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BY
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
In the study that follows, I am going to make some detailed comments on the syntax of the opening statements of the second article of
the Creed of Nicaea (henceforward: N). It may therefore be convenient
to begin with a quote of the relevant part of the creed. In the text which
follows, capitals are used for those clauses which-by universal
consent-represent the anti-Arian insertions into an otherwise typically
Eastern baptismal creed.'
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Koale iEvaxuptov'IraouvXpLra6v
TOV
ui6v Too 60OU
yevvw0ieva EixTOUnoa:poS!OVOYTEVI
35
TC)V TV
7tpO c&VTOv
avco(v
ANTIOCH:
Et in dominum nostrum Iesum Christum,
filium eius unigenitum
et primogenitum totius creaturae,
ex eo natum ante omnia saecula [et non factum]...
MOPSUESTIA:
Kat el va xupLov'IIaoUvXptao6v,
TOV
uitv
TOvO9Oto lOVO6Vfo
,
r6v7tporT6ox
ovx7oran xtiaecX,
TcOv
r6v ix TO5WaTp6*aTro0yTvvre9ivatrpo:&avToov
alcoovv
JERUSALEM:
xat Ed EivaxupLov'Ivaoiv Xptr6v,
T6vu6ovToUOeoUTOvptovoyeiV,
A
B
C
A
B
C
APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS:
rTOXplt6TV,
Kat EL6 OVxuptov'ITnOOUV
A
B
TOyI.OVOTevovaOTo0 ul6v,
6OvipcoTOTOxov:&ars XtiaeoS,
TOv tcpo
alWvovv Ei8oxia
TOU rarTp6OYTVVTW10Ta...
36
OSKARSKARSAUNE
hibited a common and quite stable pattern. One can easily recognize
three distinctive phrases or word-fields, which I have labelled A, B and
C. As is easily seen, the core of A is "God's only-begotten Son", u6ts
and ,ovoyevlS belong together. B reads "The first-born of all creation",
and is present in most of the Eastern creeds. Element C reads: "Born
from the Father before all the ages". The distinctiveness of these three
word-fields is made evident when one realizes that they are scriptural
allusions-B is really a verbatim quotation.
If one turns to the fuller synopsis of Eastern creeds given in Lietzmanns Symbol-Studien,3 this result is confirmed: No parallel whatsoever to the strange formulation of the creed of Nicaea-just more
examples of the ABC-pattern. The extreme tenacity of this pattern is
perhaps best illustrated in the so-called Nicene Creed, The Creed of
Constantinople 381. Here the ,Lovoyeviis back where it belongs: with utov
x x TounXoposhas regained its traditional preciToU0ou,, while yTEvvjOvra
sion: tp6oia&vxvrxcv
The initial impression is thus confirmed:
atV lvv.
In N, the monogenes really is out of place. But then one realizes why.
Just try to read line 3 in its "normal" version, together with line 4:
TOUT~vTlV
yevv710rvxa 'x TxoUiaTp6oS
aOxLVO)V,
7tpo 7rOVTCxV
T:V
TOU
iX T7v OoutaOC
disturbing and must be left out. On the other hand, if one takes
monogenes-as it now stands in the creed-not as an asyndetic apposition to the foregoing phrase, but as a precision to yFvv1eOvxoa:
"begotten
as only-begotten", one gets a sentence which seems perfectly adapted to
the following precision: "that is, from the substance of the Father".4
In other words: Lines 2 and 3 seem to have been deliberately modified
so as to prepare the first obvious anti-Arian interpolation in line 4.
It is surprising that neither Lietzmann nor Kelly seems to have noticed
this.5 Kelly says that when the anti-Arian interpolations are removed (in
my text, lines 4, 7-9), we are left with an ordinary Eastern symbol with
nothing peculiar about it. Following Lietzmann, Kelly claims that this
creed is of the Antioch-Jerusalem type, but like Lietzmann he has no
comments on the peculiar position of the monogenes.6
When you find no help in recent scholarship, you turn to the classic
studies of N, those of Hort and Harnack.7 And here one finds an
awareness of the problem, but, I believe, a wrong solution. Hort
believes that monogenes belong to the first 0o6vin line 5, echoing John
1:18: Lovo-Yvfi
0E66v
Ix 0eo5. Harnack says the same thing. But this is quite
unlikely. Line 4 is then a very violent interpolation, destroying the syn-
37
38
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
inferencethat the oppositeparty,Alexanderand his men, werethe winners. And this was the dominanttheory among scholarsat the turn of
the century.ReinholdSeebergand Adolf von Harnackin their respective Dogmengeschichtenheld the creedof Nicaeato be mainlyan Alexandriandocument, and continuedto do so in later editions of their
works." In 1913 Erich Seebergarguedthat N in its entiretyis to be
understoodas a formuladrawnup by Alexanderand his Alexandrian
supporters.
But not everyonewas satisfiedwiththis. In 1905FriedrichLoofs published a short articleentitled "Der authentischeSinn des nicanischen
Symbols",'3in whichhe arguedthat not Alexander,but Ossiuswas the
mastermind behind the creed. The creed is an expressionof Western
theology,not Alexandrian,and no one in the East had reasonto be very
happy about it. The creed of Nicaea was a creed forced upon the
EasternChurchby an imperialfiat. In this, Loofs was supportedby
EduardSchwarz,althoughSchwarzdid not believethat the creed was
Western.He ratherthought that it was a concessionto Eastern"GeBut he agreed with
meindetheologie",which was anti-Origenistic.14
Loofs that Alexanderand the Alexandrianshad no reasonto be happy
with it, andthat it was forceduponthe bishopsby the Emperor.In 1922
Loofs returnedto the issue in a carefullyarguedarticle."5He dismissed
Schwarz'idea of "Gemeindetheologie"as beingwithoutsupportin the
sources, and re-statedhis theoryabout Westernorigin for the creedin
an impressiveway. Since that time, the theory of Loofs has made its
way into many textbooks on Churchhistory. He has not convinced
everybodythat he is right, but he has succeededin questioningthe selfexplanatorynatureof the earlier'Alexandrian'theory. If the Alexandrianthesisis to be maintained,it requiresfreshargumentand a cogent
refutationof Loofs' arguments.I have found recentdiscussionof the
issue wantingin both respects.In the rest of this paper I am going to
plead the 'Alexandrian'thesis de novo, becausethat is the directionin
which my analysisof the text of the creed has led me.
III
Before I returnto the text, however,I shall inserta short paragraph
on method.It seemsto me that all scholarstake the homoousiosas their
main clue in their searchfor the identityof the creed-makers.This is
39
valid for Loofs and Schwarz.It is also valid for their main opponents.
I believe this is a wrong point of departure.
Let us take a closer look at Eusebius'reporton how the creed came
to be made.'6Eusebiusreportsthat duringthe council he read a paper
containinghis creedand some explanationsas to its meaning.After he
had read his paper,the Emperorhimself said that it was orthodoxand
in accordancewith his own opinion. One should only add the word
homoousios, and the Emperoradded some cautions against possible
misunderstandingsof this term. Then Eusebiuscontinues:"But they,
on the pretext of adding homoousiQs,producedthis formula"-and
then he goes on to quote the creedof Nicaea. The obvious implication
of this wouldseemto be two-fold. First:the draftingcommitteeresponsible for the creedwas boundby the Emperor'sdeclarationto insertthe
homoousios into the creed, whetherthey did so with enthusiasmor
reluctance.And since we cannot know their feelings about this word,
we cannot use it as a clue to theiridentity.But, secondly:The drafting
committeeused the addition of the homoousios as an excuse for introducingotheradditionsinto the creed.The Emperorwas not responsible for these other changes, they were introduced by the drafting
committee on its own initiative. In other words: It is in these other
modificationsof the creedthat the draftingcommitteehas betrayedits
theologicalconcerns.Whenaskingwho these men were, we should use
these other modifications,not the homoousios, as our clue.
This granted,we must face the next questionwhich naturallyposes
itself: Exactly which features of the creed are due to the drafting
committee-apart from the homoousios? In the classic studies of the
Creed of Nicaea-by Hort, Harnack, Burn, Schwarzand others-an
answerwas found by comparingN with the creed of Eusebius,which
was thought to be the Vorlagefrom which the drafting committee
started.On this assumptionmanyminutedetailsin the text of the creed
were thought to be deliberatemodificationsof the Vorlage,and more
or less ingeniousreasonswerefound for each of them. But Hans Lietzmann managedto convincemost scholarsthat this way of reasoningis
futile, sincethe Vorlageof the creed-makerscannothavebeenthe creed
of Eusebius,but rathera similarcreed, closely relatedto the creedsof
Antiochor Jerusalem.7 Kellyhas bolsteredthis conclusionby a new exegesis of the letter of Eusebius.Accordingto Kelly, Eusebiusdoes not
claim that the Emperorrecommendedthe wordingof Eusebius'creed
as a basis of the conciliarcreed, but only the doctrinecontainedin the
40
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
creed.'8 I believe Lietzmann and Kelly have established a great probability for the conclusion that the Vorlage was not the creed of Eusebius,
and this drastically reduces the amount of redactional work carried out
by the drafting committee. According to Lietzmann and Kelly, we are
only left with the anathemas at the end of the creed, and the following
interpolations in the core of the second article: "that is, from the
substance of the Father", "true God from true God, begotten not
made, of one substance with the Father". Following Lietzmann, Kelly
claims that when these clauses are removed, we are left with a creed of
the "Jerusalem-Antioch type", with nothing peculiar about it.
As the reader will know by now, I hold that to be less than true. There
has been done significant redactional work already in lines 2 and 3,
preparing the interpolation of line 4. And it is with this unit of the text,
lines 2-4, I propose to start my study of the creed. I shall ask in which
quarter and by whom we find the kind of thinking which makes the reshaping of the Vorlage understandable.
IV
Let us take a look at the creeds of the main antagonists: Arius and
Alexander. Arius and his friends have left us a long creed addressed to
Alexander in the heat of the controversy.'9 It was perhaps meant as a
step towards reconciliation, because many of Alexander's favourite
creed-formulas are quoted in it. We have excellent opportunity to check
this, because Alexander also has paraphrazed his creed in one of his Letters,20and it would be a rewarding task to make a fullscale comparative
analysis of the two documents. Here I must restrict myself to some few
comments on the most relevant parts of the creeds.
Let us first take a look at the creed of Arius.2'
Iva 06v ...
Ot%a,sav
uiov ,uovoyTtvTCpo
XPO6vvaOxvi.ov...
Tyvvinoavat
A
iSOjTToasnavTa
lo,ib 9EXjtiaTi...
6texraTi
-CoG ocPp
TOU
Xp6vwv
B xai cpoat{vo~vxrtaivtao...
6 oi u{6? &Xp6vcaO
ywvrv0Ei?6od To7tOLap6o
c
xai Tcpo
aitvx))WV XTloOei? xai 0e.E?Xto0EiS
OUXfV Tp6 'o
yTUvfWrVWL,
t
&X\' aXp6vo) Ctpo n7aivxv
,
ewrl0eij
41
&
D ,i6voc 66utOU aTrp6c urrri...
xatitO <<x yaTp6(?...
Eto6i O otg atrXou>>
xCPiPo ocauriou
6oiooua(ouxai co nxpopoXrS
VLc6
TiVa votrtat,
u'v9ItVOtZat 6 Iart?jp
6 &ajcbaTro<;
acC&Xov
06C.
Arius' paraphrase of the first part of the second article begins with
a line which claims our attention: "Bringing forth the only-begotten
Son before eternal times". Most of the following remarks in Arius' letter are concerned with the right interpretation of this phrase and they
are easily summarized: (1) yvvaco here means the same as xtfiCo(= comment B); (2) this,granted, y?vvaioavxrshould be taken literally, that is,
it should be taken to imply that the Son really had a beginning (comments A and C); and (3) the monogenes has no other meaning than that
God's Son was brought forth directly by the Father without any
mediator-unlike the rest of God's creation, in which the Son was the
Mediator.22 In the light of this, one notices that Arius has moved the
verb Tyvv&oto the beginning of the second article, and has left out the
traditional precision of yevvw0tvxain the creed, viz. the words ix tou
narpos, "from the Father". The reason for this omission is clearly seen
in comment E: The whole idea of begetting from the Father was inconvenient to Arius, it entailed two consequences which he was eager
to avoid: (1) that the Son somehow derived his being from (ix) the
Father's being, and (2) that the verb yevv&aoin the creed really meant
beget (cf. the ix yaTp6o in Arius' comment).
42
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
oux Ix TOU
r*Yvevv7ivrao
(vA Ov
005,
BLalX' x ToU5vToS
7aTp6q,
6p,otL06)Tq
E [ ou xoara
ra& Tv coEiaT&rzv
7 ZaLt
L
TaT TiLeatL
hxotaLtpiE3av
aCMoppOEaOL...
A &XX'&ppTX';xal avtxasxLyo...
C xal xar&ToiSoxOd
to &sievat Ovy
ui6v ixXlrou
7it6EUoEV...
a:Op6S
43
VTO tcazrpO5tiTEEVVTat).
born from him who is truly Father (Et... zTOU
TtVV7iaaS r6v
LovoT-svut6v)."26
Who that hearsthese wordsof the Gospel, 'the only-begottenSon', and, 'by Him
wereall thingsmade',will not hatethose who declareHe is one of the thingsmade?
44
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
How can He be one of the things made by Him? Or how shall He be the Onlybegotten,who, as they say, is reckonedamongthe other (created)things?
Arius(in a letterto Eusebiusof Nicomediaca 318)reportingon the sayingsof Alexander
whichmade Arius protest:28
... XyOVtI,a&i906s &Fd
ui6o, &apa7tarp a&.aui6;, auvu7apXe 6oui6; &yAfvv%ri;T(COE&,
&atyTwvi?, aOvtwltoyTv?l?,
Tsou
6Eoj6 ui60.
IS
ui6;O&erO
... sayingthat God is always,and the Son always;the Son being alwayscontemporarywiththe Father;the Son beingalwayswith God withoutgeneration,alwaysGod not precedingthe Son in thoughtor in a mobegotten,unbegotten-begotten;
mentof time;God beingalwaysand the Son beingalways,the Son beingfromGod
Himself.
xcaTpog;
xal &dC(TO(ay0a(7xtp6...
To conclude: The least one can say is that lines 2-4 in N make excellent sense on the background of Alexander's anti-Arian polemics.
V
45
Constantine containing a creed which was meant to be entirely inoffensive, and which was meant to secure their re-admission into the
Church.32If we can trust the best authorities for the text, Arius now left
out the monogenes entirely. It would seem a reasonable inference that
after the interpretation of it which Nicaea had canonized, Arius
deliberately avoided the term.
Another course was taken by some later synods with an Arian inclination. The first is the one in Sirmium 359. The long formula which the
synod set up-the so-called "dated creed"-often reads like a word-forword commentary of the creed of Nicaea. The passage paralleling lines
2-4 in N is phrased as follows:33
KatiEt;[va iovoys6v, u[6vToi 0EoU,
xTVaXlvcovxa C6 x&oiS
so6vnp6 I&vTo)v
6; x7LvooOiufvou Xp6vou
&pXt; xat icp6 CaWv
xal xnp6X&arTxa7TaXr7ltf;
oi0<(as
d&Ca0?o
, Ix 'oC 0co6, tL'ou
T6yevywrAivov
xa
altvE xa pT(a07rvav
orYtOx
iTa
x&ra
ITiybVo
yEyTi(Jiivov
i Rovooytvev,
Toi warp6;,
!,6vov&x1u6vou
Oe6vlx 90ou,
8bLOLov
CPyEwiVvavrar6uv nraXpi
xaTOt
tas ypaOCa0
46
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
The interesting thing to notice here is that these creed-makers obviously had seen the implications in the Nicene transposition of
monogenes.They repeatedit in theirown creed,but triedto give it afor them-acceptable interpretation. The same procedure was repeated
time and again on different councils in the following decade. Of course,
the defenders of N noticed this.35
I take this as a further confirmation that my interpretation of the
meaning of the changes in lines 2f in Njis correct. The Arian reaction
proves that they got the message of N on this point.
VI
So far, I have based myself on three lines in the creed of N. Can the
'Alexandrian' theory be supported on a broader basis? I think so.
Let us return to Alexander's polemics against Arius. We have two
main sources for this: his encyclical letter from 319, and his letter to
Alexander of Constantinople from 324. In the first of these, Alexander
refers a great number of Arian formulas, against which he directs his
fire.36
1) 'v no-re 'jZ? ou'x 7'iV(8:19)
lo-a-rvtCovnot?iML&rCLv
(8:21)
2)
But in the second letter, four or five years afterwards, one can
perceive a distinct development. Alexander has drastically reduced the
number of targets, and concentrates his fire on four selected Arian
slogans. They are all contained in the following passage,37 which may
conveniently be compared with N:
A0y6vtcv 6rtL
1.
2.
UkaPOV
ttpo
Il
T
6 i Op6rppov
tPXc)v,
TOLOOTOq
TEVO'.LIVOq &-ICEXX( n1tToTWv,
xav
otoq xai nsd nqUM
3.
'7(vt
vOp&ntOq.
XOTLXbV ri XOd
auvavXotx4&Lpvovte; -rj TC*)
&7otC,)V7
'r6
XtLGIL
Ui6v
TO6
Owi0.
XOd'
&X6yTv
4.
47
2. xal irpivTyvvWlivaL
oux jv,
C
3. xa.l o&t t oux ovytr
yve:o,
? outoia;SqaaxovTaS etvat,
d.i &tipoP 65TC&oarao&;
xor6v utobv
4. f tpETb6v
qT a&XXotV
TOU OeoU,
T
i xaooxL xaoxao&ro7otXLX1
i
ava9e(Ara.E:t
xxXqoia.
Loofs regardedthis
(2) held the Fatherand the Son to be one Ui66a:roats.
as an undeniablyWesternfeatureof the creed, unacceptableto Eastern
theologianswho had learntfrom Origento speakof one ousia but three
hypostases.38Now, my first remarkis that by this time the trinitarian
terminology,especiallythe use of the termhypostasis,was by no means
as fixed and unambiguousas Loofs will make us believe. But there is
a second remarkto be made, whichis of more substance.As I take it,
48
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
VII
Before I concludewith a brief discussionof the homoousios, I want
to bringinto the discussionan often neglectedpiece of evidencewhich
has an importantbearingon the creed-makingprocess.
49
lx 'TOU
OoE,
Loxx oxOx vov, &XX'
B xaoiX6yo a'trixai aopoa,
cr &XXou xTiargaoU8OcoiTFJa,
Ltlov
8t tOxTOU
warpo; TYvvfilra...,
...
TOU
xatidx6vwa
Xrapo6
&Xi90tivv
D [r6uva!Lv
xarair
56L
oo6v tE xai &rnap&Xaxx.ov...
E xaciarpetov
F xait&d
G xatiiv aux,t ewvat&8tatpCipios.
ora
&rctcaTp
&XX'ix TOU
5ovt; XaOp6o..(27:40
oxx Tx OUM OVTO(;,
yETvvTr1ivTa
... XTyetai X6yoS xai
xaTacXp1=Ctx&?
50
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
ix Itot aoTp6S
of his Alexandriancreed. One shouldalso notice Origen's
cautionson the idea of begetting.45This makesme notice that in N the
sayingof the begettingof the Son is repeatedimmediatelybeforethe introduction of the homoousios. It seems as if the y&vvw0ivjoa
and the 'x
of the precedinglinesareonce morebeingexplained:Thewyevvir0vTa
Oeou
51
And so, alongindependentlinesof argument,I cometo the sameconclusionas Kelly:The creedof Nicaeais not a pieceof Westerntheology
forced upon the Eastern Church by Ossius and Constantine.It is a
product of the Alexanderparty, probably in close cooperationwith
Ossius, and-to quote Kelly-"the Emperorhad been won over to be
their mouthpiece".48
NOTES
Text as in J. N. D. Kelly,Early ChristianCreeds(London31972)215f.
2
52
OSKARSKARSAUNE
may well be true, but which of the two was the decisive master mind? Cf. the good review
of the ancient evidence in Boularand, op.cit., 235-38.
3
Published in Leipzig 1905 as 'Separatdruck aus dem "Neuen sachsischen Kirchenblatt" '.
4
E. Schwarz, Kaiser Constantin und die christliche Kirche (Leipzig-Berlin 1913) 139f.
15 Cf. note 8.
16 Eusebius' letter to his diocese about the council is preserved i.a. in Athanasius, De
Decretis Nicaenae Synodi, and may conveniently be found in H.-G. Opitz, Urkunden zur
Geschichte des Arianischen Streites 318-328. Athanasius Werke, Dritter Band (BerlinLeipzig 1934), Urkunde 22, pp. 42-47.
17
Lietzmann, op.cit., 60-71.
8
Kelly, op.cit., 220-226. The now wide-spread acceptance of the historicity of the
Council of Antioch a few months prior to Nicaea also has implications pointing in the
same direction: Eusebius' paper presented at the council of Nicaea was probably intended
as a document securing his own rehabilitation. He had been suspended from his see during
the council at Antioch; his orthodoxy was questioned-this seems to provide excellent
background for the quite apologetic tenor of Eusebius' paper at Nicaea, and it indicates
that Eusebius' creed may not at all have been intended as a first draft of the synod's
creed-nor used as such.-On the council of Antioch, the fundamental study remains E.
Schwarz' (cf. note 9; first published in Nachrichten von der k. Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, phil.-hist. Klasse, 1905, 257-299; reprinted in Ges. Schr.
III, 117-168), in which he published the Syriac Synodal Letter from the council. Subsequent studies include E. Seeberg's (note 12); H. Kraft, 'OMOOY0IOS', Zeitschrift fur
Kirchengeschichte 66 (1954/55) 1-24, esp. 10-13; de Clercq, op.cit., 206-217; H. Chadwick, 'Ossius of Cordova and the Presidency of the Council of Antioch, 325', The Journal
of Theological Studies (New Series) 9 (1958) 292-304; 0. Skarsaune, 'Nikeamotets
kristologiske formel-politikk og teologi', Patristica Nordica 1 (Lund 1982) 66-84. Some
reservations are voiced by D. L. Holland, 'Die Synode von Antiochien (324/25) und ihre
Bedeutung fur Eusebius von Caesarea und das Konzil von Nizaa', Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 81 (1970) 163-181.
19 Urkunde 6 in
Opitz, op.cit., 12f. The most relevant clauses are quoted below. Opitz
gives ca 320 as the date of the letter.
20
Urkunde 14 in Opitz, op.cit. 27. Written ca 324.
21
For a useful comment on the letter in its entirety, cf. Boularand I, 47-54. He does not,
however, pay attention to the details with which we are concerned here.
22
Arius here heralds what was later to become the standard Arian exegesis of
monogenes: the monos applies primarily to the Father as sole begetter-creator of the Son:
The Son alone was brought forth from the Father alone, without any mediator. For texts
and comments, cf. section V below.
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
53
54
OSKAR SKARSAUNE
a i&7t'tOTlo
UtsTrolwVat'
lTqae
yTp 8uvaoaotTV auXovxax voepavxac
&aJLaTrov (uotv a(oiaTox6v TIt7:&oSj Yri(acaaoct,
ot
xoa a&topplToLt X,6yotc
eiOts
ta &otaura voe6v.
nTpooixetv
48