4248430

The Role of the Preacher: Index to the Consolidation of the Baptist Movement in Virginia
from 1760 to 1790

Author(s): Sandra Rennie
Source: The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 88, No. 4 (Oct., 1980), pp.
430-441
Published by: Virginia Historical Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4248430
Accessed: 07-10-2016 12:28 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
Virginia Historical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography
This content downloaded from 92.87.204.254 on Fri, 07 Oct 2016 12:28:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ROLE OF THE PREACHER

Index to the Consolidation of the Baptist Movement
in Virginia from 1760 to 1790
by SANDRA RENNIE*
AFTER hearing David Thomas, one of the early Baptists, preach, o

confessed: "If my physician had not sent me South, I should eithe
died in a lunatic asylum or become a Baptist preacher."' Men like
were the major force behind the propagation of the Baptist faith in Vi
from the late 1750s onwards. Because of their importance, preache

held in high regard and were referred to as "gifts in men." Previou
torians of religious awakenings and revivals in America, in lookin
reasons for mass conversions, have concentrated on the condition
converted and their psychological responses, and on the state of the
societies witnessing religious awakenings. However, a detailed study

role of the preacher in engendering and consolidating religious int
been largely ignored.
In Virginia during just four years, from 1770 to 1774, the S
Baptists increased from six churches to fifty-four representing 4,0
bers.2 This expansion is inexplicable without an analysis of the role

preacher. The experience of conversion was at the center of Baptis
none but the converted were allowed to enter "the family" of Bap
lievers. It was the preacher who labored to engender conversio

individual and it was his preaching spectacle which attracted folk
miles away to hear him. The intense emotional experience of conv
established the tie between an individual and the Baptist fait
preacher, as pastor, further cemented "the Baptist family" by be
the central figure in the congregation to whom all members looked
model. Careful study of the Baptist preacher not only helps to exp
rapid increase of the Baptists, but also highlights their developmen
*Sandra Rennie is a doctoral candidate in history at the Australian National Un

Canberra. She wishes to extend her gratitude to the Virginia Baptist Historical So
the Virginia State Library for their assistance in providing microfilm of Baptist lite
would also like to thank Rhys Isaac, William Breen, and Leo Launitz-Schiirer for the
of ideas useful in developing and preparing this article.
1 William Casell Moore, "Jeremiah Moore, 1746-1815," William and Mary Quarte
ser., XIII (January 1933), p. 20, quoting William Wirt, who later became a famou
and attorney general of the United States.
2 Robert B. Semple, A History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virgi
mond, 1894, originally published 1810), pp. 42, 79, 80.
The Role of the Preacher
431
a small movement into an organized church by the 1790s, during which

time many of their early ideals were abandoned.
One of the primary duties of the pastor was to "feed the Lord's Flock
with spiritual bread." Unfortunately, we are denied a full and detailed
depiction of Baptist beliefs due to the fact that in the early period, that is,
from the 1760s to the 1780s, preachers did not print their sermons for us
to peruse; they did not even prepare them. Part of the skill of a preacher
lay in his ability to turn to any scripture in the Bible at any time and expound its meaning without preparation: Extemporaneous preaching was
the norm among Baptists. They claimed that "pure religion" was "handed"
to them "directly from heaven"; it was not a written body of dogmatic
beliefs with which a preacher had to check constantly.3 Being "gifts in
men," preachers had special power. The manner in which a sermon was
given was as important as its content. Timbre of voice, expression of eye,
dramatic gesture, and force of personality were of intrinsic importance to
the preacher. The early Virginia Baptist preacher, Samuel Harris, was said
to give the impression when preaching of "pouring forth streams of celestial light from his eyes, which, whenever he turned his face, would strike
down numbers at once." This ability earned him the title Boanerges, son
of thunder.4
Generally, sermons were of two types. Firstly, sermons designed to

awaken sinners to the need of conversion, the initial planting of the seed
of truth; and secondly, discourses for the converted to sustain their spiritual
nourishment, the watering to keep the original interest alive. Sermons intended to convert were fairly uniform among Baptist preachers. James
Ireland disclosed the usual themes:
Wherever I preached as soon as I discovered that poor sinners were brought to see
their helpless condition to quicken their souls, I would immediately direct them
where their help was to be had . . . not to ... trust . . . their best works, but to rely
on the Lord Jesus Christ alone, and his previous merits.5
Beyond these major points, however, doctrinal uniformity was not guaranteed. As no external control existed over the individual congregations and
each church was a law unto itself, individual preachers were given freedom to expound their own views.
Inventiveness, originality, ingenuity, and allegorical preaching were ac3 James B. Taylor, Lives of Virginia Baptist Ministers, 1st ser. (Richmond, 1838), p. 303.
4"Biographical Sketch of the Life with Anecdotes of Rev. Samuel Harris of Virginia,"
Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Magazine, III (1812), 153.
5 James Ireland, The Life of the Reveredl James Ireland (Winchester, Va., 1819), p. 186.
432 The Virginia Magazine
claimed rather than uniformity of doctrine. They were th
a preacher could capture an audience's attention. But, unb
Baptists, these same qualities on which they placed so muc
to have unanticipated and unwanted repercussions. The fr
interpretation would not be felt immediately, for in the
Baptist penetration into Virginia the intricacies of doctr

dogmatically stated but remain somewhat amorphous. Th
doctrine for the Baptists at this stage was the doctrin
William Marshall, who became very much a doctrinal prea
"a number of his Baptist Christians could not eat wha

strong meat."6 For a time congregations would be content
the Gospel.
It was not enough for pastors to be instructive to their congregations,

they also had to be "consolatory." They were to take seriously the injunction
to be shepherds having "care of the flocks," being "as gentle as a nurse in

the family of Christ."7 They were to be deeply concerned for the physical
and emotional well-being of those under them. It was regarded as Christian
duty, as laid down in the Gospel of Matthew, to visit the brethren at their
homes especially, but not only when they were sick.8 Lewis Lunsford, an
early preacher who, because of his poor parentage, had had little opportunity of education though possessing natural intelligence, procured books
on the subject of medicine and taught himself the rudiments of that discipline. This knowledge he used to practical purpose and attended the sick
of hi; congregation without charge.9
The preacher, as parent surrogate, however, was to counterbalance kindness with firm severity. He held chief "watch over" his flock's "souls" and
although any individual within the church could bring forth a complaint
against another member, it was he who had the greatest authority in "reproving the obstinate . . . and unruly.'"0 Against all violators of Baptist
principles, pastors were to "set their faces like flints."1 John Taylor was
prompted to ask: "Who among all God's servants are so responsible as

preachers who are emphatically called the salt of the earth or the light of
6 John Taylor, Biographies of Baptist Preachers (n.p., 1820), p. 36.
7William Fristoe, A Concise History of the Ketocton Baptist Association (Staunton, Va.,
1808), p. 33.
8 Minutes of the Baptist Dover Association... 1799 (Richmond, 1799), pp. 7, 8.
9 Taylor, Lives, pp. 139-140.
10 Minutes of the Ketocton Baptist Association . . . 1796 (Dumfries, Va., 1796), p. 6.

11 Summary of Church Discipline, Showing the Qualifications and Duties of the Officers
and Members of a Gospel Church (Wilmington, 1783), p. 11.
433
the world?""1 Pastors, by keeping a watchful eye over their children, would
shield them from corruption and illuminate the right path leading to
salvation.
These numerous roles as pastor, father-figure, and watchman reflected

the high ideals of the Baptists, that of community, brotherhood, and selfless
service to others. Preachers were indeed "gifts" in men. They had a multiplicity of duties to perform for which they received no pay. Separate Baptists had castigated the Established Church for what they regarded as its
ineffectual, corrupt, and "hireling" ministers. They regarded their own
movement as pure and untainted. For them spirituality was paramount,

materialistic gaill was decried; their preachers gained satisfaction from
serving their congregations without regard to monetary gain; they received
their spiritual enlightenment from God and not from any formal training
at a seminary; they followed a "calling" and not a formal career.
Yet to) become preachers, Baptist men did embark on an internal career.
Sociologists have studied the changes in outlook and personality which
occur as a person progresses throughout a career. It is during this "internal
career" that certain things happen in the consciousness; a process begins
involving changes in norms, opinions, and personal identity.'3 This internal
career for Baptist preachers was to have far-reaching effects which opposed
the initial ideals within the Baptist movement. Within a relatively short
time they began to develop individualistic viewpoints, competitiveness, and
ambitions rather than humility, cooperation, and selflessness. The ambivalence within the movement was soon to become apparent so that by
the 1790s there was little left of the idealism of the 1760s. Contradictions
within the role of the preacher had appeared from the outset. The preacher
was to be kind although firm, and consolatory to his flock while he was to
present a fearless, defiant, and bold face to the opposing outside world.
Baptist preachers had to withstand tough verbal and physical persecution in
the decade before the Revolution. The Baptist movement therefore needed
men with dual personalities. James Ireland was said to have a great "power
of sarcasm" which was applauded when used against persecutors, yet he
was affectionate and amiable to his fellow believers.14 Daniel Marshall was
considered "meek and patient" with his flock, but was also bold and independent with "a boundless ambition.""5 These seemingly contradictory
2 John Taylor, A History of Ten Baptist Churches (Frankfort, Ky., 1823), p. 13.
13 For a sociological discussion of career see Peter L. Berger and Brigette Berger, Sociology:
A Biographical Approach (New York, 1972), pp. 243-244.
14 Taylor, Lives, p. 119.
151bid., p. 15.
434 The Virginia Magazine
qualities resided in many preachers. Who could guarantee

sarcasm, and ambition would not be later used also agains
especially fellow preachers? The process of "becoming" pre
intensify the problem.
The position of preacher was so highly regarded that many
on that course were initially cautious and reluctant to do

forceful and vibrant James Ireland displayed great diffiden
ushered into the role of preacher, which he regarded as ac
of God," at the Sandy Creek Association in North Caro
his feelings of inadequacy on that occasion at his deathbed,

his memoirs, saying:
I remonstrated against it, knowing that some of the ministers that

were esteemed the first rate preachers, observing at the same time
my talents as being very small and never could bear the appellat
be given to one of my public exercises, but rather that of exhorting.'6
One could not simply proclaim or profess to be a preacher;

that he had been picked by God to be a spokesman for th
Preachers often remembered the early indecisions which b
whether or not they had been truly called to preach. John
in his journal that he would have been grateful for a "visio

proving that God had wanted him for the ministry." Joh
journal of 1771 spoke of the same indecision. He related th

he tried out his preaching gifts with five others. Williams
to preach, but he did "not know from what Spirit" it aro
that the other five preachers seemed backward, which ma
his gift "was from God, but he only knows." So strong w
preach, however, that he got up and did so with great ent
The proof that one was a genuine preacher was the abilit
was this factor of conversion which distinguished preaching f
Preachers therefore likened themselves to physicians or m
strenuously to bring forth children of God.'1 Having once
of preacher the very act of preaching could not leave th

sonalities of Baptist preachers untouched. The area of selfinvolved. Although most Baptist preachers had felt timor
16 Ireland, Life of the Reverend James Ireland, p. 143.
17 Taylor, History of Ten Baptist Churches, p. 299.
18 John Williams, Journal, 1771, p. 10, copy in the Virginia Baptist His
versity of Richmond.
19 John Jenkins, A Discourse on the Final Perseverance of the Saints in

1806), pp. 50-56.
435
embarking on the ministerial career, these early feelings of inadequacy and
self-doubt vanished when their preaching proved successful. Opposing

emotions could well in their breasts with the effect of controlling a large
crowd, having individuals in it listening to their every word. The opportunity for the display of their oratorical skill and the realization that it was
that skill which fostered conversion in individuals provided ample fuel for
the development of ego gratification. This was especially true of those who,
because of their low social status and lack of education, had not been previously granted much public attention.
James Ireland, who had been so timorous initially on his first attempts
at preaching, later wrote a poem extolling the value of preachers:
When saints are collecting and soaring along,
You'll stand in the front of the glorious throng,
And see those dear converts you turned to God,
With robes washed white in their Jesus' blood.
How ravished your souls when you'll hear them thus say,
Dear Master those ministers taught us to pray;
Their conduct, example and preaching the word
Awakened our souls and turn'd us to the Lord.20
What those lines reveal are the dynamics of the process by which once
apprehensive men became confident of their legitimacy in the role of
preacher. Once their preaching resulted in the conversion of sinners, once
these converted ones looked up to them as father-figures, and once they had
control over a congregation with people who regarded them as models,

they were assured of their suitability and potency as preachers.21 Feelings
of inadequacy evaporated, leaving a capacity for the inflation of their own
importance.
By the 1770s individual preachers had become renowned for their power-
ful preaching and their steadfastness in withstanding persecution, these

gaining them not only the adulation of their followers but also of fellow
Baptist preachers. James Ireland referred to Samuel Harris "as another
Paul among the churches," for he was "like a blazing comet" rushing
"through the colony . . . displaying the banners of his adorable master,
spreading his light and diffusing his heat to the consolation of thousands."22
The esteem that was meted out to skillful preachers was revealed in the
21 The process of role attainment is aptly discussed by the sociologist Peter Berger in his
book Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective (London, 1970, originally published
1963), pp. 113-114.
436
The Virginia Magazine
way they were addressed and entreated. Having been invited to preach at
a Virginia plantation, John Leland presented himself to hear the lady of
the household greet him with the words: "then you are the great Elder
Leland, are you?" Leland recounted his immediate reaction to this evidence
of his fame: "Instantly the Devil patted me on the back, and said 'You are
the great Leland, are ye?' "3 The temptation of pride lurked on many an
occasion.
There were, however, more serious repercussions to follow. As early as

1761 the well-known preacher from New England, John Gano, invited to
preach at the Separate Baptist Association in Virginia, had created a precedent for successful preaching which bestowed honor on him while discouraging followers from attempting to emulate his example. Robert Semple, who later wrote a history of the Baptist movement in Virginia, records
the effect of this man's preaching: "so superior were Mr. Gano's talents
for preaching that some of the young and unlearned preachers said they
felt as if they never could undertake to preach again." 24
This development intensified with time as the "giants" among the

early preachers appeared. The Virginia preacher Elijah Craig had the
same effect of dampening the enthusiasm of potential preachers. George
Eve, who later became quite a respected preacher, had been a member of
Craig's congregation. In a biographical note on this minister, the Baptist
John Taylor remarked that it was unusual for another preacher to be

raised where there already existed a famous speaker. Taylor explained:
"Elijah was considered at that day a tree of great growth as a preacher
that of course would overshadow lesser shrubs, but the shade being par-
tially removed, the scion [George Eve] shot up quick."'5 Craig moved
to Kentucky in 1781 leaving Eve fuller freedom to pursue his ministerial
career. It was not only that a famous preacher's charisma daunted other
men's hopes of ever becoming equal, but also such a preacher was capable
of holding so strict and demanding an oversight of his particular church that
the young men within it were never given any encouragement to preach
but instead faced only criticism. Not all pastors fitted this model, but there
were some, such as Joseph Redding, who did. He was particularly stern
and was never known to praise anything the men under his care did.
The result was that "few young preachers were ever raised where he had
the care." 26
23William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, VI (New York, 1860), 182.
24 Semple, A History, p. 66.
25 Taylor, Biographies, p. 32.
26 Ibid., p. 55.
437
This problem became crucial later when once young but now aging
preachers still maintained their hold and barred the way for the next genera-
tion. After a declension which followed the American Revolution, a revival
occurred among the Baptists in which thousands were ushered into the
flock. However, few of these entered the ministry. John Leland, puzzling
over this fact, queried whether it was not "because the old preachers stand
in the way."27 The Baptist historian Semple reiterated this view.8 John
Taylor also noted that "scarcely a new ministerial recruit was added to their
numbers till almost the last of them, the original preachers, had fallen."29
This is indicative of the power early preachers held.
Another baneful effect of the prominence of great preachers was the

rivalry which developed at times between veterans despite Baptist ideals
of fellowship and cooperation. Competition over who was the better

preacher, who could claim more affection from the people, or who espoused
the right doctrine, became divisive issues. Envy and competition led to
estrangements between people who had laid great stress on the ideals of
harmony, brotherly love, and cooperation. As early as 1772, the South River
church split over the issue of nomination of a pastor. Strained relations
developed between the two contestants, James Ireland and William Marshall.
"It is to be doubted," noted Taylor, "whether the same tender affection existed after this Pastoral struggle as before."30 South River had not seen the
last of bitter clashes between preachers. A doctrinal dispute led to a parting
of ways between William Marshall and Joseph Redding. The "contest

terminated as in the case of Paul and Barnabas" who in early Christian
times, it is related in Acts XV:39-40, had parted due to a controversy.
Redding moved from the fertile Valley region north to the Allegheny Mountains, the most remote area of Virginia.3
Redding later moved to Kentucky in 1789 and there faced resentment from
his brethren because of the jealousy he inspired in them due to his superior
preaching. In October 1789 the Elkhorn Association met and Redding

was invited to preach. John Taylor recounts the consequent stir:
As a new broom sweeps clean, Redding swept all before him. Gano himself was not
his equal. By the impudent tongues of some of the Baptists, whether the Preachers
of Kentucky did not become a little envious or the newcomer a little lifted, is yet to
27
28
29
30
John Leland, The Virginia Chronicle (Norfolk, 1790), p. 35.

Semple, A History, pp. 58-59.
Taylor, Biographies, p. 212.
Taylor, History of Ten Baptist Churches, p. 8.
31 Ibid.
438
explain; but certain it is but little harmony subsisted between him and other Preachers
in the county for a considerable time.32
Redding had to contend with friction again the following year when
he settled at Great Crossings in Kentucky, where Elijah Craig had care of the
congregation. Craig, the former highly respected and dynamic preacher,

had turned his interests and energy increasingly to business speculation and
was no longer the preacher he once had been. Redding, on the other
hand, only five years his junior, was so zealous for the ministry that he
later rode about preaching even though, after having suffered a stroke, "he
could scarcely feel the stirrups, or the saddle he sat on." A man of his integrity
naturally captured the attention and esteem of Craig's church and many
began to look to him as pastor. "Great difficulties between the Preachers"
resulted. The church divided with Redding shepherding the section which
retained the name Great Crossings Church, while Craig formed a new
congregation named McConnels. The repercussions of this rivalry extended
even to the Association, which split over the issue.33 Perhaps this experience
embittered Elijah Craig. He was later responsible for two censorious

pamphlets, one of which was a bitter philippic against a Kentucky pastor,
Jacob Creath. The pamphlet has since been lost but an early nineteenth-
century Baptist historian who read it states: "It is awritten with a pen
dipt in poison." 34
Perhaps, therefore, the mounting emphasis on doctrinal clarity, which

assumed increasing importance in the seventies, was a reflection of more
than simply the increasing sophistication of the religious movement. It
also provided a legitimate arena in which preachers could act out their rivalries and antagonisms. Previously, the most important doctrine for the
Baptists, whether Regular or Separate, was that of the need for spiritual rebirth-conversion. The Separates, however, were more lenient in tolerating
the anti-Predestinarian Arminians within their fold than were the strictly
Calvinistic Regulars. This accommodating view of the Separates only lasted
till 1775 when at an Association a query was raised: "Is salvation, by Christ,
made possible for every individual of the human race?" This query sparked
off a fiery controversy lasting four days-an Association generally met for
only two-while both sides of the issue were discussed heatedly. Finally,
the Arminians stormed out of the Association, which was divided for six
32 Ibid.
33 Taylor, Biographies, pp. 52-53.
34David Benedict, A General History of the Baptist Denomination (New York, 1971,
originally published 1813), p. 293.
439
months.35 The next year, John Waller, who had become convinced of the
Arminian system, proclaimed himself an Independent Baptist rejecting the
compromise to which other Separates inclining to Arminianism had suc-
cumbed. Thereafter, till 1787, he sought to attract as many people as

he could to his party by preaching and establishing camp meetings meanwhile remaining completely aloof from his former brethren.36 The clash
between Calvinism and Arminianism continued till 1791 providing additional opportunity for preachers to demonstrate their oratory and skill at
reasoning.
Some individual preachers placed greater stress on doctrinal explication
because, in doing so, they saw an opportunity to increase their fame as they
presented their independent views. The Baptist historian Semple interpreted
the trend towards more sophisticated sermons in precisely this light. Sadly
he related that: "As their respectability increased the preachers and their
hearers found a relish for stronger meat, which... in indulging in this
. party spirit and even vanity had too much influence." 7 Gone was the
time as in the sixties when congregations had been satisfied with the
"milk" of the Word. Allegorical preaching abounded. Often the simplest
scripture, as well as complicated verse, the meaning of which was vague or
which described details of ancient history, was seen as a series of images
which were to be interpreted to illustrate doctrinal tenets, to depict the universal struggle of Satan versus the Kingdom, or even to explain contemporary
events. Lewis Lunsford believed that part of Revelation's prophesies were

being fulfilled in his day by the political events in France. The French
Revolution, he claimed, represented the fall of the tenth part of the city,
Mystical Babylon (Babylon depicting the realm of false religion), spoken of
ir Revelation XI:13.38 Elijah Craig, in a similar vein, used Revelation

XVII-XVIII to explain both the American and French revolutions.39 Sermons
of the nineties were not the sermons of the sixties. They had a different purpose. Previously sermons had concentrated on "converting" sinners; now they
were aimed at displaying the debating skill of the preachers.
Fastidiousness over doctrinal clarification was one of many factors contributing to the institutionalization of the Baptist movement, which became
increasingly apparent in the nineties. Another factor was the changing view
36 Sprague, Annals, VI, 115-116.
37 Semple, A History, pp. 59-60.
38 Henry Toler, The Faithful Minister's Work (Philadelphia, 1795), p. 9.

39 Elijah Craig, A Few Remarks on the Errors that are maintained in the Christian Churches
of the Present day, and also, on the Movements of Divine Providence Respecting them (Lexington, Ky., 1801), pp. 21-37.
440
of the preacher. Increasing concern was shown for their education as

ministers of God. Henry Toler traveled to Pennsylvania to study for three
years under Dr. Samuel Jones, a Baptist who conducted an academy for
the preparation of young men for the ministry.40 Thomas Read was another
who attended a formal educational institution.41 In 1789, at the Roanoke
District Association, it was suggested that two seminaries of learning, one on
each side of the James River, be raised and supported.42 The General Committee, which supervised all the district associations, made the same recom-
mendation in 1793. John Williams and Thomas Read drew up plans to

implement this design.43 The trend towards an educated ministry represented
a transformation in the concept of the preacher. At the inception of the

movement, the preacher followed a calling from God and relied on Him
alone for spontaneous spiritual enlightenment. But by the nineties, the
preacher's work was regarded more as a career which required specialized
training. In April of 1799 Henry Toler suggested the creation of a "parsonage" as "the shelter of God's servants." It was to become "the quiet home of
his study, his education, his preparation for the arduous duties of the holy
ministry."" Such special arrangements for the preacher would never have
been envisioned in the early period of Baptist growth.
The nineties also saw the canvassing for ministerial support. Prior to the
Revolution, preachers had refused pay for their services preferring to sup-
port themselves. They had worked to keep themselves barely solvent so

that they could devote the rest of their time to the ministry.45 Samuel Harris
had declined to take a man to court for a sum of money owed to him, and
which he direly needed, because he "didn't want to lose time in a law-suit

he could spend preaching saving souls."46 Others had become so enthused
over their ministerial work that they had neglected their farms.47 This former
strong commitment to preaching and renunciation of material gain was now

40 Semple, A History, p. 176; Taylor, Lives, p. 264.
41 Woodford B. Hackley, "An 18th Century Yankee Baptist Tour of Virginia on Horseback,"
The Virginia Baptist Register, II (1963), 64-77.
42 John Rippon, The Baptist Annual Register for 1790 (London, n.d.), p. 89.
44 Richard Dozier, "Text Book from 1771, Sermons preached from the within texts and
heard by me, Richard Dozier, son of Thomas, Westmoreland County, Virginia," p. 43, Vir-
ginia Baptist Historical Society.
45 William Hickman, "A Short Account of my Life and Travels," pp. 8-9, typescript copy,
Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, Louisville, Kentucky.
46Taylor, Lives, pp. 32-36; Morgan Edwards, "Materials towards a History of the Baptists
in the Province of Virginia," 1772, p. 62, Furman University Library, Greenville, South
Carolina.
47 Taylor, Lives, p. 34.
441
being repudiated by an increasing number of Baptists. The attitude of selfsacrifice failed to persevere through time.
In 1790 the Dover Association, in a circular letter which was sent to all
churches in the Association, chided the Baptists for not supporting their
ministers: "Shall it be a matter indifferent with you whether or not they
[the preachers] have even a shilling in the pocket, or the families even
bread to eat, or houses to live in?"48 Baptist congregations were reminded that
"God loveth a cheerful giver." It was decided at the same Association that
a minister was not "duty bound to serve a church who does not support
him." 49
By the 1790s the role of the preacher had radically altered. The term
"minister" came into increasing use. These men were no longer thought of
primarily as "gifts" in men endowed with spiritual enlightenment to foster
conversions, but as men trained in the intricacies of doctrine which they
conveyed to their established congregations. The function of the sermon had
therefore changed from one of inspiration to one of indoctrination. Ministers
no longer heeded the calling but followed a career. This change in the expectations of the qualifications of preachers mirrored the transformation of the
Baptists from a small movement, based on perhaps impossible ideals, to an

institutionalized church with a uniform doctrine.
48Minutes of the Dover Baptist Association . . . 1790 (Richmond, 1790), pp. 10-11.
49 Ibid.

4248430

Transféré par

Informations du document

Copyright

Formats disponibles

Partager ce document

Partager ou intégrer le document

Options de partage

Avez-vous trouvé ce document utile ?

Ce contenu est-il inapproprié ?

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

4248430

Transféré par

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

The Role of the Preacher: Index to the Consolidation of the Baptist Movement in Virginia

from 1760 to 1790

THE ROLE OF THE PREACHER

AFTER hearing David Thomas, one of the early Baptists, preach, o

from the late 1750s onwards. Because of their importance, preache

converted and their psychological responses, and on the state of the

societies witnessing religious awakenings. However, a detailed study

In Virginia during just four years, from 1770 to 1774, the S

Baptists increased from six churches to fifty-four representing 4,0

bers.2 This expansion is inexplicable without an analysis of the role

lievers. It was the preacher who labored to engender conversio

the central figure in the congregation to whom all members looked

*Sandra Rennie is a doctoral candidate in history at the Australian National Un

of ideas useful in developing and preparing this article.

and attorney general of the United States.

The Role of the Preacher

a small movement into an organized church by the 1790s, during which

Generally, sermons were of two types. Firstly, sermons designed to

Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Magazine, III (1812), 153.

432 The Virginia Magazine

claimed rather than uniformity of doctrine. They were th

a preacher could capture an audience's attention. But, unb

Baptists, these same qualities on which they placed so muc

to have unanticipated and unwanted repercussions. The fr

interpretation would not be felt immediately, for in the

Baptist penetration into Virginia the intricacies of doctr

doctrine for the Baptists at this stage was the doctrin

William Marshall, who became very much a doctrinal prea

"a number of his Baptist Christians could not eat wha

It was not enough for pastors to be instructive to their congregations,

to be shepherds having "care of the flocks," being "as gentle as a nurse in

prompted to ask: "Who among all God's servants are so responsible as

10 Minutes of the Ketocton Baptist Association . . . 1796 (Dumfries, Va., 1796), p. 6.

The Role of the Preacher

These numerous roles as pastor, father-figure, and watchman reflected

movement as pure and untainted. For them spirituality was paramount,

434 The Virginia Magazine

qualities resided in many preachers. Who could guarantee

on that course were initially cautious and reluctant to do

his feelings of inadequacy on that occasion at his deathbed,

I remonstrated against it, knowing that some of the ministers that

be given to one of my public exercises, but rather that of exhorting.'6

One could not simply proclaim or profess to be a preacher;

whether or not they had been truly called to preach. John

in his journal that he would have been grateful for a "visio

journal of 1771 spoke of the same indecision. He related th

was this factor of conversion which distinguished preaching f

Preachers therefore likened themselves to physicians or m

strenuously to bring forth children of God.'1 Having once

of preacher the very act of preaching could not leave th

19 John Jenkins, A Discourse on the Final Perseverance of the Saints in

The Role of the Preacher

embarking on the ministerial career, these early feelings of inadequacy and

self-doubt vanished when their preaching proved successful. Opposing

control over a congregation with people who regarded them as models,

ful preaching and their steadfastness in withstanding persecution, these

The Virginia Magazine

There were, however, more serious repercussions to follow. As early as

This development intensified with time as the "giants" among the

John Taylor remarked that it was unusual for another preacher to be

The Role of the Preacher

tion. After a declension which followed the American Revolution, a revival

Another baneful effect of the prominence of great preachers was the

of fellowship and cooperation. Competition over who was the better