THE REALIST THEORY

Hans J. Morgenthau
The study of International Relations can be roughly divided into three
schools of thought: the idealist school which dominated the
International scene from the beginning of the 20th century to early
1940s. The realist school which emerged mainly after the Second
World War and which remained influential up to early 1960s; and the
systematic school which gained ground in 1950s and 1960s. Broadly
speaking, the realist theory and the idealist theory are among the most
prominent traditional theories and among the scientific theories may
be counted the systems theory, the decision making theory, the game
theory and bargaining theory etc.
The realist theory focuses attention on the units which remain
the principal actors in International politics - the states. It is called the
realist approach because it emphasizes the importance of national
interest as viewed by the statesmen of a particular nation in concrete
terms and also because it takes power or influence, as the only means
for furtherance of national interest. Scholars of International relations
like Hans Morgenthau, E.H. Carr, Quency Wright, George
Schwarzenberger and others have in reality extended the power
concept of Political Science to the field of International relations. But
even among them, it is Morgenthau who has done the most systematic
work.
The essence of Morgenthaus theory is contained in following six
principles of political realism enumerated by Morgenthau himself.
1. Politics is governed by objective laws which have their roots in
human nature. The laws by which man moves in the social world
are eternal. The operation of these laws is impervious to our
moral preferences.
2. The main element of political realism is the concept of national
interest which Morgenthau defines in terms of power. Connected
with this concept is the assumption that statesmen think and act
in terms of interest defined as power. A foreign policy should,
therefore, eschew the preoccupation with ideological preferences
of political actors.
3. Political realism does not take a fixed or determined meaning of
interest. It is Morgenthaus belief that the environment played an
important role in shaping the interest that determine political
action. Thus the emphasis on power must be adopted to the
changing circumstances.
4. Political realism, though not in different to morality, implies that
universal moral principles can not be applied to the actions of
the states in their abstract universal formulation, but that they
must be modified in accordance with the requirements of

concrete circumstances of time and place. Realism considers

prudence to be supreme virtue in politics.
5. Political realism refuses to accept any identification between the
moral aspiration of a particular nation and the moral laws which
governs the universe. It conceives of all nations as political
actors pursuing their interests defined as power.
6. Political realism maintains autonomy of the political sphere. It
thinks in terms of interest defined in terms of power and loads all
other thought and action other than political, as subordinate to
political standards. Thus political realism is contrary to the
legalistic moralistic approach to international politics.
The realistic approach is based upon three basic assumptions.
One is that the statesmen desire to pursue their nations interests; the
second is that the interest of every nation lies in the expansion of its
influence, territorial, economic, political and cultural and the third is
that states are their power which is also defined as influence in the
projection of human nature. This world is a world opposing interests
and of conflict among them. Both conflict and evil, Morgenthau holds,
can be traced to the human traits: selfishness and the lust for power.
The lust for power is an all permeating fact which is of the essence of
human existence. Unlike selfishness it has no limits. Lust for power is
also a wholly irrational human impulse.
It is this just for power which Morgenthau considers the essence
of all politics. However, he defines political power as psychological
relationship between those who exercise it and those over whom it is
exercised. It gives the former control over certain actions of the latter
through the influence which the former exert over the latters mind.
Morgenthau believes that human actions are in a hierarchical
order and that each is the end of the preceding action as also a means
for the following action. Thus, in International politics, power is a
means because national interest is served through it and it is an end
because the continuing possession of power ensures the continuing
service of preservation of national interest.
For Morgenthau, the fact of power is relevant to both national
and international politics. He, however, is aware of the fact that the
environment in which international politics operates is different from
the environment of domestic politics. According to Morgenthau the
factor that accounts for stability in domestic politics and instability in
international politics is the state itself. As such, the state can keep the
struggle for power at the domestic level only with the help of society.
But on the international scene there is no centralized authority by
which the drive for power could be controlled. Power drives which are
controlled on the national scene are extended to the international
scene where individuals lust for power has not only in inauguration but
in actuality the world as its object.

Morgenthau maintains that the dynamic force which moulds

international relations is to be found in the states drive for power.
Power also determines the nature of foreign policies. Moreover, every
political action seeks to keep power, to increase it or to demonstrate it.
Three different policies correspond to these three patterns: policy of
status quo, policy of imperialism and policy of prestige. Thus, if a state
has the power and influence it will try to expand its interest in
whatever field possible and vice-verse. Further, revisionist states will
align with other revisionist states and states quo states with other
status quo states to form a balance of power.
Morgenthau repeatedly emphasizes that the power is the
essence of international politics. But since power is the reflection of
national interest, it follows that each state should pursue its national
interest. Defined in terms of power national interest should be the sole
guide to foreign policy. A foreign policy based on any other
consideration is bound to meet failure. However, Morgenthau makes a
distinction between two elements of national interest. One is the
logically required and in that sense necessary and other that is
variable and determined by circumstances. However, the necessary
and permanent elements of national interest are in many ways the
guiding norm of the variable elements. The foreign policy must point
out the long range (permanent element) objectives and short range
objectives (variable elements).
Morgenthau believes that the national interest must be defended
against usurpation when this is done, a rational order must be
established among the values which make up the national interest and
among the resources to be committed to them. He lays great emphasis
on the need for a proper balancing between the necessary elements
and the variable element.
Morgenthaus concept of national interest is not devoid of moral
dignity. Rather, he holds that political action can be defined as an
attempt to realize moral values through the medium of politics, i.e.
power. Self preservation is thus a moral duty. When the Supreme moral
duty of a state is to serve the national interest, the question arises
what is the fate of peace. It is in the context of this question that
Morgenthau examines the various attempts made at peace. He first
divides them into three categories: peace through limitation; peace
through transformation and peace through accommodation. The first
category includes disarmament, collective security, judicial settlement,
peaceful change and international government. The second category,
includes scheme of a world state and attempts at creating a world
community. The third category refers to diplomacy. Rejecting all efforts
of peace through limitation and transformation as inadequate,
Morgenthau pins his hope with peace through accommodation, i.e.
diplomacy.

Diplomacy, for Morgenthau, performs two functions. Directly it

mitigates and minimizes conflicts and indirectly it contributes to the
growth of a world community on the basis of which alone a world state
is possible. Morgenthau suggests that diplomacy can perform its
function properly only by abiding by nine rules. These rules are
(a) diplomacy should be free from crusading spirit;
(b) foreign policy objectives must be defined in terms of national
interest and those objectives must be defended with sufficient power
(c) diplomacy should look at the political scene from the point of view
of other nations also.
(d) nation should be ready to make compromises on non-vital issues,
(e) nation should care for the real advantage rather than for superficial
advantages; (f) a nation should not adopt a position from which retreat
is not possible without toss of face or serious risk,
(g) a nation should not allow a weak ally to make decision for it;
(h) armed forces should be subordinated to the political authority; and
(i) the government should be the leader of public opinion and not its
servants.
Morgenthau maintains that besides by good diplomacy, peace
can be preserved also by two other devices; Balance of power and the
normative limitations of international law, international morality, and
world public opinion, if only they could be made effective.
Criticism: Morgenthaus theory though valid in certain respects, also
suffers from some serious shortcomings. Firstly, Morgenthaus theory
provides a guide to the study of one aspects of international politics,
i.e., conflict of interest not to the other aspects which would take
cooperation into account. Thus his theory is a partial approach to
international politics.
Secondly, Morgenthaus concept of human nature is unscientific.
Moreover, Morgenthau is aware of the gap which separates his
theory from reality. But the awareness does not conceal the fact when
he sates that all men and all states seek power, he actually means that
all men and all states should seek power.
In his nine point rules of diplomacy Morgenthau recommends
not only that foreign policy objectives must defined in terms of national
interests and defended with adequate power but also that diplomacy
should look at the political scene from the point of view of other
nations. These two recommendations do not logically go land in hand.
His belief that statesman is endowed with a higher kind of
wisdom means a fundamental surrender of critical intelligence to
dogmatic authority. One of the six principles of political realism is that
the political sphere is an autonomous reaction to idealism was
transformed by Morgenthau into a distinctive school of thought and
into a realist model. Secondly, it was Morgenthau who prepared the
ground for subsequent scholars to go ahead. While scientific school are

much more concerned with the method itself, Morgenthaus theory

helps in maintaining a proper balance between the contents of
international politics and the methods of its study. And last not the
least the facts remained that power struggle is at least one of the
aspects of international relationship and further fact that conflict can
not be eliminated from international society necessiate a theory like
the one presented by Morgenthau.
One can also not ignore the fact that Morgenthaus theory has
certain elements which can be used even by those interested in the
development of a general scientific theory.