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Narendra Modi
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Narendra Modi
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Narendra Modi
14th Prime Minister of India
Incumbent
Assumed office
26 May 2014
President
Pranab Mukherjee
Preceded by
Manmohan Singh
14th Chief Minister of Gujarat
In office
7 October 2001
22 May 2014
Governor
Sunder Singh Bhandari
Kailashpati Mishra
Balram Jakhar
Nawal Kishore Sharma
S. C. Jamir
Kamla Beniwal
Preceded by
Keshubhai Patel
Succeeded by
Anandiben Patel
Member of the Indian Parliament for Varanasi
Incumbent
Assumed office
16 May 2014
Preceded by
Murli Manohar Joshi
Member of the Gujarat Legislative Assembly for Maninagar
In office
1 January 2002 16 May 2014
Preceded by
Kamlesh Patel
Succeeded by
Suresh Patel
Personal details
Born
Narendra Damodardas Modi
17 September 1950 (age 66)
Vadnagar, Bombay State (presently Gujarat), India
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Spouse(s)
Jashodaben Modi (m. 1968) (estranged)
Residence
7, Lok Kalyan Marg, New Delhi
Alma mater
University of Delhi
Gujarat University
Religion
Hinduism
Signature
Website
Official website
Government website
PM Modi Portrait(cropped).jpgThis article is part of a series about
Narendra Modi
Early life and education Public image
Early political career
Gujarat Legislative Assembly
2002 2007 2012
Prime Minister of India
Campaign Achhe din aane waale hain Modi Aane Wala Hai Swearing-in Council of Min
4
2014 Indian general election
5
Prime Minister
5.1
Economic policies
5.2
Health and sanitation policies
5.3
Hindutva and education policy
5.4
Foreign policy
5.5
Defence policy
5.6
Environmental policies
5.7
Governance and other initiatives
6
Personal life
7
Image
8
Books
9
Awards and recognition
9.1
State honours
10
References
10.1
Notes
10.2
Citations
10.3
Sources
11
Further reading
12
External links
Early life and education
Narendra Modi was born on 17 September 1950 to a family of grocers in Vadnagar,
Mehsana district, Bombay State (present-day Gujarat). He was the third of six ch
ildren born to Damodardas Mulchand Modi (c.1915 - 1989) and Hiraben Modi.[15] Mo
di's family belonged to the Modh-Ghanchi-Teli (oil-presser) community,[16][17][1
8][19] which is categorised as an Other Backward Class by the Indian government.
[19][20]
As a child, Modi helped his father sell tea at the Vadnagar railway station, and
later ran a tea stall with his brother near a bus terminus.[21][22] Modi comple
ted his higher secondary education in Vadnagar in 1967, where a teacher describe
d him as an average student and a keen debater, with an interest in theatre.[21]
Modi had an early gift for rhetoric in debates, and this was noted by his teach
ers and students.[23] Modi preferred playing larger-than-life characters in thea
trical productions, which has influenced his political image.[24][25]
Modi being fed by his mother
Modi with his mother, Hiraben, on his 63rd birthday on 17 September 2013.
At age eight, Modi discovered the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and began a
ttending its local shakhas (training sessions). There, Modi met Lakshmanrao Inam
dar, popularly known as Vakil Saheb, who inducted him as a balswayamsevak (junio
r cadet) for RSS and became his political mentor.[26] While Modi was training wi
th the RSS, he also met Vasant Gajendragadkar and Nathalal Jaghda, Bharatiya Jan
a Sangh leaders who were founding members of the BJP's Gujarat unit in 1980.[27]
[28]
Engaged while still a child to a local girl, Jashodaben Narendrabhai Modi, Modi
rejected the arranged marriage at the same time he graduated from high school.[2
9] The resulting familial tensions contributed to his decision to leave home in
1967.[30]
Modi spent the ensuing two years travelling across Northern and North-eastern In
dia, though few details of where he went have emerged.[31] In interviews, Modi h
as described visiting Hindu ashrams founded by Swami Vivekananda: the Belur Math
near Kolkata, followed by the Advaita Ashrama in Almora and the Ramakrishna Mis
sion in Rajkot. Modi remained only a short time at each, since he lacked the req
uired college education.[32][33][34] "Modi's life is said to have Vivekananda's
deep influence. People close to Modi have often been quoted, saying that Modi ha
s molded many aspects of his life as Vivekananda's."[35]
Reaching the Belur Math in the early summer of 1968 and being turned away, Modi
wandered through Calcutta, West Bengal and Assam, stopping by Siliguri and Guwah
ati.[36] Modi then went to the Ramakrishna Ashram in Almora, where he was again
rejected, before travelling back to Gujarat via Delhi and Rajasthan in 1968 69.[37
] Sometime in late 1969 or early 1970, Modi returned to Vadnagar for a brief vis
it before leaving again for Ahmedabad.[38] There, Modi lived with his uncle, wor
king in the latter's canteen at the Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation.[39
][40]
In Ahmedabad, Modi renewed his acquaintance with Inamdar, who was based at Hedge
war Bhavan (RSS headquarters) in the city.[41][42][43] After the Indo-Pakistani
War of 1971, he stopped working for his uncle and became a full-time pracharak (
campaigner) for the RSS.[40] In 1978, Modi became an RSS sambhag pracharak (regi
onal organiser), and received a degree in Political Science after a distance-edu
cation course from Delhi University.[44][45] Five years later, he received a Mas
ter of Arts degree in political science from Gujarat University in 1982.[46][47]
Early political career, 1975 2001
On 26 June 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in I
ndia which lasted until 1977. During this period, many of her political opponent
s were jailed and opposition groups (including the RSS) were banned.[48][49] As
pracharak in-charge of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the studen
t wing of the RSS, Modi was forced to go underground in Gujarat and frequently t
ravelled in disguise to avoid arrest. He became involved in printing pamphlets o
pposing the government, sending them to Delhi and organising demonstrations.[21]
[50][51][52] During this period, Modi wrote a book in Gujarati, Sangharsh Ma Guj
arat (In The Struggles of Gujarat), describing events during the Emergency.[53][
54]
He was assigned by the RSS to the BJP in 1985.[27] In 1988, Modi was elected org
anising secretary of the party's Gujarat unit, marking his entrance into elector
al politics.[44][55] He rose within the party, helping organise L. K. Advani's 1
990 Ram Rath Yatra in 1990 and Murli Manohar Joshi's 1991 92 Ekta Yatra (Journey f
or Unity).[21][56] As party secretary, Modi's electoral strategy was considered
central to BJP victory in the 1995 state assembly elections.[27][57][58] In Nove
mber of that year Modi was elected BJP national secretary and transferred to New
Delhi, where he assumed responsibility for party activities in Haryana and Hima
chal Pradesh.[57][59] The following year, Shankersinh Vaghela (one of the most p
rominent BJP leaders in Gujarat) defected to the INC after losing his parliament
ary seat in the Lok Sabha elections.[21] Modi, on the selection committee for th
e 1998 Assembly elections in Gujarat, favoured supporters of BJP leader Keshubha
i Patel over those supporting Vaghela to end factional division in the party. Hi
s strategy was credited as key to the BJP winning an overall majority in the 199
8 elections,[57][60] and Modi was promoted to BJP general secretary (organisatio
n) in May of that year.[61]
Chief Minister of Gujarat
Taking office
Modi flanked by three other men at a table
Modi and his cabinet ministers at a Planning Commission meeting in New Delhi, 20
13.
In 2001, Keshubhai Patel's health was failing and the BJP lost a few state assem
bly seats in by-elections. Allegations of abuse of power, corruption and poor ad
ministration were made, and Patel's standing had been damaged by his administrat
ion's handling of the earthquake in Bhuj in 2001.[57][62][63] The BJP national l
eadership sought a new candidate for chief minister, and Modi, who had expressed
misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement.[21] Altho
ugh senior BJP leader L. K. Advani did not want to ostracise Patel and was conce
rned about Modi's lack of experience in government, Modi declined an offer to be
Patel's deputy chief minister, telling Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he
was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On 3 October 2001
he replaced Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of prep
aring the BJP for the December 2002 elections.[64] On 7 October 2001, Modi was a
dministered the oath of office.[65] On 24 February 2002 he won a by-election to
the Rajkot
II assembly constituency, defeating Ashwin Mehta of the Indian Nation
al Congress (INC) by 14,728 votes, which enabled him to take office.[66]
2002 Gujarat riots
Main article: 2002 Gujarat riots
On 27 February 2002, a train with several hundred passengers was burned near God
hra, killing approximately 60 people.[a] The train carried a large number of Hin
du pilgrims returning from Ayodhya after a religious ceremony at the site of the
demolished Babri Masjid.[69][70] In making a public statement after the inciden
t, Modi said that the attack had been pre-planned terror attack by local Muslims
.[3][69][71] The next day, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad called for a bandh across t
he state.[72][73] Riots began during the bandh, and anti-Muslim violence spread
through Gujarat.[69][72][73] The government's decision to move the bodies of the
train victims from Godhra to Ahmedabad had the effect of further inflaming the
violence.[69][74] The state government stated later that 790 Muslims and 254 Hin
dus were killed.[75] Independent sources put the death toll at over 2000.[69][76
] Approximately 150,000 people were driven to refugee camps.[77] Numerous women
and children were among the victims; the violence included mass rapes and mutila
tions of women.[2]
The government of Gujarat itself is generally considered by scholars to have bee
n complicit in the riots,[1][2][3] and has otherwise received heavy criticism fo
r its handling of the situation.[78] Several scholars have described the violenc
e as a pogrom, while others have called it an example of state terrorism.[79][80
][81] Summarising academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There is
by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansi
ng, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the
complicity of the state government and officers of the law."[2] The Modi governm
ent imposed a curfew in 26 major cities, issued shoot-at-sight orders and called
for the army to patrol the streets, but was unable to prevent the violence from
escalating.[72][73] The president of the state unit of the BJP expressed suppor
t for the bandh, despite such actions being illegal at the time.[3] State offici
als later prevented riot victims from leaving the refugee camps, and the camps w
ere often unable to meet the needs of those living there.[82] Muslim victims of
the riots were subject to further discrimination when the state government annou
nced that compensation for Muslim victims would be half of that offered to Hindu
s, although this decision was later reversed after the issue was taken to court.
[83] During the riots, police officers often did not intervene in situations whe
re they were able.[2][71][84] In 2012 Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi's governm
ent from 2007 to 2009, was convicted of participation in the Naroda Patiya massa
cre during the 2002 riots.[85][86] Although Modi's government had announced that
it would seek the death penalty for Kodnani on appeal, it reversed its decision
in 2013.[87][88]
Modi's personal involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. Duri
ng the riots, Modi said that "What is happening is a chain of action and reactio
n."[2] Later in 2002, Modi said the way in which he had handled the media was hi
s only regret regarding the episode.[89] Modi has not offered an apology for the
riots.[90] In March 2008, the Supreme Court reopened several cases related to t
he 2002 riots, including that of the Gulbarg Society massacre, and established a
Special Investigation Team (SIT) to look into the issue.[78][91][92] In respons
e to a petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the Gu
lbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court also asked the SIT to investiga
te the issue of Modi's complicity in the killings.[91] The SIT questioned Modi i
n March 2010; in May, it presented to the court a report finding no evidence aga
inst Modi.[91][93] In July 2011, the court-appointed amicus curiae Raju Ramachan
dran submitted his final report to the court. Contrary to the SIT's position, he
said that Modi could be prosecuted based on the available evidence.[94][95] The
Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate court. The SIT examined Ramacha
ndran's report, and in March 2012 submitted its final report, asking for the cas
e to be closed. Zakia Jaffri filed a protest petition in response. In December 2
013 the magistrate court rejected the protest petition, accepting the SIT's find
ing that there was no evidence against the chief minister.[96]
2002 election
Modi and former Prime Minister Vajpayee looking at a blue-covered report
Modi with Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 2002.
In the aftermath of the violence came widespread calls for Modi to resign as chi
ef minister from within and outside the state, including leaders of the Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam and the Telugu Desam Party (allies in the BJP-led National Dem
ocratic Alliance coalition), and opposition parties stalled Parliament over the
issue.[97] Modi submitted his resignation, which was not accepted, at the April
2002 BJP national executive meeting in Goa.[98] His cabinet had a 19 July 2002 e
mergency meeting, offered its resignation to the Gujarat Governor S. S. Bhandari
and the assembly was dissolved.[99][100] Despite opposition from the election c
ommissioner, who said that a number of voters were still displaced, Modi succeed
ed in advancing the election to December 2002.[101] In the elections, the BJP wo
n 127 seats in the 182-member assembly.[102] Although Modi later denied it, he m
ade significant use of anti-Muslim rhetoric during his campaign,[103][104][105][
106] and the BJP profited by the division of the vote along religious lines.[101
] Modi hired the public relations firm APCO Worldwide to manage his image.[101]
He won the Maninagar constituency, receiving 1,13,589 of 1,54,981 votes and defe
ating INC candidate Yatin Oza by 75,333 votes.[107] On 22 December 2002, Bhandar
i swore Modi in for a second term.[108] Modi framed the criticism of his governm
ent for human rights violations as an attack upon Gujarati pride, a strategy whi
ch led to the BJP winning two thirds of the seats in the state assembly.[1][103]
Modi's public speeches during the election campaign had been focused on the 2002
riots, but after the election, the stated agenda of the government shifted towa
rd economic development.[1][103] Modi organized a "Vibrant Gujarat" summit, wher
e Gujarat was advertised as an attractive destination for private investment. Du
ring the summit, which would later become a biennial event, Modi offered financi
al incentives to investors, and also referred to Gujarat's culture as a factor w
hich made the state well-suited for business. Modi's rhetoric at the time was ai
med at a middle-class Hindu audience and sought to consolidate a Gujarati cultur
al identity based on upper-caste, Hindu cultural elements.[1] However, after the
2002 election the BJP reduced the use of anti-Muslim rhetoric in its campaigns
in favor of statements about economic development.[1]
Second term
After an election campaign in which the BJP benefited from religious polarisatio
n among the voters, during Modi's second term the rhetoric of the government shi
fted from Hindutva to Gujarat's economic development.[62] Modi curtailed the inf
luence of Sangh Parivar organisations such as the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) an
d the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP),[109] entrenched in the state after the declin
e of Ahmedabad's textile industry,[62] and dropped Gordhan Zadafia (an ally of f
ormer Sangh co-worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia) from his cabinet. Whe
n the BKS staged a farmers' demonstration Modi ordered their eviction from state
-provided houses, and his decision to demolish 200 illegal temples in Gandhinaga
r deepened the rift with the VHP.[109][110] Sangh organisations were no longer c
onsulted or informed in advance about Modi's administrative decisions.[109] None
theless, Modi retained connections with some Hindu nationalists. Modi wrote a fo
rward to a textbook by Dinanath Batra released in 2014, which stated that ancien
t India possessed technologies including test-tube babies.[111][112]
Modi's relationship with Muslims continued to be criticised. Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee (who asked Modi for tolerance in the aftermath of the 2002 Guja
rat violence and supported his resignation as chief minister)[113][114] distance
d himself, reaching out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 Lok Sabha electi
ons. After the elections Vajpayee called the violence in Gujarat a reason for th
e BJP's electoral defeat and said it had been a mistake to leave Modi in office
after the riots.[115][116]
Questions about Modi's relationship with Muslims were also raised by many Wester
n nations during his tenure as chief minister. Modi was barred from entering the
United States under a provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act banning
violators of religious freedom,[117] the only person denied a US visa under this
provision.[118] The UK and the European Union refused to admit him because of w
hat they saw as his role in the riots. As Modi rose to prominence in India, the
UK[119] and the EU[120] lifted their bans in October 2012 and March 2013, respec
tively, and after his election as prime minister he was invited to Washington.[1
21][122]
During the run-up to the 2007 assembly elections and the 2009 general election,
the BJP ramped up its rhetoric on terrorism.[123] On 18 July 2006, Modi criticis
ed Prime Minister Manmohan Singh "... for his reluctance to revive anti-terror l
egislation" such as the 2002 Prevention of Terrorism Act. He asked the national
government to allow states to invoke tougher laws in the wake of the 2006 Mumbai
blasts[124] and demanded the execution of Afzal Guru,[125] who was convicted of
involvement in the 2001 Indian Parliament attack.[126] After the November 2008
Mumbai attacks Modi held a meeting to discuss the security of Gujarat's 1,600-ki
lometre (990 mi)-long coastline, resulting in government authorisation of 30 hig
h-speed surveillance boats.[127] In July 2007 Modi completed 2,063 consecutive d
ays as chief minister of Gujarat, making him the longest-serving holder of that
post,[128] and the BJP won 122 of 182 state-assembly seats in that year's electi
on.[129]
Development projects
The Sardar Sarovar Dam during a 2006 height increase.
Modi unties a ceremonial red ribbon before a crowd of onlookers
Modi at a hospital dedication in Kheda district in 2013.
As Chief Minister, Modi favoured privatisation and small government, which was a
t odds with the philosophy of the RSS, usually described as anti-privatisation a
nd anti-globalisation.[62] His policies during his second term have been credite
d with reducing corruption in the state.[62] He established financial and techno
logy parks in Gujarat and during the 2007 Vibrant Gujarat summit, real-estate in
vestment deals worth ?6.6 trillion were signed in the state.[62] Modi's administ
ration branded Gujarat as a state of dynamic development, economic growth and pr
osperity with the slogan "Vibrant Gujarat".[1][130][131]
The governments led by Patel and Modi supported NGOs and communities in the crea
tion of groundwater-conservation projects. By December 2008 500,000 structures h
ad been built, of which 113,738 were check dams, which helped recharge the aquif
ers beneath them.[132] Sixty of the 112 tehsils which had depleted the water tab
le in 2004 had regained their normal groundwater levels by 2010.[133] As a resul
t, the state's production of genetically modified genetically modified cotton in
creased to become the largest in India.[132] The boom in cotton production and i
ts semi-arid land use[134] led to Gujarat's agricultural growing at an average r
ate of 9.6 percent from 2001 to 2007.[135] Public irrigation measures in central
and southern Gujarat, such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam, were less successful.[132
] The Sardar Sarovar project only irrigated 4 6% of the area it was supposed to.[1
32] Nonetheless, from 2001 to 2010 Gujarat recorded an agricultural growth rate
of 10.97 percent the highest of any state.[134] However, sociologists have point
ed out that the growth rate under the 1992 97 INC government was 12.9 percent.[136
]
In 2008 Modi offered land in Gujarat to Tata Motors to set up a plant manufactur
ing the Nano.[137] This happened after a popular agitation had forced the compan
y to move out of West Bengal.[137] Several other companies followed the Tata's t
o Gujarat.[137]
The Modi government completed the process of bringing electricity to every villa
ge in Gujarat, which had been nearly completed under the previous administration
.[136] Modi significantly changed the state's system of power distribution, grea
tly impacting farmers. Gujarat expanded the Jyotigram Yojana scheme, in which ag
ricultural electricity was separated from other rural electricity; the agricultu
ral electricity was rationed to fit scheduled irrigation demands, reducing its c
ost. Although early protests by farmers ended when those who benefited found tha
t their electricity supply had stabilised,[132] according to an assessment study
corporations and large farmers benefited from the policy at the expense of smal
l farmers and labourers.[138]
Development debate
Modi speaking at flower-decked podium
Modi addressing graduates of the Gujarat National Law University in 2012.
There has been a contentious debate surrounding the development of the state of
Gujarat during Modi's tenure as chief minister.[139] The GDP growth rate of Guja
rat averaged 10% during Modi's tenure, a value above that of the country as a wh
ole, and similar to other highly industrialised states.[137] Gujarat also had a
high rate of economic growth in the 1990s, before Modi took office.[140] Some sc
holars have stated the rate of growth did not accelerate during Modi's tenure,[1
40] although the state is considered to have maintained a high growth rate durin
g Modi's Chief Ministership.[83] Under Modi, Gujarat topped the World Bank's "ea
se of doing business" rankings among Indian states for two consecutive years.[14
1] In 2013, Gujarat was ranked first among Indian states for "economic freedom"
by a report measuring governance, growth, citizens' rights and labour and busine
ss regulation among the country's 20 largest states.[137][142] In the later year
s of Modi's government, Gujarat's economic growth was frequently used as an argu
ment to counter allegations of communalism.[1] Tax breaks for businesses were ea
sier to obtain in Gujarat than in other states, as was land. Modi's policies to
make Gujarat attractive for investment included the creation of Special Economic
Zones, where labor laws were greatly weakened.[103]
Despite its growth rate, Gujarat had a relatively poor record on human developme
nt, poverty relief, nutrition and education during Modi's tenure. In 2013, Gujar
at ranked 13th in the country with respect to rates of poverty and 21st in educa
tion. Nearly 45 percent of children under five were underweight and 23 percent w
ere undernourished, putting the state in the "alarming" category on the India St
ate Hunger Index.[143][144] A study by UNICEF and the Indian government found th
at Gujarat under Modi had a poor record with respect to immunisation in children
.[145]
Over the decade from 2001 to 2011, Gujarat did not change its position relative
to the rest of the country with respect to poverty and female literacy, remainin
g near the median of the 29 Indian states.[83] It showed only a marginal improve
ment in rates of infant mortality, and its position with respect to individual c
onsumption declined.[83] With respect to the quality of education in government
schools, the state ranked below most Indian states.[83] The social policies of t
he government generally did not benefit Muslims, Dalits, and Adivasis, and gener
ally increased social inequalities.[83] Under Modi, the state government spent f
ar less than the national average on education and healthcare.[83]
Development in Gujarat was generally limited to the urban middle class, and citi
zens in rural areas or from lower castes were increasingly marginalised. In 2013
the state ranked 10th of 21 Indian states in the Human Development Index. Polit
ical Scientist Christophe Jaffrelot says that under Modi the number of families
below the poverty line has increased and conditions for rural adivasi and dalits
, in particular, have declined.[146] In July 2013 economics Nobel Laureate Amart
ya Sen expressed disapproval of Modi's governance record, saying that under his
administration Gujarat's "record in education and healthcare is pretty bad".[147
]
However, economists Arvind Panagariya and Jagdish Bhagwati say that Gujarat's so
cial indicators have improved from a lower baseline than that of other Indian st
ates. According to them, Gujarat's performance in raising literacy rates has bee
n superior to other states and the "rapid" improvement of health indicators is e
vidence that "its progress has not been poor by any means."[148]
Final years
Modi talking to a woman; both are seated.
Modi with Anandiben Patel at a meeting of BJP MLAs after his election as prime m
inister; Patel succeeded him as Gujarat chief minister.
Further information: Gujarat Legislative Assembly election, 2012
During the 2012 campaign, Modi attempted to identify himself with the state of G
ujarat, a strategy similar to that used by Indira Gandhi during the Emergency, a
nd projected himself as protecting Gujarat against persecution by the rest of In
dia.[103]
Despite the BJP's shift away from explicit Hindutva, Modi's election campaign in
2007 and 2012 contained elements of Hindu nationalism. Modi only attended Hindu
religious ceremonies, and had prominent associations with Hindu religious leade
rs. During his 2012 campaign he twice refused to wear articles of clothing gifte
d by Muslim leaders.[103] He did, however, maintain relations with Dawoodi Bohra
.[103] His campaign included references to issues known to cause religious polar
ization, including to Afzal Guru and the killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh. The BJP
did not nominate any Muslim candidates for the assembly election of 2012.[103]
While campaigning for the 2012 assembly elections, Modi made extensive use of ho
lograms and other technologies allowing him to reach a large number of people,[1
01] something he would repeat in the 2014 general election. In the 2012 Gujarat
Legislative Assembly elections, Modi won the constituency of Maninagar by 86,373
votes over Shweta Bhatt, the INC candidate and wife of Sanjiv Bhatt.[149] The B
JP won 115 of the 182 seats, continuing its majority during his tenure[150] and
allowing the party to form the government (as it had in Gujarat since 1995).[151
] In later by-elections the BJP won four more assembly seats and two Lok Sabha s
eats held by the INC, although Modi did not campaign for its candidates.[152] In
2013, the Wharton India Economic Forum (WIEF) at the Wharton School of the Univ
ersity of Pennsylvania cancelled a keynote video-conference speech by Modi follo
wing protests by Indian-Americans.[153] After his election as prime minister, Mo
di resigned as the chief minister and as an MLA from Maninagar on 21 May 2014. A
nandiben Patel succeeded him as the chief minister.[154]
2014 Indian general election
Main article: Bharatiya Janata Party campaign for Indian general election, 2014
Modi addressing a large crowd from a podium
Modi addressing a rally in Meerut during the 2014 general election campaign.
On 31 March 2013 Modi was appointed to the BJP parliamentary board, the highest
decision-making body in the party,[155][156] and at a meeting of the party's nat
ional executive on 9 June he was appointed chair of the BJP's central election c
ampaign committee for the 2014 general election.[155][157] BJP founding member L
. K. Advani resigned his party posts after the appointment, citing concern with
leaders who were "concerned with their personal agendas". His resignation, which
was described as being a protest against Modi's elevation, was withdrawn the fo
llowing day at the urging of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat.[158] In September 2013, th
e BJP announced that the chief minister would be their candidate for prime minis
ter in the 2014 Lok Sabha election.[157][159] Other BJP leaders also initially e
xpressed opposition to Modi's candidature.[155] Modi's nomination also drew atte
ntion for his reputation as "one of contemporary India's most controversial and
divisive politicians."[139]
Modi played a dominant role in the BJP's 2009 general-election campaign.[160][16
1] Several people who voted for the BJP stated that if Modi had not been the pri
me-ministerial candidate, they would have voted for another party.[162] The BJP
projected an image of Modi as a strong, masculine leader, who would be able to t
ake difficult decisions.[139][155][157][162][163] The focus on Modi as an indivi
dual was unusual for a BJP election campaign.[155][164] The election was describ
ed as a referendum on Narendra Modi.[139]
During the campaign, Modi focused on the corruption scandals under the previous
INC government, and played on his image as a politician who had created a high r
ate of GDP growth in Gujarat.[139][155] Modi projected himself as a person who c
ould bring about "development," without focus on any specific policies.[155] His
message found support among young Indians and among middle-class citizens.[139]
The BJP under Modi was able to downplay concerns about the protection of religi
ous minorities and Modi's commitment to secularism, areas in which he had previo
usly received criticism.[139] Prior to the election Modi's image in the media ha
d centered around his role in the 2002 Gujarat riots, but during the campaign th
e BJP was able to shift this to a focus on Modi's neoliberal ideology and the Gu
jarat model of development.[161] Although the BJP avoided issues of Hindu nation
alism to an extent, Hindutva remained a significant part of its campaign.[155][1
62][165] Through the campaign, the BJP received significantly more positive medi
a coverage than its competitors, particularly in the northern and western parts
of the country. Commentators attributed this to Modi's influence in the area.[16
6] The campaign also made extensive use of advertising in vernacular media sourc
es, portraying Modi as the victim of a "news media conspiracy" among the English
language sources.[161] However, the BJP's campaign was assisted by its wide inf
luence in the media.[144] Modi's campaign blitz cost approximately INR 5000 cror
es ($830 million),[139] and received extensive financial support from corporate
donors.[144] In addition to more conventional campaign methods, such as rallies
and the use of print media, Modi also made extensive use of social media,[139][1
55] and addressed more than 1000 rallies via hologram appearances.[165] The elec
tion was described as "India's first social media election.[167]
The BJP won 31% of the vote,[90] and more than doubled its tally in the Lok Sabh
a to 282, and became the first party to win a majority of seats on its own since
1984.[161][162] The results were described as a pro-Modi "wave."[139][162] Vote
r unhappiness with the INC, as well as with regional parties in North India, was
another reason for the success of the BJP.[162] The support network of the RSS
played a role in Modi's success.[155] Scholars studying the election also stated
that Modi had an ability to attract supporters who would campaign for him, thus
strengthening his position as a candidate but making the party's victory relati
vely fragile.[155][157] In states such as Uttar Pradesh in which the BJP perform
ed well, it drew exceptionally high support from upper-caste Hindus.[162] It won
only 10 percent of the Muslim vote, which was nonetheless more than it had won
before.[162] It performed particularly well in parts of the country that had rec
ently experienced violence between Hindus and Muslims.[162]
The magnitude of the BJP's victory led many commentators to say that the electio
n constituted a political realignment away from progressive parties and towards
the right-wing BJP.[139][162][168][169] Modi's tweet announcing his victory in t
he election was the most re-tweeted in India,[170] and was described as being em
blematic of the political realignment away from a Nehruvian secular, socialist s
tate towards capitalism and Hindu cultural nationalism.[170]
Modi himself was a candidate for the Lok Sabha in two constituencies: Varanasi a
ent also upgraded several of India's military alliances, although it was unable
to conclude negotiations for a trilateral defense agreement with Japan and Austr
alia.[229] As a part of this policy, the Modi government completed India's appli
cation to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, which is led by China and
Russia. (SCO). It also joined the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank founded b
y China.[233] Together with the US government, it created a "Joint Strategic Vis
ion" for the Indian and Pacific oceans.[233] The government also tried to improv
e relations with Islamic republics in the Middle East, such as Bahrain, the Isla
mic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as wit
h Israel, with the intent to also "link west."[233] Modi added five bilateral st
rategic partnerships to the 25 that had been agreed by his predecessors Singh an
d Vajpayee.[233]
Prime Minister Modi with President Barack Obama of the US, 2015
During the first few months after the election, Modi made trips to a number of d
ifferent countries to further the goals of his policy, and attended the BRICS, A
SEAN, and G20 summits.[229] During these visits, Modi attempted to draw further
foreign investment in the Indian economy,[229] with the use of slogans such as "
Make in India" and "Digital India," put forward during a visit to Silicon Valley
.[233] One of Modi's first visits as prime minister was to Nepal, during which h
e promised a billion USD in aid.[234] Another early visit was to Bhutan.[234] Mo
di also made several overtures to the United States, including multiple visits t
o that country.[231] While this was described as an unexpected development, due
to the US having previously denied Modi a travel visa over his role during the 2
002 Gujarat riots, it was also expected to strengthen diplomatic and trade relat
ions between the two countries.[231] As of July 2016, Modi had made 51 trips to
42 countries with the intent of strengthening diplomatic relations.[235][236]
In 2015, the Indian parliament ratified a land exchange deal with Bangladesh abo
ut the India Bangladesh enclaves, which had been initiated by the government of Ma
nmohan Singh.[189] Modi's administration gave renewed attention to India's "Look
East Policy", instituted in 1991. The policy was renamed the "Act East Policy",
and involved directing Indian foreign policy towards East Asia and Southeast As
ia.[233][237] The government signed agreements to improve land connectivity with
Myanmar, through the state of Manipur. This represented a break with India's hi
storic engagement with Myanmar, which prioritized border security over trade.[23
7]
Defence policy
Wikinews has related news: Prime Minister Narendra Modi accuses Pakistan
of waging proxy war.
During the 2014 election campaign, Modi and the BJP pledged to revisit India's n
uclear weapons doctrine, and in particular India's historical policy of no-first
-use.[238] The pressure to revise the doctrine came from a desire for assertiven
ess among Indian government and defence officials. Soon after being sworn in as
Prime Minister, Modi said that no revision would take place in the immediate fut
ure.[238] The election manifesto of the BJP had also promised to deal with illeg
al immigration into India in the Northeast, as well as to be more firm in its ha
ndling of insurgent groups.[239] During the election campaign, Modi said that he
would be willing to accommodate Hindu migrants who were being persecuted in Ban
gladesh, but those that came with "political objectives" would have to be sent b
ack to Bangladesh.[239] The Modi government issued a notification allowing Hindu
, Sikh, and Buddhist illegal immigrants from Pakistan and Bangladesh to legalize
their residency in India.[239] The government described the measure as being ta
ken for humanitarian reasons. However, it drew criticism from several Assamese o
rganizations.[239]
Modi continued the previous INC administration's policy of increasing military s
pending every year, announcing an increase of 11% in the military budget in 2015
.[240][241] This increase was larger than the average growth under the Congress.
[240]
The Modi administration negotiated a peace agreement with the largest faction of
the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCM), which was announced in Augus
t 2015. The Naga insurgency in northwest India had begun in the 1950s.[239][242]
The NSCM and the government had agreed to a ceasefire in 1997, but a peace acco
rd had not previously been signed.[242] In 2015 the government abrogated a 15-ye
ar ceasefire with the Khaplang faction of the NSCM (NSCM-K). The NSCM-K responde
d with a series of attacks, which killed 18 people.[239] The Modi government car
ried out a raid across the border with Myanmar as a result, and labelled the NSC
M-K a terrorist organization.[239]
Modi has repeatedly stated that Pakistan was an exporter of terrorism.[243][244]
Modi increased the monetary compensation for victims of terrorist attacks, and
stated that citizens of Azad Kashmir could also apply for this compensation.[245
] In September 2016, he urged the BRICS to target and destroy funding channels o
f terrorist groups.[246] On 29 September 2016, the Indian Army stated that it ha
d conducted a surgical strike on terror launchpads in PoK,[247] although Pakista
n denied the claim, and the details of the confrontation are still in dispute.[2
48][249]
Environmental policies
Modi(right) at CoP21 Climate Conference, in Paris, announcing the founding of an
International Solar Alliance (ISA). November 2015.
In naming his cabinet, Modi renamed the "Ministry of Environment and Forests" th
e "Ministry of Environment, Forests, and Climate Change."[250] In the first budg
et of the government, the money allotted to this ministry was reduced by more th
an 50%.[250] The new ministry also removed or diluted a number of laws related t
o environmental protection. These included no longer requiring clearance from th
e National Board for Wildlife for projects close to protected areas, and allowin
g certain projects to proceed before environmental clearance was received.[181][
250] The government also tried to reconstitute the Wildlife board such that it n
o longer had representatives from non-governmental organisations: however, this
move was prevented by the Supreme court.[250]
Modi also relaxed or abolished a number of other environmental regulations, part
icularly those related to industrial activity. A government committee stated tha
t the existing system only served to create corruption, and that the government
should instead rely on the owners of industries to voluntarily inform the govern
ment about the pollution they were creating.[181][251] The changes were made wit
h the aim of accelerating approval for industrial projects.[citation needed] Oth
er changes included reducing ministry oversight on small mining projects, and no
longer requiring approval from tribal councils for projects inside forested are
as.[251] In addition, Modi lifted a moratorium on new industrial activity in the
most polluted areas in the countries.[250] The changes were welcomed by busines
speople, but criticized by environmentalists.[251]
Under the UPA government that preceded Modi's administration, field trials of Ge
netically Modified crops had essentially put on hold, after protests from farmer
s fearing for their livelihoods.[252] Under the Modi government these restrictio
ns were gradually lifted.[252] The government received some criticism for freezi
ng the bank accounts of environmental group Greenpeace, citing financial irregul
arities, although a leaked government report said that the freeze had to do with
Greenpeace's opposition to GM crops.[252]
At the CoP21 Climate Conference on 30 November 2015 Modi announced the founding
of an International Solar Alliance (ISA). The headquarters of the ISA would be l
ocated in Gurgaon, and would receive support from the Indian government for a fe
hom Modi refers to as Pujniya Shri Guruji ("Guru worthy of worship").[299] Accor
ding to The Economic Times, his intention was to explain the workings of the RSS
to his readers and to reassure RSS members that he remained ideologically sound
. Modi has authored eight other books, mostly containing short stories for child
ren.[300]
Awards and recognition
Modi was named Best Chief Minister in a 2007 nationwide survey by India Today.[3
01] In March 2012, he appeared on the cover of the Asian edition of Time, one of
the few Indian politicians to have done so,[302] He was awarded Indian of the Y
ear by CNN-IBN news network in 2014.[303]
In 2014 and 2015, he was named one of Time magazine's 100 Most Influential Peopl
e in the World.[304][305][306][307] He was also declared winner of the Time maga
zine reader's poll for Person of the Year in 2014, a feat which he repeated agai
n in 2016.[308][309]
Forbes Magazine ranked him the 15th-Most-Powerful Person in the World in 2014 an
d the 9th-Most-Powerful Person in the World in 2015 and 2016 again.[310][311][31
2][313]
In 2015, Modi was one of Time's "30 Most Influential People on the Internet" as
the second-most-followed politician on Twitter and Facebook.[314] In the same ye
ar he was ranked fifth on Fortune Magazine's first annual list of "World's Great
est Leaders".[315][316]
State honours
Decoration
Country Date
Note
Ref.
Ghazi Amanullah Khan Medal (Afghanistan) - ribbon bar.png
State Order of G
hazi Amir Amanullah Khan
Afghanistan
4 June 2016
The highest civi
lian honor of Afghanistan
[317]
Spange des Knig-Abdulaziz-Ordens.png Order of Abdulaziz al Saud
Saudi A
rabia 3 April 2016
Member Special Class, The highest civilian honor of Saud
i Arabia
[318]
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Further reading
Sardesai, Rajdeep. 2014: The Election that Changed India (2014)
Sridharan, Eswaran. Behind Modi's Victory. Journal of Democracy (2014) 24#4 pp:
20 33. Online
Fernandes, Vivian (2014). Modi: Leadership, governance and Performance. Orient P
ublishing. ASIN B00JUIMUBA.
Kamath, M. V.; Randeri, Kalindi (2013). The Man of the Moment: Narendra Modi. Vi
kas. ISBN 978-93-259-6838-7.
Kishwar, Madhu Purnima (2014). Modi, Muslims and Media: Voices from Narendra Mod
i's Gujarat. Manushi Publications. ISBN 978-81-929352-0-1.
Mahurkar, Uday (2014). Centrestage: Inside the Narendra Modi Model of Governanac
e. Random House India. ASIN B00JR3PQ64.
Mitta, Manoj (2014). The Fiction of Fact-Finding: Modi & Godhra. HarperCollins P
ublishers India. ISBN 978-93-5029-187-0.
Nag, Kingshuk (2013). The NaMo Story
A Political Life. Roli Books. ISBN 978-81-7
436-938-3.
Nussbaum, Martha Craven (2008). The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence,
and India's Future. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-03059-6.
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Preceded by
Keshubhai Patel Chief Minister of Gujarat
2001 2014
Succeeded by
Anandiben Patel
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2014 present
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