the
stem and, hence, does not syncopate, it hardly makes sense if we try to derive
verbs from them, i.e., such verbs (if any) would not have a semantic interpretation.
118
singular forms, they seem co lose it in the plural realizations, as shown in (47).
(47) a.
b.
The singular forms in (47) suggest that the initial vowels are part of the
stem since they do not syncopate in the CS. On the other hand, the plural equivalents seem to indicate that the initial vowels are in fact prefixes because
these drop out in the CS. The derivations in (48) illustrate this fact.
(48) a.
/w-asif/
b.
wasif
/y-isaffen/
(URs)
y-saffen
(IVS)
i-saffen
(voc)
isaffen
(PRs)
If the initial vowel of isaffen was treated as the one in wasif, we would get
the following incorrect result:
119
(49)
/y-isaffen/
(UR)
(IVS)
(voc.)
*yisaffen
(PR)
The derivations for yigill and igallen would proceed in the same way.
Notice that this happens only with plural nouns beginning with i_. The word
for 'moons', for instance, behaves as expected in the CS (cf. (40a) above).
What
might have happened in the words for 'rivers' and 'arms' is that they were regularized on the model of words beginning with /iCV/ whose initial vowels undergo
syncope because they are not part of the stem.
It concerns those
take w whereas i_ takes y_. In other words, a glide homorganic with the initial
vowel is prefixed to the nouns in the CS.
(50) a.
b.
120
(for frontness and backness) glide is the CS marker. This unspecified glide surfaces as w in front of a and , and y_ when preceding the front vowel i\, with the
feature + or - back spreading from the vowel to the unspecified glide.
1.4.
Proper names and nouns borrowed from Arabic with the definite article /l-/
(i.e., those which did not undergo nativization) do not take the CS prefixes as
the examples in (51) indicate.
(51) a.
b.
yettes samir
slept
Samir
ijen
'Samir slept'
rasid
slept Rashid
c.
d.
e.
iruh
ahmed
left
Ahmad
iruh
Budwaw
left
Buthwaw
ijen
wa91i
'Rashid slept'
Ahmad left'
'Buthwaw left'
slept Wa'li
f.
g.
'Wa'li slept'
Oettes
fatima
slept
Fatima
yasmm
Ojen
12
'Fatima slept'
12
'Yasmin slept'
slept Yasmm
h.
yettes
slept
elhakem
judge
121
(51)
continued
i.
j.
yarrez
elmus
broke
knife
zur
is
13
. ...
elmilh
big
salt
The fact that all masculine nouns take the CS prefixes except proper names and
non-nativized words borrowed from Arabic is interesting for at least one important
reason.
Given this fact, one might wonder if this is not indicative of some, less
obvious, rule in Berber grammar which would stipulate that every noun, other than
proper names and non-nativized items, must carry a case (or state) marker. If
this is true, we can say that there are two cases in Berber:
the "nominative"
(corresponding to the free state) and the "oblique" (corresponding to the CS).
The nominative case markers would be for the singular and i^ for the plural.
If
the noun stem begins with a consonant this marker is cliticized to the stem forming one single unit with it.
as a result of the elision rule in (45). On the other hand, the oblique case
markers would be w and y_ for the singular and the plural, respectively.
In the
nouns whose stems begin with a vowel, both the glide and the initial vowel appear
on the surface (e.g., wagur, wasif).
glide is cliticized to the stem.
nants or a geminate cluster, the rule of schwa epenthesis applies to break the
consonant cluster (cf. wergazen, yergazen).
Recall
that the vocalization and schwa insertion rules fit easily within the syllablebuilding rules of Kabyle.
122
Thus, we can say, for example, that the word for 'man' is lexically /rgaz/,
i.e., consonant-initial.
be rendered as /w+rgaz/. On the other hand, the word for 'moon' is lexically
/agur/, i.e., vowel-initial.
/w+agur/.
one of the two consecutive vowels in /a+agur/, yielding the correct agur.
The advantage of this analysis is that it seems to give a satisfactory answer
to the following question: why does the initial vowel of some nouns syncopate in
the CS while that of others does not?
ysis is that it explains why the initial vowel of some nouns deletes in the CS
whereas it stays in the free state.
We have already seen that the free state (nominative case) is used in
The CS (oblique
case) is mainly used when the noun is in subject position and after most prepositions.
One might wonder what properties the subject of a sentence and the object
123
In most lan-
guages, the subject takes the nominative case whereas the object of a preposition
carries a different case (accusative or ablative in Latin and genitive in Arabic).
What seems to be happening in Berber, though, is that the choice of the oblique
case is determined by the verb and the preposition.
and the preposition affect (case-wise) the noun immediately following and which
they govern.
subject precedes the verb (cases of topicalization) it will not have the oblique
case.
tures in (52) illustrate the positions of the subject and the object in relation
to the verb in a normal Berber sentence. All three structures are plausible
(there is no syntactic evidence to favor one over the two other) and in all of
them the verb immediately precedes (and governs) the subject.
or
(52) a.
b.
JJP
(verb)
(verb)
(subject)
or
(object)
(subject)
124
The p r e p o s i t i o n
In a d d i t i o n , they form a s i n g l e
(53)
PP
prep
NP
(complement)
I f the
noun which follows the verb i s not i t s subject but i t s object, it t a k e s Che free
s t a t e , as shown in (54) below:
(54)
9ebbi aqSis7*weqSis
she-pinched boy
9ebbi
e 3 aqsis 1
125
(56)
(verb)
The empty category or node would stand for a Q>rcQ in case of the absence of an
independent subject such as in the sentence in (55) or for a Qtracel in case the
subject is preposed to the verb, e.g., in the following example:
(57)
GaqgiSG
Gebbi
girl
pinched
ej aqSis*
boy
the adjective does not agree in case with the noun or that the governing element
(verb, preposition, or quantifier) assigns case to the immediately following noun
only.
(58) a.
b.
iruh
left
weqEun
dog
efkig
gave-I
c.
acsum
meat
ameqqran/*umeqqran
big
'the big dog left'
i-weqKun
to-dog
ameqqran/*umeqqran
'I gave meat to the big dog'
yiwen
weqSun
ameqqran/*umeqqran
one
dog
big
126
(59) a.
iruh umeqqran/*ameqqran
b.
c.
yiwn umeqqran/*ameqqran
In
this case, the rule will have to be ordered after the syllable-building rule which
joins under one Rime two adjacent Rime positions, and can be formulated as in (60),
where the lefthand bracket expresses the above mentioned restriction on the rule
(cf. Kenstowicz et al., 1982):
(60)
y/w
i/u
In other words, the vocalization rule affects only non-branching Rime nodes.
Given the rule in (60), the derivation for iwmeqqran can proceed as follows:
(rules a,b,c,d)
(rules g,h,i)
(rule f)
(.vocalization)
127
Now, what about the cases involving a 'noun in apposition' (cf. Dallet, 1957)
where the noun is clearly in the CS?
that such nouns are really in apposition is far from being unquestionable.
what follows, two hypotheses will be suggested and tested.
In
these nouns as real subjects and the second as complements of a certain 'missing
preposition'.
which repeat material given earlier and introduce new examples in order to make
the analysis more comprehensive.
(62) a.
b.
d-9askari wergaz
is-soldier man
'the man is a soldier'
wa-9-ilan
wexxam
who-it-belongs house
c.
a-G-an
wexxam
there-it-is house
d.
ulas*-iG
wegyul
no l o n g e r - i t donkey
e.
ansi-G
wergaz-aggi
ma-s*wi-0
umexluq-aggi
Q-better-he person-that
g.
ma-Berka-0
wemfcun
h.
ma-zal-i0
di-lhara
Q-still-he in-yard
wergaz
man
128
(62)
continued
i.
j.
d-el9ali-ts
e0funas0
is-good-it
cow
kifkif-i0en
etsmeqqleg
fell-as
I am looking for-him
fat one
Given the examples in (62) above, we can proceed with the two analyses referred to earlier.
First, one might consider the forms preceding the noun in the
One might claim that these forms have been reanalyzed in the minds of na-
tive speakers as verbs and that, like other verbs, have come to require that the
noun which follows them take the CS.
the case of a sentence like (62a) whose structure greatly resembles that of an
Arabic equational sentence with the subject postposed to the pxedicate.
In such
a sentence, the subject retains the nominative case exactly as if the usual order
(subject-predicate) were followed.
(63) a.
b.
miskiin-un ?al-walad-u
poor-nom.
tabiib-un
the-boy-nom.
?ar-rajul-u
physician-nom. the-man-nom.
129
preceded by a preposition (fell-) and the indirect object clitic -as; it is unconceivable to consider this combination a verb.
hypothesis.
If indeed these forms were verbs, one would expect them to occur
argaz
iruh
argaz
iggruhen
Thus, all other things being equal, one would expect a form like kifkif-iQen
'all the same-they'if it were a verbto occur in a relative clause as follows:
(65)
arraw-is
kifkif-iGen
*arraw-is iykifkif-iGen
'his children who are all the same'
Hence, the
Thus,
130
It is worth mention-
ing, finally, that the deep structure assumed for the examples in (62) is similar
Co a common structure in Lebanese Arabic.
darab-t-u
la-samiir
hit-I-him
for- Samir
' I h i t Samir'
given the
In L a t i n , for
(free
the
in-
s t a n c e , some preposition s t a k e the a b l a t i v e c a s e whereas o t h e r s require the a c c u s a t i v e c a s e , as the following examples c l e a r l y show:
(68) a.
ex
urb-e
adeunt
ad
urb-em
they-went
to
city-acc.marker
131
for the plural, we can not explain how some nouns can begin with i_ in the singular
and lose this vowel in the oblique case (CS). An example would be isli 'fiance",
which becomes yesli in the oblique case.
if an initial vowel is replaced by w or y_ in the oblique case this means that the
vowel is the marker of the nominative case.
why does /sli/ take i as a case marker and not a? A way of explaining this anomaly would be to say that the word for 'fiance*' is indeed /isli/; a is prefixed to
it as a nominative case marker, and is then deleted by the common elision rule in
Berber.
The result is still isli with the initial vowel "reanalyzed" or "rein-
counterexamples in words like wecraren 'lambs' and yesli 'fiance*'. On the other
hand, if we say that w is prefixed to nouns beginning with or and y_ to nouns
beginning with i_ it will be impossible to predict which glide is to be prefixed
to nouns beginning with consonants in the stem, such as /a-rumi/ and /i-rumyen/.
One way of solving this problem would be to assume that w is the marker of the
oblique case for the nouns beginning with or and the singular, whereas v_ is
the marker of the oblique case for words beginning with _i and the plural.
table in (69) sums up these conditions:
The
132
Norn, marker
Obi, marker
1.
2.
s i n g u l ar nouns
3.
4.
p l u r a l nouns
Condition:
The second major d i f f i c u l t y our analysis appears t o face concerns the feminine
nouns.
if the glides are true case markers, why do they not show up in the
feminine forms?
ever, before we can decide whether the i n i t i a l vowels and the glides are r e a l case
markers or not.
1.5.
Feminine Nouns
Feminine nouns behave l i k e their masculine counterparts with respect to the
Illus-
133
(70) a.
'the g i r l
ruhent Geqs*isin/*GiqSisin
b.
c.
'the girls
e t t s e n t 0ems'as7*9imsas'
'the f . c a t s s l e p t '
e t t s e n t e01awin/*0ulawin
fadent isaffin/*e0saffin
(cf. a s i f ' r i v e r ' p i .
f.
left'
'the f . c a t s l e p t '
Gettes e0mettu0/*0amettu0
e.
left'
9 e t t e s 0ems'is'0/*0ams'is,0
d.
isaffen)
O a j j a l t 'widow' ; O i j j a l i n 'widows'
0emme0 0 a j j a l t / * 0 e j j a l t
emmOent G i j j a l i n / * G e j j a l i n
from
feminine nouns of the CS or oblique case markers, namely, the glides y_ and w.
syncope of the i n i t i a l vowel i n some of the forms above can be explained on the
The
134
analogy of the masculine nouns, namely, assume that this vowel is a free state or
nominative case marker and, hence, is no more needed when the noun occurs in a
syntactic environment which requires the other case or state.
glides is more puzzling.
the glides in the CS.
Still, one might say that the feminine nouns do not take
This assumption
could be extended to proper names and non-nativized nouns borrowed from Arabic.
An alternative abstract analysis would assume that the glides are present in the
URs but are deleted after the feminine prefix 6 as a means of cluster simplification.
A rule like the one in (71) would be needed in order to account for the
w/y
0/ 9
begin with the voiceless dental fricative and, quite interestingly, the glides
w/y_ are prefixed to them in the CS or oblique case. The data in (72) illustrate
this point:
(72) a.
135
(72)
continued
b.
c.
imma 'mother'
Notice t h a t in the word for 'mother' the i n i t i a l vowel i s present in the oblique
case (CS) a l s o .
2.
2.1.
Introduction
According to most Berberist s (Basset, 1952; S a i b , 1976; Guerssel, 1978), the
genitive c o n s t r u c t i o n , i n d i c a t i n g a r e l a t i o n s h i p of possession or annexation between two nouns, i s expressed by the use of the p a r t i c l e or prepositio n n .
This
later.
"of" constructions:
the dog of Samir'
b.
aqun nsamir
aqzun nsamir
136
c.
(N.B.
some instances the surface forms are quite similar t o the posited underlying forms.
In most cases, however, the dichotomy between the two forms is so marked t h a t i t
requires a comprehensive phonological explanation.
I s h a l l begin the analysi s with a discussion of proper names and non-nativized
nouns borrowed from Arabic because for these nominals Che surface forms are the
most similar t o the underlying forms.
the masculine nouns.
finally,
second term of the possessive construcCion because i t is t h i s noun and the prefixed
which undergo the changes whereas the f i r s t term remains unaffected.
2.2.
137
(73)
T+cont '
Ubilab.
[+voice _
i-
.1 / l+nasal "1
C-contJ/
[ +alveolar J
Another rule such as the one in (74) is needed to account for the surface form
mbudwaw where n becomes m before a bilabial (assimilation):
(74)
talveolar] " ^
C^Habial]/
frbilabLl]
The second exception is the word for 'Joseph' which appears alternatively as
ggusef or nyusef.
some difficulty.
man
man
(76)
y+y
gg
138
Given the rule in (76), one can assume that ggusef is in fact derived from
/yyusef/.
glide.
From /yyusef/, rule (76) would derive the correct form ggusef.
Notice
that n-assimilation applies only with masculine names. We will see in 2.4. below
that it also applies with masculine nouns.
As for the itself, it undergoes changes before consonants other than b_.
Some of these changes appear to be cases of complete assimilation to following
segments, such as m (78f), r_ (78e), and 1_ (78d and e ) .
similates to a following sonorant.
this fact:
f+nasal
"T
|+alveolarJ
(77)
fxnasal
"j
I g p t . of a r t J '
'-obstr.
Mnasal
Jpt. of art.
In nnora (781) the rule applies vacuously; so, we can still say that it apw
plies to all sonorants. The case of bb a91i (78d) will be fully discussed when
the problem posed by the masculine nouns is handled in section 2.4.
(78) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
139
(78)
continued
f.
g.
h.
i.
aqzun enyusef/eggusef
j.
k.
1.
This i n d i c a t e s then t h a t n-
b.
afus
nelhakem
hand
of-judge
aftus
nelmus
handle of-knife
c.
X nelmilh
; elmilh
X of s a l t
d.
e.
'X of s a l t '
elhu0
elleBhar
fish
of-sea
axxam
ellamin
house
of-chief
140
2.3.
Feminine Nouns
Before discussing what happens in the possessive c o n s t r u c t i on involving femi-
a a
ettmettuG
aq*2un netlawin
ettlawin
b.
etterga
c.
tteqzunt
azekka nteqz*an
tteqSan
d.
ettmazig
e.
ettfusG
idudan n e t f a s s i n
ettfassin
f.
Gaxxamt 'room'
ettaqq entexxamt
ettexxamt
141
The second terms of the possessive constructions in (80) seem to undergo the
changes discussed above for the feminine nouns in the oblique case (CS). These
include the deletion of the initial vowel (which is not "absolute initial" because
of the presence of the feminine marker 6 but only "relative initial")
and the
insertion of a schwa in the appropriate position according to the rule of schwainsertion discussed earlier. Furthermore, the initial 9, which is a feminine
gender marker, is changed into jt. This is probably due to the rule mentioned earlier which changes 0 into after n.
change happens also after m and 1_.
tional rule, this time of assimilation, seems to enter into action, whereby
assimilates to a following to give us forms like ettlawin from /entlawin/.
This
t/
(optional)
/n-Gulawin/
(UR)
n-Glawin
n-tlawm
(hardening (0
t-tlawin
(assimilation)
et-tlawin
(epenthesis)
ettlawin
(PR)
t/n
))
142
(83)
ara xeddmeg
ara 9xeddmeg
ara Gxeddmed
ara ttxeddmed
ara Gxeddem
'she is fixing'
ara ttxeddem
ara tsafeg
(-(-ara 0+Gxeddem)
'I am finding'
ara tsafeg
ara Getsaf
ara ttetsaf
(-ara 0+0etsaf)
6+0
tt
(hardening)
l6
Given this hardening rule, one might wonder if does not assimilate to a
following 0 producing a sequence of two G's, thus feeding the rule in (84). One
might also propose another hypothesis based on an assumption of -deletion before
9 or t_ (which is chosen depends on whether n-deletion is ordered before or after
the change of 6 into t_).
filled by the following segment. This will give us either two G's which are
changed into t by virtue of the hardening rule (84) or two t's if the hardening
of 9_ into after is ordered before -deletion.
143
(85)
/n-Qulawin/
nr
(UR)
(IVS)
til
ettlawin
-Glawin
-ylawin
First, we assumed
the change of 0 into after a nasal and 1_ is ordered before -deletion; the same
result will still be obtained.
In order to explain
why we have a schwa between and t_ and yet the rule which changes 9 into t_ after
a nasal still applies, we have to assume that the hardening rule applies before
schwa insertion.
will be further developed and formalized by making reference to C-V skeleta when
we discuss the masculine nouns in 2.4. below.
The greatest advantage of this analysis is that it permits us to account for
the cases of assimilation noted in the discussion of proper names (2.2. above).
These cases may be accounted for in the same manner as the generation of tc_ in the
144
feminine forms. More specifically, for a form like mmuhand, for instance, one can
assume that is deleted before m thus creating an empty slot which is then filled
by the following segment, i.e., m.
w
rr, 11, yy (gg phonetically), and bb . The latter geminate, which occurs in
bb a91i (cf. (78d) above), will be derived from /n+w/; is deleted creating an
support of this claim can be drawn from some verbal roots which reduplicate cheir
second consonant in the habitual/intensive stem.
is w, it surfaces as bb
in (86) below:
(86)
Zero-Form
Hab./Int. Stem
Gloss
xdm
xddm
'to work'
fQl
fttl
9wz
9bbWi*
'to distort'
/n-raSid/
-raSid
b.
/n-wa91i/
-wa91i
(UR)
(n-deletion
c r e a t i n g an empty s l o t )
r-raSid
rraSid
Derivations for
w-wa91i
(empty s l o t
bbwa91i
(ww
bbwa91i
(PRs)
filling)
bb w )
145
volving empty s l o t s to the case of sonorants only and adopt the rules of ^-hardening a f t e r and - a s s i m i l a t i o n to a following for the cases involving feminine
words beginning with the d e n t a l f r i c a t i v e .
As we have seen in the CS forms, not a l l feminine nouns undergo i n i c i a l vowel
syncope.
after the p r e f i x a t i o n of .
forms in (88).
ettasifG
*netsif9
b.
ettasa
*neCsa
c.
'villages'
ettadarG
*enteddar
lamin entuddar
ettudar
*enteddar
'chief of t h e v i l l a g e s '
146
(88)
continued
d.
'widow's grave'
ttajjal
*ttejjal
azekka ttujal
'widows' grave'
ntujjal
*ttejjal
The empty slot filling analysis is also able to account for the feminine nouns
which do not begin with 9.
(90).
(89) a.
'sister's cat'
*enweltma
amsiS eggesseGma
'sisters' cat'
*enyessema
b.
'daughter's cat'
*enyelli
ams'is' eggessi
'daughters' cat'
*enyessi
(90) a.
/n-yissi/
(UR)
n-wltma
n-yssi
(IVS)
-wltma
-yssi
/n-wultma/
b.
(n-deletion
creating an empty slot)
w-wltma
y-yssi
147
(90)
continued
bb ltma
(ww
bb )
g-gssi
(yy
> gg)
w
17
ebb eltma
eg-gessi
(schwa epenthesis)
w
ebb eltma
eggessi
(PRs)
'man's dog'
*enwergaz
aqzun eggergazen
'men's dog'
*enyergazen
b.
azgar 'bull'
acsum ebb ezgar
'beef meat'
*enwezgar
c.
*n-wrumi
amsis* irumyen
*n-yrumyen
d.
'hand's finger'
*n-wfus
idudan ifassen
'hands' fingers'
*n-yfassen
148
(91)
continued
e.
'house window'
*enwexxam
Gibburin eggexxammen
'houses doors'
*enyexxammen
For the nouns with a consonant c l u s t e r ( e i t h e r two unlike consonants or a geminate c l u s t e r ) after the i n i t i a l vowel a, the same analysis devised for bb W a91i
above can be applied to derive the correct s i n g u l a r forms in ( 8 1 a , b , e ) .
The CS or
oblique case of a word l i k e argaz, for instance, i s wergaz (or /wrgaz/ before
schwa i n s e r t i o n ) .
At
(92)
/n-wrgaz/
-wrgaz
(UR)
(n-deletion
creating an empty slot)
w-wrgaz
(
. empty slot filled by following segment)
w
bb rgaz
(ww
(e)bb ergaz
( schwa insertion)
w
bb )
The optional schwa in (e)bbwergaz reflects the fact that its presence at the
beginning of the word is dependent on the quality of the final segment of the preceding word.
If it ends in a vowel the schwa does not show up, but if the preced-
ing word is consonant-final then the presence of the schwa at the beginning of
149
This i s i l -
l u s t r a t e d in ( 9 3 ) :
(93)
mm
(UR)
mill
(n-deletion)
Al
bb
w
.
(94)
/n-yrgaz-n/
mm
tiimi
mmi
(UR)
(by n - d e l e t i o n )
150
Recall here Halle and Vergnaud's (1980) convention that a consonantal segment
attached to two C nodes is phonetically realized as two identical consonants.
Hence, we get /yyrgazn/.
the derivation
of a woid like urumi from underlying /nwrumi/ would proceed as in (95) and (96):
(95)
(UR)
/n-wrumi/
w-wrumi
w
bb rumi
(ww
w
*bb rumi
(PR)
> bb )
(96)
(URs for relevant segments only)
til""
1
A\"
'
bb , which is
an incorrect form.
Forms like urumi are not, however, impossible to derive.
Getting rid of
151
In forms l i k e /n-wrumy/
b.
II
(URs)
T
1 y r u m y n
: 7 c c c
) R 0R
(vocalization)
Given
152
(97)
continued
jm
O R
(n-deletion)
At this stage, the door is open for the unlinked C-slot to be reattached to a
following consonantal segment. But such a segment is not available; hence, the
unlinked C-slot together with the Onset node which dominates it get deleted without
trace.
Application of the schwa epenthesis rule will give us the correct forms
fore a non-low segment only. The formulation of the rule in (99) below reflects
this characteristic.
w
In the derivation of forms like (e)bb ergaz and (e)ggergazen from underlying
/n-wrgaz/ and /n-yrgaz-n/, respectively, the vocalization rule will not apply because the glides are assigned to Onset nodes, and vocalization takes place only if
a glide is dominated by a Rime node.
n-deletion will be reattached to the following segment, in this case the glide,
yielding the correct output.
As the examples discussed above illustrate, -deletion occurs not only before
the glides but also before all sonorants. The analysis devised for the glides can
153
equally well be extended to account for the cases involving these segments. As
already noted, from underlying /n-raSid/, /n-muhand/, /n-lamin/, and /n-nora/, we
then get the forms rraSid, mmuhand, 1lamin, and nnora.
that deletes leaving an unlinked C-slot; this slot is then reattached to the
following consonant, which happens to be one of the sonorants in question, automatically triggering their gemination; whence, the surface forms as given above.
Illustrations for rraifid and mmuhand are given below:
nr
(98) a.
id
o r a S i d
?ir
S i d
-m
b.
n m u n a n d
(URs)
. m u h a n d
r a s i d
(n-deletion)
m u h a n d
CCV
C CV
(reattachment of
unlinked C)
<>
-r[-]
is
a consonant; i f i t is a vowel, the C-slot may not link t o i t and, hence, the s l o t
i s deleted without t r a c e .
154
(100) a.
|
C
frseg]
I+seg]
b.
(+ s fs3
\
l
( f t
0/
The masculine nouns with an initial vowel that is part of the stem and, hence,
is not lost in the oblique case or the CS, behave in exactly the same way.
Before
w
G i z i r i bb agur
'moon l i g h t '
9 i z i r i bb aguren
b.
'fingernail
edwa bb aSSaren
c.
'moons l i g h t '
aqz*un ebb a j j a l
aqzun ebb a j j a l e n
polish'
'fingernails
a j j a l 'widower' ; a j j a l e n
'fingernails'
polish'
'widowers'
'widower's dog'
'widowers' dog'
The URs for t h e forms in (101) involve the p r e p o s i t i on /n/ and a glide (w or v_
depending on whether the following vowel i s or i ) .
w
bb aSSaren, for i n s t a n c e , are /n-y-is*s*ar/ and /n-w-aSSar-n/, r e s p e c t i v e l y ,
n-
Derivations
155
(102) a.
n y i S a r
b.
(URs)
s'ar
n v a s ' a r n
(vocalization inappl.)
tit
s'ar
,was*arn
til
's*ar
(n-deletion)
was*arn
CC V
(relinkage to
following C)
At this point, the rule changing y_y_ into gjg_ applies to give us gg is s'ar.
insertion as well as ww
bb
Schwa
Conclusion
A new approach to the problems of Free and Construct States in Kabyle Berber
considered actual cases, corresponding to the nominative and oblique cases, respectively.
representations can account in a straightforward manner for the phonological alternations exhibited by some nouns when they are in the oblique case.
The second
part of the study was concerned with the phonological behavior of the genitive
construction, in particular the particle and the noun which follows it. A novel
analysis based on the principle of empty slot filling was suggested and was shown
to derive the correct forms.
156
Notes
This special appellation is found in Pennacchietti (1979): "sostantivo reggente" and "sostantivo retto" correspond to English "governing substantive"
and "governed substantive", respectively. These terms reflect the grammatical function of the two nouns.
Berber is a verb-initial language. The usual order is Verb-Subject-Object.
For this reason argaz is considered a topicalized NP.
Other prepositions followed by the Free State include: bla 'without' (cf.
Arabic bilaa 'without'), e.g., blargaz (from /bla argaz/ by vowel-elision)
'without the man'; neg 'or', e.g., Gamettu neg argaz 'woman or man'.
The morphological and phonological changes of the noun in the CS will be
discussed later in this chapter.
Other prepositions taking the CS include: 'with, by', e.g., suzenwi 'with
the knife' (aSenwi 'knife'); seddaw 'under', e.g., seddaw utaksi 'under the
car (ataksi 'car'); ezzaQ/ezda 'in front o f , e.g., ezzaG wexxam 'in front
of the house' (axxam 'house'); deffir 'behind', e.g., deffir wexxam 'behind
the house'; sufella 'above', e.g., sufella bb exxam 'above the house' (literally 'on top of the house'); daxil 'inside', e.g., daxil bb exxam 'inside
the house' (literally 'inside of the house'); ar 'to', e.g., ar wexxam 'to
the house'; g_ 'in', e.g., gwexxam 'in the house7"; amm 'like', e.g. amm wergaz
'like the man'; jar 'between', e.g., jar wemSas* 'between the cats (lmSas*
'cats').
Masculine nouns generally begin with one of the following vowels: , j^, u.
The feminine nouns are derived from their masculine correspondents through
G_-prefixation followed (in the majority of cases) by _-suffixation, e.g.,
amsiS 'm. cat', amsis 'f. cat'; aqsiS 'boy', 9aqSi5Q 'girl'.
This word seems to have been first used to refer to the Romans. Then, its
use was extended to include everybody coming from Europe, particularly the
French, who governed Algeria for 132 years (1830-1962). In Arabic, the word
ruumi means 'Roman of the Byzantine Empire'; today, it is mainly used to
refer to a faithful of the Greek Orthodox Church.
The second pronunciation in the examples in (11) reflects the one used in
normal-rate speech. The first alternative reflects the presence of a short
pause between the verb and the subject.
Spirantizing dialects are those in which single stops have become the corressponding spirants (fricatives). This process is quite pervasive in some dialects while not quite as widespread in others.
157
e j j e l , e j j l e 9 ( s g . and p i . )
Perfect
ejjleg
Isg.
ejjled
yejjel
3m
ejjel
3f
nejjel
Ipl.
Gejjlem
ejjlen
Fatima and Yasmin are female names. They are included with the male names
because they behave in the same manner with respect to the CS.
13
158
Singular
1.
2.
Plural
3m.
3f.
14
15
16
17
159
Chapter 4
SANDHI RULES
0.
Introduction
In the preceding chapter, the phonological and morphological alternations as-
sociated with the noun in the bound state have been investigated.
It has been
indicated that a noun takes the bound form (or oblique case) mainly when it functions as subject in the normal Berber sentence-order (Verb-Subject-Object) or as
object of most prepositions.
count for the various phonological changes involved can be considered grosso modo
part of the sandhi rules
of the language.
This chapter handles specific cases of external sandhi rules, i.e., rules
which link words within phrases and morphemes within words.
concerned with vowel sandhi rules which are invoked when a vowel-final word or
morpheme and another vowel-initial word or morpheme occur consecutively.
It will
be argued that a satisfactory explanation for a large portion of the (mainly elision) rules can be found within the syllable templates and syllable-building rules
devised for Kabyle in the preceding chapters.
zling problem related to the intensive and future verbal forms will be examined.
It will be seen that interesting phonological alternations are associated with
each possible sequence of the dental fricative consonants G_ and d_. Foreshadowing
later discussion, it will be found, for example, that /G+6/ surfaces in certain
environments as t and in others as C_, whereas /d+/ has at least two possible
phonetic realizations:
160
cur consecutively.
dict.
Vowel Sandhi*
One important aspect of sandhi r u l e s in Kabyle and other Berber languages is
As the
b.
'he found a j a c k a l 1
c.
d.
161
e.
f.
'Frenchman's lamb'
(2) a.
b.
'this grave'
d.
'this bush'
c.
Previously, Berberists (Basset & Picard, 1948; Abdel Massih, 1968; Penchoen,
1973; and Saib, 1976 among others) merely alluded to the problem and then only
when an example brought up for some unrelated topic illustrated the operation of
vowel sandhi. To account for the data, they formulated or simply assumed rules
like the ones in (3) and (4):
(3)
0/V
(4)
y/v
Elision Rule
v
Glide-Insertion Rule
Rule (3) states that a vowel is deleted when it occurs next to another vowel
without specifying which vowel (first or second) undergoes the deletion or which
environments precipitate the deletion of one rather than the other. Rule (4)
does no more than state that a palatal glide is inserted between two vowels occurring in a sequence. No reference is made to the environments motivating the
162
In sum, no indication
As w i l l be shown throughout
this s e c t i o n , the problem i s indeed much more complex than the data in (1) and (2)
would suggest and involves processes other than vowel-elision and g l i d e - i n s e r t i o n .
Rules such as v o c a l i z a t i o n w i l l be seen to form an important aspect of t h e proposed
solution.
The purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n is to describe the facts of Kabyle, namely, the
d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e rules and the changes r e s u l t i n g from the j u x t a p o s i t i o n of two
vowels across word or morpheme boundaries.
In a d d i t i o n to s t a t i n g the d i f f e r e n t
s i d e r a t i o n , the fact that no two vowels can occur i n a sequence in Kabyle receives
a formal e x p l a n a t i o n.
sidered f i r s t .
1.1.
E l i s i o n and Vocalization
Most of the d a t a at hand suggest t h a t , as a general r u l e , i t is the f i r s t
163
(5) a.
Subject-Verb
b.
Subject-Object
c.
Verb-Object
d.
e.
Noun-Adjective
f.
In a sequence involving a vowel-final verb and a vowel-initial subject, however, the generalization stated above does not consistently hold.
Instead, it
seems that elision depends on considerations related to the height and backness
of the vowels involved, whereby a low vowel is lost at the expense of a high one
and a high front vowel is deleted when next to its back counterpart (full illustrations will be given in 1.1.2. below).
based elision will be discussed.
Precedence-Based Elision
it is hardif not impossibleto tell which one is lost. However, on the analogy
of the other cases, I will also assume that it is the first one which is deleted.
Examples illustrating the various groupings in (5) are given in (7-12) below.
The examples include every possible (and available) combination of the three phonemic vowels of Kabyle (see Chapter 2).
vowels and schwa across word or morpheme boundary never arises if we adopt the
164
3
(from /azkka ttmttuG/)
'woman's grave' would proceed as in (6a) below where the
first consonantal segment of the second word (here a geminate cluster) syllabifies
with the preceding vowel.
*
V-slot is adjoined as a left daughter to the Rime dominating the first C-slot of
the second word.
In
the first phrase (6a), however, there is no need to insert a schwa on the word
boundary since the final vowel of the preceding word forms the Nucleus of the syllable .
165
Again, a combination of schwa and any of the other vowels is never encountered
since there are no schwa-final words in Kabyle and other Berber languages (see
Chapter 2 ) .
(7)
Subject-Verb
a.
aj [ i -* l : /BaBa i r u h /
father l e f t
b.
* BaBiruh
'my father
a] (u * u : /BaBa u r i r u h a r a / + BaBuriruhara
father did not leave
c.
f.
ij
(a * a : / i s l i a d i r u h / > i s l a d i r u h
fiance" w i l l leave
g.
e.
ij (u + u : / i s l i u r i r u h a r a / - i s l u r i r u h a r a
fiance' d i d not leave
h.
Subject-Object
a.
b.
i} (i -> i : / i s l i i r u h / + i s l i r u h
fianc/ left
(8)
d.
left'
continued
i ] (a -> a ; /yuged emmi axxam/ + yugdemmaxxam
bought son house
Verb-Object
a] [i -* i : /yufa i c e r r i / + y u f i c e r r i
found lamb
u] L -* i : /adyezlu i c e r r i / * a d y e z l i c e r r i
w i l l k i l l lamb
Noun-Noun
a] [i + i : /azekka irumyen/
*
grave Frenchmen
al (*u + u : /azekka urumi/
grave Frenchman
-> azekkirumyen
a
'Frenchmen's grave'
- azekkurumi
'Franchman's grave'
167
(10)
continued
c.
d.
(11)
'Frenchman's lamb*
Noun-Adjective
a.
b.
'big plant'
(12)
'Frenchmen's plant'
'big lamb1
Preposition-Noun
a.
b.
Given the data in (7-12), one might say that a rule like the one in (13) can
account for the consistent elision of the first vowel in a sequence of two:
(13)
0/
I believe, however,
that the elision phenomenon receives a formal explanation within the theory of
syllable templates and the syllable-building rules of Kabyle developed in the preceding chapters.
168
(15)
Syllable-Building Rules:
a)
b)
c)
d)
assign a string of one or more unassigned consonants to alternating Rime and Onset positions starting from the right end of
the string;
e)
f)
g)
h)
spell out a V-slot that is unlinked to a segment in the phonemic tier as schwa;
169
(15)
continued
i)
With the help of these rules, the derivations for phrases like BaBiruh (7a)
and ulmameqqran (11a) would proceed as in (16a) and (16b), respectively (assuming
that syllabification is assigned aC the phrase level (see Chapter 2 section 5)):
(16) a.
(vocalization)
(rule 15f)
mniMii
b.
(vocalization inappl.)
(rule 15f)
At this point in the derivations, however, we notice a violation of the syllable
templates in (14), namely, a Rime node dominating two V-slots. As a result, a
170
For this purpose, a rule deleting the left-hand branch of a Rime node
low:
(17)
Y~V
(Rime Erasure)
which do not get linked do not surface (cf. Mohanan (1982:126) for a similar
phenomenon in Malayalam).
Rule (17) has to be ordered after rule (f) of the syllable-building rules in
(15) since its environment is not met until after rule (f) applies. Given rule
(17) and the syllable-building rules in (15), the correct derivations for the
strings in (16) are given below:
(18) a.
(rules 15a-d)
(vocalization)
(rule 15)
(rule 17)
(later rules)
171
(18)
continued
iitmuti
b.
(vocalization inappl.)
(rules 15a-d)
(rule 15f)
(rule 17)
(later rules)
Thus, it can be seen that the elision of the first vowel in a sequence of two
follows from the syllable-building rules in (15) above and from a constraint on
syllable shapes in the language, namely, that a Rime may not dominate two V-slots.
Two of the forms in (6) have alternative phonetic representations which apparently constitute counterexamples to Che analysis developed so far, in the sense
that the vocalization rule in (15e) fails to apply.
Column A
Column B
BaBiruh
BaBayruh
(cf. 6a)
is1iruh
isliyruh
(cf. 6h)
We can account for the forms in column B above by an analysis which stipulates
172
given in (15) above, d e r i v e s the forms in column A above as well as a l l the forms
in (6-11) without any d i f f i c u l t y .
by one Rime node, thus bleeding the environment for the application of the v o c a l i zation r u l e , reformulated as follows:
(20)
y/w
* i / u
Given this new ordering, rule (17) is inapplicable since its environment,
which requires that the Rime dominate two V-slots, is not met.
In such a case,
6R
(rules 15a-d)
(rule 15f)
(rule 17 inappl.)
(later rules of 15)
173
1.1.2.
where the first item is vowel-final and the second vowel-initial, the elision of
the first vowel is not systematic.
In fact, as
evidenced by the data in (22), the first vowel is lost only when it is , or in
case it is _i, followed by .
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
174
(22)
continued
i.
i j fj. + i : / a d y i l i y c e r r i / > a d y i l i c e r r i
' t h e lamb w i l l e x i s t '
be captured i f we take i n t o consideration the fact that a low vowel is always deleted when i t is next to a high vowel whereas a high front vowel i s lost next to
i t s back counterpart.
fV
L-highJ
0/
Vf
0/
[-back]
[v
L+highJ
[iback]
vowel melodies involved and then d e l e t e the appropriate V-slot as well as the
vowel which i t dominates on the b a s i s of the provisions made by r u l e s (23) and
(24).
are accounted for by the mirror image rules (23) and (24) which abbreviate the
following four r u l e s :
175
( 2 5 ) a.
i/u
i/u
b.
i/u
i/u
( r u l e s 15a-d)
it
7 7
(voc. or 15e)
V
C7
R6
6 R
(rule
15f)
7 C J 7 C r j; v { 7
k 6 R 6R
( r u l e s 25a and c)
( l a t e r r u l e s of 15)
176
Column B
yensutaksi
yensawtaksi
(22a)
yensicerri
yenzaycerri
(22b)
adyilurumi
adyiliwrumi
(22h)
adyilicerri
adyiliyjerri
(22i)
akyezlucerri
akyezluy^erri
(22e)
The fact that forms such as underlying /ynza ycrri/ surface under two shapes
yenzicerri and yenzaycerri for the example at handleads us to posit the following
hypothesis:
the existence of the second form itself, i.e., the one with the glide
appearing on the surface, follows from the fact that the first segment of the second
word is underlyingly a glide.
segment of the second word is underlyingly a vowel, only one phonetic form, namely,
the one in which elision takes place, is possible.
prove to be correct.
word for lamb is underlyingly /ygrri/ (bound state in Berber requires the elision
of the initial vowel and glide-prefixation) with another like 'he found a lamb',
where the word for lamb is underlyingly /icrri/, we find that the first sentence
has two possible phonetic shapes, namely, those given above, whereas the second has
177
/yufa
icrri/ + yuficerri/*yufaycerri
he-found lamb
Glide-Insertion
the palatal glide is inserted between the two vowels in order to break the hiatus.
A simple rule of glide-insertion like the one in (4) above can be formulated in
order to account for this phenomenon.
producing a palatal glide.
syllable-building rules in (15), namely, immediately after rule (a) so that the
newly-generated y_ could be subject to the general rules assigning consonants to
Rime or Onset nodes.
178
It is to be
stressed, however, that the domain of the glide-insertion rule is exclusively the
word (since a verbal form+indirect object pronominal suffix or a noun+demonstrative constitute a single constituent, i.e., a word, as opposed to the categories
listed in (5), where the corresponding items belong to different and separate
words).
vent the glide-insertion rule from applying to the data given in 1.1. above, where
a rule of vowel-elision rather than glide-insertion is in force.
(30)
efkig
' I gave'
yenna
'he t o l d '
?efkigi
yennayi
efkigac
yennayac
efkigas
yennayas
?efkigag
yennayag
efkigawen
yennayawen
efkiga^ent
yennayacent
(fern.)'
efkigassen
yennayassen
efkigassent
yennayassent
(fem.)'
(31) a.
/azekfra+aggi/ * azekkayaggi
a
grave t h i s
b.
'chis g-ave'
/uzzu+aggi/ * uzzuyaggi
bush t h i s
c.
'this bush'
/icerri+aggi/ + icerriyaggi
lamb t h i s
' t h i s lamb'
179
Sample derivations for yennayas and uzzuyaggi are given in (32) below:
(32)
(rule 15a)
y n aya
jy -
(glide-insertion)
(rules 15b,c,d)
(vocalization)
(vowel-elision)
(later rules)
Alternatively, within the approach to syllable structure followed so far, the
glide-insertion rule could be interpreted as inserting an Onset between two Rimes
dominating V-slots.
later spelled out on the phonemic tier as y_. This rule, whose domain is strictly
the word, will have to be ordered before the syllable-building rubric which joins
under one Rime node two adjacent Rime positions.
follows:
180
(33)
0 -
II
(domain:
the word)
With the help of this rule and the other syllable-building rules, the derivations
for yennayas and uzzuyaggi can proceed as follows:
(34)
(vocalization)
(rule 33)
(rule f)
(later rules)
1.3.
Gemination
181
(35) a.
Verb-Subject
/yeqqim urumi/ + yeqqimmurumi
sat Frenchman
b.
Verb-Object
/yessgim arumi/ + yessgimmarumi
made-sit Frenchman
c.
Subject-Verb
'the c a t s found'
Noun-Adjective
/aqSun ameqqran/ + aqzunnameqqran
dog big
e.
'big dog'
Noun-Demonstrative
/aqs*is* aggi/ -+- aqSiSsaggi
boy this
f.
'this boy'
Noun-Noun
/axxam urumi/ + axxammurumi
house Frenchman
'Frenchman's house'
In a linear approach, the rule needed in order to account for the gemination
of the final consonant of the first word in each combination can be expressed as
in (36) below.
Ci
CiCi/V
tfV
182
(35a) and aqsis's'aggi (35e) (from underlying /yqqim wrumy/ and /aqSis* aggi/, respectively) according to the syllable-building rules phrased in (15) above:
(37)
mm
(rules a and b)
(rules c and d)
mity
inappl.
R0R
(rule e)
ymni
(rule f)
inappl.
lit
inappl.
(rules g and h)
would account for the gemination of these consonants, at least one remark must be
made.
We notice that the final consonants are invariably assigned to Onsets be-
2 that syllabification is made once and for all at the phrasal level in Kabyle.
We notice also that if the final consonants are reduplicated, the newly generated
183
copies have to form part of the Rime of the preceding syllable since an Onset may
not dominate two C-slots in Kabyle.
changes a non-branching Rime into a branching one when followed by an Onset at the
edge of the word.
(38)
rvn
As i l l u s -
( r u l e 38)
(final
syllabification)
Consonant Sandhi
This section i s concerned with t h e phonological a l t e r n a t i o n s associated with
above, various combinations of thes e two sounds (/+, 6+9+9, d+9, d++6/) a r i s e
184
Interesting
rules related to intensive verbal forms in which the first two kinds of combinations occur.
The first is based on the concept of morphologically conditioned rules and the use
of boundary units in the formulation of phonological rules; it will be referred to
as the Segmental Approach.
cal Phonology and the distinction between lexical and post-lexical rules (Kiparsky,
1982, and Mohanan, 1982).
The second part of this section handles cases involving rules of consonant assimilation and syncope related to the future verbal forms of Kabyle.
A great deal
of phonological change is associated with these forms when they come in contact
with some subject and object pronominal affixes or clitics. Here again, morphologically conditioned rules will be needed in order to account for the data.
2.1.
Hardening Rules
As evidenced by the paradigm in (40), two G_ sounds will harden into the corresponding stops if they happen to be adjacent.
(40)
Intensive Form
Isg.
ara xeddmeg
ara Gxeddmeg
ara Gxeddmed
ara ttxeddmed
ara yxeddem
ara Gixeddem
3f.
ara Gxeddem
ara ttxeddem
185
(40)
continued
Intensive Form
lpl.
ara nxeddem
ara Genxeddem
ara Gxeddmem
ara ttxeddmem
2f.
ara Gxeddmemt
ara ttxeddmemt
ara xeddmen
ara Gxeddmen
The first column in (40) shows the intensive forms of the verb /xdm/ 'to work/
fix', whereas the second column illustrates the same forms with the direct object
clitic 6 'him/it'. The G_ segments in the first column are considered personal
subject prefixes (see Chapter 2).
intensive meaning.
be more plausible to cliticize it to the particle ara. We notice that when the
personal subject prefix G_ and the object clitic which is also G_ in this instance
are adjacent, both sounds become the corresponding stops.
plications for the time being, this phenomenon can be accounted for by the rule
in (41):
(41)
> tt
Hardening Rule
Notice
what happens when the verbal form itself begins with a voiceless dental fricative
sound:
186
I am pinching'
ara Qebbig
ara Gtebbid
ara yGebbi
he is pinching'
ara Gtebbi
she is pinching'
ara nGebbi
we are pinching'
ara tebbim
ara tebbimt
ara Gebbin
In the above paradigm, we notice that the two _'s, which happen to occur consecutively due to the prefixation of the personal subject form, do not turn into
the corresponding stops, in violation of rule (41). Instead, it is the second
(of the verbal stem) which becomes whereas the first dental fricative remains
unaffected.
(42) above is phonemically the same, the lexical and morphological categories to
which each pair belongs are different.
quences can be represented as in (43) and (44), where (43) refers to the combination in (40) and (44) to that in (42):
(43)
(44)
There is no doubt that the rule in (41) can not yield the correct phonetic
outputs for the forms in (42). These do, in fact, require another type of rule
187
t/9
Dissimilation Rule
f r i c a t i v e sounds changes into the corresponding stops whereas Dissimilation s t i p ulates t h a t for t h e same sequence only the second 9 becomes a s t o p .
In sum, t h e r e
is nothing in r u l e (45) which prevents i t from applying to the underlying r e p r e sentations of t h e forms in (40).
the URs of the forms in ( 4 2 ) .
in
The second a n a l y s i s
Segmental Approach
the object c l i t i c and the subject marker whereas a s t r o n g boundary (//) would be
claimed to e x i s t between the subject marker and the i n t e n s i v e stem.
Given
188
(46)
e+e
t+t
(47)
9//
e#t
The URs for forms such as ara ttxeddem and ara tebbi would be represented
with different boundary units as /ara Q+6#xeddem/ and /ara 9//9ebbi/, in that
order.
(48)
/ara G+#xeddem/
/ara //ebbi/
t+t
(46)
6//t
ara ttxeddem
(47)
ara Gtebbi
(phonetic outputs)
Rule (46) should precede rule (47) because if (47) applied first we would get
the wrong results (cf. (53) below).
apply only if the first 9_ stands for the object clitic and the second for the subject marker whereas the dissimilation rule would change the second G_ into when
it is part of the stem and preceded by the subject marker.
formulated as in (49) and (50):
(49)
tt
189
(50)
0t
In Jordan-
ian Arabic, for instance, there is a rule syncopating the vowel a_ in open syllables only when followed by the feminine suffix -at, as evidenced by the examples
in (51):
(51) a.
b.
bagar-ah
12
a cow
bagr-at-u
his cow'
bagr-at-i
my cow'
daras
he studied'
daras-it
I/you studied'
dars-at
she studied'
(from /bagar-at-u/)
(from /bagar-at-i/)
(from /daras-at/)
Phonetic forms
Underlying forms
ara tebbig
ara 00ebbig
ara ttGebbid
ara GG3ebbid
ara SiSebbi
ara yebbi
ara ttdebbi
ara debbi
190
(52)
continued
Phonetic forms
Underlying forms
ara enGebbi
ara enGebbi
ara ttGebbim
ara GGGebbim
ara ttGebbimt
ara GGGebbimt
ara tebbin
ara GGebbin
In order for the rules as stated earlier in this section to yield the correct
phonetic outputs in the first column in (52), two more restrictions must be imposed
on them.
The first concerns the nature of the boundary unit between the object
clitic and the intensive stem (see the form for 'I am pinching it/him').
Since a
strong boundary (//) has been assumed to exist between the subject marker and the
verbal stem, by the same token a boundary at least as strong as (//) can be posited
between the object clitic and the intensive form.
ara pinching it/him' can be easily obtained via rule (47). Second, it seems that
the hardening rule must precede the dissimilation rule in order for the remainder
of the forms in (52) to be correctly derived.
/ara 0+//ebbi/
/ara +0//6ebbim/
t
t t
*ara tttebbi
t
t t
*ara tttebbim
(Dissimilation)
(Hardening)
(PRs)
191
(54)
/ a r a 6+0#0ebbi/
/ a r a 6+6//6ebbim/
t t
t t
(Hardening)
(Dissimilation)
ara ttGebbi
a r a ttGebbim
(PRs)
9
(subject marker/object c l i t i c ]
(verbal stem]
Gt
Moreover, t h e analysis
192
(56)
continued
Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky, 1982, and Mohanan, 1982) which assumes that a subset
of phonological rules a p p l i e s in the lexicon as part of t h e word formation process
w i l l be shown to be r e l e v a n t and, perhaps, yield the c o r r e c t r e s u l t s in a simpler
manner.
2.1.2.
Lexical Approach
In t h i s s e c t i o n , an attempt w i l l be made to account f o r the a l t e r n a t i o n s exhibited by the 6+6 combinations in terms of the d i s t i n c t i o n between l e x i c a l and
p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l es (Kiparsky, 1982, and Mohanan, 1982).
According to t h i s model
The
lexicon c o n s i s t s of ordered l e x i c a l s t r a t a (or levels) which function as the domains of a p p l i c a t i o n of t h e se phonological and morphological r u l e s .
This model,
The l e x i -
193
The specific details and intricacies of this approach do not concern us here.
What is of relevance to our analysis is the distinction made between lexical and
post-lexical rules.
of the word formation process whereas other rules apply at the post-lexical level.
Those which apply at the post-lexical level have access to information across
word boundaries whereas lexical rules apply only within lexical items.
In the case of Kabyle, two assumptions must be made if a solution is to be
found for the problem of the sounds as exhibited by the data above in terms of
the Lexical Approach.
First, I will assume that the object clitics and the sub-
ject markers are in fact cliticized to the particle ara in the intensive forms.
As a result, ara+object clitic+subject marker (if present) will constitute a separate word or lexeme, while the intensive stem by itself will constitute another
lexeme or word.
13
that a strong boundary (#) had to be posited between the object clitic and the
subject prefix, on one hand, and the verbal stem, on the other, whereas only a
weak boundary (+) had to be placed between the object clitic and the subject marker in order for the correct forms in (40), (42), and (52) above to be derived.
Second, I assume that the hardening rule as stated in (41) above is a lexical rule
whose domain is the particle ara+object clitic+subject marker (or only one of the
latter two) whereas the dissimilation rule is a post-lexical rule whose domain is
both lexemes which constitute the intensive form, i.e., ara+object clitic+subject
marker and the veroal stem.
hardening rule applies only within a word will be given in 2.2. below.
This means
that Hardening applies as part of the rules related to the word formation component whereas Dissimilation applies after the word formation process is completed,
i.e., after lexical insertion. Recall that it has been claimed that in the inten-
194
sive forms the object clitic and subject markers are cliticized to the particle
ara rather than to the verb stem.
arattxeddem 'she is fixing it', aratebbig 'I am pinching him', ara6tebbi 'she
is pinching', and arattQebbi 'she is pinching him' according to the lexical approach are given in (57) and (58) below:
ara99
araG
tt
arattxeddem
<lexical level)
(hardening)
araGGebbig
(post-lexical level)
( dissimilation)
arattxeddem
araGtebbig
(PRs)
ara6
araGG
(lexical level)
tt
araGGebbi
arattGebbi
t
araGtebbi
(hardening)
(post-lexical level)
(dissimilation)
arattGebbi
(PRs)
Notice that the lexical analysis assumes that ara+object clitic or/and subject
marker, on the one hand, and the verbal form, on the other, constitute two separate words or lexical items. When they are juxtaposed after lexical insertion,
both of them contribute to the formation of the intensive form of the verb.
2.2.
The last part of this chapter attempts to account for the phonological alternations associated with the generation of the future forms. It will be shown
195
that an a n a l y s i s along the lines of the (Segmental) s o l u t i o n s provided for the intensive forms i s able to explain the v a r i o u s changes incurred by some dental
frica-
The paradigm i n (59) shows t h e future forms of the verb /xdm/ ' t o work/
fix':
(59)
1
2.
Singular
Plural
ad xedmeg
a nexdem
at t-xedmed
at t-xedmem
at t-xedmemt ( f . )
3m.
ad y-exdem
ad xedmen
3f.
at t-exdem
ad xedment
below:
(60)
0/
Also, when d_ occurs before the subject marker of t h e second person singular
and p l u r a l and of the t h i r d person feminine singular (which is underlyingly /G/
(see (40) above)), we n o t i c e that both sounds surface a s t .
I t can be claimed
frica-
The a s s i m i l a t i o n
196
(progressive assimilation)
Evidence for the assimilation and hardening rules can be drawn from the prefixation of the particle d_, which can be rendered in English by "it is', to any
noun.
Illustrations are
given in (62), where the appearance of schwa before the feminine nouns is predicted by the schwa-insertion rule formulated in Chapter 2.
(62) a.
argaz 'man'
dargaz
b.
'it is a man'
amsis* 'cat'
damsis
c.
'it is a cat'
9amSis 'fem.cat'
ettams*is9
d.
'it is a fem.cat'
9amettu9 'woman'
ettamettu9
' i t i s a woman'
a a
Notice that t h e fact that d_ of the p a r t i c l e ad_ and the following subject marker undergo the hardening rule lends support t o the claim made e a r l i e r t h a t the
o b j e c t c l i t i c and subject markers do c l i t i c i z e to the p a r t i c l e a r a .
The hardening
197
Impere' i v e
a.
b.
c.
Habitual
Gloss
/fhhm/
'understand'
/hkm/
/hkkm/
'govern'
/cmz/
/cmmz/
'scratch'
/fl/
/fttl/
' r o l l cousco
/xdm/
/xddm/
'work/fix'
/zdg/
/zddg/
'dwell'
/sBg/
/sbbg/
'paint'
/mjr/
/raggr/
'harvest'
/fhra/
14
198
To return t o the future forms, the a l t e r n a t i o n s become more puzzling when the
d i r e c t object c l i t i c _ is allowed to occur with t h e forms in ( 5 9 ) .
In such a case,
Singular
Plural
1.
a-9-xedmeg
a-9-n-exdem
2.
a-t-t-xedmed
a-t-t-xedmem
a-t-t-xedmemt (f.)
3m.
a-0-y-exdem
a-0-xedmen
3f.
a-t-t-exdem
a-9-xedment
The form of the third person masculine singular indicates without any doubt
that the order of occurrence of the morphemes is as in (65) below:
(65)
The evidence from the third masculine singular also lends support to the claim
made earlier that the order in the intensive forms is similar to that in (65),
i.e., ara-object clitic-(subject marker)-verbal stem-(subject marker).
Given the underlying forms posited earlier for the object clitic and the subject markers, the underlying representations for the forms in (64) would be as in
(66):
(66)
Singular
Plural
1.
ad-9-xedmeg
ad-0-n-exdem
2.
ad-0-9-xedmed
ad-9-e-xedmem
ad--0-xedmem9 (f.)
199
(66)
continued
Singular
Plural
3m.
ad-9-y-exdem
ad--xedmen
3f.
ad-9-e-exdem
ad--xedmen
The derivation of the phonetic forms from the basic representations in (66)
requires at least one additional rule to those already in the grammar. We notice
that d of the particle ad is systematically lost in the forms including the direct
object clitic.
morphologically conditioned rule deleting the voiced dental fricative when followed by the direct object clitic.
(67)
0/
(object c l i t i c ]
Actually, d_-deletion is not r e s t r i c t e d t o the environment s t a t e d in (67) but
seemingly applies before a l l o t h e r object c l i t i c s , as shown by the p a r t i a l p a r a digm in ( 6 8 ) :
(68)
ad-ewGen
a-yi-w9en
' t h e y w i l l h i t me'
a-k-ew9en
' t h e y w i l l h i t you'
a--ew9en
' t h e y w i l l h i t him'
a-ts-ew9en
it':
it',
200
(69)
/ad-9-xedmeg/
a -
/ad-9-n-exdem/
a -
/ad-9-9-exdem/
a -
(67)
(61)
t t
a--xedmeg
a-9-n-exdem
a-t-t-exdem
(hardening)
(PRs)
/ad-6-xedmeg/
/ad-0-n-exdem/
/ad-0-0-exdem/
(61)
(67)
t-t
*at-t-xedmeg
t-t
*at-t-nexdem
t-t
*at-t-6-exdem
(hardening)
(PRs)
As for the rule deleting d_ before n (60), it does not seem that it must be
ordered with respect to d_-deletion in (67). As shown in (71) and (72), either
ordering will yield the correct outputs:
(71)
/ad-n-exdem/
/ad--n-exdem/
a -
a-n-exdem
(72)
/ad-n-exdem/
(60)
a -
(67)
a-6-n-exdem
(PRs)
/ad--n-exdem/
a -
(60)
a
a-n-exdem
(67)
a-G-n-exdem
(PRs)
201
3.
Conclusion
I t has been claimed i n t h i s chapter that the d e l e t i o n of one vowel in a s e -
quence of two across a word boundary r e s u l t s from a general c o n s t r a i n t on s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n in Kabyle phonology, namely, that a Rime node may not dominate two
V-slots.
I t has
been suggested that what j u s t i f i e s the existence of these two r u l e s , one of voweldeletion and another of g l i d e - i n s e r t i o n , that apply at the same segmental sequence,
i s the fact t h a t the domain of vowel-elision i s the phrase whereas the word i t s e l f
c o n s t i t u t e s the domain of application of the g l i d e - i n s e r t i o n .
In the realm of
consonant sandhi, several morphologically conditioned rules of hardening, a s s i m i l a t i o n , d i s s i m i l a t i o n , and dj-deletion have been c a l l e d upon in order to explain
some rather puzzling phenomena.
Notes
A version of most of the material in this section has already been published
in Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 13.1 under the title: "Vowel Sandhi and
Syllable Structure in Kabyle Berber".
203
Actually, the appearing here is prefixed to the verbal root (here /bbi/)
to derive the habitual/intensive stem. This as well as other processes
related to the derivation of various verbal allomorphs will be illustrated
in the following chapter.
Positing such boundary units between the different morpheme combinations
seems arbitrary at this point. It will be shown later, however,when it
will be suggested that the subject markers and object clitics are in fact
cliticized to the particles ara (intensive) and ad (future)that this
might actually constitute a plausible hypothesis (see section 2.1.2. of
this chapter).
The feminine suffix -ah surfaces as -at when followed by another suffix.
More evidence in favor of this assumption will be given in 2.2. below.
These forms abstract away from the schwa vowels which appear in their phonetic representations. The schwas in these forms, whose locations can be
predicted by the schwa-insertion rule devised in Chapter 2, are not relevant to our analysis here.
It seems then that ad and ara function like modals in other languages, in
the sense that when they precede the main verb they 'borrow' its inflection due, probably, to the fact that they do not have inflections of their
own. In other words, what seems to be happening in Kabyle is that the inflection of the verb is 'reanalyzed' as being the inflection of the particles ad and ara when these precede the verb in order to derive the future
and habitual forms, respectively.
In fact, the schwa sounds in this and other subsequent forms posited as
underlying should not be included in the URs (see Chapter 2 ) . I assume by
now, however, that the reader is quite familiar with the way the schwainsertion rule operates.
204
Chapter 5
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE VERBAL SYSTEM
0.
Introduction
In the preceding chapters of this dissertation, the emphasis was put on nominal
and verbal phonology at both the word and the phrase levels.
that a great number of the phonological rules needed in order to account for the
alternations exhibited by the data can be accommodated by an approach which takes
into consideration the syllable-building rules of the language.
In this chapter,
the focus will be on the morphology of the verbal system in Kabyle. Two noncontradictory approaches, each capturing an important characteristic of the Kabyle
verbal system, will be presented.
The second
approach stresses that aspect of the Kabyle verbal system which is related to its
complexity and the difficulty of predicting the shapes of the different allomorphs
of a verbal root. For this reason, I will suggest listing the various allomorphs
of any given verb in the lexicon with relationships among them expressed by means
of devices called morpholexical rules (Lieber, 1980).
ther, I will give a short review of the previous literature concerning the verbal
morphology of Berber.
The morphology of the verb in Berber exhibits such a degree of complexity and
irregularity that some Berberists' efforts to classify the verbs into conjugation
205
number of radical consonants, their quantity and gemination, and the number of
vowels, their position, quality and alternations.
fall into six different conjugation patterns, those of the second group into nine,
the verbs of the third group into two patterns, and those belonging to the fourth
group fall into seventeen different conjugations.
Finally, Basset and Picard reserve a special treatment for the verbs of
quality, such as 'to be old', 'to be sick', 'to be tall', etc.. These also are
classified into several 'types'.
Abdel-Massih (1968) devised a novel analysis of Berber (Tamazight) verb stems
and groups the 'unaugmented' (i.e., non-derived) verbs into two types, four
classes, and nine sub-classes. He assumes that the underlying verb stem in Tamazight is /ABCD/, each character representing a radical.
C = 0
in underlying structure
/(A)B(:)0(D)/,
206
/sal-g/ 'I
asked', whereas verbs like /Is/ (/ls0/ being the real underlying form, according
to Abdel-Massih) 'to get dressed' are ablauted because in the perfect we have:
/lsi-g/ 'I got dressed'.
/0:i/a/, /0:0/, /0:i/, and /a:u/ (for more details and specific examples illustrating each ablaut the reader is referred to Abdel-Massih, 1968:47-60).
The
classes of the unablauted type are: a) those which do not have B as V; b) those
which do have B as V.
/?/A<BjTc7a//}
I-A
I-B 7/AVCD//
< //AVC//
//ABVD//
treated separately, hardly any serious explanation is given for the fact that
some biliteral verbs derive this form by duplicating the first radical (e.g.,
/jn:ggan/ 'to sleep') and others by geminating the second radical (e.g., /ng:nqq/
'to kill').
207
Penchoen (1973) merely describes the facts of Tamazight Berber without attempting any serious classification of the verbs.
Most of the preceding studies agree, however, on at least one point, namely,
that the consonants constitute the "truss" or the supporting structure of the
stem and the only stable elements in the verbal stem. As Basset (1952:11) put
it:
1'armature semantique du mot." As for the vowels, they are subject to alternations depending on aspect, mood, and form.
to make one wonder about the possibility of explaining the arrangement of consonants and vowels within the framework of autosegmental phonology, a procedure
successfully followed by McCarthy (1979) to explain the complex verbal system of
Arabic, with which the Berber system shares a great affinity.
(1980) made use of the framework developed by McCarthy primarily in order to explain some problems related to the plural formation in Hausa.
system roughly within this framework can be found if prosodic templates and association conventions particular to this language are developed.
Before that, a
that aspect of Kabyle verbal system which is related to the difficulty of predict-
208
Autosegmental Approach
1.1.
Within the SPE standard theory, two levels of representation were recognized,
namely, the level of systematic phonemics and the level of systematic phonetics.
At either one of these levels a representation is a linear sequence of units, and
representations at the systematic phonemics level are mapped onto representations
at the systematic phonetics level through the application of phonological rules
(Halle & Vergnaud, 1980).
that this model of phonological theory was unable to explain numerous tonal phenomena in some African languages. Elaborating on Zellig Harris' (1951) notion of
long components, Goldsmith (1976) proposed to account for these tonal problems by
introducing what turned out to be called the "Autosegmental Theory of Phonology".
Goldsmith suggested analyzing each representation as a pair of autonomous subrepresentations with fairly uncomplicated principles determining the way the subrepresentations are to be joined together.
the segmental tier as established by Goldsmith's theory into three separate and
autonomous tiers, the vowel tier, the consonant tier, and the "syllabic skeleton",
the basic structure of the paradigm of Semitic verbal stems could be accounted for
209
tiers could be split in its turn, as necessary, into subtiers, corresponding to the
different morphological units.
Of relevance here is McCarthy's conception of the notion of morpheme which he
formally defines as "an ordered string of lXn feature matrices associated autosegmentally with a root node" (p.122).
(2)
+F<
"F2
a a
' <
-h
* m
It is specified that the root node identifies this string as a particular morpheme.
tended to replace all delimitation of morphemes by boundary symbols like "+" (see
McCarthy, 1979:123-127 for arguments and examples from real languages in support
of this position).
210
(3)
Well-Formedness Condition
a.
b.
It might
prosodic features with the positions of the prosodic template is one-to-many but
not many-to-one.
CVCVC, the associations with the C-slots in (4a) and (4b) are permitted but that
in (4c) is excluded by this principle:
(4) a .
C V C V C
III
b.
CVCV C
IV
c.
*C V C V C
IN
as consonants with m u l t i p l e s p e c i f i c a t i o n s
continuance.
As for one-to-many a s s o c i a t i o n s , they are freely allowed and the usual mechanism for generating them i s the p r i n c i p l e of spreading.
211
some conditions including the stipulation that unassociated elements will spread
in preference to elements with previous associations. So, a representation like
the one in (5a) will yield the result in (5b) and not the one in (5c):
(5) a.
V V V
x y
b.
V V V
c.
x y
At a second level, spreading may not violate the condition in (3b), namely,
that association lines may not cross.
Finally, McCarthy suggests that the theory contains a revised version of
Leben's (1973) Obligatory Contour Principle.
no tonal melody can contain adjacent identical elements. Thus, a tone HHL is
automatically simplified to HL, while HLH remains as it is.
It is well-known that the Arabic verb form consists of a stem to which may be
adjoined a number of affixes. The stem or category was referred to by McCarthy
with the traditional Hebrew term binyan (pi. binyanim), whereas Arab grammarians
called these stems conjugations.
yan is inflected in almost the same way as all the other binyanim.
Where they
212
they all share the stem consonants - k t b - (in the tri-consonantals), and
- d h r j - (in the quadri-consonantals). In the perfective of the triliteral
CVCVC
(I)
b.
CVCCVC
(II)
c.
CVVCVC
(III)
f.
CCVCVC
(VII)
d.
CVCVCCVC
(V)
g.
CCVCCVC
(X)
e.
CVCVVCVC
(VI)
h.
CCVVCVC
(XI)
To express the regularities which appear in (7), the two templates in (8) are
suggested.
b.
CV((CV)(+seg'J)CVC
(a-e)
(f-h)
213
Perfective
Perfective
Imperfective
Active
Passive
Active
Imperfective
Passive
Active
Passive
Participle
Participle
Triliterals
katab
kutib
aktub
uktab
kaatib
maktuub
II
kattab
kuttib
ukattib
ukattab
mukattib
mukattab
III kaatab
kuutib
ukaatib
ukaatab
mukaatib
mukaatab
IV
?aktab
?uktib
u?aktib
u?aktab
mu?aktib
mu?aktab
takattab
tukuttib
atakattab
utakattab
mutakattib
mutakattab
VI
takaatab
tukuutib
atakaatab
utakaatab
mutakaatib
mutakaatab
VII nkatab
nkutib
ankatib
unkatab
munkatib
munkatab
VIII ktatab
ktutib
aktatib
uktatab
muktatib
muktatab
IX
ktabab
staktab
XI
ktaabab
aktaabib
muktaabib
XII ktawtab
aktawtib
muktawtib
XIII ktawwab
aktawwib
muktawwib
XIV
ktanbab
aktanbib
muktanbib
XV
ktanbay
aktanbiy
muktanbiy
aktabib
stuktib
astaktib
muktabib
ustaktab
mustaktib
mustaktab
Quadriliterals
QI
dahraj
duhrij
udahrij
udahraj
mudahrij
QII
tadahraj
tuduhrij
atadahraj
utadahraj
mutadahrij mutadahraj
dhunrij
adhanrij
udhanraj
mudhanrij
Q U I dhanraj
QIV
dharjaj
dhurjij
adharjij
Table 1
udharjaj
mudharjij
mudahraj
mudhanraj
a
mudharjaj
214
The number of consonantal slots in the templates varies from three to five.
When the number of consonantal slots equals the number of consonants in the stem,
straightforward one-to-one association from left-to-right is obtained.
Thus, we
find:
b.
(9) a.
(katab)
(kataab)
(dahraj)
JI
Qroot]
For the forms which display additional morphological material such as the
IV, V, and VI binyanim, where either ]_ or t_ is prefixed to them, it suffices to
associate the affixal material with the initial consonant in the template, yielding the outputs in (10):
(10)
VI
IV
a.
CVCCVC
OVCVCCVC
CVCVVCVC
[causative]
41
frefl]
tt
rreflj
Then the remaining C-slots can be associated with the root consonants on a
straightforward one-to-one b a s i s .
The Well-Formedness Condition stated in (3) immediately accounts for t h e
form of many of the binyanim where the number of consonantal s l o t s in the p r o sodic template exceeds the number of segments in the melody, such a s :
215
(11) a.
ktabab
b.
dharjaj
First,
left-to-right
a s s o c i a t i o n of root consonantism
(root]
Then a rule like the one in (13) erases the association of the final root consonant with the medial C.
segment associated with the nearest consonant, in this case, the medial radical
t_. This is illustrated in (14) below.
(IJ)
Erasure Rule
V
(14)
GVCCVj
VCCVC
-+
CVCCVJ
216
Infixes such as / n / in XIV and QII are handled by allowing them to be r e p r e sented on a separate autosegmental t i e r from t h a t of the stem, as i l l u s t r a t e d in
(15):
(15)
For more
right onto the prosodic template of the f i r s t binyan, we get, as expected, a u t o matic gemination of the second r a d i c a l and the d e r i v a t i o n of t h e correct form:
(16)
7 ,
?VCVC
Isamam)
C ro t]
In Hebrew, similar forms such as galal 'he rolled' and bazaz 'he plundered'
are obtained when the roots /gl/ and /bz/ are mapped onto the template of the
first binyan.
217
*gillel
*bizzez
but rather
gilgel
bizbez
The latter forms are generated by allowing the entire root to be reduplicated, as
illustrated in ( 17):
fjroot] {root}
This means that reduplication is accomplished here by mapping one root morpheme
onto two root morpheme positions in a separate tier. The units contained in these
derivative morphemes are then mapped onto the prosodic template (p.152).
In sum, the basic apparatus that is specific to Arabic grammar and generates
the binyanim includes, according to McCarthy's theory:
(18) a.
b.
c.
d.
218
As he states:
Perfective Active
4
a
Perfective Passive
3 .
u. 1
Imperfective Passive
u a_
Active Participle
3
u a i
. .
Passive Participle
4
u a_
The only binyan which does not conform to these verbal vowel patterns is
binyan I, which will be discussed a bit later because of its relevance to the
219
there is "one vowel that spreads to fill up all the spaces in the stem except
those that are occupied by other vowels fixed at either end of the stem" (p.157).
Two generalizations result from the patterns in (19): a. the categories in
(19) do not alter the canonical shape of the stem; b. the categories in (19) do
alter vowel quality.
Apart from a prefixation process which occurs in the imperfective and the
participles, it is apparent that the difference in the categories in (19) is only
a difference in the quality of the vowels.
perfect passive and active participle an jL-melody never spreads and is restricted
to the rightmost vowel of the stem.
to spread if it precedes an -melody.
(20) a.
cvcvcyycyc
Tycvcyycvc
b ..
b
ccvcyc
ccvcyc
c.
thesis.
The case of the f i r s t binyan i s e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g s i n c e , unlike t h e other
binyanim, i t
t i v e melody for i t .
However,
220
(21)
Perfective
a.
Imperfective
Examples
darab, yadrib
a
'beat'
b.
katab, yaktub
'write'
c.
9alim, ya91am
'know'
d.
hasun, yahsun
'be b e a u t i f u l '
In the o r d i n a r y cases, the f i r s t binyan form of a p a r t i c u l a r root is r e s t r i c t e d to j u s t one of these ablaut c l a s s e s , but there are some exceptions such
as 9 a t a s , ya9tus/ya9tis ' s n e e z e ' , h a s i b , yahsib/yahsab ' t h i n k ' , and other cases
a
first
Concerning Arabic,
Ablaut
[of h i gh]
[
f_ tx h i ghl
1 rtbackl
[imperfect.]
[perfect.]
221
nants constitute the basic structure of the stem and the only stable elements in
the verbal forms. For that reason, the consonants have been assumed to carry the
semantic load of the verb stem.
"Dans une racine les consonnes sont, sauf accident, immuables en nombre et en
position reciproque...C'est le radical qui est l'element semantique, c'est-a-dire
1'element auquel est attache le sens du mot independamment de toute contingence
d'aspect, de genre, de nombre, de personne, etc." As for the vowels, they seem
to exhibit a great deal of alternation between the different verbal categories.
As is evidenced by the data in tables (2-5) below, it is often the case that the
only difference between the allomorphs of a verb (Zero-Form vs. Perfect, or ZeroForm vs. Habitual stem) resides in a vowel ablaut.
(1948) already recognize two levels or 'elements' in a verbal form, not counting
the affixes marking person, gender and number (referred to by the name 'desinences').
They distinguish between what they call the "radical element" and the
"morphological element".
with the exclusion of all vowels ("a I'exclusion de toute voyelle" (p. 104)).
The
morphological element of the verbal form, or the "theme" as Basset and Picard
call it, consists of the vocalism, in addition to the reduplication of a radical
consonant or some other prefixes.
Arabic, even though reduplication has sometimes a different semantic and derivational function in Classical Arabic (causative and repetitive action).
Before proceeding any further, it is worth indicating that the verbal stem
222
b.
c.
d.
it.
In a d d i t i o n , a verbal root i s often u s e d , with d i f f e r e n t a f f i x e s , to derive action nouns (deverbal nouns) and agentive nouns, i . e . , nouns r e f e r r i n g to the person
performing the a c t i o n .
The Affirmative Perfect and the Habitual can be said to correspond t o Arabic
Perfective Active and Imperfective Active since t h e former u s u a l l y i n d i c a t e s a
completed action and the l a t t e r an uncompleted a c t i o n .
The Perfec-
t i v e Negative is commonly expressed i n Arabic by a special form called the ' j u s sive'.
least marked, unlike Berber, where the Imperative form is a l s o the c i t a t i o n form
of the v e r b .
223
consonants and vowels with respect to each other and the fact that they represent
isolable units, as already mentioned.
For the derived forms of the verb, Berbei makes use of the prefixes ss-, mm-,
and ttw- (tsw- in Kabyle) to express, respectively, the causative, reciprocal,
and the passive. As is shown in Table 1 above, Arabic makes use of similar mechanisms but with different affixes.
consonant infixation ( or w) to express some semantic categories, a phenomenon unknown to Berber (as far as the available data permit us to assert).
To sum up the discussion so far, Arabic and Berber share a great number of
similarities in their respective verbal systems. These include agreement on the
distinction between completed and uncompleted actions, the use of a special form
for the Negative Perfect, the use of a certain number of affixes to derive various
verbal forms, and, most importantly, the fact that the consonants and vowels represent isolable units. The latter observation is equally true for Berber since
the consonants alone carry the semantic load and are the only stable elements in
the verbal stem whereas the vowels indicate morphological material. This fact is
also especially significant since it makes one wonder whether it might not be
much easier to handle the Berber verbal system on a nonlinear basis with consonants
and vowels represented on different autosegmental tiers, as McCarthy did for Classical Arabic.
For now, the problem related to the similarities and dissimilarities of Arabic and
Berber verbal systems will be further explored.
In addition to the similarities noted above Arabic and Berber display a number
of differences. First, in Arabic each aspectual form (except the first binyan) is
characterized by an almost fixed vowel melody (see (19) above).
In Berber, on the
224
other hand, no specific melody can be associated with the various aspects. Instead, it seems that both basic and derived verbal patterns behave like the first
binyan in Arabic with aspect marked by vowel alternations, the nature of which is
largely determined by the vowel of the Zero-Form.
It is
worth noting that in some cases the alternations are only 0 " 0 or 0 ~ vowel.
Moreover, the Habitual stem is often marked by either 0/ts prefixation, consonant
reduplication, vowel insertion, or any combination of either of the first two processes and the last.
that both languages make use of the same mechanism, namely, consonant reduplication, argues in favor of the existence of structural similarities between them.
At a different level, the fact that Habitual formation makes use of consonant prefixation or doubling and not mainly of vowel ablaut has led Basset to consider the
possibility that this form might be a derived form on a par with the reciprocal,
causative, and passive, and not an aspectual form of the verb.
He maintains that
225
Second, Berber does not seem to have the richness and productivity of the
Arabic system with respect to the derived forms. Whereas in Arabic there are
14 derived forms for the triliterals and 3 possible forms for the quadriliterals
denoting various semantic categories, Berber basically possesses three derived
forms marked by specific prefixes: mm- for the reciprocal or passive, ss- for
the causative, and ttw- (tsw-) indicating the passive.
Basset
(1952) asserts, however, that other derived forms exist in Berber and that other
kinds of prefixes are involved in their derivation.
such forms, which were presumably quite productive in the past, still exist in
such forms as Semiel 'to be shaded with white and black', derived from imlal 'to
be white' (Ahaggar dialect) by z"-prefixation.
cusses the problem of derived verbs in Berber and distinguishes between two types
of derivations:
The
first type, by which he means the reciprocals, causatives, and passives, is very
productive and the veibs derived in this manner are easily attestable on synchronic
grounds.
The second type is a very much less productive process and verbs can be
226
b.
c.
consonant(s) prefixation:
-ddr: /ddrgl/ 'to be blind', from /gl/ 'to look'
-f_: /funzr/ 'to bleed by the nose', from /*nzr/ (cf. anzaren 'nose')
-h: /hrfs/ 'to walk heavily', from Arabic /rfs/ 'to tread'
-h: /hrurd/ 'to move heavily', from /*rd/ (>/rurd/)
/hulfu/ 'resent', from Arabic /lfu/ 'to befall'
-hnu: /hnussd/ 'to ski', from /SSd/ 'to slide'
/hnunnd/ 'to drag oneself/lift oneself with difficulty', from
/nnd/ (?)
-slu: /sluffz/ 'to ruminate', from /ffz/ 'to chew'
-S_: /21qf/ 'to catch in mid air', from Arabic /lqf/ 'to catch'
/Srurd/ 'to take small steps', from /*rd/ by first radical reduplication and u-insertion.
/Suf/ 'to be swollen/angry', from /uf/ (same meaning)
-k: /s*kuntd/ 'to cling to', from /ntd/ 'to stick to'
-2_: /z"91ulq/ 'to swing', from Arabic /91q/ 'to hang'
/z*gugl/ 'to swing', from /agl/ 'to hang' (Moroccan dialects)
d.
consonant suffixation:
-: /SukkG/ 'to suspect', from Arabic /Skk/ 'suspicion/to suspect'
/kkuffG/ 'to skim', from /*kf/ (cf. akafaj 'milk')
227
d.
continued
might be explained by the fact t h a t Berber languages were and are s t i l l spoken
dialects.
J t might be claimed
In
Arabic and other Semitic languages, the majority of verbs are tri-consonanta l and
the bi-consonantals are a t t e s t e d in small numbers only.
point, however, to a rather d i f f e r e n t s i t u a t i o n :
228
autoseg-
Then,
229
1.4.
The purpose
of these tables (2-5) is to acquaint the unfamiliar reader with one or more samples
of each verbal structure or pattern in this language. The data do not show the
schwa, the occurrence of which is predictable by rule (see Chapter 2).
Moreover,
it seems that the schwas do not play any significant role in vowel alternations and
that their occurrence is dictated by merely phonetic factors. Therefore, it can be
concluded that including schwas in the canonical patterns of the verbs serves no
real purpose and would only contribute to the complication of the patterns.
The
reader is referred to Appendix A for more examples illustrating each verbal pattern.
Table 2 contains examples of monoliterals and Tables 3, 4, and 5 illustate
allomorphs of biliteral, triliteral, and quadriliteral roots, respectively.
In
column one of each table, we find the Zero-Form of the verb, which is taken as
basic (corresponding to the Perfective Active in Arabic), because, as mentioned
earlier, it is the least marked form.
For some roots consisting of consonants only, the Negative Perfect is de-
however, that i-insertion is much more common than the data in tables (2-5) would
suggest (for more details, see Basset and Picard, 1948:122-123).
represents the Habitual form of the verb. The last column illustrates some deverbal
nouns derived from the verbal form.
'nomina actionis'
strument, agent, e t c . ) .
230
The passive forms derived by tsw-prefixation have been ignored in the tables
below because they are rarely used and the active form of the verb is commonly
preferred over the passive one, according to native speakers.
sive meaning is also obtained by mm-prefixation (such as /mmccY 'be eaten' from
/ce*/ 'to eat'), commonly used to derive the reciprocal form.
not, however, a productive category and are present only in a small number of
cases.
gory since the majority of verbs seem to have a derived causative form obtained by
ss-prefixation.
this means that the relevant forms could not be obtained or were unavailable for
that particular verbal root.
The palatal and velar glides present a problem because they often surface as
the high vowels i_ and , respectively.
will adopt a probably well-justified criterion like the one in (24) when trying to
determine whether a high vowel is underlyingly a vowel or a glide:
(24) A high vowel i_ or is to be considered underlyingly the corresponding glide and, hence, part of the consonantal root if
it fails to alternate between the various allomorphs of a verb;
otherwise, it is a true vowel and part of the vocalic melody.
This principle will be shown throughout the subsequent discussion to contribute a
great deal to the simplification of the rules accounting for the vocalic alternations from one allomorph to another.
231
Monoliterals
Zero-
Perfect
Perfect
Form
Affirm.
Negative
af
ufi/a
ufi/a
tsaf
'find'
ag
"S
ug
tsag
'buy'
Jj
cc1
jji/a
fiKi/a
jji/a
tsajja
'leave behind'
liSi/a
Gts
III ddu
ddi/a
ddi/a
ili
lli/a
Hi/a
II
IV
Habitual
Deverbal
Gloss
Noun
u8c*i
eat'
Gddu
Guddi
walk'
tsili
Gili
exist'
'shadow'
ini
nni/a
nni/a
tsini
say'
aru
uri/a
uri/a
tsaru
write'
sscC
ssCc*
ssfcc*
ssMay
VI
ssddu
ssddi/a
ssddi/a
send'
mm25
mmSc*
be eaten'
VII mmCc"
asscc*i
feed'
Table 2
Biliterals
II
Zero-
Perfect
Perfect
Form
Affirm.
Negative
jn
jn
jn
ggan
Sing
nz
gri/a
gri/a
qqar
ngi/a
ngi/a
nqq
'kill'
nzi/a
nzi/a
tsnuzu
'be on sale'
sw
swi/a
swi/a
6ss
OissiG
'drink*
lis
lis
His
eiis
Gullsa
'shear'
kkr
kkr
kkir
6kkr
Gukkra
'stand u p '
Habitual
Deverbal
Gloss
Noun
Table 3
'sleep'
lqqraya
'read o u t '
232
Zero-
Perfect
Perfect
Form
Affirm.
Negative
III
Bdd
Bdd
IV
frfr
frfr
frfr
Habitual
Deverbal
Gloss
Noun
tsfrfir
iBddi
'stand up'
Gifrfr
'beat wings'
'kite'
V
Bdu
Bdi/a
Bdi/a
Bddu
lBdi
'begin'
VI
ali
uli
uli
tsali
alluy
'climb'
'slope'
amn
umn
umn
tsamn
lamana
'believe'
'secret'
awi
,,w. 3
ubb i
,,w,
ubb i
awd
,,w, 3
ubb d
ubb d
tsawd
agg ad
lal
lul
lul
tslali
Galali
fad
fad
fad
55 ih
z*ah
z*ah
tsfad
*
dzah
VIII ggall
ggull
ggull
tsjalla
Gaggalli
zzall
zzull
zzull
dzalla
azzalli
tsawi
w
agg ay
' carry'
'load'
VII
'be born'
'overflow'
'abandon'
'pray'
a a
IX
azzl
uzzl
uzzl
tsazzal
Gazzla
argu
urga
urga
tsargu
argi
'dream'
gaji
guja
guja
tsgaji
agaji
flee'
XI
inij
unaj
unaj
tsinij
iniji
'immigrate'
XII
rbbi
rbba
rbba
tsrbbi
arbbi
'raise up'
XIII issin
ssn
ssn
tsissin
Oamussni
'know'
XIV
ssjn
ssjn
ssjn
ssjanay
'make sleep'
ssgr
ssgr
ssgr
ssgaray
'teach'
zznz
zznz
zznz
zznuzuy
'sell'
Timing
mmng
mmng
XV
continued
233
Triliterals
Zero-
Perfect
Perfect
Form
Affirm.
Negative
xdm
xdm
xdim
Habitual
Deverbal
(Sloss
Noun
xddm
axddam
'work'
'worker'
II
fl
fl
fil
fttl
If Gil
'roll couscous'
mgi
mgi
mgi
mqqi
imgi
'bud'
rwi
rwi
rwi
w.
rgg i
w
argg ay
'mix'
kmml
kmml
kmml
tskmmil
sggd
sggd
sggd
tsggid
'complete'
asggad
a
'hunt'
'hunter'
III
hasB
husB
husB
tshasaB
lmhasBa
9 awn
9 awn
9awn
ts9awan
lmSawna
IV
ruh
ruh
ruh
csruhu
uzur
uzar
uzar
Csuzur
'report to s.b.'
help'
leave'
azuran
gain weight'
'thick'
VI
ddari
dduri
dduri
Csdari
adari
take shelter'
VII
jrirB
jrarB
jrarB
CsjririB
ajrirB
roll over'
VIII
iwrig
uwrag
uwrag
tsiwrig
awrag
become yellow'
'yellow'
IX
qqim
qqim
qqim
tsgimi
subb
subb
subb
w
tsubb ay
subb
subb
subb
tsubbu
XI
igimi
sit'
cook'
asubbu
go down'
ssxdm
ssxdm
ssxdm
ssxdam
make work'
ssruh
ssruh
ssruh
ssruhuy
lose'
ssmgi
ssmgi
ssmgi
ssmgay
grow'
Table 4
234
Quadril:Lterals
Zero-
Perfect
Perfect
Habitual
Form
Affirm.
Negative
qrd
qrds*
qrdS
tsqrdis*
BrqS
BrqS
Brqs
tsBrqis*
'be many-colored'
fgms
fgms
fgms
tsfgmis
'nibble'
Deverbal
Gloss
Noun
aqrdaS
'card'
Table 5
A few preliminary remarks are in order concerning the data in the tables
above.
those beginning with ss- or mm- (which correspond, as mentioned earlier, to the
causative and reciprocal forms, respectively) and some forms such as pattern IV
in the biliterals and VII in the triliterals, which were considered 'derivatives
of manner' (see section 1.3. above) since they involve reduplication of a root or
a radical. Second, no semantic category could be found to be associated with any
specific pattern.
Third, not all derived forms have been listed; only a few pat-
also notice that when ss- is prefixed to some basic forms the resulting causative
form becomes in some way 'regularized' with regard to the Perfect stem, in the
sense that the vowel alternation between the Zero-Form and Perfect, attested in
the basic form, disappears in the derived form.
the alternation is 0 * a (cf. /cc" v cc*a/ and /gr<v gra/ vs. /ssc'JS'v ssScV and
/ssgr<v ssgr/).
The number of roots that exist within each pattern varies a great deal.
Some patterns have an extremely limited number of verbs (especially monoliterals
235
I t should
dom.
As far as the sound changes are concerned, one important note concerning the
geminate c l u s t e r s i s in order.
as a r e s u l t of a change in a s p e c t (Zero-Form v s . H a b i t u a l , for i n s t a n c e ) , i t h a r dens i n t o the corresponding s t o p , except s_, , |_, and \ , which apparently undergo
affrication.
(25)
Geminate Consonant
Examples
bb4
i2Br:zbbr
cut'
tt
fBlrfttl
roll couscous'
dd
xdm:xddm
work, fix'
tt
rdl:rttl
lend'
ts
hsB:htsB
count'
dz
cznntjdzm
cut'
2
S
c5m:cc*m
enter'
nz*9:nj9
spur'
j
kk
izcwan
graves' vs. az
gg
jn:ggan
sleep'
ng:nqq
kill'
bb
9wz*:9bbWz*
distort'
w
gg
rwl:rggwl
flee'
kk
w:kka
hit'
gg
9yu:9ggu
be tired'
'gr
236
gle stops became the corresponding spirants (stridents and non-stridents) whereas
geminate stops remained unchanged.
In other words,
it is assumed that the spirants in the first column of (25) above were originally
stops which have undergone spirantization through the historical evolution of the
language.
of this problem (for more details and a thorough discussion of this issue see Saib,
1976:86-122), it is not out of place to indicate that on synchronic grounds nothing
permits us to assert that the spirantization process is more plausible than the
hardening one. Moreover, there are numerous cases where the single stops did not
undergo weakening as the data in (26) illustrate.
supporting schwas in order to show that the medial consonants in the first column
are not geminate clusters.
Zero-Form
Habitual Stem
Gloss
endem
neddem
'regret'
entel
nettel
'bury'
ergem
reggem
'insult'
e9qel
9eqqel
'guess'
ehkem
hekkem
'rule'
The failure of the single stops to undergo spirantization in forms like those
in (26) above is traditionally explained by claiming that the spirantization process is not totally pervasive and that in some dialects it is more pervasive than
in others.
237
like those in (26) do not undergo the process while others do.
some Arabic loans (e.g., ecreh 'hate' (<Ar. /krh/)) have undergone spirantization
while others (e.g., ehkem 'rule' (<Ar. /hkm/)) have not.
The last four examples in (25) illustrate the geminate reflexes of the glides.
The alternation y_ ** gjg_ is a further confirmation of the stipulation made in Chapter
3, namely, that gj_ is the geminate reflex of the palatal glide.
The reason that w, when geminated, surfaces under three different shapes might
be attributed, I believe, to diachronic changes. We have already seen in Chapter 3
that bb
which actually surfaces as the velar glide in the data above derives from three
w
different sounds, namely, b , g , and k . Recall what was said earlier (Chaker,
N.D.) that Berber was subject to a phenomenon of phonetic erosion (loss of laryngeal, pharyngeal, some velar, and weak radicals).
that b_, g_, and k_ were lost when non-geminated and retained when geminated, whereas
w
w
w
>
the labiovelar quality of b , g , and k_ surfaced as the velar glide we still find
in some forms.
ment', for instance, gave kaena in Avestan and poina in Greek (and poena in Latin).
Whereas in Avestan the labiality was lost, k was lost in Greek and Latin, and by
an intermediate derivation, woina, poina and poena were obtained. Another example
is Proto-Indo-European *k is 'who', which gave kah in Sanskrit and pis in Greek.
Finally, Proto-Indo-European *g em 'come' gave gam-anti in Sanskrit and venio (from
wenio) in Latin.
were retained and the labial color of the sounds lost whereas the inverse process
238
In the case of Berber also, the b_ of b__ was lost. The reason
.
.
w
that the labial quality of kk was not retained in kka does not seem to be clear.
Basset (1952) claims that kkaG is derived from gga by a process of devoicing,
t h e r e b y s u g g e s t i n g t h a t t h e w of w
justification
to h i t
w
i s d e r i v e d from g .
However, no r e a l
i s given f o r t h e r u l e of d e v o i c i n g which he a s s u m e s .
By g r o u p ,
(if
In t h e
fol-
in
( p i . binyanim).
VC
b.
CC
e.
CCCC
c.
CCV
f.
CCCCV
d.
VCV
is:
First,
239
can be said that (a) and (b), on the one hand, and (c) and (d), on the other, are
similar except for the first segment in the patterns of each pair.
and (f), they are the derived froms of (b) and (c), respectively.
As for (e)
It is quite
(CC)C+seg]C(V)
The above template allows all and only the patterns in columns (1), (2), and
The C+seg*J element can be interpreted as either a consonant or a
(3) in Table 2.
(29) a.
VC
b.
(af)
VCV
(ili)
identical
I assume t h a t the r a d i -
By the
240
nantal tier which, in this case, happens to be the same radical already mapped
onto the first C-slot.
CC
J
(jj)
CCV
d
(ddu)
As for the derived forms ( p a t t e r n s V, VI, and V I I ) , these have prefixes which
are c e r t a i n l y not part of the r o o t .
CCCCV
CCCCV
b.
J ..
CCCC
CC
[causative*]
QreciprocalJ
CCCCV
Jfcaus"^ \
(jrootj
b.
(reciprj
(TrobtJ
Also,
241
will be mapped onto the relevant slots in the template before the root.
The inventory of the canonical patterns in the biliterals seems to be richer
and much more complex.
CC
h.
CCVCC
b.
ccc
i.
VCCV
c.
cccc
j-
CCCV
d.
CCV
k.
CVCV
e.
vcc
1.
vccvc
f.
CVC
m.
vcvc
vccc
(33) a.
As for the derived forms, a combination of CC plus any of the patterns in (33)
is required in order to obtain the patterns necessary to account for them.
In spite of the great number of possible patterns exhibited by the biliterals,
I believe that the prosodic template in (34) is able to abbreviate all the patterns
in (33) as well as the patterns of the derived forms:
(34)
((CC)(C+seg*J)(C))C(V)C(V)
The problem of association for most patterns in (33) is trivial, in particular for those which contain two C-slots.
b.
(35) a.
4A (jn)
VCVC
fd
e.
(inij)
\1
c.
(fad)
VCCV
ri
(argu)
i*c\
:vcv
j
(gaji)
242
In the cases where there are three C-slots to be linked to two root consonants, left-Co-right association and the principle of spreading of linking lines
to the closest available consonant slot will automatically result in the gemination of the second radical, as illustrated below:
(Bdd)
rb
However, in the cases where the duplication of the first radical is to be obtained,
a problem arises. Left-to-right association and the linking of the unattached
C-slot in the template to the nearest consonant slot in the root tier will give us
the incorrect representations in (37):
(37) a.
CCC
kf
b.
(*krr)
VCCC
zl
ll
c.
(*azll)
VCCVC
ssi?
fi
(*isnin)
McCarthy claims that since "mapping is from left-to-right unless otherwise stipulated, it is impossible to reduplicate the initial syllable rather than the final
syllable" (p.154).
reduplicated, are possible, whereas verbs like *sasam, where the first consonant
is doubled, are not. Moreover, he asserts that he knows of no systematic formation of this sort in Semitic, "though there are very sporadic nouns" (ibid.).
However, in order to account for forms like kattab 'cause to write', McCarthy, as
mentioned earlier, allows a rule of erasure which severs the association of the
final root consonant with the medial C. This now empty C picks up an association
with the autosegment associated with the nearest consonant, in this case, the medial radical (for more details on the way the erasure rule operates, see (12-14)
above).
Since McCarthy allows the erasure rule to operate in the case of tri-
radical roots, I do not see any reason why it can not operate in the case of bi-
243
radicals. For Kabyle, I suggest an erasure rule like the one in (38) which severs
the association of the final root consonant with the medial C. The resulting
empty C is now subject to the Well-Formedness Condition and gets associated with
the autosegment linked to the nearest consonant, in this case, the first radical.
The erasure rule should be restricted to patterns II, IX, and XIII in Table 3.
(38)
(V)CC(V)C
)CC(V)C
+ (V)CC(V)C
(V)CC(V)C
(Erasure Rule)
Given rule (38), the derivations of the forms in (37) will proceed in a straightforward manner as follows:
(39) a.
CCC
b.
c. MCCVC
41
if
kr
VCCC
(kkr)
zl
Sfi
(azzl)
In
(root tier)
(issin)
(rule 38)
ccc
b.
(kkr)
vccc
Hi (azzl)
c.
v;
vggvi
In
(issin)
ation of unattached C-slots to the nearest consonants will yield the following
244
incorrect forms:
:cvcc
!l
b. ccvcc
(*zlall)
if
(*glall)
Here, I suggest a rule similar to that in 38 which would cease the association of
the second root consonant with the second C-slot in the template.
By the Well-
Formedness Condition, the now empty slot gets associated with the autosegment connected to the nearest consonant, in this case, the first radical. Thus, the derivations for the forms in (41) will proceed as follows:
w-w * w-w
W'
We notice, however, that the patterns permitting the erasure rule should be
marked as such.
Since
this is the case, instead of a complicated ad hoc rule of erasure, we can assume
for these patterns as well as for pattern VIII a rule whose effect would be to associate the initial root consonant with the first two C-slots in the template.
This rule, which should apply prior to any other association operations, can be
formalized as follows:
(43)
(V)C9(V)C(C)
xy
(Pre-assignment I)
After the application of this rule, left-to-right association links the second
radical of the root to the remaining C-slot(s) in the template.
If one C-slot is
left, the second radical is mapped onto it on a one-to-one basis (cf./kkr/, /azzl/,
and /issin/).
245
These operations a r e
represented as follows:
(44) a .
CCC
}/
kr
b.
VCCC
]!
zl
c.
VCCVC
l
>
In
d.
CCVCC
\1
zl
e.
9pVCC
u
|l
(rule 43)
CCC
VCCC
kr (kkr)
zl (azzl)
VCCVC
CCVCC
Jr/ (issin)
If
*
WPP
(zzall)
a a
(ggall)
(by left-to-right association)
The operation involving rule (43) looks simpler than that involving the erasure rule.
relative simplicity of the last solution, it is to be preferred to a solution involving the erasure rule.
There is another slightly different way to account for forms like those in
(44).
cede any other association operation and would look like the following:
(45)
(V)CC(V)C(C)
xy
(Pre-assignment II)
(patterns II, VIII, IX, and XIII only)
After the application of this rule, the second radical will be mapped onto the remaining C-slot(s).
sociated.
Since it can not be linked to the second radical (association lines may
not cross), it will be eventually mapped onto the initial radical, triggering its
gemination.
This operation, which gives us the correct results and does not vio-
246
late the basic principles of the Autosegmental Theory, can be represented as follows :
(46) a.
CCC
b.
VCCC
c.
VCCVC
d.
CCVCC
'
kr
zl
sn
gl
CCC
VCCC
VCCVC
CCV
zl
sir
gl
kr
(rule 45)
(left-to-right
association)
CCC
kr (kkr)
VCCC
VCCVC
II (azzl)
/ (issin)
CCJ^C
gl
(ggall)
247
(47)
(rooO
Moreover, in the
derived forms, we notice that vowel-infixation and y_-suffixation are quite common.
Second, forms like dzah and dzalla may be assumed to derive from /ts-Sah/
and /ts-zzalla/, respectively.
gemination rule referred to in the preceding paragraph would give the phonetic
outputs dz'ah and dzalla.
It is worth mention-
ing that a process similar to that happening in Kabyle occurs in Catalan (Mascaro,
1976:45), where a sequence of two sibilants occurring across morpheme boundary
due to affixation merges into one sibilant sound (cf., for instance, /pes//s*ik/ *
pes*ik 'small fish').
whereby the first sibilant assumes the features of the second one (/mes+Sik/, for
instance, surfaces as mes'ik 'smaller').
248
Finally, a number of affixes help to generate the deverbal nouns. A generalization regulating the distribution of these affixes in the various forms seems
difficult to capture.
affix is an idiosyncrasy of the word itself (we will return to this point in 1.5.
below).
Some of the tri-radical verbs, representative samples of which are listed in
Table 4, seem to offer evidence in favor of the claim that the consonants bear
the semantic load of the verb.
from Arabic and it is widely observed that these verbs are borrowed without the
corresponding Arabic vowels.
regarded.
For the phonetic forms of these verbs, Kabyle, however, makes use of
Samples of
the verbs borrowed from Arabic and their Arabic forms are given in (48) below:
Berber
Arabic
Gloss
xdm
xadam
'work, serve'
hsB
hasab
'count'
hkm
hakam
'rule, govern'
fhm
fahim
'understand'
19B
la9ib
'play'
rBh
rabih
'win, gain'
kmml
kammal
'complete'
The triliteral forms of Kabyle fall into one of the following canonical patterns :
249
(49) a.
CCC
d.
CCVCC
b.
CCCC
e.
CCVC
c.
CVCC
f.
VCCVC
To account
(CC)(C)C+seg3CC
(CO(V)CCVC
templates in (50) into one single template w i l l r e s u l t in a very complicated p r o sodic schemata including more than one element specified as f"+segj.
In order to
avoid such complication, I chose to p o s i t two separate templates for the t r i l i t e r a l forms.
The a s s o c i a t i o n of the root consonants with the C-slots in the templates
w i l l proceed i n a straightforward manner for a l l p a t t e r n s in Table 4 if the p r i n c i p l e s and provisions of the Autosegmental Theory as s t a t e d above are taken i n t o
consideration.
250
proceed as shown in several representations above, namely, by one-to-one association from left-to-right.
CCCC
\rb
b.
(subb)
ffl
Rml
(*kmll)
Rml (*kmll)
10
qyfl (*qimm)
10
We get the correct output in (51a) but the wrong results in (51b) and (51c).
How-
ever, the correct forms for verbs like those in (51b) and (51c) are not difficult
to derive. The correct output for the form in (51b) can be obtained if we allow
the erasure rule in (38) to sever the association of the third consonant with the
third C-slot, then reassociate the now empty slot with the autosegment linked to
the nearest consonant, in this case, the middle radical. This is illustrated in
(52) below:
(52)
or ur IT
\\V
\\V
11//
(kmml)
As for verbs like the one in (51c) in which the gemination of the first radical is to be obtained, it might be claimed that the procedure involves more than
one operation of erasure and association.
rule severs the linking of the third consonant to the third C-slot.
The resulting
empty slot is then reassociated with the second radical by virtue of the principle
already operating in (52) and some earlier representations. At this point, a
special provision should be made in order to allow the erasure rule to reapply and
sever the association of the second radical with the second C-slot.
associated C-slot is bound to be finally linked to the first radical, this being
251
This o p e r a t i o n is i l l u s t r a t e d
in ( 5 3 ) :
qym
qym
qym
qym
qym
(qqim)
I t might
be formalized as follows:
(54)
CC(V)CC
(Pre-assignment I I I )
xyz
CCCC
\i
vu
qym
qym
(rule 54)
(qqim)
(left-to-right association)
Similarly, for the patterns involving medial gemination, another pre-assignment rule can be devised which would associate the medial radical with the two
middle C-slots in the template.
late, should be restricted to patterns II and VII of the triliterals. Given this
rule, the derivation for kmml can proceed as follows:
252
(56)
CC9C
kml
kml
(pre-assignment)
(kmml)
For the derived forms, all that is needed is the provision already made
above, namely, representing the prefixes on a separate tier, associating them
with the first two C-slots in the template, and then associating the remaining
C-slots with the root consonants.
The Habitual stems are derived from the Zero-Forms in the same way as the
biliterals are, namely, through gemination of a radical, ts-prefixation, and/or
vowel affixation.
In the
CCt^QCyQ^^
/
fcaus Q
W
[root]
(ssruhuy)
[hab. suff.J
The prefix ts- is to be associated, as mentioned earlier, with the first two
C-slots in the template.
253
cussed in (25) above, where it was demonstrated that the Habitual stem is sometimes
obtained by the gemination of a radical.
in favor of considering s a sequence of two sounds is adduced from the third person masculine singular forms of the verbs. As shown in Chapter 3, the th:rd person
masculine singular prefix surfaces as y_ when the verbal form begins with two consonants or a geminate cluster (58a) and as i^ when the verbal form begins with one consonant followed by a vowel (58b).
examples in (58), the schwa following y_ is epenthetic (see Chapters 2 and 3 for the
environments of schwa-insertion and y_-vocalization).
(58) a.
b.
c.
yeBda
'he began'
yegra
yemme
'he died'
yeggall
'he swore'
iruh/*yruh
'he went'
ifad/*yfad
'it overflowed'
yetsargu/*itsargu
yetsuzur/*itsuzur
254
(59)
(tskmmil)
f^hab.3 (root}
thab.] [root]
fhab.*] [root)
(erasure rule)
Alternatively, instead of the erasure rule, we can invoke the pre-assignment rule
devised earlier to associate the medial radical of the root with the appropriate
C-slots in the template prior to the mapping of the remaining radicals. Recall
that the analysis involving the pre-assignment rule was considered simpler.
The quadri-radical forms are the least complicated but also extremely rare.
Given the data on hand, one basic pattern could be found:
(60)
CCCC
(CC)CCCC
The problem of association is absolutely trivial and does not require any
further elaboration.
correct results, as illustrated below for grds*, where a four radical root is
mapped onto a four C-slot template:
(62)
qrdS
(qrds)
As for the ' d e r i v a t i v e s of manner' discussed in s e c t i o n 1.3. above, no spec i a l provisions have to be made to derive them.
255
of a toot can be handled on the model devised for frfr in (47) above, i.e., by
allowing mapping between morpheme positions and reduplication of the entire root.
Thus, the derivation for qluql 'to shake' can be represented as follows:
(63)
(qluql)
{joptj
0*9 tQ
The cases such as jrirB 'to tumble down' involving reduplication of a middle
radical can be treated like some tri-radical verbs, e.g., kmml (see (56) above)
A pre-assignment rule associates the middle radical of the root with the second
and third C-slots in the template, triggering the gemination of this radical.
Later on, the first and last consonants of the root are mapped onto the initial
and final C-slots of the template on a left-to-right and one-to-one basis.
For the verbs containing affixes, the affixal material will be represented on
a separate tier and mapped onto the corresponding C-slot(s) in the prosodic template before the consonants of the root are.
the nose', sukk 'suspect', and hnussd 'ski', where f, 6, and hn are considered
affixes, are given in (64) below.
to allow the pre-assignment rule devised earlier for forms like kkr (cf. (44)
above) to associate the first consonant of the root with two C-slots in the template prior to the association of the second radical with the last C-slot.
256
(64) a .
CVCCC
f[
b.
CV'
(funzr)
0 (SukkG)
Croot] C aff, 3
Caff.] [ r o o t ]
(hnus'Sd)
faff.]
u.
rootJ
&ffd
Cr00t3
(cf.
I t i s t h e word aBrBas* r e f e r r i n g
'freckles'.
This word p r e s e n t s a
the universal p r i n c i p l e s l e f t - t o - r i g h t
t h e c o r r e c t form in Kabyle ( c f .
probably
/brs*/,
a s s o c i a t i o n in p a r t i c u l a r w i l l not yield
(65a) b e l o w ) .
A g a i n , i f we t r y to map t h e
tri-
b.
(*aBr*saB)
Croot]
[root*]
CroJfJ
BrS
phonology,
This i s i l l u s t r a t e d in ( 6 5 b ) below:
*VCCpV(
257
Root
Derived Form
frh
farfah
'rejoiced'
bhs
bahbaS
'sought*
mrt
marmat
'cut unevenly'
(intensive)
four C-slots i n the template proceeds in a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d manner on a l e f t - t o r i g h t b a s i s , forms like farfah present a r e a l problem s i n c e d u p l i c a t i o n of the
root produces s i x root consonants t o be mapped onto four C - s l o t s .
from a schema l i k e C C.C.C.C.C. we get the surfac e schema C.C-C.C,.
Notice t h a t
McCarthy
p o s t u l a t e s a language p a r t i c u l a r a s s o c i a t i on r u l e for Levantine Arabic which a s s o c i a t e s Che i n i t i a l element of the second copy of the root with the t h i r d C-slot
of t h e prosodic template.
(67):
(67)
I n t e n s i v e / P e j o r a t i v e Association
Ccvccvc]
coo iktf
Then he invokes a convention r e l a t i v e to what he c a l l s ' c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of morphol o g i c a l o p a c i t y ' , r e q u i r i n g that a l l root elements be mapped onto template p o s i -
258
tions.
surface, as universal p r i n c i p l e s s t i p u l a t e .
lows:
44
(root) Cr9*3
(farfah)
Croot7
( I n t . / P e j . assoc.)
(left-to-right
association
A reduplicated root w i l l
be mapped onto a template l i k e VCCCVC, with a s p e c i a l r u l e linking the f i r s t e l e ment of the second copy of the root to the t h i r d C-slot in the t e m p l a t e.
Then,
with the help of the convention that a l l root elements be mapped onto template
p o s i t i o n s we get the correct form.
(69)
VCCCVC
This is i l l u s t r a t e d below:
-*
Br*s Brs*
"(root] rooC]
[root)
4
Jrs*
( I n t . assoc.)
CroD0 t o o t ]
(aBrBas)
[root")
Br!
( l e f t - t o - r i g h t association/morph. opacity)
259
Notice, finally, that the vowel u in funzr 'bleed by the nose' and hnussd
'ski' in (64) above has been considered underlyingly a vowel and not a glide even
though it does not alternate between the various verbal allomorphs (funzr:funzr:
tsfunzur, hnu*3s*d:hnus3d:tshnuSsud)
is underlyingly a vowel and not w.
be adduced from the nominal forms anzaren 'nose' and GahnasSitt 'skiing', which
clearly show that u_ does alternate with .
In sum, the basic formal apparatus needed for Kabyle grammar is not much different from that needed for Arabic and, except for the prosodic templates, this
apparatus looks even simpler than that of Arabic.
specific to Kabyle results, I believe, from two facts. First, Kabyle allows vowelinitial and vowel-final verbs while Arabic does not. Second, Kabyle possesses
monoliteral roots and a fairly large number of biliterals whereas monoliteral
verbal roots are not found in Arabic and biliterals are very rare.
The apparatus specific to Kabyle includes the following:
a.
b.
c.
L e f t - t o - r i g h t consonant a s s o c i a t i o n .
d.
initial
or medial gemination.
e.
The s p e c i a l rule devised for forms like aBrBas' and the requirement
that a l l r o o t elements be mapped onto template p o s i t i o n s .
260
ing processes:
tion.
t s / 0 p r e f i x a t i o n , y_-suffixation, vowel
be a mechanism which would be able t o i s o l a t e the root radical s from the vowels,
the a f f i x a t i o n a l m a t e r i a l , and the canonical d i s t r i b u t i o n of consonants and vowels
represented by the prosodic templates.
Vocalism
Interestingly
261
b a s i c a l l y account for non-derived verbs, seem to behave l i k e the vowel a l t e r n a tions occurring in the b a s i c t r i l i t e r a l binyan of Arabic, namely, the f i r s t binyan.
Recall that i n Arabic the vowel of the second s y l l a b l e in thi s binyan i s subject
to a l t e r n a t i o n s in a complex set of ablaut classes the most common of which are
reproduced i n (70) for ease of r e f e r e n c e :
Perfect:lve
(70)
Impe rfective
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
i/u
f.
i/a
In Kabyle, the ablaut classes seem to be more complex at f i r s t glance and are
not r e s t r i c t e d to the vowel of the second s y l l a b l e since the vowel of the f i r s t
s y l l a b l e (in case the verb is d i s y l l a b i c ) can also be affected.
If the verb i s
If we continue
t o abstract away from schwas, che alCernations in vowel q u a l i t y between the ZeroForm and the Perfect stem can be grouped into the following ablaut c l a s s e s :
(71)
Zero-Form
Perfect
Examples
a.
jn:jn
'sleep'
b.
gr:gra
'read out'
c.
ddu:dda
'walk'
d.
lalrlul
'be born'
e.
zih:z*ah
'abandon'
f.
9awn:9awn
'help'
262
(71)
continued
Zero-Form
Perfect
Examples
g-
funzr: funzr
h.
a u
u a
argu:urga
dream'
i.
a i
u a
gaji:guja
flee'
j-
a i
a a
wali:wala
see'
k.
i i
0a
ili:lla
exist'
1.
i i
u a
inij:unaj
immigrate'
m.
i i
00
issin:ssn
know'
a lack of any a l t e r n a t i o n .
vowels.
When association o c -
[perf]
{root]
263
This kind of alternation occurs in the case of a limited class of verbs, namely,
those mono- and bi-radical verbs which are not subject to 0'*" 0 alternation in
(71a).
The most common types of ablaut are those in (71c), (7 Id), and (7 1e).
and (71g) are extremely rare.
(7 If)
In
several languages, low back consonants and, in some cases, the glide w favor the
occurrence of a low vowel next to them.
with between Perfective and Imperfective, but fails to do so when the root contains a low or pharyngeal radical or, in a few cases, w.
in (73):
(73)
Perfective
Imperfective
Gloss
daras
drus
study'
katab
ktub
write'
fa9al
f9al/*f9ul
do*
fatah
ftah/*ftuh
open'
nawam
nwam/*nwum
sleep'
Another piece of evidence in support of the claim made above comes from Kera,
a Chadic language, in which a rule changing into a schwa (here transcribed as e)
in the environment (
to apply when a low consonant (h or _?_) precedes the low vowel which ordinarily undergoes the change (74b).
264
"quickly'
'know me'
It can be seen, thus, that there is evidence from other languages to explain the
failure of to alternate with in some environments, in violation of the more
common rule.
As for the reason why does not alternate with as would be expected, it
has already been accounted for above, where it was said that a A / alternation
is observed between verbal and nominal forms (cf. funzr 'bleed by the nose' vs.
anzaren 'nose' and hnus's'd 'ski' vs. Gahnass*itt 'skiing').
The alternations in (71h) and (71i) as well as those taking place in the
second vowels in (71j), (71k), and (711) follow directly from those in (c), (d),
and (e). The failure of in (j) to alternate with u has already been accounted
for.
The only remaining difficulty is with the vowel i^ in (k), (1), and (m),
In fact, the only cases known to me which exhibit such an irregular al-
265
Ablaut
{^perfect}
in Kabyle involves a vowel alternation between the singular and the plural forms.
As is shown by the data in (76), a vowel ablaut which is excatly opposite to that
taking place between the Zero-Form and the Perfect is observed between the singular
and the plural:
(76)
Singular
Plural
Gloss
aserdun
iserdan
'mule'
aqzun
iqSan
'dog'
azru
izra
'rock'
ajazlu
ijuzla
'yoke'
ajazu
ijuza
'bunch of grapes'
afus
ifassen
'hand'
Apart from some irregular alternations occurring in a few words, the common
plural alternations are identical to those observed in (76); that is, alternates
with i_ (initial vowel) and u (elsewhere) and with .
266
alternations from the opposite direction, i.e., from plural to singular, we notice
that they are identical to those in (71c), (71d), and (7le) between the Zero-Form
and Perfect.
Hence, a polarity shift rule like the one in (77) will be able to
account for the alternations between the plural and the singular in Kabyle:
(77)
Plural-Singular Ablaut
44.
41
[plural]
{^singular)
Notice that the alternations between the Zero-Form and the Perfect Negative
are similar to those already occurring between the Zero-Form and the Perfect Affirmative except in those cases where the vowel i_ is infixed before the last radical.
In such cases, i_ will be marked as a Perfect Negative morpheme, represented on a
separate tier, and associated with the appropriate V-slot in the prosodic template.
As for the alternations between the Zero-Form and the Habitual stem, they are
much more limited in number and complexity than those between the Zero-Form and the
Perfect.
This is probably due to the fact that the Habitual stem is marked for
The vocalic
b.
Zero-Form
Habitual
Examples
a a
jj:tsajja
'leave behind'
ssjn:ssjanay
'cause to sleep'
'feed'
267
(78)
continued
c.
d.
Zero-Form
Habitual
u u
Examples
nz:tsnuzu
'be on sale'
ns:tsnusu
kmml:tskmmil
'complete'
frfr:tsfrfir
'beat wings'
e.
a a
ggall:tsjalla
'swear'
f.
u u
funzr:tsfunzur
g.
i i
jrirB:tsjririB
'roll over'
The alternation in (78c) is extremely unproductive and the only known cases
undergoing this kind of ablaut are some bi-radical roots consisting of [+sonorant]
and sjz_ sounds, in that order,
some mono- and bi-radicals which do not contain any real vowels.
If then we ex-
clude the ablaut classes in (a) through (c), we are left with the quite productive
alternations in (d) through (g). The rules needed in order to specify which of
these alternations occurs in which environment will be rather easy to determine.
Specifically, the 0*v i alternation (d) occurs when the template consists of four
C-slots without any V-slots.
formulate a rule which changes the template of the Zero-Form from CCCC to CCCVC.
As far as the problem of association is concerned, the newly generated V-slot will
be mapped onto the vowel i^which will be specified as an Habitual morpheme. A
sample derivation for tsqrdis 'card', where t also represents a Habitual prefix,
is given below:
268
(79)
[habitual]
C,hab.]
Qroot]
it
ing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of consonants and vowels in the Zero-Form, we have one V-slot
and one vowel on the vocalic t i e r ; by the Well-Formedness Condition, t h i s vowel
w i l l be automatically associated with the s i n g l e V-slot as shown in (80) for the
verb g g a l l
'swear':
(80)
.
CCvCC
1
,
+
ff
CCVCC
gl
.
(by allowing the pre-assignment rule
devised above to apply f i r s t )
(ggall)
However, the template under consideration for the Habitual forms w i l l have two Vslots.
effect of copying the already existing vowel ( i n the Zero-Form) and assigning i t
a new v o c a l i c position in t h e Habitual stem.
other hand, does not require such a r u l e .
269
sented on a separate tier, will be associated with any number of V-slots in the
template.
a much simpler manner for the facts of Kabyle. A sample derivation for a form
like tsfunzur is given in (81a) and another derivation for the Zero-Form funzr is
given in (81b):
(81) a.
b.
I
71
nzr
aff
root
later mapped onto the already existing vowel, represented on a separate tier, as
illustrated in (81a).
1.5.
Some refer to the person who performs the action (agent), others to the action
itself ('nomina actionis'), and still others have resultative, instrumental, locational, or qualitative meanings.
tigate the entire, seemingly complex gamut of patterns on which these deverbal
nouns are built, a task well beyond the scope of this study.
ply try to focus on the most productive patterns as well as derivational processes
involved and show how they constitute a strong argument in favor of an autosegmental treatment of Kabyle verbal morphology.
that the derivation of nouns from verbs specifically ignores the vocalism and is
270
solely based on the root/stem consonants; the resulting forms then become subject
to various affixational processes specific to deverbal nouns.
In fact, Serra
(1979) already observes in his analysis of the action nouns in the Zwera dialect
of Berber (Tripolitania) that the derivation of nouns from verbs involves vocalic
mutations, the alternations affecting the consonants being rare and usually confined to degemination/gemination and assimilation/dissimilation processes. Moreover, we shall see that interesting processes involving the mapping of root/stem
consonants onto the slots of the templates* oan be explained by the principles of
spreading and one-to-many association discussed earlier.
From the strictly morphological point of view, verbal derivatives are not
much different from other nouns.
(except those borrowed from Arabic with the definite article -1_), like other
nouns, commonly begin with a vowel or the feminine prefix 6 followed by a vowel.
Moreover, some of them are masculine while others are feminine. As for distinction in number, it appears that deverbal nouns (except those referring to the
agent) fail to have a plural. They also behave like other nouns with respect to
the free and construct states. They do indeed lose their initial vowels and prefix a glide when they occur in a position which requires the construct state (oblique case).
(82) a.
iruh
shepherd left
b.
iruh
umecsaw
left
shepherd
ahnusSed
yelha
skiing
is good
yelha
'skiing is good'
wehnus's'ed
is good skiing
'skiing is good'
271
Recall t h a t Berber i s b a s i c a l l y a v e r b -
r e a l i z a t i o n s of these forms.
1.5.1.
Agentives
The bulk of these nouns refer to the person who performs the verbal action
either habitually or as a professional.
Agentive
Gloss
axeddam
'worker'
xdm, xddm
'work'
aSettah
'dancer'
sdh, Stth
'dance'
a a
a a
'stitch'
axerraz
'cobler'
xrz, xrrz
aseggad
'hunter'
sggd, tsggid
a
'hunt'
agennay
'singer'
gnni, tsgnni
'sing'
aheSsaS
'person who
huSs, tshuSSu
'cut grass'
cuts grass'
d.
aBennay
'builder'
Bnu, Bnnu
'build*
ahekkay
'scraping pad'
hukk, tshukku
'scrape'
272
(83)
continued
Agentive
Gloss
'shepherd'
cs, (jss
'shepherd'
ameShah
'stingy'
*suhh, tsuhhu
'be stingy'
amerwal
'person who
rwi, rggwl
'flee*
'dweller'
zdg, zddg
'dwell'
'red'
izwig, tsizwig
'be red'
amellal
'white'
imlil, tsimlil
'be white'
amezyan
'small*
mzzi, tsmzzi
'be small'
awezIan
'short'
wzzil, tswzzil
'be short'
ag ezfan
'long'
w .
w
g zzif, tsg ZZlf
'be long'
amessas
'tasteless'
mssus, tsmssus
'be tasteless'
asemmad
'cold'
smmd, tsmmid
'be cold'
afessas
'light'
fssus, tsfssus
'be light'
e. amecsaw
flees'
amezdag
f. azegg ag
First, notice that in the data above the derivation ignores the vocalism (if
any) of the verbs (e.g., compare ahes's'as' with huss* and amellal with imlil).
This
fact provides one more argument in favor of the autosegmental treatment of Kabyle
verbal morphology followed here.
represented on separate autosegmental tiers, we can formulate a rule like the one
in (84) below which stipulates that an agentive noun is formed on the consonantal
material of the verb:
(84)
consonantal tier
Cverb]
273
Obviously, for each category of nouns in (83) above, it must be specified whether
the agentive nominals are formed on the root (Zero-Form) or Perfect/Habitual stem.
For the forms in (83a), for example, it is clear that they are derived from the
Habitual stem, most probably because they refer to professionals who perform the
action repeatedly.
The second observation to be made about the forms above is related to the
pattern on which they are built.
occurrences are predictable by rule), we can say that the agentives are formed on
the VCCCVC template.
the initial vowel in Berber nouns is a prefix of some sort (definiteness, state,
or case marker), it is possible to claim that these nouns are built on the CCCVC
template.
(83b).
Notice that the rule in (84) gives us CCCC for the forms in (83a) and
In order to derive the correct agencive forms we need a rule ordered af-
ter (84) which inserts a vowel slot before the last C-slot.
CCCC
> CCCVC
(Agentive Formation)
("agentive]
Given the template above, interesting association processes occur when the
verbal root/stem does not contain four consonants to be mapped onto the four Cslots of the template.
consists of two consonants only; when these two consonants are to be mapped onto
the four C-slot template, left-to-right and one-to-many association (and other
conventions discussed earlier) require that the second radical be associated with
the last three C-slots, giving us the correct form, as illustrated below:
274
(86)
h
(aheSs*as*)
Within t h e autosegmental a p p r o a c h , no
s p e c i a l s t i p u l a t i o n i s needed i n o r d e r t o d e r i v e t h r e e c o p i e s of the s e c o n d r a d i c a l
(or a ' t r i p l i c a t e ' ) .
of j[ in t h e a g e n t i v e form as o p p o s e d to
i t s d u p l i c a t i o n i n the v e r b a l form ( c f .
huss").
The o r i g i n of
i s a s u f f i x of some s o r t enI n t h i s c a s e , i t o c c u p i e s an
t h e c o r r e c t o u t p u t as i l l u s t r a t e d i n ( 8 8 ) below:
CCCVC
(agentive
(88)
CCCVQ
suffix]
->-
CC V(
9 <
Bn
[agent.]
(root)
y
(agent.
radicals
L e f t - t o - r i h t a s s o c i a t i o n of t h e two
r a d i c a l s of t h e r o o t w i t h t h e remaining t h r e e C - s l o t s of t h e template w i l l
(87)
In-
(aBennay)
suff.J.
yield
275
Notice that there is a clear difference between the affixational v_ in the forms in
(83d) and the y_ of agennay (83b).
from the root itself.
since it does not alternate between the different verbal allomorphs. This v_ apparently fails to undergo vocalization in the agentive form because it is preceded
by a vowel (see vocalization rule in Chapters 3 and 4 ) .
The forms in (83e) exhibit a different characteristic.
m to the root/stem consonants.
CCCVC
ti
[agentive prefix)
Afterwards, the consonants of the root/stem are mapped onto the remaining C-slots
in the template.
spreading allows the second consonant to be associated with the last two C-slots
in the template, again giving the correct result (e.g., ameShah).
ametjsaw, how-
ever, has a special status since the second radical does not get associated with
the fourth C-slot as expected.
assume that this glide is also a suffix of some sort whose diachronic origin is
not clear.
Thus, amecsaw has both a prefix (m) and a suffix (w) which have to be
mapped onto the appropriate C-slots prior to the association of the root consonants with the slots of the template.
lows:
276
(90)
CCCVC
it
-v
CCCVi
^**w
m cs
(amecsaw)
[root]
It is worth mentioning chat there is an alternative form for amecjsaw, having the
same meaning; it is araecsa, with no final w.
has been suffixed to the original form in order to fit the CCCVC template, on
which many agentive nominals are built.
It appears that the pattern CCCVC (or VCCCVC) is so productive that it is not
limited to agentive nouns. As can be seen from the data in (83f), many quality
adjectives (color, weight, length, etc.) are formed on this pattern even though
they do not carry an agentive meaning.
In the case of
adjectives derived from tri-radical verbs and not involving affixes (e.g.,
w
w
operation. Notice that the geminate reflex of w is gg , a process already seen
in examples like rwi:rgg 1 'to flee'. As for adjectives derived from bi-radicals
and not involving any affixes (e.g., amessas and afessas), left-to-right and oneto-many association produces three copies of the second radical yielding the correct forms (cf. ahes*Sa above).
w
.
slots
277
But since there are only three consonants in the root, one of these
consonantsin this case the second oneis allowed to be mapped onto two C-slots,
automatically triggering its gemination.
already been linked to the affix , we expect that the three consonants of the
root will be associated with the remaining slots in the template on a one-to-one
basis.
This is exactly what happens since the gemination of the middle consonant,
which takes place in the verbal forms, is blocked in the adjectival forms.
In a
linear approach, we would regard the verbal form as basic and, hence, in the derivation of the adjectival form we would need a special rule degeminating the middle
consonant.
Within the approach followed here, however, no need for such a rule
arises since the principles of association and the template available predict that
no gemination would occur.
1.5.2.
In this section, verbal derivatives other than agentives and quality adjectives are considered.
these nouns are built because the choice of a specific pattern is largely dependent upon the number and quantity of the consonants in the verbal root/stem, and
also upon other considerations (.e.g., affixational processes).
Instead, I will
briefly sketch out the main affixational processes involved.in the derivation of
these nouns without attempting an explanation for the reason this (these) group(s)
of noun select(s) this rather than that affixational material.
various affixes by various nouns seems to be arbitrary in most cases (see Serra
(1979) for a similar view on affixational processes in the Zwera dialect of Berber).
278
Instead,
Where
leqraya
'reading
'reading''
(cf.
gr:qqar)
lefGil
rolling'
(cf. feirfttl)
lehsaB
a count'
(cf. hsB:htsB)
elmuG
death'
(cf. emme9)
lexyada
sewing'
(cf. xid:tsxidi)
a
b.
elkerh
hatred'
(cf. grhicrrh)
elfadur
lunch'
(cf. fdr:fttr)
errwah
' lleaving'
eaving'
(cf.
ruh:tsruhu )
erriha
smell'
(cf.
rih:tsrihi)
essBiga
' paint'
(cf.
sBg:sbbg)
(cf.
s*iB:ts"iBi)
eSSiB
grey h a i r '
Che nouns and t h e verbs a r e borrowed from Arabic, each category seems to have
been borrowed s e p a r a t e l y .
only from Arabic, then a noun was formed from i t u s i n g Kabyle's processes of
nominal derivation (as did i n fact happen for many forms to be discussed below);
r a t h e r , i t seems t h a t both Arabic v e r b a l and nominal forms were borrowed i n t o
Kabyle.
279
This
Third,
This
Zero-Form/Perfect Stem
action noun
Gloss
Verb
ahenhen
'neighing'
hnhn
ajrireB
'tumbling down'
jrirB
afesser
explaining'
fssr
asaBi
comparing'
"SaBi
awali
seeing'
wali
ahnuSSed
skiing'
hnusSd
assuden
kissing'
ssudn
as s iwe1
calling out'
ssiwl
either
280
prefixation:
(94)
Noun
Gloss
Verb
acmaz
'scratching'
cmz
as fad
'wiping'
sfd
azdam
'cutting wood'
zdm
ucci
'eating'
c8
igimi
'sitting'
qqinwtsgimi
imgi
'budding'
mgi
iBeddi
'standing up'
Bddl
t h r e e forms in (94)
above.
process:
afruy
'resolving'
fru
acnay
'kneeling'
<jnu
in o r i g i n
of t h e r o o t c o n s o n a n t i sm which h a s undergone v o c a l i z a t i o n i n t h e v e r b a l
It
Noun
Gloss
Verb
alluy
'slope'
ali
w
agg ay
'carrying'
awi
azway
'shaking out'
zwi
afsay
'melting'
fsi
from
part
forms.
i s precede d by a vowel
the
(see
281
action while those in (93) and (94) above indicate the action itself.
(97)
Noun
GazzalliG
(Gloss
Sloss
Verb
'prayer'
zzall:dzalla
a a
a a
6usuG
cough'
usu
GamezluG
massacre'
Gaddar
shelter/village'
Gamusni
knowledge'
issin
Gili
shadow'
amejra
harvest'
mjr
Gigersi
tear'
'break'
rz ('to break')
Girzi
A fairly large number of nouns are formed from verbs belonging to the patterns C C C and CC by 9-prefixation and various vowel-affixation processes
(usually and for the first pattern).
Noun
Gloss
Ver
Gukksa
taking away'
kks
Gullfa
repudiating'
llf
0ubbya
pinching'
bbi
uzzra
drowning'
zzr
uqqsa
stinging'
qqs
0aguzi
digging'
Sz
arusi
landing'
rs
282
It seems that the first five forms are built on a pattern like CVCCCV.
First, G_, which is a prefix and is, hence, represented on a separate tier, is
mapped onto the first C-slot in the template.
sociated with the remaining C-slots. The association process should, however,
be subject to the provision made earlier for this category of verbs, namely, that
the pre-assignment rule be allowed to associate the first radical with the second
and third C-slots in the template prior to any other association operation. Finally, the vowel melody, which in this case is u , is mapped onto the appropriate
V-slots.
(99)
QVCCCV
CVCCCV
>
ks
Cpref.)
(pref J
Qroot]
(pre-assignmenC rule)
CVCCCV
f70^7
"*"
( ma pp ing o
second radical)
(mapping of vowels)
(Gukksa)
is restricted to the nouns and does not occur in the corresponding verbal allomorphs.
283
Noun
Gloss
Verbal Allomorphs
alluy
'slope'
damusni
'knowledge'
tsdila
'hair-cut'
alluy is apparently built on the pattern VCCVC, with three consonantal slots.
But since there are only two consonants in the vei-b, the principles of autosegmental phonology predict that one of themin this case the first onewill be
associated with two C-slots in the template, thus producing its gemination. As
we see, this is exactly what happens.
ing.
left with three C-slots in the template and three root consonants.
Left-to-right
noun and the verb behave differently with respect to the gemination of the second
root radical without any phonetic reason to justify this different behavior, we
can assume that the gemination versus non-gemination of the second radical is die-
284
There is, however, another aspect of the Kabyle verbal system re-
lated to its complexity and the difficulty of predicting the shapes of different
allomorphs of a verb.
the various allomorphs of a verb in the lexicon, with relationships among them expressed by means of devices called morpholexical rules (Lieber, 1930).
The discus-
Lexical Approach
Lieber (1980) proposes a theory of the organization of the lexicon. Accord-
ing to her, the lexicon consists of a list of all unanalyzable terminal elements
and their lexical entries.
285
in a single lexical component of the grammar in a principled and highly constrained way" (p.l).
within generative grammar as a subfield in its own right, with a specific framework separate from syntax and phonology.
certain theories of Aronoff (1976), and before him, Siegel (1974) and Halle (1973).
She initially divides the morphological component into two subcomponents, a permanent lexicon containing lexical entries organized into category classes and
lexical classes, and a lexical structure component.
is characterized by specific rule types. The permanent lexicon contains morpholexical rules and redundancy relations, the lexical structure component lexical
structure rewrite rules and a number of feature percolation conventions.
Lieber
realizes, however, that these devices are not in themselves sufficient to characterize the full range of word-formation processes in natural language, since there
exists a class of morphological processes which are productive such as reduplication, infixing, vowel ablaut and umlaut.
It consists of a
block of string dependent morphological rules, some of which must have transformational power.
The section of Lieber's thesis relevant to our discussion is that which deals
with the permanent lexicon subcomponent.
mine what items of Kabyle verb morphology are to have entries in the lexicon, and
how lexical items are to be related to one anotherfor example, whether all verb
stems (Zero-Form, Perfect, Habitual), basic and derived alike, are to be listed
in the lexicon, with relationships among different verb allomorphs expressed as
redundancy rules.
Before proceeding any further, the notions of lexical classes and morpholex-
286
As an i l l u s t r a t i o n ,
in the lexicon i s divided i n t o l e x i c a l classes which consist of roots of that c a t e gory type and r e l a t e d stems" (p. 10).
X v X'
where X and X' represent segmental s t r i n g s d i f f e r e n t from one another in some fashion, and where A stands for X and B for X'.
Rule
One impor-
conjugations.
non-perfect i n d i c a t i v e verbs and the form of the past stems are largely independent
287
on any phonological or semantic grounds the perfect stem from the vowel of the
root.
Again, it is purely arbitrary, according to her, for the verb root am 'to
love' to form its present stem with the theme vowel 5, or that aud 'to hear' takes
the theme vowel I.
Lieber calls them) are idiosyncratic to particular verb roots, she suggests listing
them in the lexicon along with the corresponding verb roots.
morpholexical rules relating the root to the non-perfect stem specific to each
class as well as examples of ordered pairs belonging to each class (p.87):
(103) a.
X"" Xa
f(am, ama), (crep, crepa), (iuv, iuva),...j
b.
X -* Xe
f(mon,
c.
X v Xy
f(al,
d.
morie),
X ~ Xi
f(cup, cupi), (spec, speci), (fug, fugi),...j
e. X-vXl
/(aud, audi), (amic, amici), (sane, sanci),..."*
As for the perfect stems, in many cases, the perfect tenses are built on a
different stem from the non-perfect tenses (e.g., dico, dixi 'say').
Lieber as-
serts that the form of such a stemand that a separate stem exists at allis
288
So iuvo, lego,
and venio form their perfect tenses or stems by lengthening the vowel of the verb
root (iuv, leg, ven), whereas augeo, dico, and sanctio have perfect stems consisting of the root plus an extension (aux, dix, sanx).
XvXs
f(dic, dies), (aug, augs), (spec, specs),...J
* c o v c o - C0 [ + lg] c o
f(iuv, iuv), (sed, sed), (leg, l e g ) , . . . j
=. V c 0 ,c 0 [-Jo]
fec),...j
d. CQCVC2
3
,
r3
1 234 -v 1 2 r - l o l 2 K o | 4
X-w X
f ( r u , r u ) , (bib, b i b ) , . . . ?
(104)
289
verbs into f i v e conjugations, many verbs within each conjugation show a g r e a t deal
of i r r e g u l a r i t y in the d e r i v a t i o n of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e allomorphs.
Hence, i t was
In f a c t , various attempts by c e r -
Not even t h e
290
a l t e r n a t e with a i n the P e r f e c t , such as in ddu:dda ' w a l k ' , rnu:rna ' a d d ' , xid:xad
' s e w ' , and siB:s*aB 'becomes g r e y h a i r ' .
that those high vowels which do not a l t e r n a t e between the Zero-Form and the P e r fect come from underlying g l i d e s .
seem t o point in t h e direction of this assumption ( e . g . , a l l u y , ' s l o p e ' , is d e rived from a l i ' c l i m b ' by d u p l i c a t i n g the f i r s t r a d i c a l and infixing the back high
vowel u ) , i t is n o t possible t o determine on synchronic grounds t h a t t h i s is a l ways t h e case.
291
patterns CCC and CCCC; the middle C-slots in CCCC represent geminate consonants.
The verbs belonging to these patterns do in fact have Perfect stems identical to
their Zero-Forms.
and bi-radical roots have been subject to a phenomenon of phonetic erosion probably
resulting in numerous cases of irregularity, it remains true nevertheless that on
synchronic grounds there is no way of accounting for such anomalies.
Until a com-
In what follows
each class will be discussed ana morpholexical rules devised in order to relate
roots and Perfect stems.
The first class (class I) includes a number of monoliterals and biliterals
which affix a vowel in the Perfect stem.
292
(105)
Xv XV
** a, ^<v , or / .
like t h e following:
(106)
CQ
[hi| C 0 -vC 0
V
-hi
*bk
C0
f(ag, ug), (ddu, dda), (Scar, c*c*ur), (ggall, ggull), (2ih, Sah),
(SiE,
listed in both classes I and II with the extra stipulation that the vowel resulting from infixation in class I does not undergo the vowel ablaut in class II.
Thus, for a verb like af:ufa, its membership in class I will give us the allomorphs
af and afa, and its additional membership in class II will cause the first to
undergo the usual rule of vowel ablaut giving us the correct shapes, a_f and ufa.
A second solution would instead devise a separate class for such verbs and relate
the root and the Perfect stem by a rule like the one in (107):
293
(107)
v
r|chi|
i
C *v | - h i | C a
ochiJ C A/ -tbk|
(af,
Class III consists of the verbs exhibiting the following set of ablaut
classes:
a.
iivua
b.
au'vua
c.
a i *v u a
(108) illustrates the morpholexical rule relating the root to the Perfect stem
specific to this class as well as examples of ordered pairs belonging to the same
class:
(108)
This
The morpholexical
rule in ( 109) is able to express the relationship between the root and the Perfect
stem:
(109)
iC.i*v C.C.a
J
JJ
294
illustrating the alternation: _i ,ii'v0 0, does not conform to any of the classes
in (105) through (109):
But no other verb seems to behave in a way similar to that of issin and, for that
reason, no independent class has been suggested for this verb.
As far as the Habitual stems are concerned, we shall see that only a relatively small number of classes are needed in order to account for the allomorphs
at hand.
We have already seen that the Habitual forms are obtained by ts/6-
These processes
G_-prefixation:
b.
t-prefixation:
c.
ts-prefixation+vowel-affixation:
frfr, tsfrfir
'beat wings' ;
d.
ts-prefixation+degemination:
ddari, tsdari
'take s h e l t e r ' .
295
e.
ts-prefixation+vowel-affixation+degemination :
'stay'
tsjalla
f.
gemination:
qqim, tsgimi
; ggall,
'swear'.
; si, sli
gemination+vowel-affixation:
'pulverise'.
For example, all tri-radical verbs which conform to the CCC pattern form
their Habitual stem by reduplicating the middle radical (cf. xdm:xddm 'work').
Also, all bi-radicals which belong to the CCC pattern, where the first two C-slots
stand for a geminate consonant, derive the Habitual stem by prefixing 6 (e.g.,
kkr:6kkr 'stand up').
the biliterals pertaining to the CC pattern, some form the Habitual stem by geminating the second radical while others do so by geminating the first radical and
inserting the vowel between the two radicals.
Habitual stem by prefixing t and inserting or before and after the second
radical.
The examples in (Ilia), (111b), and (lllc) illustrate these three cases,
respectively:
(111)
Zero-Form
Habitual Stem
Gloss
nS
nqq
'kill'
rg
rqq
'burn'
si
sli
'hear'
CS
ess
'shepherd'
zd
ztt
'weave'
a a
a a a
296
(.111)
continued
Zero-Form
b.
Habitual Stem
Gloss
jn
ggan
'sleep'
gz
qqaz
'dig'
ml
mmal
'show'
S*
qqar
'read out'
zd
zzad
'pulverise'
c.
nz
tsnuzu
'be on sale'
rz
tsruzu
'break'
ns
tsnusu
rs
tsrusu
'land'
ds
tsdasa
'laugh'
a a
Except possibly fcor the forms in (lllc) which all end in or , there is no
way to predict on eithter phonological or semantic grounds whether a verb undergoes
the process illustrated in (Ilia) or that in (111b).
'pulverise' present strong evidence for our claim.
of the same sounds (except for the lack of emphasis in the second radical of the
form for 'pulverise', the first forms its Habitual stem by doubling the second
radical and the second by undergoing the process illustrated in ( 1 M b ).
The rea-
son why these two verbs behave differently remains unexplained, as far as I know.
In the monoliterals belonging to the CC pattern, where the two C-slots are
mapped onto a geminate radical, some unpredictability is also observed.
Some of
these verbs prefix t and insert before and after the geminate radical (112a),
while others derive the Habitual stem by prefixing G_ (112b):
297
(112)
Zero-Form
a.
b.
Habitual Stem
Gloss
jj
tsajja
'leave behind'
rr
tsarra
'vomit'
cc"
Gts
kk
Gkk
'eat'
'go by way o f
The first class (class I) includes the verbs which prefix C. The verbs belonging to this class exhibit almost all template patterns and may consist of anywhere from one to three radicals.
ing the root to the Habitual stem as well as examples of ordered pairs belonging
to this class:
(113)
Xv tsX
(af, tsaf), (ini, tsini), (argu, tsargu), (wali, tswali),
(rbbi, tsrbbi), (issin, tsissin), (lal, tslal), (amn, tsamn),
(ugal, tsugal), (rangi, tsrangi),...J
Class II groups all verbs which form the Habitual stem by prefixing t and
copying the vowel of the root after the following radical (whether single or geminate).
(114) il-
lustrates the morpholexical rule needed for this class as well as examples of
298
Hence,
CC <v tsaCCa
f(jj>
t s a j j a ) , ( r r , t s a r r a ) , (ds, t s a d s a ) , . . . 2
ing two sounds, one before and another after the second r a d i c a l .
(116) i l l u s -
299
(116)
CC -v tsCuCu
Their
Habitual stems are obtained by ts-prefixation and ^-infixation before the last radical.
The morpholexical rule relating the root to the Habitual stem and examples
In class VI, I group a fairly large number of bi- and tri-radical verbs whose
Habitual stems are derived by doubling the second radical. The bi-radicals belong
to the patterns CC and CCV whereas the tri-radicals have the CCC pattern. (118)
illustrates the morpholexical rule relating the root to the Habitual stem and examples of pairs of allomorphs specific to this class:
(118)
The mor-
C.C-v C.C.aC
( j n , ggan), ( g r , q q a r ) , (zd,
zzad),...l
300
In class VIII, finally, we find verbs which prefix to the roots in order to
derive the Habitual stems.
for this class as well as examples of ordered pairs belonging to the same class:
(120)
X-vGX
f(ddu, 0ddu), (kkr, 6kkr), (cc, 0ts), (kk, kk), (bbi, 0bbi),...?
The morpholexical rules in (113) through (120) capture the largest part of the
stem allomorphy relative to the Habitual forms in Kabyle verb paradigm. However,
a few verbs exhibit a behavior which can not be fitted into any of the classes
above.
Two of these are: wO:kka 'hit' and fk:tsak 'give'. A phonological ex-
planation based on diachronic analysis, such as the one given above for kka, may
be offered in order to account for the surface forms of such verbs. When such an
explanation is found, it may be shown that such verbs will fit into the various
classes devised above.
w6:kka6, which would derive from *k 0:*kk a, with the historical loss of k in the
first and of labiovelarization in the second, then this verb will fit under class
VII in (119).
Synchronically, however, this claim may not stand because the change
301
(121) a.
b.
Derivation on Root
a+gaji
'fleeing'
a+frfr
'flying'
a+mjr
'scythe'
i+mgi
'a bud'
inij+i
'immigration
inij, unaj, t s in ij
im+inij+i
'immigrant'
1+xdm+a
'work/job'
Q+a+lal+i+0
'birth'
0+a+zzall+i+0
0+ili
'prayer'
ili,
lli/a,
+i+frfr+
'kite'
frfr,
frfr,
9+a+mjr+a
'harvest'
shadow'
tsili
tsfrfir
a+^na+y
kneeling'
a+kmml
completion'
i+zri
vision'
zr, z n / a , zrr
+a+dsa
laughing'
a+dari
taking shelter'
a+jlujul
changing shape'
a+rgg +ay
mixture
a+Suhhu
stinginess
a+Bnn+ay
builder'
a+ztt+a
weaving'
+i+ss+i+0
drinking'
sw, swi/a, ss
0+a+dukl+i
companionship'
The derived forms in (121) illustrate processes of prefixation and/or suffixation involved in word formation operations.
302
a+xddam
'worker'
a+cSam
'entrance'
a+rwah
'departure'
'hunter'
a+rttal
'lending'
a+Bgas
'belt'
l+f0il
'rolling couscous'
l+ciB+a
'writing'
6+a+c6aB+
'book'
0+a+guz+i
'digging'
a+sggad
a
(123)
or Degemination
am+ggaj i
all+uy
'slope'
Gan+cr+a
'getting up'
nomad'
Conclusion
In this chapter, Kabyle verbal morphology has been investigated in terms of
non-contradictory approaches within two recent theories of morphology.
The first
approach argues in favor of treating the verbs of this language and their nominal
derivatives within the autosegmental theory of phonology (McCarthy 1979, 1981,
1982).
the Kabyle verbal system, namely, the fact that the consonants, vowels, and other
morphemes which constitute a verb are isolable units to be represented on separate
tiers and later mapped onto specific CV templates.
303
in support of t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c .
and Kabyle verbal systems has been included; t h e two systems have been found to be
similar i n more than one r e s p e c t .
304
Notes
In this verb and subsequent ones the specification i/a should be interpreted
as meaning that i_ is used for the first and second person singular and
elsewhere.
2
No real explanation could be found for the fact that // shows up as /Gts/
in the Habitual.
The reason why w is reduplicated (i.e., shows up as bb ) in the Perfect stems
of 'carry' and Tarrive' remains unclear at this stage.
The geminate reflex of f is ff probably because there is no in the language
(cf. /dfrsdffr/). As for x, no examples could be found to illustrate its
geminate reflex.
The geminate reflex of d shows up as tt probably because there is no stop
sound corresponding to d.
Actually and j_ stand for tS_ and di, respectively. The first symbols have
been used in this dissertation for typographical reasons only.
The data here are from classnotes taken during a course in Indo-European
Linguistics by Ladislav Zgusta (Fall 1981 - University of Illinois - Urbana).
Q
305
Appendix A
N.B.
In what follows, verbs are grouped in patterns according to the shape of their
Zero-Forms:
e.g., verbs like af, xdm, and Bddl are listed under VC, CCC, C C C C ,
the first being a monoliteral and the second and third patterns triliterals (a geminate counts as one single consonant but occupies two C-slots).
be found in the first column, and the Perfect and Habitual stems in the second and
third columns, respectively; the verbal nouns (if any) are listed under column four.
Unless otherwise specified, the noun given indicates the action noun.
Monoliterals
VC
af
ufi/a
tsaf
'find'
ag
as
ug
tsag
'buy'
usi/a
tsas
'arrive'
ci*
Mi/a
ts
jj
kk
jji/a
kki/a
tsajja
'leave behind'
kk
'go by way o f
rr
rri/a
tsarra
CC
uJ*2i
irirn
'eat'
'vomit/answer'
'vomited
matter'
CCV
ddu
ddi/a
ddu
qqu
qqi/a
Gqqu
zzu
zzi/a
Gzzu
'plant'
aru
uri/a
tsaru
'write'
ili
lli/a
tsili
Guddi
'walk'
VCV
Gili
'exist'
'shadow'
ini
nni/a
tsini
'say'
Biliterals
csi/a
c,ss
amcsaw
'shepherd'
'a shepherd'
dsi/a
tsadsa
adsa
fki/a
tsak
gri/a
qqar
lqqraya
'read out 1
gz
if
qqaz
Gaguzi
'dig'
jn
ggan
mli/a
mmal
Gamuli
'show'
ngi/a
nqq
ammngi
'kill'
'laugh'
'give'
'surpass'
'sleep'
'battle'
nsi/a
tsnusu
nzi/a
tsnuzu
be on sale'
rgi/a
rqq
GimrgiwG
burn'
rs
tsrusu
Garusi
land'
rsi/a
tsrusu
get dressed'
rw
tsrw
cry'
rzi/a
tsruzu
irzi
break'
'a break'
sli/a
sli
swi/a
ss
0issi0
' drink'
kka
0iyiGa
'hit'
zd
zzad
Guzda
' pulverise'
zdi/a
zri/a
ztt
aztta
'weave'
zrr
izri
' see'
bbi
Gbbi
6ubbya
'pinch'
ddm
Gddm
ddz
6ddz
hear'
a a a
'take/pick up'
6uddza/adduz
'pound/crush'
'pounding' /'pestle'
CCC
1
continued
ffg
ffg
ffg
'go o u t '
ffr
ffr
ffr
'hide'
ffz
ffz
' chew'
kkr
kkr
ffz
kkr
ukkra/9ancra
'stand u p '
kks
kks
kks
ukksa
'take
llf
llf
llf
ullfa
'repudiate'
Hi
Hi
Hi
'open'
11m
11m
311m
'weave'
lis
lis
lis
ullsa
'shear'
mm
mm
tsmtsa
lmu6
'die'
away/off'
death'
qqd
qqd
6qqd
uqqda
'brand/burn'
qqn
qqn
6qqn
uqqna
'attach'
qqs
qqs
qqs
uqqsa
'puncture'
ssd
ssd
S5d
usda
'slide'
ttd
CCd
ttd
'suckle'
ttf
ttf
ttf
'catch/seize'
tts
tts
ids
tsu
tsu
0tsu
zzr
zzr
0zzr
zzl
zzl
a a
a a
zzl
*
'sleep'
'forget'
uzzra
'drown o n e s e l f
'stretch'
CCC.
1
'stand u p / s t o p '
Bdd
Bdd
B5
BsS
tsBSis
'urinate'
mss
mss
tsmasa
'touch'
gzz
gzz
iBddi
'bite'
CCV
Bdu
Bdi/a
Bddu
Bdu
Bdi/a
Bttu
Bgu
Bgi/a
Bqqu
lBdi
'begin'
'divide'
lBsi
'want/wish'
308
CCV
Bnu
continued
Bni/a
Bnnu
lBni/aBnnay
'build'
'building'/'builder'
cnu
cni/a
cnnu
acnay
'kneel'
dru
dri/a
drru
fru
fri/a
frru
gBu
gBi/a
gbbu
'hide/conceal'
hku
hki/a
hkku
'tell'
lhu
lhi/a
lhhu
'walk'
lhu
lhi/a
rnu
rni/a
rnnu
add'
s9u
s9i/a
s99u
'have'
sfu
Sfi/a
sffu
'remember'
zgu
zgi/a
9yu
9yi/a
9ggu
'be tired'
Ban
Ban
tsBan
'appear'
BiB
BuB
tsBiBi
fad
fad
tsfad
'happen'
afruy
'separate'
'be beautiful/good'
'be located'
CVC
iBiBi
fak
fuk
tsfaka
lal
lul
tslal
'finish'
Oalali
'be born'
'birth*
qas
qus
SiB
SaB
'guard'
tsqasa
55 ib
'become grey'
'grey hair'
xas
'lack*
xus
xid
xad
2ih
zah
tsxidi
a
dzah
lxyada
'sew'
SSih/araSah
'abandon'
9aS
ts9isi
'live'
u^r
w.
tsacr
w.
tsac, i
'steal'
VCC
aqr
w.
ac l
UC 1
'wake up'
309
VCC
continued
afj
ufj
tsaf j
*fly/take off
ajw
ujw
tsajw
t s a jw.i
'buy'
' b r i n g water from w e l l '
.w.
aj i
.w.
UJ.w 1
.w
aj m
uj m
tsaj m
ali
uli
tsali
'refuse'
alluy
'climb'
'slope'
amn
umn
tsamn
laman/lamana
'believe'
'trust'/'something entrusted'
anf
awd
a
awi
unf
ubbWd
,.w.
ubb I
'let'
tsanf
tsawd
tsawi
agg ad
w
agg ay
'reach/arrive'
'carry'
'load'
VCCV
argu
urga
tsargu
argiG
'dream'
' a dream'
arju
urja
tsarju
unaj
tsmij
'wait upon'
VCVC
inij
iniji/iminij
'immigrate'
guja
tsgaji
agaji/imggiji
flee'
nadi
nuda
tsnadi
saBi
suBa
tSaBi
aSaBi
'compare'
wali
wala
tswali
awali
'see'
ggull
zzull
tsjalla
aggalli
dzalla
azzalli9/amzzallu
CCVCC
i i .1 J
ggall
zzall
'pray'
310
C.C.VC
1 1
Scar
ccur
tsKar
llaz
lluz
tslaz
'be full'
laz
'be hungry'
'hunger'
nnag
nnug
tsnag
amnnug
'fight'
qqar
qqur
tsgar
9agar9
'be dry'
gnni
gnna
tsgnni
ag nnay
'sing'
hggi
hgga
tshggi
rbbi
rbba
tsrbbi
whhi
whha
tswhhi
point out'
9ddi
9dda
ts9ddi
pass by'
uzzl
tsazzal
9azzla
ssn
tsissin
Garausni
CC.C.V
l l
'prepare'
arbbi
bring up/raise'
V C C. C
I l
azzl
VC C V C
i l
issin
'know'
'knowledge'
C CCC.
1
J
BhBh
J.
frfr
BhBh
tsBhBih
aBhBh
'be hoarse'
frfr
tsfrfir
afrfr/9ifrfr
'beat wings'
'beating wings'/'kite'
f9f9
f9f9
tsf9fi9
af9f9
'wake up'
hnhn
hnhn
tshnhin
ahnhn
'neigh'
kikd
tskikid
jlujl
tsjlujul
C.VC.C
l
kikd
'tickle'
CCVCC.
1
J * -1
jlujl
ajlujul
'change shape'
311
C.C.VCV
1
ggami
gguma
'not be able'
VC.C.VC
l i
agg ad
tsagg ad
ugg ad
aragg ad
'be afraid'
'timid'
Derived Causative Verbs with no Apparent Basic Correspondents
ssird
ssirid
ssird
assirid
'wash'
ssisn
ssasn
ssisin
ssiwl
ssiwl
ssawal
'dip'
assiwl/awal
call'
calling'/ 'word'
sslil
sslal
sslalay
'rinse'
ssmir
ssmar
ssmaray
'spill'
ssudn
ssudn
ssudun
ssurj
ssurj
ssuruj
'pour'
ssusf
ssusf
ssusuf
'spit'
ssusm
ssusm
ssusum
'become silent'
ssuQr
ssuGr
ssuQur
amssu9r
'beg'
zzuzzr
zzuzzr
zzuzzur
azzuzzr
'sprinkle'
assudn
'kiss'
Triliterals
CCC
Bgs
Bgs
Bggs
aBgas
gird'
Brn
Brn
Brrn
aBrni
twist'
'tap'
Brx
Brx
Brrx
s i t down ( c a m e l ) '
Bzg
Bzg
Bdzg
moisten
crz
<jrz
crrz
acjrza
plough'
crh
crh
c,rrh
lkrh
hate'
c5m
cSm
ccSm
ancSum
enter'
'entrance'
c@B
c9B
ijttB
dfr
dfr
dffr
lkdiBa
write'
follow'
312
CCC
continued
**i
drj
drrj
'shit'
d9f
d9f
d99f
'lose weight'
fdr
*
fdr
fttr
fhhm
lfadur
"lunch'
fhm
fhm
frg
frq
frg
frq
frrg
'twist'
frrq
fsd
fsd
ftsd
lfsad
'damage'
fsi
fsi
ftsi
afsay
'melt'
fei
f91
fttl
If Gil
'roll couscous'
gli
gmz
gli
gmz
gili
aglluy
fall'
grq
hdr
grq
hdr
hlc
lfhama
'understand'
separate/divide'
gmmz
wink'
grrq
'sink'
hddr
'talk'
hl<j
hllc
'be sick'
hBs
hBs
hbbs
'stop'
hkm
hkm
hkkm
Ihakem
'rule'
'ruler'
hsB
hsB
htsB
'count'
J91
jzm
J91
J991
'think'
jzm
jdzm
cut'
19B
19B
199B
'play'
mgi
mgi
raqqi
'bud'
imgi
'a bud'
mjr
mjr
mggr
amjra/amjr
'harvest'
'harvesting'/''scythe'
mri
mri
mrri
amray
'rub'
msd
mSd
mtsd
irastt
'comb'
a a
'a comb'
msh
msh
mtsh
ndm
ndm
nddm
'regret'
'lick'
nhr
nhr
nhhr
nsf
nsf
ntsf
blow'
ntd
nCd
nttd
guide'
313
CCC
continued
ntl
ntl
nttl
'bury'
antlt
'burial'
nz9
nz9
ndz9
'dig up'
n*z9
nz9
ndz9
'spur'
n91
n91
n991
'swear/curse'
qrs
qrs
qrrs
'to be torn'
igrsi
'a tear'
rBh
rBh
rbbh
arBah
rdl
rdl
rttl
arttal
'loan'
rfd
rfd
rffd
rgm
rgm
rggm
insult'
rhn
rhn
rhhn
mortgage'
rhl
rhl
rhhl
a a
'win'
'lend'
'lift'
rrhil
to another)'
rkB
rkB
rwi
rwi
rwi
rwi
sBg
sBg
rkkB
w.
rgg i
sbbg
ride'
w
argg ay
mix'
arwla
flee'
ssBiga
paint'
'a paint'
sni
sni
snni
sdh
sdh
stth
a
mount'
s*sdih/as*ttah
a
dance'
'dance'/'dancer'
3B9
6B9
bb9
follow'
whl
whl
whhl
be stuck'
wr
wr
wrr
inherit'
w9d
w9d
w99d
set up an appointment
xdm
xdm
xddm
lxdma/axddam
'work/fix'
'work'/'worker'
xrz
xrz
xrrz
axrraz
' stitch'
'cobler'
xzn
xzn
xdzn
zdg
zdg
zddg
hide'
amzdag
'dweller'
'dwell'
314
CCC
continued
zdm
zdm
azdam/9az dmt
zddm
'gather wood'
'gathering wood'/'faggot'
zmr
zmr
zmmr
zr9
zwi
zr9
zrr9
zzri9
'sow*
zwi
azway
'shake out'
zBd
zBd
zgg i
zbbd
2m9
zm9
zram9
an2mu9
zrh
Srh
zrrh
'wound/hurt'
9ds
9ds
9tts
'sneeze'
911q
'hang'
9ql
91q
9ql
9qql
'guess'
9sq
9Sq
9tSq
'love*
9zm
9zm
9dzm
91q
9wz
CCC
9w2
'pull'
'gather/assemble'
'decide'
w
'distort 1
9gg z/9bb z*
gum
gum
tsgumu
'hide/cover'
lum
lum
tslumu
'blame'
rih
rih
tsrihi
rriha
'smell'
'smell'
ruh
ruh
tsruhu
sud
sud
tsudu
rrwah
'leave'
'blow'
Suf
Suf
tSufu
'be angry'
zux
zux
dzuxu
'boast'
zur
*
zur
dzuru
zzyara
'visit'
a9wwam
'swim'
9um
9um
ts9umu
'swimmer'
CCC C
1 I
durara
dumm
tsdummu
hukk
hukk
tshukku
'sweep'
ahkkay
'scrape'
'scraping pad*
huss
huss*
tshussu
ahssas*
'cut grass*
315
ccc i c i
subbw
subb
subb ay
assubb i
'cook'
Suhh
Suhh
tSuhhu
asuhhu/am&hah
'be stingy'
'stinginess'/'stingy'
subb
subb
tsubbu
asubbu
'go down'
Bddl
Bddl
tsBddil
aBddl
* change'
Brrh
Brrh
tsBrrih
aBrrh
'call out'
Brrz
Brrz
tsBrriz
<*ggr
dggr
dggr
tsdggir
adggr
'push'
<*ggr
tsdggir
adggr
'throw'
fssr
fssr
tsfssir
afssr
'explain'
grr9
grr9
tsgrri9
hddd
hddd
tshddid
hmml
hmml
tshmmil
like/love'
hsss
hsss
tshssis
'listen'
cc i c i c
'fight'
belch'
'iron clothes'
(P.R. = hesses)
hzzB
hzzB
tshzziB
ahzzB
'be careful'
kmml
kmml
tskmmil
akmml
'complete'
mqqr
mqqr
ameqqran
'be big'
'big'
qrrB
qrrB
tsqrriB
smmd
smmd
tsmmid
'approach'
asmmad
'be cold'
'cold'
snnd
snnd
tsnnid
sffr
sffr
sggd
tsffir
sggd
tsggid
a *"' w a
asnnd
'lean'
'whistle'
ssyada/as;ggad
a a
'hunt'
'hunting'/ 'hunter'
i
sttl
a a a
sttl
9 9 9
tsttil
a a a
asttl/tsd ila
a a a
'shave'
a a
'shaving'/ 'haircut
. i
Sgg9
Sgg9
tsggi9
'send'
shhd
Shhd
tShhid
'swear'
xmmn
xmmn
tsxmmin
'think'
316
CCCC
continued
1 1
911m
911m
ts911im
' s tamp'
9Hq
911q
ts9Hiq
'hang'
9mmr
9mmr
ts9mmir
'fill up'
gawl
gawl
tsgawal
'hurry'
hasB
husB
tshasaB
CVCC
lmhasBa
'report to s.o.
about s.t.'
rauql
muql
tsmuqul
nudm
nudm
tsnudum
'look'
nadam
'be sleepy'
'sleep'
qaBl
qaBl
tsqaBal
'face'
samh
sumh
tsamah
'forgive'
sawm
sawm
tsawam
gawr
awr
tsawar
'consult'
wans
wans
tswanas
9awd
9awd
ts9awad
9 awn
9awn
ts9awan
CCVC
asiwm
a9iwn/lm9awna
'help'
ugal
ugal
tsugal
ugal
'return'
urar
urar
tsurar
urar
'play'
'party'
uzur
uzar
tsuzur
azuran
'gain weight'
thick'
uzum
CCCC
i
qqim
uzam
'fast'
tsuzum
tsgimi
runja
tsranji
igimi
'stay'
CVCCV
ranji
'fix'
(French borrowing)
317
CCVCC
1 1
ddari
dduri
ddukl
ddukl
tsdari
tsdukul
adari
'take s h e l t e r '
9aduc,li/amddakul 'befriend'
'befriending'/'companion'
CCVCC
l
flali
flali
fruri
fruri
frurx
frurx
tsflali
tsfruruy
tsfrurux
'appear'
'break into small pieces'
afrux
(pi.
'hatch'
ifraxn) 'bird'
hrurd
hrurd
jlilz
jlalz
jrirB
jrarB
rjaji
rjaji
tshrurud
tsjliliz
tsjririB
tsrjaji
ajrirB
'tumble down'
Verbs of Quality
tsfssus
afssas
be light'
g zzif
tsg zzif
ag zfan
'be tall'
hlc,
hlc,
hllc,
imlil
mllul
ts imlil
amllal
'be white'
iwrig
uwrag
tsiwrig
'be yellow1
izwig
uzwag
tsizwig
awrag
w
azgg ag
mqqr
mqqr
tsmqqir
amqqran/amjar
'be big'
fssus
w .
g ZZlf
fssus
w
'be sick'
be red'
'big'/'old man'
mssus
mssus
tsmssus
amssas
'be tasteless'
mzzi
mzzi
tsmzzi
amzyan
'be young'
smmd
smmd
tsramid
asmmad
'be cold'
uzur
uzar
tsuzur
azuran
wssir
wssir
tswssir
awssur
'be old'
wzzil
wzzil
tswzzil
awzlan
'be short'
N.B.
All the forms in the fourth column whose meaning is not specified refer to
318
Quadri - .iterals
CCCC
Brqg
Brqs*
tsBrqis*
'be many-colored'
fgms
fgms
tsfgmis
'nibble*
hrfs
hrfs
tshrfis
'walk heavily'
qrds
qrds*
tsqrdiS
Slqf
Slqf
tslqif
aqrdaS
'card'
'catch in mid-air'
ddrgl
hnus*Sd
hnussd
be blind'
tshnuSSud
a
ahnusSd/Gahnass]Ltt
'ski'
hulfu
tshulfu
'resent'
kkuffG
kkuffG
tskkuffu
'skim (milk)'
qqums
qqums*
tsqqumuS
'squat'
sluffz
sluffz
tsluffuz
'ruminate'
sGufu
sGufa
Skuntd
skuntd
t*Skuntud
Srurd
srurd
tSrurud
SukkG
SukkG
tSukkuG
'suspect'
zgugl
z*gugl
dSgugul
'swing'
z91ulq
291ulq
dz91uluq
'have time'
319
Bibliography
Abdel-Massih, E. (1968) Tamazight Verb Structure - A Generative Approach.
ington: Indiana University P u b l i c a t i o n s .
Bloom-
Unpublished
Unpublished
Stud-
La Langue Berbere.
Oxford University P r e s s .
. (1959) "L'alternance Vocalique dans l a Morphologie Berbere." In Coll e c t i o n Linguistique de la S o c i e t l Linguistique.de P a r i s , v, 58 (1959):8t.
and A. Picard (1948)
Algiers: typo-litho.
Clayton, M.L. (1981) "Word Boundaries and Sandhi Rules in Natural Generative
Phonology." Language 57:571-590.
A l g i e r s : F i c h i e r de Documentation
Dictionnair e Kabyle-Francais.
Destaing, E. (1920)
P a r i s : SELAF.
P a r i s : Leroux.
"Syllables."
Journal of L i n g u i s t i c s 5:253-286.
Cahiers
Dis-
L i n g u i s t i c Analysis
L i n g u i s t i c Analysis
4.3:225-254.
. (1979)
dissertation.
Ph.D.
Unpublished paper,
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Linguistic
Language 48:525-540.
Ph.D. dissertation,
Lin-
Linguistic
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. (1936/1939)
P a r i s : Geuthner.
Leben, W. (1973)
Mass.
.(1980)
P a r i s : Leroux.
Suprasegmental Phonology.
Linguistic
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La L i t t e r a t u r e Algerienne Moderne.
Prague: Acaderaia.
P r i n c e , A.S. (1983)
Acta O r i e n t a l i a XXV:43-111.
L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry 14:19-100.
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Vergnaud, J.-R. and M. Halle (1978) "Metrical S t r u c t u r e s in Phonology (A Fragment of a D r a f t ) . " Unpublished Manuscript, MIT, Cambridge, Mass.
324
Vita
Yousef Farhan Bader was born in 1952 in Khirbet El-Wahadneh, Jordan.
In
Amman Polytechnic School while working as a correspondent for the French News
Agency (Agence France-Presse) in Jordan.
Yarmouk University (Jordan) to study for a Ph.D. in Linguistics at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, where he obtained his A.M. in 1982.
Yousef Bader is the author of "Syllable Structure and Vowel Sandhi in
Kabyle Berber" in Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 13.1, 1-17, and co-author
(with Michael Kenstowicz and Rachid Benkeddache) of "The Phonology of State
in Kabyle Berber", to appear in D. Goyvearts, ed., Studies in African Linguistics.
The author held a teaching assistant position in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, from August 1982
until May 1984.
Upon his