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tivethe most direct form of publication bias that inevitably leads to grossly
misleading aggregate evidence in the literature; my inclusion by eminent researchers as a coauthor of papers that I
had not even read, in violation of the
codes of the journals in which the work
was published; exclusion from research
groups and from publication of previously undertaken collaborative work as
a direct and explicit consequence of
raising concerns about some of these irregularities; and stern warnings from senior colleagues (whose own behavior is
scrupulous) that I would risk serious
harm to my future research and clinical
career if I rocked any more boats. I
heeded these warnings because I know
people who did notpeople whose careers, and sometimes lives, are broken.
Training for researchers is necessary
and must be aimed at shaping attitudes
tonot just knowledge ofresponsible
conduct of research (RCR). But it is insufficient. Too much misbehavior is
taught by the example of some misbehaving teachers and researchers. We
should expect deep-seated opposition to
discussion of any new rules in this area,
but we must consider them simply because their unwritten spirit is so widely
flouted. In developing our understanding of what it means to research ethicallyand alongside the evolution of our
understanding of other important concepts discussed in this issue, such as coercion, consent, and equipoisewe
must give urgent consideration to some
key questions. How do we remove from
senior researchers the incentives to misbehave, including having their progression and tenure dependent on the quantity of their published work? Should we
require that research is separated more
rigorously from clinical care, perhaps
even that clinicians do not undertake
research on their own patients, so that
sions about how to raise children. He argues that the former is unilateral and irresistible. While there is the possibility
of protest against a parental plan to turn
you into a Wimbledon champion by
mandating daily tennis practice, one is
simply born with ones genome athletically enhanced. But this objection misunderstands what parents who would
genetically enhance their children are
trying to do. They will choose a childs
genes for their effects, many of which require the cooperation of the genetically
modified individual. To deny that this is
so is to buy into the genetic determinism that pervades popular understanding of biology. Choosing not to exercise
can prevent the genetic modifications
purchased by sports-obsessed parents
from having the effects they desire just
as certainly as healthy eating can prevent
genetic variants that elevate the risk of
heart disease from having the effects genetic testers have warned of. A parent
may quash these acts of rebellion, but
the fact that he has chosen genetic forms
of influence does not make rebellion impossible.
I think Habermas and Prusak misdiagnose the threat to liberal democracy
from genetic enhancement. The technologies of genetic enhancement are
worrisome not because they represent a
morally distinct variety of influence, but
because they may grant too much control. Parents who already decide how to
school their children and what to feed
them will now select their genes. This
threat should not be tackled by giving
one class of influences an automatic
moral pass mark. Pregnant women are
now encouraged to design their childrens uterine environments by eating
certain foods and undertaking specific
exercise programs. Parents feed their
children low-carbohydrate or exclusively
vegetarian diets. They pursue various
measures to stimulate cognitive development, including the playing of baby
Einstein DVDs and the setting of infant
Sudoku puzzles. When they do this,
they hope that their children not only
achieve the same level as their contemporaries, but surpass them. Concern for
the prospective welfare and autonomy
of our children should lead us to recognize many ways of manipulating environmental influences as morally problematic. By analogous reasoning, some
genetic enhancements are likely to be
among the interventions that preserve
our childrens capacity to fully participate in society.
Nicholas Agar
Victoria University of Wellington,
New Zealand
To the Editor: Bernard Prusak argues
that Habermas provides grounds for rejecting the liberal eugenics that I (together with my coauthors) defended in
From Chance to Choice: Genetics and Justice. The core of the Prusak-Habermas
position is that the contingency of our
genetic makeupthe fact that its production was not under anyone elses
control . . . might well be necessary for a
person to be capable of regarding herself
as an autonomous being. To evaluate
their criticism, it is crucial to emphasize
that the genetic manipulation we defended must be compatible with the
childs right to an open future, which
implies that such manipulation must
enlargeor at least not restrictthe
childs range of opportunities; it must
enhance all-purpose means or capacities
useful in pursuing nearly any plan of
life. If this limitation on acceptable liberal eugenics is kept firmly in mind,
most of the Prusak-Habermas worries
become unfounded.
HASTINGS CENTER REPORT