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Baylis,, Smith and

d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Chapter 1: Globa
alization and global politics

Ovver the lastt three decades the ssheer scale


e, scope, and
a accelerration of gllobal
inte
erconnecte
edness has
s become increasing
gly evident in every s phere, from
m the
eco
onomic to the cultura
al.

Sceptics consider that this


t
is simp
ply evidenc
ce of growing internaational
inte
erdepende
ence, i.e. linkages be
etween cou
untries. A key
k issue iss how the term
t
glo
obalization
n differs fro
om internationalizatio
on, i.e. inte
ernational i nterdependence.

Glo
obalization
n denotes a tendencyy towards the
t growing
g extensityy, intensity, velocity,
and
d deepenin
ng impact of worldwid
de intercon
nnectedness.

Glo
obalization
n is associa
ated with a shift in the
e scale of social orgaanization, the
t
em
mergence of
o the world
d as a sharred social space, the
e relative deeterritorialization of
soccial, econo
omic, and political
p
acttivity, and the relative
e denation alization of
o power.

Glo
obalization
n can be co
onceptualizzed as a fu
undamenta
al shift or trransformattion in the
spa
atial scale of human social orga
anization that links distant com
mmunities and
a
exp
pands the reach of power relat ions acros
ss regions and
a contin ents.

Glo
obalization
n is to be distinguishe
ed from inte
ernationalization andd regionaliz
zation.

Economic glo
obalization
n may be at risk as a result of th
he 2008 finnancial cris
sis, but the
con
ntemporaryy phase off globalizattion has prroved more
e robust thaan the sce
eptics
reccognize.

Co
ontemporarry globaliza
ation is a ccomplex an
nd uneven process.

Co
ontemporarry globaliza
ation is besst describe
ed as a thic
ck form of globalization or
glo
obalism.

Glo
obalization
n is transforming but not burying
g the Westtphalian ideeal of sove
ereign
sta
atehood. It is producing the disa
aggregated
d state.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

Glo
obalization
n requires a conceptu
ual shift in our thinkin
ng about woorld politics, from a
principally sta
ate-centric
c perspectivve to the perspective
p
e of geocenntric or global
politicsthe politics of worldwide social rela
ations.

Glo
obal politiccs is more accurately
a
y described
d as distorted global ppolitics bec
cause it is
afflicted by siignificant power
p
asym
mmetries.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
C
Chapter
2: The evollution of internation
nal societyy

Ele
ements of internation
i
nal society may be found from the time of the first orrganized
human comm
munities.

Ea
arly forms of
o diplomac
cy and trea
aties existe
ed in the an
ncient Midddle East.

Re
elations am
mong the city-states o
of ancient Greece
G
we
ere charactterized by more
devveloped so
ocietal characteristicss, such as arbitration
n.

Ancient China, India, and Rome a


all had their own distinctive inteernational societies.
s

Me
edieval Eurropes international ssociety was
s a comple
ex mixture of suprana
ational,
transnationall, national, and subna
ational stru
uctures.

The Catholic Church played a keyy role in elaborating the


t normattive basis of
o
me
edieval inte
ernational society.
s

Isla
am developed its own distinctivve understa
anding of internationaal society.

The main ing


gredients of contempo
orary interrnational so
ociety are tthe princip
ples of
sovvereignty and
a non-intervention,, and the in
nstitutions of diplomaacy, the ba
alance of
pow
wer, and in
nternationa
al law.

These took centuries


c
to
o develop, although the
t Peace of Westphhalia (1648) was a
t
estab
blishment t hroughout Europe.
keyy event in their

The Napoleo
onic Wars were
w
follow
wed by a sh
hift to a mo
ore managged, hierarc
chical,
inte
ernational society witthin Europ e and an imperial strructure in E
Europes re
elations
witth much off the rest off the world
d.

The League of Nations was an atttempt to place


p
intern
national socciety on a more
seccure organ
nizational fo
oundation..

The United Nations


N
was intended
d to be a muchm
impro
oved Leag ue of Natio
ons, but
the
e cold war prevented it from fun
nctioning as
a such.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

De
ecolonizatio
on led to th
he worldwid
de spread of the Eurropean moodel of interrnational
socciety.

The collapse of the Sov


viet Union completed
d this proce
ess.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Chapte
er 3: Intern
national history, 190
00-1999

De
ebates about the origins of the G
Great Warr focus on whether
w
reesponsibility should
resst with the German governmentt or whethe
er war cam
me becausee of more complex
facctors.

The Paris peace settlem


ment failed
d to addres
ss central problems
p
oof Europea
an
seccurity, and in restructturing the E
European state syste
em createdd new sourrces of
grie
evance an
nd instabilitty.

Principles of self-determ
mination, e
espoused in particula
ar by Wooddrow Wilso
on, did not
exttend to em
mpires of Eu
uropean co
olonial pow
wers.

H
posed
d challenge
es that Eurropean political leadeers lacked the ability
The rise of Hitler
d will to me
eet.
and

The German attack on the USSR


R extended the scope
e of the warr from short and
lim
mited campaigns to ex
xtended, la
arge-scale,, and barba
aric confroontation, fought for
tota
al victory.

arbor broug
ght Americ
ca into the war in Eurrope and
The Japanesse attack on Pearl Ha
entually forced Germ
many into w
war on two
o fronts (ag
gain).
eve

De
ebate persists about whether
w
th
he atomic bomb
b
shou
uld have beeen used in
n 1945,
and
d about the
e effect this had on t he cold wa
ar.

The Great War


W precipitated the co
ollapse of four Europ
pean empirres (Russia
an,
Ge
erman, Ausstro-Hunga
arian, and tthe Ottoma
an Empire in Turkey)).

Diffferent European pow


wers had d
different atttitudes to decolonizat
d
tion after 1945:
som
me soughtt to preserv
ve their em
mpires, in part
p (the Frrench) or w
whole (the
Po
ortuguese)..

The process of decolon


nization wa
as relatively peaceful in many ccases; how
wever, it

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
led
d to revoluttionary warrs in otherss (Algeria, Malaya, and Angolaa), whose scale
s
and
ferrocity refleccted the attitudes of tthe colonia
al power an
nd the natioonalist mo
ovements.

dependencce/national liberation became embroiled


e
in
n cold warr conflicts when
w
the
Ind
sup
perpowerss and/or the
eir allies be
ecame invo
olved, for example
e
inn Vietnam. Whether
deccolonizatio
on was judg
ged succe ssful depe
ends, in part, on whosse perspec
ctive you
ado
optthat of
o the Euro
opean pow
wer, the independence
e movemeent, or the people
p
the
emselves.

nts about w
when and why
w the cold war beggan, and who
w was
There are dissagreemen
ressponsible. Distinct ph
hases can be seen in
n EastWest relationss, during which
w
ten
nsion and the
t risk of direct
d
conffrontation grew
g
and receded.

So
ome civil an
nd regional wars werre intensifie
ed and prolonged by superpow
wer
invvolvement; others ma
ay have be
een prevented or shortened.

uclear weap
pons were an importtant factor in the cold war. How
w far the arm
ms race
Nu
had
d a momen
ntum of its own is a m
matter of debate.
d
Agrreements oon limiting and
con
ntrolling the growth of
o nuclear a
arsenals played an im
mportant roole in Soviet
Am
merican (an
nd EastW
West) relatio
ons.

The end of th
he cold war has not rresulted in the abolitio
on of nucleear weapons.

Va
arious international crrises occurrred in whic
ch there was
w the riskk of nuclear war.
Ho
ow close we came to nuclear wa
ar at these
e times rem
mains openn to speculation and
debate.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Chapte
er 4: From the end o
of the cold
d war to th
he new glo
obal era

There was no
ot one cause of the ccold war, but
b several..

According to many scholars, the ccold war bipolar system was sttable.

The cold warr ended forr many rea


asons, but few
f
predicted it, and it may nott have
ded withou
ut Mikhail Gorbachev
G
v.
end

The end of th
he cold war, followed
d by the collapse of th
he USSR, ddramaticallly
e USAs we
eight in the
e internatio
onal system
m.
inccreased the

By 2000, the popular viiew was th


hat the USA
A was more hyperpoower than
su
uperpower.

nder Clinton
n there wa
as a great ffocus on ec
conomic is
ssues and using Ame
ericas
Un
eco
onomic power to rein
nforce its p
position in the
t international systtem.

The USA ma
ay have failled to interrvene in Rw
wanda, butt it continu ed to play an active
role
e in interna
ational affa
airs during the 1990s
s.

The problems facing po


ost-commu
unist Russiia were enormous.

he 1990s c reated a new class of


o super-ricch Russian
ns but
Economic refforms in th
exa
acerbated Russias overall
o
eco
onomic dec
cline.

adimir Putin has attem


mpted to re
everse what he saw as Russias decline in the
Vla
199
90s.

It iss misleadin
ng to talk of
o a new ccold war be
etween the
e West andd Russia.

e break-up
p of former Yugoslavia, Europe benefited as much from the
In sspite of the
end
d of the co
old war as the
t USA.

Europeans after the cold war werre divided over


o
a series of key iissues, mo
ost notably
the
e degree off European
n integratio
on, econom
mic strategy, and the foreign po
olicy

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
asp
pirations of the Europ
pean Unio n.

ss much co
ollective military
m
pow
wer, but it ddoes retain important
Europe may not posses
sofft power, while
w
remaiining a majjor econom
mic actor in
n the worldd.

have been
n significant but the co
consensus remains
The costs of the economic crisis h
tha
at a functio
oning EU is
s more like ly to delive
er peace and prosperrity than an
ny
alte
ernative arrrangemen
nt.

ompared to
o Europe after 1945, the interna
ational rela
ations of Eaast Asia du
uring the
Co
colld war were highly vo
olatile, marrked by rev
volutions, wars,
w
and iinsurgencies.

The end of th
he cold war was expe
erienced ve
ery differen
ntly in Asiaa.

Economic gro
owth, the USAs
U
pressence, and
d the role played
p
by A
ASEAN continue to
ma
ake the reg
gion more stable
s
than
n some pre
edicted.

Ch
hinas econ
nomic rise has brough
ht prosperity to the re
egion but i ncreased tensions
t
too
o, confirmin
ngat leas
st accordin
ng to some
e realists
that when the balanc
ce of
pow
wer chang
ges instability follows..

The end of th
he Third World
W
was m
marked by major economic refoorm in man
ny
untries, acccompanied
d by their rrejoining th
he world market.
cou

The less-devveloped countries con


ntinue to be burdened by debt aand debt
rep
payments to
t the more
e advance d economies of the world.
w

Though socia
alist anti-im
mperialism is no longer a powerrful politicaal ideology in the
So
outh, resentments aga
ainst the m
more powerful West remain.
r

9/1
11 effective
ely broughtt the post-ccold war era to an en
nd, and in tthe proces
ss
transformed US foreign
n policy.

t war in Irraq have been much disputed, although most


m
The reasons for going to
peo
ople now believe
b
it was
w a strate
egic error.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

The Arab Spring since 2011 has sseen the emergence


e
e of powerfful political parties
and
d organiza
ations favouring consstitutions in
nspired by Islam.

Ba
arack Obam
ma was ele
ected in 20
008 in the midst
m
of the
e deepest ffinancial crisis since
the
e 1930s.

Hiss foreign policy aimed


d among o
other things
s to restore
e US standding in the world
wh
hile finally bringing
b
US
S troops ho
ome from Iraq and Afghanistan
A
n.

Ob
bamas re-e
election in 2012 was in part due
e to his economic poolicies at ho
ome and
in p
part due to
o his perceived succe
ess in foreiign policy.

bama rejeccts the idea


a that the U
United Stattes is in de
ecline, but aaccepts that the US
Ob
hass to adjustt its policies
s to take a
account of new econo
omic realiti esmost notably in
Asia.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Chap
pter 5: Ris
sing powe
ers and the
e emergin
ng global o
order

Du
uring the 19
990s there was near universal agreement that the gglobal system was
dominated byy the powe
er of the Un
nited State
es and its allies
a
and bby the institutions
tha
at the US dominated.
d
.

Fro
om the perrspective of
o the dominant norms of the sy
ystem, the United Sta
ates has
rarrely been a status quo power b ut has ofte
en sought to
t mould thhe system in its own
ima
age. Since
e the end of
o the cold w
war it has been a strongly revissionist pow
wer: in the
199
90s, in term
ms of pressing for ne
ew norms on
o interven
ntion, the oopening of markets,
and
d the embe
edding of particular
p
ssets of wha
at it saw as
s liberal vaalues in inte
ernational
insstitutions; in
n the early
y years of t his century
y, in terms of its attem
mpt to reca
ast norms
on regime ch
hange and on the use
e of force.

The states off the global South did


d not face the
t United States witthin a stable notion
of a Westpha
alian orderr. From the
eir perspec
ctive, the dominant
d
W
Western sta
ates were
inssisting that many of th
he most im
mportant no
orms of the
e system oought to change,
abo
ove all in ways
w
that threatened greater interventionism. But thhere was a
wid
despread sense
s
that there was little altern
native but to
t accomm
modate We
estern
pow
wer.

There was widespread


w
consensu s that challlenges to the
t US-ledd order wou
uld result
from blowback or bac
cklashes a gainst US and Weste
ern power,, and would
d be
foccused arou
und anti-he
egemonic ssocial move
ements or radical staates.

Ovver the lastt decade, countries


c
s uch as Bra
azil, Russia
a, India, Chhina, South Africa,
the
e ASEAN states,
s
and
d Mexico ha
ave experienced sign
nificant ecoonomic
devvelopmentt. For many
y, the conttinuation off this trend is likely too result in an
a
alte
eration in the
t econom
mic balancce in favourr of the dyn
namic emeerging marrkets.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

With this grea


ater econo
omic share of the worrld market, they feel tthat they deserve
d
a
gre
eater politiccal say in the
t interna
ational com
mmunity as well. In facct, the 200
08
fina
ancial crisiisunders
scoring the
e shift in relative econ
nomic weigghtonly made
m
this
calll for a seat at the top
p negotiatin
ng tables stronger
s
an
nd more urrgent.

Building on th
he idea tha
at a shared
d voice is stronger
s
th
han a singl e voice, th
he
merging pow
wers realiz
ze that theyy have to cooperate
c
ward their
em
in order too push forw
ow
wn agendass. On this view,
v
the n
new forms of Southerrn multilateeralism led by
tod
days emerrging and regional
r
po
owers have
e put the id
dea of the gglobal Sou
uth firmly
bacck on the political
p
and intellectu
ual map.

For mainstrea
am realist and
a neo-re
ealist writers
s, rising po
owers matteer because
e their
owing mate
erial power disrupts th
he balance of power. There is grreat debate
e about
gro
exa
actly how changes
c
in material power causes conflict, but widesppread agre
eement
tha
at power sh
hifts are ass
sociated w
with conflict and that th
his will conttinue: henc
ce the
pre
ediction of many
m
neo--realists tha
at conflict between
b
the
e US and C
China is ine
evitable.

These materially-based
d approach
hes to rising powers and
a global order rem
main highly
ut they do not tell us enough ab
bout the po
otential patthways tha
at might
inflluential. Bu
lea
ad to the em
mergence of major p
power competition. What
W
we waant to know
w is
pre
ecisely how
w an intern
national sysstem might move acrross a specctrum from
m the
general diffussion of pow
wer, to a siituation of multipolarity, to a sysstem in wh
hich the
forreign policies of the major
m
state
es are drive
en by balan
nce of pow
wer politics and
log
gics. Such systems do not sudd
denly appe
ear out of nowhere.
n

Ma
aterial unde
erstandings of powerr provide an
a insufficie
ent basis foor understa
anding
the
e reasons for
f challenge and the
e crucial im
mportance of
o status aand recognition as
facctors in the
e foreign po
olicy behavviour of em
merging pow
wers. Evenn if one accepts the
ide
ea of rising states as revisionistt, it is difficult to unde
erstand thee sources of
o their

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
disssatisfactio
on purely within
w
a worrld of mate
erial power and systeemically giv
ven
inccentives.

For internatio
onal society
y theorists, power hierarchies arre not simpply about material
m
pow
wer. Greatt powers co
onstitute a particular social cate
egory. Beinng a great power
dep
pends on recognition
r
by others and on the
e cultivation
n of legitimaacy. The sttability of
pow
wer transitiions will be
e crucially a
affected by
y the accom
mmodation of rising po
owers and
the
e reallocatio
on of the se
eats around the top ta
able of inte
ernational ppolitics.

For many the


eorists, the power of todays risiing powers
s is not justt a matter of
o the
pow
wer resourrces that they possesss. It derives
s from the role that thhey are play
ying in
fun
nctional institutions cre
eated to de
eal with eve
er more pre
essing setss of challen
nges (such
as the manag
gement of the
t global e
economy, climate
c
cha
ange, nucleear prolifera
ation).
And it derivess from theirr equally ne
ecessary ro
ole in the creation of llegitimate institutions
and
d represen
ntative struc
ctures of gllobal goverrnance.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
pter 6: Rea
alism
Chap

Re
ealism has been the dominant
d
ttheory of world
w
politic
cs since thee beginning of
aca
ademic Intternational Relations..

Ou
utside the academy,
a
realism
r
ha s a much longer
l
history in the w
work of cla
assical
political theorrists such as
a Thucyd
dides, Mach
hiavelli, Ho
obbes, andd Rousseau.

The unifying theme aro


ound which
h all realist thinking co
onverges i s that state
es find
emselves in
n the shad
dow of ana rchy such that their security
s
caannot be taken for
the
gra
anted.

At the start of the new millennium


m
m, realism continues
c
to
t attract aacademicia
ans and
info
orm policy-makers, although
a
in
n the period
d since the
e end of thee cold war we have
see
en heighte
ened criticis
sm of realisst assump
ptions.

There is a lacck of conse


ensus as to
o whether we can me
eaningfullyy speak ab
bout
alism as a single coherent theo
ory.
rea

There are go
ood reasons for deline
eating diffe
erent types
s of realism
m.

Strructural rea
alism divides into two
o camps: th
hose who argue
a
that states are
e security
ma
aximizers (defensive realism), a
and those who
w argue
e that statees are powe
er
ma
aximizers (offensive realism).
r

Ne
eoclassical realists brring individ
dual and un
nit variation
n back intoo the theory
y.

Sta
atism is a central
c
ass
sumption o
of realism. This
T
involv
ves two claaims. First, the state
is tthe pre-em
minent actor in world p
politics. Se
econd, statte sovereiggnty signifie
es the
exiistence of an indepen
ndent polittical community, one that has juuridical autthority
ove
er its territo
ory.

Ke
ey criticism: statism is
s flawed on
n both emp
pirical grou
unds (challeenges to state
s
pow
wer from a
above and
d below) a
and normative ground
ds (the inaability of so
overeign

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
sta
ates to resp
pond to collective glo
obal proble
ems such as
a famine, environme
ental
deg
gradation, and huma
an rights ab
buses).

Survival: the primary ob


bjective of all states is
i survival; this is the
e supreme national
inte
erest to wh
hich all political leade
ers must ad
dhere.

Ke
ey criticism: are there no limits tto what acttions a statte can takee in the name of
neccessity?

Se
elf-help: no other state
e or institu
ution can be
e relied on
n to guaranntee your survival.
s

Ke
ey criticism: self-help is not an in
nevitable consequen
c
nce of the aabsence off a world
govvernment; it is a logic
c that state
es have se
elected. Mo
oreover, theere are examples
wh
here states have prefferred colle
ective secu
urity system
ms, or form
ms of region
nal
seccurity communities, in preferen
nce to self-help.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
eralism
Chaptter 7: Libe

Lib
beralism is a theory of
o both govvernment within
w
states and goodd governance
bettween stattes and peo
oples world
dwide. Unlike realism
m, which reegards the
intternational as an ana
archic real m, liberalis
sm seeks to
t project vvalues of order,
o
libe
erty, justice
e, and toleration into internation
nal relation
ns.

The high watter mark off liberal thin


nking in intternationall relations w
was reached in the
er-war period in the work
w
of ide
ealists, who
o believed that warfaare was an
inte
unnecessaryy and outmoded way of settling disputes between
b
sttates.

omestic and
d internatio
onal institu
utions are required
r
to protect annd nurture these
Do
vallues.

Lib
berals disagree on fundamenta l issues su
uch as the causes of war and what
w
kind
of institutionss are required to delivver liberal values in a decentra lized, multticultural
inte
ernational system.

An importantt cleavage within libe ralism, which has be


ecome morre pronoun
nced in ourr
glo
obalized wo
orld, is betw
ween thosse operating with an activist
a
connception off
libe
eralism, wh
ho advocate interven
ntionist fore
eign policie
es and stroonger international
insstitutions, and
a those who
w incline
e towards a pragmatiic conceptiion, which places a
prio
ority on tolleration and non-inte rvention.

Ea
arly liberal thought
t
on internation
nal relation
ns took the view that the natural order
had
d been corrrupted by undemocrratic state leaders and
d outdatedd policies such as
the
e balance of
o power. Enlightenm
E
ment liberals
s believed that a lateent cosmop
politan
mo
orality could
d be achieved throug
gh the exerrcise of rea
ason and thhrough the
e creation
of cconstitution
nal states. In addition
n, the unfetttered mov
vement of ppeople and
d goods
cou
uld further facilitate more
m
peace
eful interna
ational relations.

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Although there are important conttinuities be


etween Enlightenmennt liberal th
hought
and
d twentieth
h-century id
deas, such
h as the be
elief in the power of w
world public opinion
to ttame the in
nterests off states, lib
beral idealis
sm was mo
ore prograammatic. Fo
or
ide
ealists, persuasion wa
as more im
mportant th
han abstrac
ct moral reeasoning.

Lib
beral thoug
ght at the end
e of the ttwentieth century
c
bec
came grou nded in so
ocial
scientific theo
ories of sta
ate behavio
our. Coope
eration among rationaal egoists was
ordinated by
b regimes
s and instittutions.
posssible to achieve if properly coo

Lib
beral intern
nationalism
m 2.0, which
h is associiated with the
t post-19945 period
d, is in
crissis. The ab
bility of the USA to stteer world order is dim
minishing, rising pow
wers are
wa
anting a gre
eater share
e of the sp
poils, and new
n
securitty challengges are ope
ening up
sig
gnificant divvisions am
mong the m
major powers .

If Ikenberry iss right and 2.0 is in d


decline, it is
s not clear what is gooing to replace it. If
2.0
0 collapsess then the world
w
is ba
ack to the inter-war period whenn the Leag
gue of
Na
ations could
d not live up
u to its pro
omise. If it is reinvigo
orated, the n global institutions
will adapt to the
t challen
nge of new
w emerging
g powers without
w
losinng their dis
stinctively
eral characcter.
libe

The assumpttion that lib


beralism ha
as indeed triumphed
t
during thee post-1945
5 period is
vullnerable to
o the critiqu
ue that the practices of trade, security, annd development
havve never delivered
d
on their pro
omise. As a result, liberal internaational ord
ders
rem
main conve
eniently fav
vourable to
o the most powerful states
s
in thhe system.

Is tthe future of
o liberalism likely to be a returrn to interna
ationalism 1.0in otther
wo
ords, a periiod in whic
ch there is a
an institutional archittecture thaat is hopele
essly out
of sstep with what
w
is hap
ppening in world polittics? Or is internationnalism 3.0 a realistic
alte
ernative to
o the rules and institu
utions of the
e post-194
45 period, w
which seem
m unable

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Baylis,, Smith and


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evision guiide
to d
deliver ord
der and justice for mo
ost peoples
s in the wo
orld?

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alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
mporary mainstream
m
m approac
ches: neo
o-realism aand neo-liberalism
Chapterr 8: Contem

The neoneo
o debate ha
as been a major focu
us in Intern
national Reelations the
eory
sch
holarship in
n the USA for the lasst fifteen to
o twenty ye
ears.

Mo
ore than jusst theories, neo-reali sm and ne
eo-liberalism represeent paradigms or
con
nceptual frrameworks
s that shap
pe individua
als images
s of the woorld and inffluence
ressearch prio
orities and policy deb
bates and choices.
c

Ne
eo-liberalism
m in the ac
cademic w
world refers
s most often to neo-libberal
insstitutionalissm. In the policy
p
world
d, neo-libe
eralism is id
dentified w
with the pro
omotion of
cap
pitalism an
nd Western
n democrattic values and
a institutions.

ational-choice approa
aches and game theo
ory have be
een integraated into neo-realist
Ra
and
d neo-liberral theory to
t explain p
policy choiices and th
he behavioour of state
es in
con
nflict and cooperative
c
e situationss.

Ne
eo-realists and neo-lib
berals stud
dy differentt worlds. Neo-realists
N
s study sec
curity
isssues and are concern
ned with isssues of po
ower and su
urvival. Neeo-liberals study
political econ
nomy and focus
f
on co
ooperation
n and institu
utions.

Ke
en Waltz cla
aims that the
t structu re of the in
nternationa
al system iss the key fa
actor in
sha
aping the behaviour
b
of states. W
Waltzs neo-realism also
a
expannds our vie
ew of
pow
wer and ca
apabilities.

Strructural rea
alists minim
mize the im
mportance of national attributess as determ
minants of
a sstates fore
eign policy behaviour . To these neo-realis
sts, all statees are func
ctionally
sim
milar units, experienc
cing the sam
me constra
aints prese
ented by annarchy.

Strructural rea
alists accept many off the assum
mptions of traditional realism. They
T
believe that force
f
remains an imp
portant and
d effective tool
t
of stattecraft, and
d balance
anism for order
o
in the
e system.
of power is sttill the central mecha

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Josseph Griecco represents a grou p of neo-re


ealists, or modern
m
reaalists, who
o are
crittical of neo
o-liberal ins
stitutionalissts who cla
aim that sta
ates are m
mainly intere
ested in
abssolute gain
ns. Grieco claims tha
at all states
s are intere
ested in booth absolute
e and
rela
ative gainss. How gains are disttributed is an
a importa
ant issue. T
Thus there are two
barriers to intternationall cooperati on: fear off those who
o might noot follow the
e rules,
and
d the relatiive gains of
o others.

Scholars in security
s
stu
udies prese
ent two verrsions of ne
eo-realism
m or modern realism.
Offfensive rea
alists emph
hasize the importanc
ce of relativ
ve power. D
Defensive realists
are
e often con
nfused with
h neo-libera
al institutio
onalists. Th
hey recognnize the costs of war
and
d assume that it usua
ally resultss from irrational force
es in a sociiety. Coope
eration is
posssible, but it is more likely to su
ucceed in relations
r
with
w friendlyy states.

Co
ontemporarry neo-liberalism hass been sha
aped by the
e assumpti ons of com
mmercial,
rep
publican, sociological, and insti tutional lib
beralism.

Co
ommercial and republican libera
alism provide the foundation forr current neo-liberal
thin
nking in Western
W
gov
vernments . These co
ountries pro
omote freee trade and
d
democracy in
n their foreign policy programm
mes.

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalism, the otther side of
o the neoneo debatee, is rooted
d in the
fun
nctional integration th
heoretical w
work of the
e 1950s an
nd 1960s, aand the complex
inte
erdepende
ence and trransnation al studies literature of
o the 19700s and 198
80s.

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists see insstitutions as
a the med
diator and tthe means
s to
ach
hieve coop
peration in the interna
ational sys
stem. Regim
mes and innstitutions help
govvern a com
mpetitive and anarchiic international system, and theey encoura
age, and
at ttimes requ
uire, multila
ateralism a
and cooperration as a means of securing national
n
inte
erests.

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Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists recogn
nize that co
ooperation
n may be h arder to ac
chieve in
are
eas where leaders pe
erceive the
ey have no
o mutual intterests.

Ne
eo-liberals believe tha
at states co
ooperate to
o achieve absolute
a
ggains, and the
t
gre
eatest obsttacle to coo
operation iis cheating
g or non-c
compliancee by other states.
s

The neoneo
o debate is
s not a deb
bate betwee
en two polar oppositee worldview
ws. They
sha
are an episstemology, focus on similar que
estions, an
nd agree o n a numbe
er of
asssumptions about inte
ernational p
politics. Th
his is an inttra-paradiggm debate..

Ne
eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists and ne
eo-realists study diffe
erent worldds of intern
national
politics. Neo--realists foc
cus on seccurity and military
m
issues. Neo-lliberal
insstitutionalissts focus on
n political e
economy, environme
ental issuess, and hum
man rights
isssues.

Ne
eo-realists explain tha
at all statess must be concerned
d with the aabsolute an
nd relative
gains that ressult from in
nternationa
al agreeme
ents and co
ooperative efforts. Ne
eo-liberal
s concerne
ed about re
elative gain
ns and conssider that all
a will
insstitutionalissts are less
benefit from absolute
a
gains.

Ne
eo-realists are more cautious
c
ab
bout coope
eration and
d remind uss that the world
w
is
still a compettitive place
e where se lf-interest rules.

eo-liberal in
nstitutionalists believe
e that state
es and other actors ccan be pers
suaded to
Ne
coo
operate if they
t
are co
onvinced th
hat all state
es will com
mply with ruules, and that
coo
operation will
w result in absolute
e gains.

Ne
eo-realists think
t
that states
s
are still the principal acto
ors in interrnational po
olitics.
Glo
obalization
n challenge
es some arreas of state authority
y and conttrol.

Glo
obalization
n provides opportunit ies and res
sources for transnatioonal social
mo
ovements that
t
challen
nge the au
uthority of states
s
in va
arious policcy areas. NeoN

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rea
alists are not
n supporttive of any movement that seek
ks to open critical sec
curity
isssues to pub
blic debate.

ee market neo-liberals believe g


on is a pos
sitive forcee. Eventually, all
Fre
globalizatio
sta
ates will be
enefit from the econo mic growth
h promoted
d by the forrces of
glo
obalization.

ome neo-lib
berals belie
eve that sta
ates should intervene
e to promoote capitalis
sm with a
So
human face or
o a marke
et that is more sensitiive to the needs
n
and interests of
o all the
peo
ople. New institutions
s can be ccreated and
d older one
es reformeed to prevent the
une
even flow of capital, promote e
environmen
ntal sustain
nability, an d protect the rights
of ccitizens.

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d Owens: T
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alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
Ch
hapter 9: Marxist
M
the
eories of internatio
i
nal relatio
ons

Ma
arxs work retains its relevance despite the collapse of Commuunist Party
y rule in
the
e former So
oviet Union
n.

Of particular importance is Marxss analysis of capitalis


sm, which hhas yet to be
betttered.

Ma
arxist analyyses of inte
ernational relations aim
a to reveal the hiddden working
gs of
glo
obal capitalism. These hidden w
workings provide the context in which inte
ernational
eve
ents occurr.

arx himselff provided little in term


ms of a the
eoretical an
nalysis of i nternationa
al
Ma
rela
ations.

Hiss ideas havve been interpreted a


and approp
priated in a number oof different and
con
ntradictoryy ways, res
sulting in a number off competing schools of Marxism
m.

Un
nderlying th
hese differe
ent schoolss are seve
eral commo
on elementts that can be traced
bacck to Marxxs writings.

arxist theorrists have consistentl


c
ly develope
ed an anallysis of thee global aspects of
Ma
inte
ernational capitalisman aspe
ect acknow
wledged by Marx, but not develo
oped in
Ca
apital.

Wo
orld-system
ms theory can
c be see
en as a dire
ect development of LLenins worrk on
imp
perialism and
a the Lattin America
an Depend
dency Scho
ool.

c
d to the ana
alysis of intternationall capitalism
m by
Feminist writers have contributed
foccusing on the
t specific
c role of wo
omen.

Dra
awing on the work off Antonio G
Gramsci for inspiration, writers w
within an IItalian
sch
hool of inte
ernational relations
r
h ave made a considerable contrribution to thinking
abo
out world politics.
p

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Gra
amsci shiftted the foc
cus of Marxxist analysis more tow
wards supeerstructura
al
phe
enomena. In particular, he exp lored the processes
p
by which cconsent forr a
particular soccial and po
olitical syste
em was prroduced an
nd reproduuced throug
gh the
ope
eration of hegemony
h
y. Hegemo ny allows the
t ideas and
a ideologgies of the ruling
stra
atum to be
ecome wide
ely disperssed, and widely
w
accepted, throuughout soc
ciety.

Thinkers succh as Robe


ert W. Cox have attem
mpted to in
nternationaalize Gram
mscis
ought by tra
ansposing several off his key co
oncepts, most
m
notablly hegemony, to the
tho
glo
obal contexxt.

Criitical theoryy has its ro


oots in the work of the Frankfurrt School.

abermas ha
as argued that emancipatory po
otential lies
s in the reaalm of
Ha
com
mmunication, and tha
at radical d
democracy
y is the way
y in which that poten
ntial can
be unlocked.

Andrew Linkllater has developed ccritical theo


ory themes
s to argue in favour of
o the
exp
pansion off the moral boundarie
es of the po
olitical com
mmunity, annd has pointed to
the
e European
n Union as
s an examp
ple of a pos
st-Westpha
alian instituution of
govvernance.

Ne
ew Marxism
m is charac
cterized byy a direct (rre)appropriation of thhe concepts
s and
cattegories de
eveloped by
b Marx.

Ro
osenberg uses
u
Marxs
s ideas to ccriticize realist theories of interrnational re
elations,
and
d globaliza
ation theory
y. He seekks to develop an alterrnative appproach tha
at
und
derstands historical change
c
in world polittics as a re
eflection of transformations in
the
e prevailing
g relations of producttion.

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Ch
hapter 10: Social co
onstructivism

Inte
ernational relations theory in th
he 1980s was
w domina
ated by neeo-realism and neolibe
eral instituttionalism; both theor ies ascribe
ed to materialism andd individua
alism.

Va
arious scho
olars critica
al of neo-re
ealism and neo-libera
alism drew from critic
cal and
socciological theory
t
to demonstratte the effec
cts of ideas
s and norm
ms on world
d politics.

The end of th
he cold war created a
an intellecttual space for schola rs to challe
enge
ernational p
politics.
exiisting theories of inte

Co
onstructivissts are concerned witth human consciousn
c
ness and kknowledge,, treat
ide
eas as structural facto
ors that inffluence how
w actors in
nterpret thee world, co
onsider the
dyn
namic relationship be
etween ide
eas and ma
aterial forces as a coonsequence
e of how
acttors interprret their ma
aterial reallity, and arre intereste
ed in how aagents prod
duce
structures an
nd how stru
uctures pro
oduce agen
nts.

egulative an
nd constitu
utive normss shape what actors do, but on
nly constitutive
Re
norms shape
e the identity and acto
ors of state
es and wha
at counts aas legitimate
behaviour.

Although the meanings


s that actorrs bring to their activities are shhaped by th
he
und
derlying cu
ulture, mea
anings are not always
s fixed and
d the fixingg of meanin
ng is a
cen
ntral featurre of politic
cs.

So
ocial constrruction den
naturalizes what is ta
aken for gra
anted, askss questions about
the
e origins off what is no
ow accepte
ed as a fac
ct of life, an
nd consideers the alte
ernative
patthways tha
at might ha
ave producced, and ca
an produce
e, alternativve worlds.

Po
ower is not only the ability of on e actor to get anothe
er actor to ddo what th
hey would
nott do otherw
wise, but also the pro
oduction off identities, interests, and mean
nings that
lim
mit the abilitty of actors
s to contro l their fate..

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alization of World Pol itics 6e
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The recognitiion that the


e world is ssocially constructed means
m
thaat constructtivists can
invvestigate global change and tra
ansformatio
on.

A kkey issue in any stud


dy of globa l change is
s diffusion, captured by the con
ncern with
insstitutional issomorphism and the life cycle of
o norms.

Although diffu
usion sometimes occcurs becau
use of the view
v
that thhe model is
sup
perior, freq
quently acttors adopt a model either becau
use of exteernal press
sures or
beccause of itts symbolic
c legitimacyy.

Insstitutional issomorphism and the internationalization of


o norms ra
raise issues
s of
gro
owing hom
mogeneity in
n world po litics, a deepening in
nternationaal community, and
soccialization processes
s.

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alization of World Pol itics 6e
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Chapter
C
11
1: Poststrructuralism
m

Po
oststructura
alists raise questions about ontology and epistemoloogy.

Po
oststructura
alism is crittical of stattism and of
o taking the
e anarchiccal system for
gra
anted.

oststructura
alism adopts a constiitutive epis
stemology.
Po

Wh
hat count as
a facts depends on tthe ontolog
gical and epistemolo
e
ogical assumptions a
the
eory makess.

Four conceptts from pos


ststructura
alist philoso
ophy have been usedd to produc
ce new
kno
owledge about world
d politics: d
discourse, deconstruc
d
ction, geneealogy, and
d
inte
ertextualityy.

To look at wo
orld politics
s as discou
urse is to study
s
the lin
nguistic strructures th
hrough
wh
hich materiality is give
en meanin g.

De
econstructio
on argues that langu
uage is a sy
ystem of unstable dicchotomies where
one
e term is valued
v
as superior.
s

enealogy asks which political prractices ha


ave formed
d the preseent and which
Ge
alte
ernative un
nderstandings and diiscourses have been
n marginalizzed and fo
orgotten.

ertextualityy holds tha


at we can ssee world politics
p
as made up oof texts, and that all
Inte
texxts refer to other texts
s yet each is unique.

Sta
ate sovereignty is a practice
p
tha
at constituttes identity
y and authoority in a particular
p
ma
anner.

Po
oststructura
alists deconstruct the
e distinction
n between the nationnal and the
e
inte
ernational by showing that the two terms stabilize each
e
other and depen
nd on a
lon
ng series of other dichotomies.

ory like the


e state, and
d thereforee cannot re
eplace it.
The global is not a polittical catego

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Po
oststructura
alists warn against th
he danger of
o universa
al discoursee because
e it is
alw
ways define
ed from a particular
p
p
position of power.

In keeping with the non


n-foundatio
onalist onto
ology that poststructu
p
uralism ado
opts,
the
ere are no natural or objective i dentities, only those
e that are pproduced in
disscourse.

The terms su
ubjectivities or subje
ect position
ns undersc
core the faact that ide
entity is
ng that som
meone has,, but a pos
sition that one
o is consstructed as
s having.
nott somethin

The relationsship betwee


en identityy and foreig
gn policy is
s performattive and mutually
m
con
nstitutive.

oststructura
alism asks Who and how can the subjectt speak? aand What subjects
s
Po
are
e prevented from spe
eaking?

Po
oststructura
alists raise questions about ontology and epistemoloogy.

Po
oststructura
alism is crittical of stattism and of
o taking the
e anarchiccal system for
gra
anted.

Po
oststructura
alism adopts a constiitutive epis
stemology.

Wh
hat count as
a facts depends on tthe ontolog
gical and epistemolo
e
ogical assumptions a
the
eory makess.

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olonialism
m
Chapter 1 2: Post-co

Po
ost-coloniallism is a ne
ew approa ch in IR that provides
s a bottom
m-up ratherr than
sta
ate-down approach
a
to
o the studyy of interna
ational relations.

Am
mong otherr more trad
ditional sou
urces, it uses fiction and
a personnal testimo
onials as
sou
urces of information about colo
onial and post-colonia
al people aand situatio
ons
rele
evant to in
nternational relations..

It iss broad en
nough to include speccific colonial and pos
st-colonial rrelations as
a well as
the
e notion tha
at our era in internatiional relatio
ons is pos
stcolonial.

ome intere
est in colon
nial and post-colonial relations, but only frrom the
IR showed so
perspective of
o great power interessts.

The cold warr period saw


w great po
owers competing ove
er influencee in newly
ind
dependent countries.

Un
nwilling to choose
c
bettween Wesstern and Soviet
S
bloc
c patronagee, some po
ostcollonial state
e regimes met
m at conferences and
a formed
d the non-aaligned mo
ovement to
cre
eate a Third World bloc.

The Third Wo
orld was able to show
w some po
ower over the
t great ppowers thro
ough
OP
PEC and byy demandiing an NIE
EO.

But the agendas of and


d for the Th
hird World did not tak
ke into acccount the liv
ves of
ave
erage peop
ple in post-colonial s ettings.

ost-coloniall studies sttarted with an interes


st in the live
es and knoowledges of
o people
Po
of ssubaltern statuses
s
in
n India.

With little info


ormation on subaltern
n life, early
y post-colo
onial writerss turned to
o postcollonial fictio
on for insight.

Ficction as a data
d
source
e that high
hlights life within
w
partiicular cultuures is som
mething

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the
e field of In
nternational Relationss has conv
ventionally eschewedd.

oups in Intternational Relations , however,, have brou


ught post-ccolonial ficttion and
Gro
cullture to the
eir work. It is very pro
ominent in feminist Internationaal Relations
s.

nt to bear in
n mind Gayyatri Spiva
aks questio
on of whethher the sub
baltern
It iss importan
can
n speak orr whether the Westerrn research
her ends up putting thhat speech
h into
dominant We
estern fram
meworks.

orld-travelling method
ds encoura
age researrchers and subalternss to find co
ommon
Wo
me
eeting poin
nts that brin
ng the Wesstern resea
archer clos
ser to the ssubaltern world,
w
ratther than vice versa.

So
ome post-colonial work builds th
heory that follows up and expannds ideas on
collonization and
a resista
ance develloped by anti-colonia
a
al intellectuuals like Fra
antz
Fanon.

ortant influ ence on th


heory-build
ding througgh his analy
ysis of
Edward Said is an impo
Orientalism.

Ho
omi Bhabha
a, another important figure in th
he field, arg
gues that ccolonials
con
nstructed the
t Orient from their own fantas
sies and de
esires but could not capture or
con
ntrol hybrid
d colonial identities a
and dissem
miNations.

ontemporarry theorists
s remove the hyphen
n from the term
t
post-ccolonial to indicate
Co
tha
at the curre
ent era is postcolonia
p
al and has continuities and disccontinuities
s with
collonialism.

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Chapter
C
13
3: Internatiional ethic
cs

Glo
obalization
n lends sup
pport to cossmopolitan
n ethical theory.

Co
osmopolitan
nism advances the id
dea of a un
niversal hu
uman comm
munity in which
w
eve
erybody is treated as
s equal.

osmopolita
an thinker is Immanue
el Kant.
The most sysstematic co

Co
osmopolitan
nism has both
b
moral and politic
cal meanin
ng.

osmopolitan
nism does not requirre a world state.
s
Co

Co
osmopolitan
ns emphas
size both p
positive and
d negative duties, ussually expressed in
terrms of resp
ponsibilities
s not to ha rm and res
sponsibilitie
es to proviide humanitarian
asssistance orr hospitality.

Re
ealism and pluralism are the two
o most com
mmon obje
ections to ccosmopolittan ethics
and
d the posssibility of moral univerrsalism.

Re
ealists argu
ue that nec
cessity dem
mands a statist ethics
s, restrictinng moral ob
bligations
to tthe nation--state.

Plu
uralism is an
a ethics of
o coexiste
ence based
d on soverreignty.

Co
osmopolitan
ns emphas
size extenssive positiv
ve (i.e. justtice and aidd) and neg
gative (i.e.
non-harming) duties ac
cross borde
ers.

Anti-cosmopo
olitans argue that we
e have limitted, largely
y negative,, duties to those
outtside our own
o
community.

ost thinkerss agree witth Rawls th


hat we hav
ve at least natural duuties of: mutual aid,
Mo
to o
offer assistance in tim
mes of nee
ed, such as
s temporarry famine rrelief or
humanitarian
n emergenc
cy aid; and
d the negattive duty not to harm or inflict
unnecessaryy suffering.

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There are thrree components of th


he just warr tradition: jus
j ad bellu
lum, jus in bello, and
juss post bellu
um.

The just war tradition co


ontains ele
ements of cosmopolit
c
tanism andd
com
mmunitaria
anism.

ustice are d
dominated
d by utilitariian and Raawlsian the
eories.
Disscussions of global ju

elf a moral problem.


It iss not alwayys agreed that inequ ality is itse

Co
osmopolitan
ns argue th
hat there iss a responsibility of the rich to hhelp the po
oor,
ste
emming fro
om positive
e and nega
ative duties
s.

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Chapte
er 14: The changing
g character of war

War has bee


en a centra
al feature o
of human history.
h

Sin
nce the end
d of the co
old war, botth the frequency and
d lethality oof war have
e shown a
sha
arp decline
e.

Wa
ar between
n the great powers, in
n particular, has beco
ome much more unlikely than
in p
previous eras.

hanges in the internattional syste


em may be
e changing
g the charaacter of wa
ar.
Ch

Wa
ar in the co
ontemporary era is no
ot always easy
e
to define.

Wa
ar is a bruttal form of politics.

Co
ontemporarry warfare is being in
nfluenced by
b globaliza
ation.

Wa
ar requiress highly org
ganized so cieties.

Wa
ar can be a powerful catalyst fo
or change.

The nature of war rema


ains consta
ant, but its form reflec
cts the parrticular era and
envvironment in which itt occurs.

amatic technological advancess mean tha


at a revolution in militaary affairs may be
Dra
und
der way.

ossess succh technolo


ogy.
Few
w states currently po

The informattion age is


s increasin gly reflecte
ed in information waarfare.

Op
pponents with
w little orr no accesss to RMA technology
t
y are likely to use asy
ymmetric
wa
arfare to fig
ght the war on their o
own terms..

In tthe globalized world, key state functions, including military caapabilities, are being
takken over byy non-state
e actors.

Na
ational form
ms of identiity are wea
akening in many regio
ons.

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Inte
er-state wa
ars betwee
en industria
alized natio
ons have become
b
unncommon, while
inssurgencies and civil wars
w
have become more
m
typical of the eraa.

Ne
ew wars, following
f
sttate collap se, are often conflicts over idenntity as mu
uch as
ove
er territory.

The new wars in fact follow


f
a pa
attern of wa
arfare that has been ttypical sinc
ce the late
195
50s.

Such conflictts typically occur in co


ountries where
w
development iss lacking an
nd there is
sig
gnificant ecconomic ins
security.

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Chapterr 15: Intern
national and global security

Se
ecurity is a contested
d concept.

The meaning
g of securitty has been
n broadene
ed to include politicaal, economiic,
soccietal, and environme
ental, as w
well as milittary, aspec
cts.

Difffering argu
uments exist about th
he tension between national
n
annd internatiional
seccurity.

Diffferent view
ws have als
so emerge
ed about th
he significa
ance of glo balization for the
future of interrnational security.

Re
ealists and neo-realists emphassize the pe
erennial pro
oblem of innsecurity.

e essential source of conflict


The securityy dilemma is seen byy some writters as the
bettween stattes.

Ne
eo realists reject
r
the significanc
s
ce of international institutions in helping many
m
to
ach
hieve peacce and sec
curity.

Co
ontemporarry politician
ns and aca
ademics, however, who
w write unnder the la
abel of
libe
eral instituttionalism or
o neo-liberralism, see
e institution
ns as an im
mportant mechanism
m
forr achieving international securitty.

beral institu
utionalists accept
a
ma
any of the assumption
a
ns of realissm about th
he
Lib
con
ntinuing im
mportance of
o military power in in
nternationa
al relationss but argue
e that
insstitutions ca
an provide a framewo
ork for coo
operation th
hat can heelp to mitiga
ate the
dangers of se
ecurity com
mpetition b
between sta
ates.

Co
onstructivisst thinkers base their ideas on tw
wo main assumptionns: (1) that the
fun
ndamental structures of international polittics are soc
cially consttructed; an
nd (2) that
cha
anging the
e way we th
hink about internation
nal relation
ns can helpp to bring about
a
gre
eater intern
national se
ecurity.

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So
ome constructivist thin
nkers acce
ept many of
o the assumptions off neo realis
sm, but
the
ey reject th
he view tha
at structure
e consists only of ma
aterial capaabilities. They stress
the
e importancce of socia
al structure
e, defined in terms of shared knnowledge and
a
pra
actices as well
w as ma
aterial capa
abilities.

Criitical securrity theoristts argue th


hat most ap
pproaches put too m uch empha
asis on
the
e state.

Feminist writers argue that gende


er tends to be left outt of the lite rature on
inte
ernational security, despite
d
the impact of war on wo
omen.

elief among
g poststruccturalist wrriters that th
he nature oof internatiional
There is a be
politics can be
b changed
d by alterin
ng the way we think and
a talk abbout security.

So
ome writerss see globa
alization an
nd geopolittics as con
ntradictory concepts, while
oth
her writers argue therre is no op
pposition be
etween the
em.

Tra
aditional id
deas about geopoliticcs stem from the writings of peoople like Ha
arold
Ma
ackinder an
nd Nicholas Spykma n.

s of both co
oncepts give rise to alternative
a
views abo
out how
Diffferent interpretations
wo
orld order can
c be achieved.

In practice, global
g
politics exhibitss the effectts of both.

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C
Chapter 16
6: International polittical economy in an
n age of gllobalizatio
on

Immediately after the Second


S
Wo
orld War international institutionns were cre
eated to
faccilitate coop
peration in
n the world economy..

The onset of the cold war


w postpon
ned the op
peration of these instiitutions, as
s the USA
ste
epped in directly to manage
m
the
e reconstru
uction of Eu
urope and the interna
ational
mo
onetary sysstem based
d on the do
ollar.

The Bretton Woods


W
sys
stem of ma
anaged exc
change rattes and ca pital flows operated
unttil its breakkdown in 1971, when
n the USA announced
d it would nno longer convert
c
the
e dollar to gold.
g

w
marke
ed by a lackk of interna
ational eco
onomic coooperation among
a
the
The 1970s were
dustrialized
d countries, which flo ated their exchange rates and indulged in
n new
ind
forrms of trade protectio
onism.

De
eveloping countries
c
dissatisfact
d
tion with th
he internatiional systeem came to
o a head
in tthe 1970s when they
y pushed u
unsuccessffully for a new
n
internaational eco
onomic
ord
der.

Tra
ade negotiations werre broaden
ned to inclu
ude many new
n
areas,, but this le
ed to later
ressistance fro
om emerging econom
mies.

In 2
2007 a pow
wer shift became mo
ore obvious
s in the glo
obal econoomy, with emerging
e
eco
onomies such as China and Ind
dia playing
g a more prominent ro
role in nego
otiations
in ttrade, finan
nce, and developmen
nt assistan
nce, and in the G20 fo
formed afte
er the
200
08 financia
al crisis.

Ra
ational choiice explain
ns outcome
es in IPE as
a the result of actorss choices, which are
asssumed alw
ways to be rationally p
power or utility
u
maxim
mizing withhin given particular
inccentives an
nd institutio
onal constrraints.

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Insstitutionalissts apply ra
ational cho
oice to state
es in their interactionns with othe
er states
in o
order to exxplain interrnational co
ooperation
n in econom
mic affairs.

Co
onstructivisst approach
hes pay mo
ore attentio
on to how governme nts, states
s, and
oth
her actors construct
c
their
t
preferrences, hig
ghlighting the role of identities, beliefs,
traditions, an
nd values in
n this proce
ess.

Ne
eo-Gramsccians highlight that acctors define
e and pursue their intterests within a
structure of id
deas, cultu
ure, and kn
nowledge, which itsellf is shapedd by hegem
monic
pow
wers.

Globalization
n is used to
t describe
e the effectts of several differentt drivers off change.

Inte
ernationaliization is worth
w
distin
nguishing from liberallization. Thhe former refers
r
to
inccreasing ecconomic tra
ansactionss across bo
orders, while the latteer refers to
o
govvernmentss policies which
w
prom
mote this activity.

Wh
hile techno
ology has transformed
n be done globally, thhe
d what can
detterritorializzation it cre
eates spurss both glob
balization and
a anti-gloobalization
n
nettworks.

Insstitutionalissts argue th
hat interna
ational institutions will play an im
mportant and
possitive role in ensuring
g that glob alization re
esults in widely spreaad benefits
s in the
wo
orld econom
my.

Re
ealists and neo-realists reject th
he institutio
onalist argu
ument on tthe grounds that it
doe
es not acccount for the unwilling
gness of sttates ever to
t sacrificee power relative to
oth
her states.

Co
onstructivissts pay morre attention
n to how governments, states, and other actors
con
nstruct the
eir preferen
nces, highliighting the
e role that state
s
identiities, domin
nant
beliefs, and ongoing
o
de
ebates and
d contestation plays in this proccess.

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alization of World Pol itics 6e
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Cha
apter 17: G
Gender in world politics

There are ma
any feminis
st theories . They incllude liberal, Marxist, socialist, postp
collonial, and poststructtural.

All feminist th
heories are
e trying to e
explain wo
omens sub
bordinationn: howeverr, they all
havve differen
nt reasons for women
ns subordination.

Feminists define gende


er as a set of socially
y constructe
ed charactteristics tha
at define
hat we mea
an by masc
culinity and
d femininity
y.
wh

Ge
ender is a system
s
of social
s
hiera
archy in which masculine charaacteristics are more
vallued than feminine
f
ones.

ender is a structure
s
th
hat signifie
es unequal power rela
ationships between women
w
Ge
and
d men.

IR feminists use
u gender-sensitive
e lenses to help them
m answer q uestions about
a
why
wo
omen often
n play subo
ordinate rolles in globa
al politics.

Lib
beral femin
nists believe that wom
mens equa
ality can be
e achievedd by removing legal
obsstacles tha
at deny women the sa
ame opportunities as
s men.

Po
ost-liberal fe
eminists arrgue that w
we must look more de
eeply at unnequal gen
ndered
structures in order to un
nderstand womens subordinat
s
tion.

ow both ide
eas and material struuctures sha
ape
Feminist critical theorists show ho
peo
oples livess, and how
w changes in the mea
aning of ge
ender havee changed the
pra
actices of internationa
al organiza
ations overr time.

Feminist constructivists
s show us tthe various
s ways in which
w
ideaas about ge
ender
sha
ape and arre shaped by global p
politics.

Po
oststructura
al feminists
s claim tha t there is a link betwe
een knowleedge and power.
p
Sin
nce men ha
ave genera
ally been sseen as knowers and
d as subjeccts of know
wledge,

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thiss influence
es how we see globa l politics.

ost-coloniall feminists suggest th


hat women
ns subordin
nation musst be differrentially
Po
und
derstood in
n terms of race, classs, and geo
ographical location.

aditional sttories abou


ut war, which portray men as prrotectors aand women
n and
Tra
chiildren as being protected, are sseverely ch
hallenged by
b todays wars, in which
w
wo
omen and children
c
are being kil led and injjured in larrge numbeers.

ars association with masculinitty and the image of a soldier ass a heroic male
m
are
Wa
cha
allenged by an increa
asing num ber of wom
men in milittaries arouund the wo
orld.

i popular w
when state
es are preo
occupied w
with nationa
al security
Millitarized masculinity is
thrreats; conssequently conciliatory
c
y options in
n policy-ma
aking tend to get disc
counted
and
d it is difficcult for wom
mens voice
es to be re
egarded as
s legitimatee, particula
arly in
ma
atters of se
ecurity polic
cy.

ution of all forms of violence:


v
Feminists define securiity broadly to include the diminu
onomic, and ecologiccal.
phyysical, eco

Ag
gender-sen
nsitive pers
spective he
elps us see
e how wom
mens relattive disadv
vantage to
me
en in termss of materia
al well-bein
ng is due to
o the gend
dered divisiion of labo
our.

The gendered division of labour d


dates back
k to sevente
eenth-centtury Europe and the
sub
bsequent separation
s
of paid wo
ork in the public
p
sphe
ere from unnpaid work
k in the
privvate spherre, a separration that has an effe
ect on the kind of woork that women do in
the
e public sphere.

Wo
omen are disproporti
d
onately clu
ustered in low-paid jo
obs in garm
ment industries,
serrvices, and
d home-based work, or in subsistence agriculture.

addition to
o paid work
k, women p
perform mo
ost of the unpaid
u
reprroductive and
a caring
In a
lab
bour in the private sphere, labo ur that is in
nvisible in economic analysis. This
T

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con
nstrains wo
omens choices in th e public sp
phere.

nce waged
d work can be empow
wering for women,
w
ev
ven when t hey are pa
aid less
Sin
tha
an men, we
e must not overgene ralize abou
ut the nega
ative effectts of the ge
endered
divvision of lab
bour.

Mu
uch of the success
s
in moving to
owards gen
nder equality is due tto womens
s
org
ganizing in NGOs and social m ovements.. This has resulted inn getting wo
omens
isssues on the
e policy agendas of th
he United Nations an
nd other inttergovernm
mental
org
ganizationss.

f
kn
nowledge should
s
be useful
u
for im
mproving womens
w
Feminists believe that feminist
live
es, and ma
any feminis
st social m ovements are inform
med by fem
minist knowledge.

Da
ata disaggrregated by sex are vi tal for iden
ntifying wom
mens probblems and lobbying
forr change. The
T adoptio
on of the G
Gender Developmentt Index by tthe United Nations
u to see where
w
probllems are most
m
acute and to tracck evidenc
ce of
hass helped us
imp
provementt.

Ge
ender main
nstreaming, which ha
as been adopted by certain
c
inteernational
org
ganizationss and natio
onal govern
nments, is a policy th
hat evaluattes legislattion in
terrms of whe
ether it is lik
kely to incrrease or re
educe gend
der equalityy.

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18: Interna
ational law
w
Chapter 1

Sta
ates have strong
s
ince
entives to ffree thems
selves from
m the inseccurities of
inte
ernational anarchy.

Sta
ates face common
c
co
oordination
n and colla
aboration problems, yyet coopera
ation
rem
mains difficcult under anarchy.
a

To facilitate cooperatio
c
n, states ccreate interrnational in
nstitutions, of which th
hree
n modern internationa
al society: constitutio
onal instituttions, fund
damental
levvels exist in
insstitutions, and
a issue-s
specific insstitutions or regimes.

e are concerned with


h fundamen
ntal instituttions, of wh
hich internaational law
w is one of
We
the
e most imp
portant.

Mo
odern international law is a histo
orical arteffact, a prod
duct of thee revolution
ns in
tho
ought and practice
p
that transforrmed the governance
e of Europeean states after the
Fre
ench Revo
olution (178
89).

Be
efore the Frrench Revo
olution, in the Age of
o Absolutis
sm, law waas understood
principally ass the comm
mand of a le
egitimate superior,
s
and internaational law was seen
nd of God, derived fro
om natural law. In the modern period, law
w has
as a comman
com
me to be seen
s
as something co
ontracted between
b
le
egal subjeccts or their
rep
presentativves, and internationa l law has been
b
seen as the exppression off the
mu
utual will off nations.

Be
ecause of itts historica
al roots, the
e modern institution of
o internati onal law has a
number of disstinctive ch
haracteristtics, inform
med largely by the val ues of poliitical
libe
eralism.

The most disstinctive characteristiccs of the modern


m
insttitution of i nternational law are
al form of le
egislation, its consen
nt-based fo
orm of legaal obligation
n, its
its multilatera

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lan
nguage and
d practice of justificattion, and itts discours
se of instituutional auto
onomy.

o long as in
nternationa
al law was d
designed to
t facilitate
e internatioonal order, it was
So
circcumscribed in key wa
ays: statess were the principal subjects
s
annd agents of
o
inte
ernational law; intern
national law
w was conc
cerned with the regu lation of inter-state
rela
ations; and
d the scope
e of interna
ational law
w was confiined to queestions of order.
o

overnance is pushing international law intoo new area


as, raising
The quest forr global go
estions about whethe
er internatiional law is
s transform
ming into a form of
que
sup
pranationa
al law.

me extent ccollectivitie
es, are grad
dually acquuiring rightts and
Individuals, and to som
ressponsibilitie
es under in
nternationa
al law, esta
ablishing th
heir status as both su
ubjects
and
d agents under
u
intern
national law
w.

No
on-governm
mental acto
ors are beccoming inc
creasingly important i n the deve
elopment
and
d codification of interrnational le
egal norms
s.

Inte
ernational law is incrreasingly a
affecting do
omestic leg
gal regimess and prac
ctices, and
the
e rules of th
he internattional legall system are no longe
er confinedd to issues
s of order.
As internation
nal human
nitarian law
w evolves, issues
i
of global
g
justicce are perm
meating
e internatio
onal legal order.
o
the

acing limitss on the leg


gitimate usse of force is one of the key chaallenges off the
Pla
inte
ernational community
y, and the laws of wa
ar have evo
olved to m
meet this ch
hallenge.

The laws of war


w have trraditionallyy been divided into th
hose goverrning when
n the use
of fforce is leg
gitimate, ju
us ad bellum
m, and how
w war may
y be conduucted, jus in
n bello.

Law
ws governing when war
w is lega
ally permitte
ed have ch
hanged draamatically over the
hisstory of the
e international system
m, the mostt notable difference
d
bbeing betw
ween the
nin
neteenth-ce
entury view
w that to w
wage war was
w a soverreign right and the po
ost-1945

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Baylis,, Smith and


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alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
vie
ew that warr was only justified in
n self-defen
nce or as part
p of a UN
N-mandate
ed
inte
ernational peace enfforcement a
action.

ws governing how war may be conducted


d divide, brroadly, intoo three cattegories:
Law
tho
ose govern
ning weapo
onry, comb
batants, and non-com
mbatants.

Sin
nce 2001 both
b
jus ad
d bellum an
nd jus in be
ello have come unde r challenge
e as the
Bush adminisstration sought to con
nduct the war
w on terrror without the constrraints of
p
of
o internatio
onal law, a practice that
t
the Obbama administration
esttablished principles
hass sought to
o reverse.

ealists argu
ue that inte
ernational la
aw is only important when it seerves the in
nterests of
Re
pow
werful stattes.

Ne
eo-liberals explain how self-inte
erested states come to
t construcct dense ne
etworks off
inte
ernational legal regim
mes.

onstructivissts treat international law as part of the no


ormative sttructures th
hat
Co
con
ndition statte and non
n-state age
ency in inte
ernational relations.
r
LLike other social
s
norms, they emphasize
e
e the way i n which law
w constituttes actors identities, interests,
d strategie
es.
and

Ne
ew liberals emphasize
e the dome
estic origin
ns of state preferencees and, in turn,
t
inte
ernational law. In inte
ernational law, they stress
s
the need
n
to dissaggregate
e the state
to understand
d transnatiional legal integration
n and interraction, andd they prio
oritize
ernational humanitarrian law.
inte

Criitical legal studies co


oncentratess on the wa
ay in which
h the inherrent liberaliism of
inte
ernational law seriou
usly curtailss its radica
al potential..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Ch
hapter 19: Internatio
onal regim
mes

Re
egimes represent an important ffeature of globalizatio
on.

Ag
growing nu
umber of global regim
mes is bein
ng formed.

The term reg


gimes, and
d social sccience apprroaches to them, aree recent but fit into a
lon
ng-standing
g tradition of thought about inte
ernational law.

The onset of dtente, th


he loss of hegemonic
c status by
y the USA, and the growing
wareness of environm
mental prob
blems sens
sitized sociial scientissts to the need for a
aw
the
eory of regimes.

beral institu
utionalists and
a realistts have dev
veloped co
ompeting aapproaches
s to the
Lib
ana
alysis of re
egimes.

Re
egime theory is an atttempt initia
ated in the 1970s by social scieentists to account for
the
e existence
e of rule-go
overned be
ehaviour in
n the anarc
chic internaational systtem.

Re
egimes havve been de
efined by p rinciples, norms,
n
rule
es, and deccision-mak
king
pro
ocedures.

egimes can
n be classiffied in term
ms of the fo
ormality of the underllying agree
ements
Re
and
d the degree of expe
ectation tha
at the agre
eements will be obserrved. Full-b
blown,
taccit, and dea
ad-letter re
egimes can
n be identiffied.

Re
egimes now
w help to re
egulate inte
ernational relations in many sppheres of activity.
a

The market iss used by liberal insttitutionalists as an an


nalogy for tthe anarchic
inte
ernational system.

In a market/in
nternationa
al setting, p
public goods get und
derproduceed and pub
blic bads
gett overproduced.

Lib
beral institu
utionalists draw
d
on th
he Prisonerrs Dilemm
ma game too account fo
or the
structural imp
pediments to regime formation..

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evision guiide

Ah
hegemon, the shado
ow of the fu
uture, and an information-rich eenvironme
ent
pro
omote colla
aboration and
a an esccape route from the Prisoners
P
D
Dilemma.

Re
ealists argu
ue that liberal institutiionalists ignore the im
mportance of power when
w
exa
amining re
egimes.

Re
ealists draw
w on the Ba
attle of the
e Sexes ga
ame to illum
minate the nature of
coo
ordination and its link
k to power in an anarrchic settin
ng.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

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The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
Chapter
C
20
0: The Unitted Nation
ns

The United Nations


N
was establish
hed to pres
serve peac
ce betweenn states aftter the
Se
econd Worlld War.

In a number of ways, th
he institutio
ons of the United Nattions refleccted lesson
ns learned
from its prede
ecessor, th
he League of Nations
s.

The institutions and me


echanisms of the United Nation
ns reflect booth the demands of
eat power politics
p
(i.e
e. Security Council ve
eto) and un
niversalism
m. They als
so reflect
gre
demands to address
a
the needs a nd interestts of people, as well aas the nee
eds and
inte
erests of states. The tensions b
between th
hese variou
us demandds are a ke
ey feature
of UN develo
opment.

The cold warr and the decolonizattion proces


ss had disc
couraged m
more active
e
invvolvement by the United Nation
ns within states.

Aftter the cold


d war it bec
came more
e difficult fo
or states and diplomaats to acce
ept that
wh
hat happen
ned within states
s
wass of no concern to outtsiders.

U had beccome involved in maintaining innternationa


al peace
By the mid-1990s the UN
d security by resisting aggress ion betwee
en states, attempting
a
g to resolve
e disputes
and
witthin states (civil wars), and focu
using on co
onditions within
w
statees, includin
ng
eco
onomic, so
ocial, and political
p
co nditions.

ew justificattions for in
ntervention in states were
w
being
g considereed by the 1990s.
1
Ne

Mo
ost operatio
ons of the United Na tions have
e been justified in thee traditional way: as
a rresponse to
o a threat to
t internatiional peace
e and secu
urity.

The United Nations


N
doe
es not have
e a monop
poly on pea
ace operattions. While
e the UN
ofte
en provide
es legitimattion, opera
ations are sometimes
s
s conductedd by region
nal
org
ganizationss, ad hoc coalitions,
c
o
or hybrid arrangeme
a
nts involvinng the UN with non-

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Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
UN
N actors.

ons in the U
UN system
m that addrress econoomic and so
ocial
The number of institutio
isssues has in
ncreased significantlyy. Several Programm
mes and Fuunds have been
cre
eated in ressponse to global con
nferences.

The Millenniu
um Development Goa
als have fo
ocused atte
ention on m
measurable socioeco
onomic tarrgets and have
h
furthe
er integrate
ed the work
k of the UN
N at the co
ountry
levvel, but pro
ogress towa
ards reach
hing the go
oals has be
een unevenn.

eform of the
e economic and soci al arrange
ements of the UN in thhe late 199
90s aimed
Re
at improving coordinatio
on, elimina
ating duplic
cation, and
d clarifying spheres of
o
ressponsibilityy.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
snational actors an d internattional orga
anizationss in globall politics
Chapterr 21: Trans

The concept of the state has thre


ee very diffferent mea
anings: a leegal perso
on, a
political comm
munity, and a govern
nment.

The countriess and gove


ernments a
around the world may
y be equal in law, but have
few
w political similarities
s
. Many govvernments
s control fewer resourrces than many
m
transnationall actors.

It ccannot be assumed
a
that all cou
untry based
d political systems
s
arre more coherent
tha
an global systems, pa
articularly a
as nationa
al loyalties do
d not mattch country
y
boundaries.

By abandonin
ng the lang
guage of sstates and
d non state
e actors, w
we can adm
mit the
posssibility of theorizing about man
ny types of actor in global
g
politiics. By
disstinguishing
g governm
ment from ssociety and
d nation fro
om countryy, we can ask
a
wh
hether priva
ate groups, companie
es, and na
ational mino
orities in eaach countrry engage
in ttransnation
nal relation
ns.

c
tra nsfer price
es means that
t
they caan evade taxation
t
orr
The ability off TNCs to change
c
on
n their international fiinancial tra
ansactions .
govvernment controls

The ability off TNCs to use


u triangu
ulation mea
ans that ind
dividual goovernments cannot
con
ntrol their countrys
c
in
nternationa
al trade.

The ability off TNCs to move


m
prod uction from
m one coun
ntry to anoother mean
ns that
ind
dividual govvernments
s are consttrained in regulating
r
and
a taxing companie
es.

The structure
e of authority over TN
NCs genera
ates the po
otential forr intense co
onflict
bettween govvernments, when the legal authority of one
e governm
ment has
exttraterritoria
al impact on the sove
ereignty of another go
overnmentt.

In ssome area
as of econo
omic policyy governme
ents have lost sovereeignty, and
d

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Baylis,, Smith and


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The Globa
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evision guiide
reg
gulation no
ow has to be
b exercise
ed at the global level rather thaan by goverrnments
actting indepe
endently.

onal crimin
nals by indiividual govvernments is
Efffective action againstt transnatio
diffficultfor the
t same reasons
r
ass control off TNCs is difficult.
d

Gro
oups using
g violence to achieve
e political goals
g
generally do noot achieve
leg
gitimacy, bu
ut in excep
ptional circcumstances
s they may
y be recognnized as national
libe
eration mo
ovements and
a take pa
art in diplomacy.

minals and guerrillas shift probl ems of the


e domesticc
The transnational activities of crim
policy of coun
ntries into the realm of global politics.
p

Terrorism ma
ay be partic
cular to ind
dividual countries, ma
ay have traansnationa
al aspects,
or may be ca
arried out by
b groups i n a transnational nettwork, but it is not a single
s
political force
e.

overnmentss cannot act as indep


pendent so
overeign ac
ctors in ressponse to terrorism,
t
Go
nor in using violence
v
th
hemselves..

Mo
ost transna
ational acto
ors can exp
pect to gain recognition as NGO
Os by the UN,
U
pro
ovided theyy are not in
ndividual ccompanies,, criminals,, or violentt groups, and they
do not exist solely
s
to op
ppose an in
ndividual governmen
g
nt.

The ECOSOC statute provides


p
an
n authorita
ative statem
ment that N
NGOs have
ea
leg
gitimate pla
ace in interrgovernme
ental diplom
macy.

The creation of a globa


al economyy leads to the
t globaliz
zation of u nions, com
mmercial
bod
dies, the professions
p
s, and scie ntists in intternationall NGOs.

GOs made the Interne


et a publicc global com
mmunicatio
ons system
m.
NG

overnmentss can no lo
onger contrrol the flow
w of information acrosss the bord
ders of
Go
the
eir country..

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide

NG
GOs from each
e
counttry may co mbine in fo
our ways: as
a internattional NGO
Os; as
advvocacy nettworks; as caucuses ; and as go
overnance
e networks..

Inte
ation. They
ernational organizations are strructures fo
or political communica
c
y are
sysstems that constrain the behavviour of their members.

Go
overnmentss form intergovernme
ental organ
nizations and transnaational acto
ors form
inte
ernational non-goverrnmental o rganization
ns. In addition, goverrnments an
nd
transnationall actors acc
cord each other equa
al status by
y jointly creeating hyb
brid
inte
ernational organizatio
ons.

ernational organizations are mo


ore than th
he collectiv
ve will of thheir membe
ers. They
Inte
havve a distinct impact on
o other gl obal actors
s.

The high poliitics/low po


olitics distin
nction is us
sed to marrginalize traansnationa
al actors.
It iss invalid be
ecause politics does not reduce
e to these two categoories.

A ssimple con
ncept of pow
wer will no
ot explain outcomes.
o
Military annd econom
mic
ressources are
e not the only
o
capab ilities: com
mmunication facilities,, informatio
on,
autthority, and
d status arre also imp
portant political assets.

Diffferent policy domains contain d


different ac
ctors, depe
ending on tthe salienc
ce of the
isssues being debated.

TN
NCs gain in
nfluence through the control of economic
e
resources.. NGOs ga
ain
inflluence thro
ough posse
essing info
ormation, gaining
g
high status, aand commu
unicating
effe
ectively. TNCs and NGOs
N
have
e been the
e main source of econnomic and political
cha
ange in glo
obal politics.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Ch
hapter 22: Environm
mental issu
ues

The current use


u and de
egradation of the eartths resourrces is unssustainable
e and
clo
osely conne
ected in so
ometimes ccontradicto
ory ways to
o the proceesses of
glo
obalization.

There are vast inequalities betwe


een rich and poor in their use off the earths
ressources an
nd in the ec
cological s hadow or footprint
f
th
hat they im pose on it..

The response
e at the intternational level is to attempt to
o provide gglobal envirronmental
govvernance. In a system of soverreign states, this invo
olves internnational
coo
operation.

neteenth and early tw


wentieth ce
enturies, in
nternationaal environm
mental
In tthe late nin
politics was strictly
s
limitted, but fro
om around 1960 its scope expaanded as
envvironmenta
al problems acquired
d a transna
ational and then a gloobal dimension.

The process was reflec


cted in and
d stimulated
d by the three great U
UN confere
ences of
197
72, 1992, and
a 2002, whose mo
ost importa
ant role was to make the conne
ection
bettween the internation
nal environ
nmental and developm
ment agenndas, as ex
xpressed
in tthe importa
ant concep
pt of sustaiinable deve
elopment.

Inte
ernational environme
ental politiccs reflected
d the issue
e-attention cycle in de
eveloped
cou
untries and
d relied heavily on inccreasing scientific
s
kn
nowledge.

Inte
ernational environme
ental meet ings serve
e several po
olitical objeectives alo
ongside
envvironmenta
al aims.

A kkey functio
on of international coo
operation is transbou
undary reg ulation, bu
ut
atte
empts at environmen
e
ntal action may conflict with the
e rules of thhe world trrade
reg
gime.

Inte
ernational action is needed
n
to p
promote en
nvironmental norms, develop scientific
s

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Baylis,, Smith and


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The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
und
derstandin
ng, and ass
sist the parrticipation of
o developing countrries.

ernational cooperatio
on is necesssary to prrovide gove
ernance reegimes for the global
Inte
com
mmons.

nge, becau
use of its alll-embracin
ng nature and
a its rootts in essen
ntial
Climate chan
human activitties, poses
s an enorm
mous challe
enge for internationall cooperatiion.

A limited starrt was mad


de with the Kyoto reg
gime, but th
his was unddermined by the
he USA. Although the
e 2009 Co
openhagen Conferencce was a
abssence of th
dissappointme
ent to clima
ate activistts, the 2011 Durban Platform
P
heeld out the
e
posssibility tha
at NorthS
South differrences mig
ght be reso
olved in a nnew comprrehensive
clim
mate agree
ement.

The environm
ment has been
b
a grow
wth area fo
or IR scholars interessted in iden
ntifying
the
e conditions under wh
hich effect ive interna
ational coop
peration caan emerge
e.

er in the im
mportance that they attach
a
to va
arious kindds of explanatory
Scholars diffe
eir analyses
s of interna
ational env
vironmenta
al regime-bbuilding acttivities
facctors in the
cru
ude calcula
ations of th
he power a nd interestts of key actors suchh as states,, cognitive
facctors such as shared scientific kknowledge
e, the impact of non-ggovernmen
ntal
acttors, and even
e
the ex
xtent to wh
hich the sys
stem of sta
ates is itse lf part of th
he
pro
oblem.

IR scholars are
a also intterested in the extentt to which the
t environnment in general
d particula
ar environm
mental prob
blems are now being seen as ssecurity iss
sues in
and
aca
ademic, po
olitical, and
d popular d
discourse, and wheth
her this seccuritization of the
envvironment is something to be w
welcomed.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Chaptter 23: Terrrorism an
nd globalization

Agreement on
o what con
nstitutes te
errorism co
ontinues to be difficullt given the
e range of
pottential actss involving violence.

Terrorism, orr acts of vio


olence by ssub-state groups,
g
has been sepparated fro
om
crim
minal acts on the bas
sis of the p
purpose for which vio
olence is appplied, nam
mely
political chan
nge.

Terrorist grou
ups succee
ed when th
heir motiva
ations or grrievances aare perceiv
ved to be
leg
gitimate by a wider au
udience. D
Disproportio
onate or he
eavy-handeed responses by
sta
ates to actss of terroris
sm serve to
o legitimize
e terrorist groups.
g

n of globalization, as with terrorrism, is ope


en to subjeective interrpretation,
The definition
nologies as
ssociated w
with globalization hav
ve increaseed terroristt
butt the techn
cap
pabilities.

The majority of transna


ational terro
orist attack
ks from 197
79 onward s targeted American
citizens and symbols.
s

ends in terrorism sinc


ce 1968 incclude grea
ater casualties, increaasing soph
histication,
Tre
and
d suicide attacks.
a

Tra
ansnationa
al Marxist-L
Leninist gro
oups have been replaced by gllobal milita
ant Islamic
terrrorist groups.

Cu
ultural, economic, and
d religious aspects provide nec
cessary expplanations for
glo
obalized terrorist viole
ence, but tthey are ins
sufficient in
ndividuallyy.

The current wave


w
of terrrorist viole
ence uses religion as
s a motivatoor and to provide
p
the
e justificatio
on for killin
ng non-com
mbatants.

The ultimate purpose fo


or modern militant Islamic viole
ence is obtaaining polittical
pow
wer in orde
er to condu
uct politica
al, social, economic,
e
and
a religiouus reform according

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alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
to S
Sharia law
w.

ements of globalizatio
g
on that perrmit the rap
pid exchan
nge of ideaas and goo
ods can
Ele
alsso be leverraged and exploited b
by terroristt groups.

ogies assoc
ciated with
h globalizattion allow terrorists
t
too operate in a highly
The technolo
disstributed global netw
work that sh
hares inforrmation and allows s mall cells to
t conductt
hig
ghly coordinated, leth
hal attacks..

obalization
n may allow
w some terrrorist grou
ups to acqu
uire, manuffacture, an
nd use
Glo
we
eapons of mass
m
of de
estruction tto conduct catastroph
hic attackss.

ates, individually and


d collective ly, have po
olitical, military, legal , economic
c, and
Sta
tecchnological advantag
ges in the sstruggle ag
gainst terro
orist groupss.

Diffferences between
b
sttates over tthe nature and scope
e of the cu rrent terrorist threat,
and
d the mostt appropria
ate responsses to com
mbat it, refle
ect subjecttive
cha
aracterizattions based
d on nation
nal biases and experriences.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Ch
hapter 24:: Nuclear proliferati
p
on

The underlyin
ng technology used iin a nuclea
ar energy or
o nuclear w
weapons
pro
ogramme has
h spread
d rapidly si nce 1945. Nuclear weapons
w
th emselves have
sprread much
h more slow
wly.

Nu
uclear weap
pons use either
e
fissio
on or fusion. One of the
t key obbstacles to having a
nucclear arsen
nal is obtaining weap
pons-grade
e fissile ma
aterial (eithher plutoniu
um or
ura
anium).

Nu
uclear weap
pons are weapons
w
off mass des
struction, which
w
prod uce blast, heat, and
rad
diation, and
d which ha
ave explosiive yields equivalent
e
to thousannds or milliions of
ton
ns of TNT.

Nu
uclear deterrence is about
a
using
g nuclear weapons
w
to
o prevent aan adversa
ary from
takking an und
desirable action
a
theyy would oth
herwise tak
ke. Nuclearr deterrenc
ce can be
ach
hieved usin
ng strategiic or tactica
al nuclear warheads,, employedd in a range of
delivery vehiccles, in eith
her a coun
nterforce orr counterva
alue strateegy.

The growth of
o nuclear energy
e
and
d the sprea
ad of dual-use nucleaar technolo
ogy have
raissed concerns that no
on-state acctors could acquire nuclear or ra
radiological material.

Bo
oth nuclear opacity an
nd latent n uclear cap
pacity raise
e questionss about what the
deffinition of nuclear
n
pro
oliferation iis.

Sta
ates acquirre nuclear weapons ffor a numb
ber of differrent reasonns, and the
ey also
cho
oose policiies of nucle
ear restrai nt, nuclearr reversal, and providding nuclea
ar
asssistance to
o other cou
untries. Stra
ategic facttors, culture
e and ideoology, politiical
eco
onomy, do
omestic pollitics, and lleader psychology all play a rolle in these
deccisions.

There is a de
ebate abou
ut whether the spread
d of nuclea
ar weaponss will lead to
t more

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sta
ability and less
l
conflic
ct, or more
e accidents
s, instability
y, and confflict.

Ra
ather than existential
e
deterrence
e, where ju
ust one nuc
clear warh ead is suffficient to
detter conflictt, the effectt of nuclea
ar weapons
s on conflic
ct varies ovver time, and from
cou
untry to co
ountry, based on nucllear posturre.

No
on-prolifera
ation efforts
s seek to a
address bo
oth horizontal and verrtical proliferation.
They can foccus either on
o complette disarma
ament, or on limiting nnuclear we
eapons
d their deliivery vehic
cles throug h arms control.
and

Th
he NPT is seen
s
as a bargain be
etween nuc
clear weap
pons statess and non--nuclear
we
eapons stattes. Howev
ver, critics complain that it is no
ot universaal, it is diffic
cult to
damentally
mo
onitor and enforce,
e
an
nd it is fund
y unfair.

Sin
nce the end
d of the co
old war, the
e internatio
onal community has aalso used counterc
pro
oliferation approache
a
es to disrup
pt nuclear smuggling
s
and the puursuit of nu
uclear
we
eapons. Th
hese have included U
UNSC Reso
olution 154
40, PSI, annd the Nuc
clear
Se
ecurity Sum
mmit.

In tthe past fe
ew years, there has b
been more discussion
n of a returrn to disarm
mament
and
d the even
ntual elimin
nation of al l nuclear weapons.
w

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er 25: Natio
onalism
Chapte

There is no simple
s
sequ
uence lead
ding either from natio
onalism to nation-statte
forrmation to changes
c
in
n the globa
al political order,
o
or th
he other waay round.

There is no single,
s
dom
minant form
m of nationa
alism, but rather it caan be ethniic or civic,
elitte or popullar, and strrengthen o
or subvert existing
e
sta
ates.

The political ideology of the leadin


ng states matters
m
mo
ost becausse others re
espond to
eir power and
a ideolog
gies. In the
e first phase, Britain and
a Francee set the to
one for
the
nattionalist de
evelopmen
nts elsewhe
ere, but by
y 1900 German and JJapanese models
m
beccame more
e importan
nt, and afte
er 1918, an
nd especially after 19945, US and Soviet
mo
odels matte
ered the most.
m

Sta
ate-subverrting colonial nationallisms cann
not on theirr own defeaat imperiall powers
butt are helpe
ed by the weakening
w
of those powers
p
in global
g
confllict with ea
ach other.

A ccombinatio
on of imitation and ch
hallenge, co
onflict betw
ween the m
major powe
ers and
nattionalist asssertion in the periph eries produced a world order oof nation-sttates and
turrned nation
nalism into the domin
nant politica
al idea.

The sacrosan
nct principle of state sovereigntty was wea
akened witth the end of the
colld war, new
w nation-sttate formattion, and new econom
mic and cuultural form
ms of
glo
obalization.

This provoke
ed a first wa
ave of statte-subverting ethno-n
nationalism
ms, which could
c
lead
to vviolence and ethnic cleansing.
c

Ho
owever, inte
ernational recognitio n for new states
s
as civic,
c
territoorial entitie
es, along
witth new form
ms of interv
vention an d pressure
e, put press
sure on naationalism to
t move
aw
way from th
his ethnic and
a state-s ubverting character.
c

There is a sta
ate-strengtthening na
ationalism that
t
focuse
es on the thhreats glob
balization

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posses to the nation-state, and wh
hich can pa
aradoxically
y get stronnger the mo
ore the
nattion-state is
i weakene
ed.

owever, perhaps more importan


nt is the shift of nation
nalism awaay from a state
s
Ho
foccus towards concerns
s with devo
olution, cultural recog
gnition, andd transnational
linkkages.

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Chapter 26:
2 Region
nalism in internatio
i
nal affairss

Re
egionalism has variou
us dimensi ons and ta
akes differe
ent forms aacross the world.

So
ome regional integration processses are more state-led, others more marrket-led.

There is a ba
asic difference betwe
een cooperration arran
ngements aand integration
pro
ocesses, but both approaches m
may be followed with
hin a regionnal system
m

Re
egionalism can be seen as one level in an
n emerging
g system off global
govvernance, but the rellationship b
between re
egionalism
m and multi lateralism is
debated in re
egard to bo
oth econom
mic liberaliz
zation and internationnal security
y.

egionalist experience
e
s in each ccontinent have
h
follow
wed differennt patterns
s, which
Re
refflect their different
d
his
storical and
d cultural contexts.
c

The earlier waves


w
of regionalism arose in a context off postcolonnial restruc
cturing,
eco
onomic pro
otectionism
m, or region
nal security
y concerns
s. A new w
wave of open
reg
gionalism began around 1990 w
with the en
nd of the cold war annd the surge in
glo
obalization.

ope was lau


unched in tthe contex
xt of long
The process of integrattion in postt-war Euro
ut the crea
ation of a fe
ederal systtem, but ultimately thhe choice was
w made
debates abou
in ffavour of a gradual path
p
toward
ds an everr closer union.

Inte
egration ha
as proceed
ded by con
nferring competence for many eeconomic sectors
s
to
sup
pranationa
al institution
ns that can
n take decisions that are bindin g on the member
m
sta
ates.

Ovver time, more


m
politica
ally sensiti ve areas, such
s
as monetary poolicy or inte
ernal and
extternal secu
urity, have also beco me the domain of the
e Europea n Union.

Successive reforms
r
of the EU tre aties have
e sought to maintain aand enhan
nce the
leg
gitimacy an
nd efficienc
cy of a Unio
on that had
d grown, by
b 2007, too twenty-se
even

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me
ember state
es, the late
est being th
he coming into force of the Lisbbon Treaty
y at the
end
d of 2009.

nce 2008, the


t econom
mic and fin
nancial cris
sis has sev
verely strai ned the sta
ability of
Sin
the
e eurozone
e and broug
ght to the ssurface dis
sagreemen
nts among governme
ents about
the
e nature off the crisis-managem ent, the direction of macroecon
m
nomic polic
cy, and
the
e role of EU
U institutions in the s upervision
n of nationa
al budgets,, even if a number
of important reforms
r
se
eeking to a ddress the
ese issues were agreeed in the course
c
of
2012.

The creation of regiona


al governan
nce structu
ures is not a contradicction to
glo
obalization but the ex
xpression o
of local atte
empts to accommodaate and res
spond to
its challengess.

De
espite the observation
o
n of a glob al trend towards grea
ater regionnalism, imp
portant
diffferences re
emain betw
ween the d
depth and the
t scope of regionall institution
ns that
devvelop in diffferent parrts of the g lobe.

Re
egional coo
operation and
a integra
ation are no
ot linear prrocesses, bbut depend
d on the
varrying contingencies that
t
provide
e opportun
nities and limits in difffferent regional
con
ntexts.

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Chapter 27: Glob
bal trade and
a global finance

There are mo
ore flows of
o trade and
d finance around
a
the world ecoonomy toda
ay than at
anyy previous time, but care
c
shoulld be taken
n about the
e precise ssense in wh
hich such
flow
ws are labelled as global.

The increase
e in world trade since
e 1970 is dramatic, although it m
might be th
hat the
pro
ocess of re
egional eco
onomic inte
egration ac
ccounts forr those chaanges more readily
tha
an the proccess of gen
nuine globa
al economic integratiion.

Tra
ading on fin
nancial ma
arkets onlyy very rarely involves money phhysically ch
hanging
hands, so tha
at the cons
sequencess of such trrading are much moree likely to have
h
a
genuinely glo
obal reach than its pa
attern.

The move to disband th


he GATT in
n favour off the law-m
making WTO
O system was an
atte
empt to cre
eate more straightforrward nego
otiations fo
or global freee trade.

De
eveloping countries
c
decisions
d
a
about whetther to bec
come mem bers of the
e WTO
are
e often hea
avily influen
nced by th e political pressures that are pllaced upon
n them to
demonstrate their comm
mitment to the existin
ng world ec
conomic orrder.

Wh
hen they act in conce
ert, the US and the EU
E are almo
ost alwayss able to ge
et their
inte
erests imprinted into WTO law,, even if majority opin
nion amonggst WTO members
m
is a
against the
em.

There is mucch more m


money in th
he world to
oday than goods
g
to sppend it on, with the
dollar value of
o total dom
mestic fina ncial assetts around five
f
times hhigher than
n world
GD
DP.

Un
nder the Brretton Woo
ods system
m of the imm
mediate po
ost-Secondd World Wa
ar era,
fina
ance was stripped
s
off its global activities and
a genera
ally boxed in by political
deccree so tha
at it would serve the interests of
o stable global trade relations.

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The regulatory system monitored by the IMF is now often vieweed as being
g a crucial
ing
gredient of a broader political sttructure of finance wh
hich favou rs a globall elite.

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Chapter 28:
2 Povertty, development, an
nd hungerr

The monetarry-based co
onception of poverty has been almost un iversalized
d among
govvernmentss and intern
national orrganization
ns since 19
945.

Po
overty is intterpreted as
a a condit ion suffere
ed by peoplethe maajority of whom
w
are
fem
malewho
o do not ea
arn enough
h money to
o satisfy the
eir basic m
material
req
quirementss in the ma
arket-place .

De
eveloped co
ountries ha
ave regard
ded poverty
y as being somethingg external to
t them
and
d a definin
ng feature of
o the Third
d World. This view ha
as provideed justification for the
forrmer to help develop the latter by promotting furtherr integratioon into the global
ma
arket.

Ho
owever, succh poverty
y is increassingly endu
ured by significant seectors of the
population in the North, hence ren
ndering tra
aditional ca
ategories leess useful..

A ccritical alternative vie


ew of poverrty places more emphasis on laack of acce
ess to
com
mmunity-re
egulated common resources, community
c
ties, and sspiritual va
alues.

overty move
ed up the global
g
polittical agend
da at the sttart of the ttwenty-first century,
Po
butt the post-2
2008 econ
nomic and ffinancial crisis may threaten fu rther progrress.

De
evelopmentt is a conte
ested conccept. The orthodox
o
orr mainstreaam approa
ach and
the
e alternativve approac
ch reflect d ifferent vallues.

De
evelopmentt policies over
o
the lasst sixty yea
ars have be
een dominnated by the
ma
ainstream approach
a
embedde
ed liberalism and, mo
ore recentlyy, neo-libe
eralism
witth a focus on
o growth..

The last two decades of


o the twen tieth centu
ury saw the
e flourishin g of alternative
con
nceptions of develop
pment base
ed on equitty, participation, emppowermentt,
susstainabilityy, etc., with
h input espe
ecially from
m NGOs and grass-ro
roots move
ements,

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and
d some pa
arts of the UN.
U

eam approa
ach has be
een modifie
ed slightly and has inncorporate
ed the
The mainstre
lan
nguage of its
i critics (e
e.g. pro-po
oor growth)).

ains made during the last two d ecades ma


ay be reversed as thee full consequences
Ga
of tthe post-20
008 global economicc and financial crisis emerge.
e

oduction ha
as burgeon
ned, but, pparadoxicallly,
In recent deccades global food pro
m
hment rema
ain widesp
pread.
hunger and malnourish

The orthodoxx explanation for the continued existence of hungerr is that pop
pulation
gro
owth outstrrips food production.

An alternative
e explanattion for the continuatiion of hung
ger focusess on lack of
o access
nt to available food. A
Access and
d entitleme
ent are affeected by factors
or entitlemen
succh as the NorthSou
N
th global d
divide, partticular natio
onal policiees, ruralurban
divvides, classs, gender, and race.

Glo
obalization
n can simultaneously contribute
e to increas
sed food p roduction and
a
inccreased hu
unger.

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29: Human
n security
y
Chapter 2

The concept of human security (ssee Box 29


9.1) represents both a vertical and
a a
horizontal exxpansion (o
or deepenin
ng and wid
dening) of the
t traditioonal notion of
nattional secu
urity, define
ed as prote
ection of sttate sovere
eignty and territorial integrity
i
from external military th
hreats.

In its broaderr sense, hu


uman secu
urity is distiinguished by three ellements: (1
1) its
o security; (2) its
foccus on the individual//people as the referent object of
mu
ultidimensio
onal nature
e; (3) its un
niversal or global sco
ope, applyiing to state
es and
soccieties of th
he North as
a well as tthe South.

as been influenced by
b four devvelopments
s: (1) the
The concept of human security ha
ection of economic
e
growth
g
as tthe main in
ndicator of developmeent and the
e
reje
acccompanyin
ng notion of
o human d
developme
ent as emp
powermentt of people
e; (2) the
risiing inciden
nce of interrnal confliccts; (3) the impact of globalizatio
g
on in sprea
ading
transnationall dangers such
s
as terrrorism and
d pandemics; and (4 ) the post-cold war
em
mphasis on human rig
ghts and hu
umanitaria
an intervention.

The concept of human security ha


as been crriticized: (1) for beingg too broad
d to be
ana
alytically meaningful
m
or to serve
e as the ba
asis for policy-makingg; (2) for creating
falsse expecta
ations abou
ut assistan
nce to victim
ms of viole
ence whichh the international
com
mmunity cannot deliv
ver; and (3
3) for ignoring the role
e of the staate in providing
seccurity to the people.

Even among its advoca


ates, differe
ences exis
st as to whe
ether humaan security
y is about
fre
eedom from
m fear or ffreedom frrom want. The forme
er stressess protecting
g people
from violent conflicts
c
through mea
asures suc
ch as a ban
n on landm
mines and child
c
otion involvving the re
eduction of
solldiers. For the latter, human security is a broader no

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thrreats to the
e well-being
g of people
e, such as poverty an
nd diseasee.

owever, bo
oth sides a
agree that human
h
sec
curity is abbout securitty of
Ulttimately, ho
ind
dividuals ra
ather than of
o states, a
and that prrotecting pe
eople requuires going beyond
traditional priinciples of state sove
ereignty.

Although there was a noticeable


n
d
decline in the
t numbe
er of armedd conflicts and battle
dea
aths cause
ed by confllicts during
g the 1990s
s until about 2003, thhese numb
bers have
inccreased sin
nce then. In
n considerring these mixed
m
trends, one shhould take into
acccount confflict mitigating factorss, such as rising econ
nomic interrdependen
nce among
nattions, the end
e of colo
onialism an
nd the cold
d war, and the growinng role of
inte
ernational institutions
s and the i nternationa
al commun
nity in peacce operatio
ons, while
som
me of the recent
r
incrreases in cconflicts are
e linked to the war onn terror, Is
slamist
political violence, and non-state
n
ssectarian conflicts.
c

as experien
nced horriffic acts of violence
v
an
nd genocidde in recent decades
The world ha
in p
places succh as Cong
go, and new
w forms off violence may
m emergge. The gro
owing
number of we
eak or failing states, such as Ira
aq, Afghan
nistan, Burrma, Nepall,
angladesh, and Pakis
stan, posess a growing
g threat to human seecurity.
Ba

There is an in
nteractive relationshiip between
n armed co
onflict and non-violen
nt threats
to human seccurity such
h as povertty and dise
ease. Wars
s and internnal conflictts can
lea
ad to impovverishmentt, disease outbreaks, and envirronmental destruction
n.
Co
onversely, poverty,
p
inequality, a
and environ
nmental de
egradation can lead to
t
we
eakening and even co
ollapse of sstates. Human securrity researcch should look not
jusst at the dirrect and ind
direct conssequences
s of conflictt, but also at the rang
ge of
soccio-econom
mic, politica
al, and eco
ological fac
ctors that contribute
c
tto conflict. Such an
und
derstandin
ng of huma
an security opens the
e way for re
econciling tthe two co
onceptions

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of human seccurity as freedom from fear and
d freedom from want .

omen featu
ure in arme
ed conflictss both as victims
v
and
d actors (inn combat and
Wo
sup
pport roless). Rape an
nd other fo
orms of sex
xual violenc
ce againstt them increasingly
fea
ature as an
n instrumen
nt of war, a
and are no
ow recogniz
zed as crim
mes agains
st
humanity. Th
he international comm
munity is se
eeking way
ys to increaase the pa
articipation
of w
women in UN peace operationss and confflict-resoluttion functioons.

portant mu
ultilateral acctions to date to prom
mote humaan security
y include
The most imp
the
e Internatio
onal Crimin
nal Court a
and the Antti-Personne
el Landminnes Treaty
y.

N agenciess such as th
he UNHCR
R, UNICEF
F, and UNIFEM havee been cruc
cial in
UN
add
dressing human
h
security issuess such as refugees and
a the righhts of child
dren.

Ca
anada and Japan are two of the
e leading countries th
hat have m
made huma
an security
am
major part of their foreign policyy agenda. Their
T
approaches, hoowever, sh
how the
con
ntrast betw
ween the freedom fro
om fear an
nd freedom
m from wannt concepttions of
human securrity respecttively.

No
on-governm
mental orga
anizations promote human
h
security by accting as a source
s
of
info
ormation and
a early warning
w
abo
out conflictts, providin
ng a channnel for relie
ef
ope
erations, supporting
s
governme nt or UN-s
sponsored peacebuildding and
reh
habilitation missions, and prom oting susta
ainable dev
velopmentt.

The 9/11 atta


acks on the
e USA and
d the war on
o terror have reviveed the tradiitional
ate-centric approach to nationa l security at
a the expe
ense of civiil liberties and
a
sta
human securrity, althoug
gh the Oba
ama admin
nistration has
h modifieed important
ements of its predece
essors stra
ategic apprroach to te
errorism annd promise
ed greater
ele
resspect for ciivil liberties
s and inter national co
onventions
s.

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an rights
Chapterr 30: Huma

The International Bill off Human R


Rights provides an au
uthoritative list of
inte
erdepende
ent, indivisiible, and u niversal hu
uman rightts, coveringg a wide ra
ange of
botth civil and
d political rights and e
economic, social, and
d cultural rrights. Hum
man
rights, for the
e purposes
s of Interna
ational Relations, me
eans roughhly this set of equal
and
d inalienab
ble univers
sal rights.

The extensivve body of almost


a
uni versally en
ndorsed law
w is the moost importa
ant
con
ntribution of
o the global human rrights regim
me. These norms, inddependentt of any
sup
pervisory mechanism
m
ms, help to empower human rig
ghts advocaates and constrain
c
govvernment action.
a

The global hu
uman rightts regime iss based on
n national implementtation of
inte
ernational norms.

Mu
ultilateral im
mplementa
ation mech anisms fac
cilitate national comppliance, primarily
thrrough mobilizing public scrutinyy that remin
nds states of their obbligations and
a draws
nattional and internation
nal attentio
on to violations.

Strrong multila
ateral proc
cedures are
e a conseq
quence, no
ot a cause,, of good human
rights practicces.

In tthe mid-19
970s, huma
an rights b egan to em
merge from
m its cold w
war slumbe
er as an
acttive concerrn of nation
nal foreign
n policies.

With the end of the cold


d war, morre and morre countries developeed increasingly
rob
bust interna
ational hum
man rights policies.

The post-9/11 world ha


as seen som
me promin
nent setbac
cks. In genneral, thoug
gh, the
pro
ogress of th
he 1980s and
a 1990s has been sustained.

Sta
ates often have more
e resourcess to bring to
t bear tha
an multilateeral actors.. They can

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


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The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
alsso act unila
aterally, witthout the n
need for a wide-rangi
w
ng consennsus.

ates, howe
ever, are more
m
constrrained by competing
c
foreign poolicy interes
sts and
Sta
mu
uch more liikely to use
e human riights for na
arrow partisan purposses.

GOs, opera
ating both nationally
n
a
and transn
nationally, are
a the thirrd major ty
ype of
NG
acttor in the in
nternationa
al politics o
of human rights.
r

m
po
ower resou
urces of sta
ates, NGOs
s are able to mobilize
e the
Laccking the material
political energies of civil society a
and, by acting with a single-minnded focus on
human rightss, achieve results we ll beyond what
w
one might
m
expeect from the
eir modest
ma
aterial reso
ources.

Especially eff
ffective are
e concerted
d efforts by
y local civil society acctors, trans
snational
GOs, statess, and international o
organizatio
ons to press
sure statess both from
m inside
NG
and
d outside, in a variety
y of venue
es

uman rightss have bee


en construccted internationally in
n a particullar way, co
overing a
Hu
particular ran
nge of reco
ognized rig hts, disting
guished in a particulaar way from
m related
con
ncepts and
d practices
s, with part icular mec
chanisms of
o implemenntation and
d
enfforcement.

These constrructions reflect, like a


all social co
onstruction
ns, a particcular persp
pective
tha
at privileges certain in
nterests an
nd values over
o
others
s.

For all of thesse particularities, tho


ough, mostt states in the
t contem
mporary wo
orld have
com
me to unde
erstand the
eir nationa l interest to
o include the fate of fforeign nattionals
living abroad who are suffering
s
grross and persistent
p
systematic
s
violations of their
human rightss.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Cha
apter 31: Humanitar
H
rian interv
vention in world pol itics

Co
ounter-restrrictionists argue
a
in fa
avour of a legal right of
o humanittarian interrvention
bassed on inte
erpretation
ns of the UN
N Charter and custom
mary internnational law
w.

The claims fo
or a moral duty of humanitarian
n intervention stem fro
rom the bas
sic
pro
oposition th
hat all indiv
viduals are
e entitled to
o a minimu
um level off protection
n from
harm by virtu
ue of their common
c
h umanity.

ates will no
ot intervene
e for prima
arily human
nitarian purposes.
Sta

Sta
ates should
d not place
e their citizzens in harms way in
n order to pprotect fore
eigners.

A legal right of
o humanittarian interrvention wo
ould be vulnerable too abuse as states
ma
ay employ humanitarian claims to cloak th
he pursuit of
o self-inteerest.

Sta
ates will ap
pply princip
ples of hum
manitarian interventio
on selectiveely.

In tthe absencce of conse


ensus abo
out what prrinciples sh
hould guidee humanita
arian
inte
ervention, a right of humanitaria
h
an interven
ntion would
d underminne internattional
ord
der.

umanitarian
n intervention will alw
ways be ba
ased on the
e cultural ppreferences
s of the
Hu
pow
werful.

w
described as a g
golden era of humanitarian activvism because of a
The 1990s were
of humanittarian interrventions.
dra
amatic incrrease in the
e number o

Although som
me interven
ntions were
e motivate
ed by huma
anitarian cooncerns, others
we
ere not. Mo
ost interven
ntions were
e prompted
d by mixed
d motives.

The legality and


a legitim
macy of hum
manitarian interventio
on remain hotly conte
ested, but
an
norm of inte
ervention authorized
a
by the Se
ecurity Council emergged in the 1990s.
1

Inte
erventionss tended to be more ssuccessful in stopping immediaate killing and
a less
succcessful in
n building lo
ong-term p
peace.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

The responssibility to prrotect swittches the fo


ocus from a debate aabout sove
ereignty
verrsus huma
an rights to a discuss ion of how
w best to protect endaangered pe
eople.

The responsiibility to pro


otect was a
adopted by
y states at the 2005 W
World Sum
mmit and
is ccommonly understoo
od as comp
prising thre
ee pillars.

Sta
ates largelyy endorsed
d the Secre
etary-Gene
erals apprroach to im
mplementing the
ressponsibilityy to protectt (RtoP) an
nd the princ
ciple has been
b
used in several different
setttings since
e 2005.

The use of fo
orce for pro
otection pu
urposes continues to be highly ccontrovers
sial, as the
2011 interven
ntion in Lib
bya shows.. Respons
sibility whils
st protectinng was a concept
c
intrroduced to
o bridge the
e divides o
on this issu
ue.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
hapter 32: Globalization and tthe transfo
ormation of
o politicaal commun
nity
Ch

embers of a political community


c
y are comm
mitted to se
elf-rule.
Me

Anticipating major
m
war, states havve long aim
med to pers
suade citizzens that obligations
o
to tthe nation
nal community overri de duties to
t other as
ssociationss.

Totalitarian powers
p
end
deavoured to make th
he politicall communitty absolute
e. Liberaldemocratic states recog
gnize that citizens va
alue memb
bership of m
many communities
ongside the
e nation-sta
ate.
alo

Ma
any liberalss have argued that ecconomic globalization ushers inn a new erra of
pea
ace between the majjor industriial powers.

ealists have
e argued th
hat the wa
ar on terrorr and the renewed
r
rissk of nucle
ear
Re
pro
oliferation show
s
that globalizatio
g
on has nott altered the basic feaatures of world
w
politics.

ost forms of
o political community
c
y in human
n history ha
ave not reppresented the
t nation
Mo
or the people
e.

The idea thatt the state should rep


present the
e nation is a Europeaan invention that has
dominated po
olitics for ju
ust over tw
wo centurie
es.

Wa
ar and indu
ustrial capitalism are two reaso
ons why the
e nation-staate becam
me the
dominant pollitical comm
munity.

The extraordinary powe


er of mode
ern states
the growtth of their intensive and
exxtensive po
ower made
e global em
mpires pos
ssible.

Sta
ates have been
b
the principal
p
arrchitects off global inte
erconnecteedness ove
er the last
five
e centuriess.

The global sp
pread of European co
onceptions
s of the sta
ate and nattionalism are
a
deffining featu
ures of the modern in
nterconnec
cted era.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

esponse to the growin


ng power oof modern states.
Cittizenship riights developed in re

The demand to be reco


ognized as a free and
d equal citizen begann with strug
ggles for
leg
gal and political rights
s, to which welfare rig
ghts were added in thhe late nineteenth
and
d early twe
entieth cen
nturies.

The stability of modern forms of p


political com
mmunity has owed m
much to the
e fact that
citizens won those rights.

Mo
odernizatio
on theory assumed th
hat Third World
W
socie
eties wouldd emulate Western
W
eco
onomic and political developme
ent.

ages of an
n emerging
g clash of ccivilizations
s contest the
t idea thhat globaliz
zation will
Ima
ressult in a consensus about
a
the ssuperiority of
o Western
n values.

Glo
obalization
n and fragm
mentation a
are interrellated phenomena thaat challeng
ge
traditional conceptions of commu nity and citizenship.

hnic fragmentation is one reaso


on for failed
d states in Europe annd in the Third
T
Eth
Wo
orld, but de
emands for the recog
gnition of cultural
c
diffe
erences exxist in all political
com
mmunities.

So
ome globaliization theorists defe
end cosmopolitan dem
mocracy o n the grounds that
nattional dem
mocracies cannot
c
makke global in
nstitutions and assocciations accountable
to ttheir citizens.

Important debates exist between those who


o maintain that citizennship will remain
r
nattional and those who
o regard wo
orld citizen
nship as crucial for addapting to an
inccreasingly interconne
i
ected world
d.

The apex of nationalism


n
m in relatio
ons betwee
en the grea
at powers ooccurred in
n the first
half of the tw
wentieth cen
ntury.

Na
ationalism remains
r
a powerful fo
orce in the
e modern world,
w
but gglobalizatio
on and

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


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The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
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evision guiide
fragmentation
n have led to importa
ant debates about the
e nature off political community
c
and
d about the
e principles that shou
uld govern the patterrns of interc
rconnected
dness.

osmopolitan
n approach
hes that en
nvisage an
n international order i n which all
Co
ind
dividuals arre respecte
ed as equa
als have flo
ourished in
n the conteemporary phase
p
of
glo
obalization.

ealists emp
phasize the
e obstacless that stand
d in the wa
ay of new fforms of po
olitical
Re
com
mmunity.

oststructura
alists and feminists
f
a rgue that attempts
a
to
o create moore cosmo
opolitan
Po
arrrangementts may replicate form
ms of powerr and domiination thaat are simila
ar to
tho
ose in existting nation-states.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
Cha
apter 33: Globalizat
G
tion and th
he post-co
old war orrder

The principall characterristics of th e contemp


porary orde
er that givee it its distin
nctive
qua
ality are difficult to discern.

Ou
ur understa
anding of, say,
s
the intter war perriod (1919
39) is infoormed by how
h
it
end
ded, but we
w do not yet know ho
ow our pre
esent period
d will end.

The internatio
onal order now delive
ers a range
e of interna
ational gooods, but also
a
a
de range of
o bads.
wid

Wh
hen we spe
eak of orde
er, we nee d to speciffy order forr whomsstates, peo
oples,
gro
oups, or ind
dividuals.

ernational order focu


uses on sta
able and pe
eaceful relations betw
ween state
es, often
Inte
rela
ated to the
e balance of
o power. Itt is primariily about military
m
secuurity.

Wo
orld order is
i concerne
ed with oth
her values,, such as ju
ustice, devvelopment,, rights,
and
d emancip
pation.

Ap
pattern of order
o
may advance ssome value
es at the ex
xpense of others.

Ord
der is shap
ped by the changed n
nature of states
s
and of the taskks they perrform.

Se
ecurity is increasingly
y dealt with
h on a multilateral bas
sis, even w
when this does
d
not
con
nform to cllassical co
ollective se
ecurity mod
dels.

The global ecconomy is primarily sshaped by relations between


b
thhe three ke
ey
gro
oupings (N
North America, Weste
ern Europe
e, and Eastt Asia) andd is managed by a
panoply of Western
W
dom
minated in stitutions.

Hu
uman rightss have a much
m
highe
er profile than in earlie
er historicaal periods.

Are
e there two
o separate orders in tthe North and
a South, or a moree complex diversity
of o
orders?

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


d Owens: T
The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide

Glo
obalization
n is often portrayed a s an effectt of the end
d of the coold war bec
cause this
led
d to its furth
her geogra
aphical spre
ead.

At the same time,


t
globa
alization ne
eeds to be
e understoo
od as one oof the facto
ors that
con
ntributed to
o the end of
o the cold war. It wa
as the Sovie
et Unions marginaliz
zation
from processses of globalization th
hat reveale
ed, and inte
ensified, itss weaknes
sses.

Accordingly, globalization should be regarded as an element


e
of continuity between
e cold war and post-c
cold war orrders.
the

There is reasson for sce


epticism tha
at globaliza
ation is the
e exclusivee hallmark of
con
ntemporaryy order.

Glo
obalization
n embodies
s a range o
of often competing va
alues.

Tra
aditional de
emocracy does not o
offer effectiive represe
entation in the global order.

Na
ational elecctions may not make politicians
s accountab
ble if they ccannot con
ntrol wider
glo
obal forces.

There is a he
eated deba
ate about w
whether glo
obal civil so
ociety can help to de
emocratize
inte
ernational institutions
s.

So
ome govern
nments in the
t South remain sus
spicious off social moovements that may
be better organized in developed
d
countries..

Glo
obalization
n is often th
hought of a
as an extre
eme form of
o interdepeendence. This
T
sees
it e
exclusively as an outs
side-in devvelopment..

h analyses is that stattes are now


w much weeaker as actors.
a
The implication of such
Co
onsequentlyy, they are
e in retreat or becomiing obsolette.

But if globalizzation is co
onsidered a
as a transfformation in the natu re of states
the
emselves, this
t
suggests that sta
ates are sttill central to
t the discuussion of order:
o
they
are
e different but not obs
solete. Thiis leads to the idea of a globalizzed state as
a a state

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.

Baylis,, Smith and


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The Globa
alization of World Pol itics 6e
Re
evision guiide
forrm, and intrroduces an
n inside-ou
ut element..

t
is no
o contradicction betwe
een the norrms and ruules of a sta
ate
In tthis case, there
sysstem opera
ating along
gside globa
alized state
es.

Toxic debts rapidly


r
infe
ected the g lobal finan
ncial system
m.

Sta
ate intervention was needed to support th
he system.

e are seein
ng the end of one verrsion of glo
obalization, rather thaan the end of
We
glo
obalization.

esponses to
o climate change
c
are
e now a ke
ey driver of the future shape of the
t global
Re
eco
onomy.

De
e-globalizattion has no
o political cchampion.

Oxford Universityy Press, 2014.