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Abstract
The habit discontinuity hypothesis states that when a context change disrupts individuals habits, a window opens in which behavior is
more likely to be deliberately considered. The self-activation hypothesis states that when values incorporated in the self-concept are
activated, these are more likely to guide behavior. Combining these two hypotheses, it was predicted that context change enhances the
likelihood that important values are considered and guide behavior. This prediction was tested in the domain of travel mode choices
among university employees who had recently moved versus had not recently moved residence. As was anticipated, participants who had
recently moved and were environmentally concerned used the car less frequently for commuting to work. This was found not only when
compared to those who were low on environmental concern (which would be a trivial nding), but also to those who were
environmentally concerned but had not recently moved. The effects were controlled for a range of background variables. The results
support the notion that context change can activate important values that guide the process of negotiating sustainable behaviors.
r 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Trafc jams, high oil prices, air pollution, noise, and a
signicant contribution of cars to carbon dioxide emissions
do not seem to impress the vast majorities of car owners in
Western societies, as the car remains the prevalent mode of
transport. Subjective expected utility models of behavior
suggest that car use is driven by a perceived balance of costs
and benets, which thus often favors the car over alternative
modes of transport (e.g., Ajzen, 1991; Bamberg & Moser,
2007; Feather, 1982; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). These models
also suggest that people should be sensitive to changes in the
pay-off structure of travel mode choices. For instance, Fujii
and Garling (2003) documented travel mode choice changes
in a panel of students as they moved from being student to
being employed in a company, and changed their travel
mode behavior according to the newly perceived balance of
costs and benets. Changes in pay-off structure may also be
deliberately invoked. Bamberg, Ajzen, and Schmidt (2003)
found that the theory of planned behavior adequately
modeled modal split changes that were observed in the
Corresponding author. Tel.: +44 1225384906.
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the assumption that context change makes behaviorrelevant information more salient and individuals more
attentive and deliberate. One implication is that interventions may be more effective when these are delivered
shortly before, during, or shortly after context change. For
example, Bamberg (2006) described a successful intervention program aimed at promoting the use of public
transport among households 6 weeks after they relocated.
The intervention may thus have beneted from an
enhanced sensitivity due to context change. In this article,
we focus on a second implication, which concerns peoples
values, attitudes and beliefs that are relevant to the
behavior proper. Following the habit discontinuity hypothesis, we suggest that context change may make these
cognitions more salient and individuals be more attentive
to them. We elaborate this idea in the next section.
1.2. Habit discontinuity and self-activation
When we make deliberate choices between travel mode
options, the perceived balance of behavioral and monetary
costs and benets is often the main decision criterion.
However, travel mode choices may also be informed by
environment-related arguments, which thus go beyond
merely considering individual consequences. Norm activation models have been developed to explain such inuences
(e.g., Nordlund & Garvill, 2002, 2003; Stern, 2000). For
instance, the valuebeliefnorm theory of environmentalism (e.g., Stern, 2000; Stern, Dietz, & Kalof, 1993) posits a
causal chain of ve variables leading to pro-environmental
behavior: altruistic values, beliefs about humanenvironment relations, awareness of adverse consequences, the
perceived ability to reduce these threats, and nally the
sense of obligation to take pro-environmental action.
The theory thus suggests that broader values lead to proenvironmental action through the activation of environmental concern and personal norms. Individuals differ
widely in embracing such values and beliefs. However, even
if a person holds pro-ecological values and beliefs, there is
a signicant gap between those values and actual behavior
(cf., Kristiansen & Hotte, 1996; Nordlund & Garvill, 2003;
Verplanken & Holland, 2002). Verplanken and Holland
(2002) provided experimental evidence to suggest that
values inuence choices and behavior only when two
conditions are met; a value should be part of a persons
self-concept, and a value should be cognitively activated.
This is referred to as the self-activation hypothesis. For
instance, in some of Verplanken and Hollands studies,
participants were presented with a multi-attribute choice
task (selecting a television set) in which one attribute
related to environmental aspects. Those who were high on
environmental concern did not make more environmentally friendly choices compared to low environmental
concern participants, unless the environmental dimension
was cognitively activated. In another experiment, participants only followed their pro-social values if they went
through a procedure that made them self-focused (cf., Utz,
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Table 1
Proportions of car use as a function of context change and environmental
concern
Context change
Recently moved
Not recently moved
Environmental concern
Low
High
0.73a
0.54a
0.37b
0.64a
Note. Cell means that do not share a common letter differ at po0.05.
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B. Verplanken et al. / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 121127
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